Some Taoist Elements in the Calligraphy of the Six Dynasties

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Some Taoist Elements in the Calligraphy of the Six Dynasties Author(s): Lothar Ledderose Source: T'oung Pao, Second Series, Vol. 70, Livr. 4/5 (1984), pp. 246-278Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4528317Accessed: 10-03-2015 11:22 UTC

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T'oung Pao LXX (1984)

SOME TAOIST ELEMENTS IN THE CALLIGRAPHY OF THE SIX DYNASTIES

BY

LOTHAR LEDDEROSE*

The period of the Six Dynasties (3rd-6th centuries A.D.) was one of the most decisive epochs in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Several new developments began during this period which shaped the course of calligraphy for centuries to come: calligraphy was elevated to an art form that was practiced by the educated elite, calligraphic pieces were for the first time collected as works of art, theoretical treatises on calligraphy began to be written, and the last three types of script that had developed, the fully cursive draft script (ts'ao-shu #), the semi-cursive running script (hsing-shu -1i), and the regular script (k'ai-shu RI) received their final formulation; no new types appeared thereafter.

Among the many masters of the Six Dynasties period Wang Hsi-chih

iE& (303-361)1 and his son Wang Hsien-chih EtM (344-388) are celebrated above all. Known as the Two Wangs (erh Wang -

Ti), they became the paragons of all Chinese calligraphers. Even during their lifetime the Two Wangs were admired for their art. For about two centuries, however, their tradition was confined primarily to South China. It was only after the reunification of China at the end of the sixth century that their style began to become more widespread and was established as a standard throughout the empire. Especially T'ai-tsung Wt, the second T'ang emperor, forcefully propagated the style of Wang Hsi-chih during his reign (626-649). From this time on the calligraphy of the Two Wangs and especially that of Wang Hsi-chih came to be regarded as classical. It served as the basis for a coherent stylistic tradition that dominated the history of Chinese calligraphy for more than a millenium.

* A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the symposium on Chinese calligraphy, held at Yale University in 1977. In subsequent revisions of the manuscript I have profited by the valuable comments of Dr. Anna Seidel, Dr. James Harmon, Pro- fessor Nathan Sivin, and Professor Michel Strickmann.

' There is some debate as to the dates of Wang Hsi-chih. Following the chronological biographical chart established by Lu I-t'ung $- PM (1805-1863) most modern writers have used the dates 307(?)-365(?), for example Shodo zenshu *t*, vol. 4, Tokyo: Heibonsha IYLP:, 1960, p. 203. Nakata Yujiro hWEE3I3ki, however, has proposed 303- 361, in his 0 Gishi ET, Tokyo: Kodansha 3Ai, 1974, p. 423-427. These dates seem to be reliable. They are supported by additional reference, not used by Nakata, which was kindly pointed out to me by Professor Michel Strickmann. In what appears to be the earliest preserved dating, T'ao Hung-ching I4L1 (456-536) in his Chen-kao M (De- clarations of the Perfected), Tao-t'sang ed. ch. 16, p. 4b-5a, explicitely states that Wang Hsi- chih died in 361 at the age of 59.



TAOIST ELEMENTS IN THE SIX DYNASTIES CALLIGRAPHY 247

In studying the formative period of the Wang tradition from the 4th to the 7th centuries one faces considerable difficulties. None of the original handwritings of the Two Wangs has been preserved. Their pieces have been transmitted only in the form of later tracing copies, the earliest dating from the T'ang dynasty, and through later rubbings, the earliest from the Sung dynasty. This scarcity of material makes it very difficult to properly understand the early development of the Wang tradition prior to the T'ang dynasty. The present paper tries to shed some light on this formative period by drawing attention to another calligraphic tradition of the same time, the tradition of sacred manuscripts in the so-called Mao shan * Q school of religious Taoism. This will help to better understand some of the stylistic and aesthetic achievements with which the Two Wangs are credited, and it will also provide insights into patterns in the growth and transmission of a calligraphic tradition.

A look at the biographies of some of the key figures in the formation of the Wang tradition may serve as a point of departure. The Two Wangs belonged to a family that came from Lang-yeh f%FI district in Shantung province.2 Wang Hsi-chih was born under the Western Chin dynasty (265-316). However, shortly before the catastrophic fall of the old capital Loyang in 311 A.D., the Wangs together with other aristocratic families fled to the south where they established the Eastern Chin dynasty (317- 420). A cousin of Wang Hsi-chih's father, Wang Tao -iT (276-339), took the leading role in founding the new dynasty and served as its first chancellor.

The Two Wangs are sometimes styled into "inventors" of the classical tradition of calligraphy. It is certainly closer to the historical truth, however, to think of the new developments as having originated within the lettered class of the Eastern Chin dynasty.3 Many contemporaries of the Two Wangs, prominent statesmen, officials, and military leaders were also famous, in their days, as calligraphers. Especially in certain families calligraphy flourished. The Wangs were one such family, producing besides Wang Hsi-chih and Wang Hsien-chih still other accomplished calligraphers. The Ch'ih X clan was another such family.4 Like the Wangs the Ch'ihs were expatriates from the north. They were related to the Wangs by marriage; both Wang Hsi-chih and Wang Hsien-chih had

2 For an elaborate family tree of the Wangs see Nakata, 0 Gishi, p. 3. 3 The political and cultural life of the period was dominated by a few powerful families.

See Zfircher, Erik, The Buddhist Conquest of China. (Sinica Leidensia 11). 2 vols., Leiden: Brill, 1959, especially vol. 1, p. 85-86; and Frodsham, J.D.: The Murmuring Stream. The Life and Works of the Chinese Nature Poet Hsieh Ling-yun (385-433), Duke of K'ang-Lo. 2 vols., Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1967, especially vol. 1, p. 1-25. The calligraphic art of the Chin masters is discussed in detail in Ledderose, Lothar, Mi Fu and the Classical Tradition of Chinese Calligraphy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979.

4 See the family tree in Shodo zenshii, vol. 4, p. 201.



248 LOTHAR LEDDEROSE

wives with the maiden name Ch'ih.5 Still another family of calligraphers from the north were the Hsiehs. Among its many members that gained respect in this endeavor were the poet Hsieh Ling-yiin SS- (385-433) and his great-great uncle, the statesman Hsieh An X% (320-385) who had been one of the towering personalities of his time.6 Apart from the politically powerful refugees, certain of the families that had been living in the south before 311 A.D. were also distinguished by a great number of skilled calligraphers. One of these was the Hsii 4E family. Later we will have to take a closer look at some of its members.7 The noble expatriates from the north were adherents of the "Way of the Celestial Master" (T'ien-shih tao XIih) commonly known as the "Taoism of the Five pecks of Rice" (Wu-tou-mi tao I4A*). The movement which is one of the earliest and most important forms of organized religious Taoism had begun in the second half of the 2nd century, and had its roots in the coastal area around Lang-yeh.8 The affiliations of the Wang family with this creed are particularly strong and can be traced back to Han times. Wang Hsi-chih's biography in the Chin-shu * (Standard History of the Chin dynasty) explicitely states that his family had practiced the Taoism of the Five Pecks of Rice for generations.9

In the fourth century the Wangs were still followers of this school. One indication of their continuing affiliation is that many members of the family carried personal names ending with the character chih A, especially in the branch to which Wang Hsi-chih and Wang Hsien-chih themselves belonged. This type of name occurs very often in this period.10 Like names containing the character tao A it was frequently used by believers of the Way of the Celestial Master.11

Even some archaeological evidence can be adduced here. Among the

5 See the family tree of the Wangs (above, n. 2). 6 The Sung critic Mi Fu ** (1052-1107) who still knew several original handwritten

pieces by Hsieh An (none of which is extant today), praised the calligraphy on one of his letters as being even superior to that of the Two Wangs. See Mi Fu's Li t'ai-shih t'ieh a

lt% , Shodo zenshii, vol. 15, 1966, pl. 93-94. 7 Detailed family trees of the Hsfis have been established by Taniguchi Tetsuo <i 1 IM,

r6 Kin: Korai nosho jimmei Thtk: t3K* kt [Annotated translation of Ku-lai neng-shu jen-ming by Yang Hsin]. Private Publication, 1971, p. 56f, and by Michel Strickmann, "The Mao-shan Revelations. Taoism and the Aristocracy." T'oung Pao vol. 63 (1977), p. 1-64, especially p. 40, as well as in his Le Taoisme du Mao Chan. Chronique d'une Revelation. (Mimoires de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises 17). Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1981, p. 93.

See Ch'en Yin-k'o 1Kt&, "T'ien-shih tao yu pin-hai ti-yui chih kuan-hsi 1 tSt100 [Taoism and the Inhabitants in the Maritime Provinces of China, circa 126- 536 A.D.]". Bulletin of the National Research Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, vol. 3, part 4 (1933), p. 439-466.

9 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 6a. (all dynastic histories are quoted in the Po-na pen edition.) 10 Bauer, Wolfgang, Der Chinesische Personenname. (Asiatische Forschungen 4). Wiesbaden:

Otto Harrassowitz, 1959, p. 132-140. 11 Ch'en Yin-k'o, "T'ien-shih tao. .. ", p. 444.




tombs of the Wang family that were discovered in 1965 near Nanking one belongs to Wang Hsi-chih's female cousin Wang Tan-hu i7e2 12

The tomb which is datable to 359 A.D. yielded more than 200 cinnabar pills that are thought to be a variety of the famous pills of immortality.l3

Wang Hsi-chih himself was more than merely superficially involved in Taoist beliefs. His biography states that:

"together with the Taoist master Hsu Mai (300-348) he practiced the rules of dietetics.

When searching for medical stones he did not think of a thousand miles as being to far to

go. He traveled to all the districts in the east, visited all the famous mountains, and even

sailed on the blue sea. He said with emotion: "When I face the end, I can die happily.14''

TA+£ +tzgg gggWLi, d:Bb. tEffl rt+tLlJ

The close connection of the Taoist master Hsu Mai and Wang Hsi- chih is also attested by the fact that his biography is appended to Wang's in the Chin-shu. Sometimes the two were also joined in their exercises by relatives, among them Wang Hsi-chih's brother-in-law, Ch'ih Yin gE

(3 1 3-384) .15

Wang Hsi-chih's writings also show his religious inclinations.16 His personal letters reveal a sincere and ardent belief in Taoist medical power. For example, the Kuan-nu t'ieh WtQ.tS, which is famous as a prime docu- ment of his hsing-shu script, is a letter to a Taoist priest in which he shows his apprehension about the ten-day-long illness of his little granddaughter,

12 Nan-ching-shih wen-wu pao-kuan wei-yuan-hui X>tS:e:e.R [The Nanking

Municipal Committee for the Preservation of Cultural Property], "Nan-ching hsiang-shan

Tung-Chin Wang Tan-hu mu ho erh, ssu hao mu fa-chueh chien-pao 1gi>tL4t R iX2

W=, SMR#fRiX [Short report on the excavation of the Eastern Chin tombs of Wang

Tan-hu and of tombs No. 2 and 4 at Hsiang-shan, Nanking]". Wen-wu, t.t 180 (19651

10), p. 2940, especially p. 38.

13 Such pills, however, not only played an important role in Taoist religious practice

but in popular beliefs as well, and they do not necessarily indicate that Wang Tan-hu was

a member of an organized Taoist church. For the hard to define relationship between

Taoism and popular religion see Sivin, Nathan, "On the Word 'Taoist' as a Source of

Perplexity. With Special Reference to the Relations of Science and Religion in Traditional

China". History of Religions, vol. 17, No. 3-4 (February-May, 1978), p. 303-330; and

Rolf A. Stein: "Religious Taoism and Popular Religion from the Second to Seventh

Centuries". Facets of Taoism. Essays in Chinese Religion. Edited by Holmes Welch and Anna

Seidel. New Haven and London: Yale University Press ( 1979), p. 53-81, especially

p. 55, n. 7.

14 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 5a-b. Wang Hsi-chih's travels with Hsu Mai are also mentioned

in Chen-kao, ch. 16, p. 4b.-Like many intellectuals of the period Wang Hsi-chih used to

take drugs, such as the famous Han-shih san WA.t powder. See Wagner, Rudolf G., "Le-

bensstil und Drogen im chinesischen Mittelalter" T'aung Pao, 59 (1973), p. 79-178, es-

pecially p. 117, n. 110.

15 See Ch'ih Yin's biography in Chin-shu, ch. 67, p. 1 la.

16 The Taoist connotations in Wang Hsi-chih's personal letters have been analyzed by

Fukunaga Mitsuji g7t, cio Gishi no shiso to seikatsu i*2@WS&$S[Wang Hsi-

chih's Life and Thought]". Kenkyu hokoku. Aichigakagei daigaku HtZ§. BJgRS, no. 9 (March, 1960), p. 631-651; and by Nishikawa Yasushi EJIIF, "Chokin kainu hon

ni tsuite XXA$:kstE [The Chang-chin chieh-nu version of the Lan-t'ing hsu]." Showa Ranteikinenten FWid22t. Tokyo: Nigensha=9;k (1973), p. 227-238.




describing her symptoms and asking the priest for help, not without blam- ing the mishap on his own less than virtuous conduct.17

When writing calligraphy in regular script, Wang also had a liking for texts with Taoist content or Taoist connotations. The three works that since early times have been transmitted as the best examples of his k'ai-shu are the rYeh I lun i (Essay on Yueh I),18 the Huang-t'ing ching X f (Book of the Yellow Court),19 and the Tung-fang Shuo hua-tsan

ttA,e (Eulogy on a Painting of Tung-fang Shuo).20 The Essay on Yueh I deals with a general of the Warring States period. In his family the teachings of Lao-tzu ;-T are said to have been transmitted.21 The Book of the Yellow Court is one of the earliest and most influential scriptures of religious Taoism, containing instructions on meditational practices,22 and Tung-fang Shuo is well-known for having obtained the peaches of immortality for emperor Wu A of Han (r. 141-87 B.C.) and for other fabulous accomplishments. 23

According to a famous story Wang Hsi-chih also once wrote the Tao- te ching V,N the classic of philosophical Taoism, for a priest, who gave him a basket full of geese in exchange.24 This has normally been inter- preted as an illustration of Wang's unconventional behaviour. Disregard- ing his own social status and following the whim of the moment, he let his art be put into the service of a petty priest. As an explanation of his liking for geese it has traditionally been said that the graceful movements of their necks inspired him in his handling of the brush. Yet the modern scholar Ch'en Yin-k'o has pointed out that geese were esteemed by drug specialists for their medical value and that copying a holy text such as the Tao-te ching meant for a calligrapher that he accumulated religious merit. 25

The second of the Two Wangs, Wang Hsien-chih, who was Wang

17 Shodo zenshu, vol. 4, pl. 82-84. 18 Many rubbing versions of these three famous pieces exist. For the raeh I-lun see

ibid., pl. 1-5. 19 Ibid., pl. 8-9. Reproduced here in part on pl. 5. 20 Ibid., pl. 6-7. The history of these pieces is discussed in Ledderose, Mi Fu ...

(above, n. 3). 21 Shih-chi, ch. 80, p. 8b. See also Seidel, Anna, La divinisation de Lao tseu dans le taoisme

des Han. (Publications de l'Ecole Franfaise d'Extrime-Orient 71), Paris, 1969, p. 20 and p. 33, n. 1.

22 See Schipper, Kristofer M., Concordance du Houang-t'ing King. (Publications de l'Ecole Franfaise d'Extrime Orient 104), Paris, 1975.

23 See Schipper, Kristofer M., L'Embereur Wou des Han dans la Ligende Taoiste. Han Wou-ti Nei-tchouan. (Publications de l'Ecole Franfaise d'Extrime Orient 58), Paris, 1965.

24 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 4b; and the earlier source Lun-shu piao is#: [Memorial on Calligraphy] postscript 470 A.D., by Yfi Ho 11*. In Fa-shu yao-lu MMW ch. 2. I- shu ts'ung-pien OWI:S. Edited by Yang Chia-lo 4W.M Taipei: Shih-chieh shu-chui t-* %, 1966, p. 17b.

25 Ch'en Yin-k'o: T'ien-shih tao. . ", (above, n. 8), p. 464-465.



TAOIST ELEMENTS IN THE SIX DYNASTIES' CALLIGRAPHY 251

Hsi-chih's seventh son, also honored the family tradition. When he was critically ill, his family offered petitions (chang ) to the Celestial Ruler, and he made a confession of his faults to a Taoist priest.26 Before he died, his brother, Wang Hui-chih EL0. (-388), asked a Taoist master whether Wang Hsien-chih's life could not be prolonged.27

Like his father, Wang Hsien-chih also copied Taoist scriptures. The great Sung dynasty calligrapher and connoisseur Mi Fu #)W (1052-1107), who half a millenium later investigated Wang Hsien-chih's remaining works, relates:

"Li Kung-lin (1049-1106) once said that Mr. Liu of Hai-chou had in his collection one handscroll by Wang Hsien-chih with talismans and images; there were also incantations written in small characters; it belonged to the Taoist school of the Five Pecks of Rice.28"

X=, 0'['lWIJttin--,T1*-S, i"/'M4. TL-Mtt-

Although it is difficult to imagine the Two Wangs as being narrow- minded, dogmatic believers-this would not fit well into the urbane and sophisticated atmosphere of the literary circles in which they moved and where one would also meet prominent Buddhist monks, such as Chih- tun 91 (314-366)-it is nevertheless remarkable how deeply Taoist notions must have been rooted in the Wang family. This is illustrated by another curious story. Wang Hsi-chih's second son, Wang Ning-chih 3E{A ~(-399), was the military commander in Kuei-chi *f, where Wang Hsi-chih had spent his last years. When the town was attacked by the rebel troops of Sun En *,,J (-402), Wang Ning-chih, instead of preparing the defense, practiced a ritual of conjuring helpful spirits and waited for the intruders to be destroyed by them. He paid for his belief with his death at the hand of the rebel leader.29

The Six Dynasties saw the rise of a theoretical literature on calligraphy. About a dozen texts have been preserved that were written during the formative period of the Wang tradition before the T'ang dynasty. In most of them the calligraphy of the Two Wangs is discussed. The earliest, a treatise containing short biographical information and critical remarks, is the Ku-lai neng-shu jen-ming t (Names of Able Calligraphers since Olden Times), written by Yang Hsin T--fOi (370-442).

26 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 7b, and Shih-shuo hsin-yii f 1/39. For the latter see Mather, Richard, B., Shih-shuo Hsin-yu. A New Account of Tales of the World. Translated with Introduc- tion and Notes. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976, p. 19.

27 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 6b; Shih-shuo hsin-yii, 17/16 (Mather, p. 328f). 28 Hua-shih MW [Account of Painting]. Mei-shu ts'ung-shu 'M:o ed., p. 36. See also

the French translation by Vandier-Nicolas, Nicole, Le Houa-che de Mi Fou (1051-1107) ou le Carnet d'un Connaisseur a l'Epoque des Song du Nord. (Bibliotheque de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises 16). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964, p. 109f.

29 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 6a. The story is also told in the 5th century text Chin An-ti chi f,VE by Wang Shao-chih E Translated by Mather in Shih-shuo Hsin-yu, (above, n. 26), p. 64.




Yang Hsin was the first who praised Wang Hsi-chih's accomplishment as a calligrapher as being unique. "In olden and modern times there is not a second one like him t+4=."30 At the same time he made a clear distinction between the styles of Wang Hsi-chih and Wang Hsien-chih, describing their respective qualities like this: "Wang Hsien-chih does not reach his father in structural force, but he surpasses him in charming elegance."3l iEfiEA. . . ZbTRM, Wi1XiWAS. This verdict made a great impression on later critics. Even in Chin-shu, which was compiled on imperial order between 644 and 646, Yang Hsin's evaluations are still quoted.32

A major reason why Yang Hsin's opinion carried so much weight was that he had still known Wang Hsien-chih personally. A few years before his death, while Wang Hsien-chih was prefect in the Wu-hsing W district, he met Yang Hsin and took a great liking for the young boy.33 Yang Hsin studied calligraphy with Wang Hsien-chih. Later he became a distinguished calligrapher himself and continued the tradition of his master.

Yang Hsin's Taoist connections are even more direct than those of the Two Wangs. His grandfather, Yang Ch'uan tg, was a mystic who wrote down revelations received while he was in religious trance. A poem by him has been preserved.34 In Yang Hsin's biography it is said that he loved Huang-lao At, and that he often wrote out with his own hand petitions to the spirits.35 This was an integral part in the Taoist chiao bS ritual.36 Despite the fact that he was well-versed in the medical arts and even compiled a book with the title "Medical Prescriptions" (yao-fang 1y), when he himself fell ill, he took no medicine but drank water in which the ashes of amulets had been mixed (fu-shui 4734). It will be shown below that Yang Hsin's Taoist beliefs had a crucial influence on his views as an art critic.37

30 Ku-lai neng-shu jen-ming tt#zXAt . In Fa-shu yao-lu, ch. 1, p. 7a. 31 Ibid., p. 7b. 32 Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 7b. 33 See the biography of Yang Hsin in Sung-shu WX, ch. 62, p. la-b, and in Aan-shih

Xt., ch. 36, p. la. 34 Chen-kao, ch. 1, p. la-b. 35 Sung-shu, ch. 62, p. 2b; Nan-shih, ch. 36, p. 2a 36 Cf. the famous description of the Taoist religion in Sui-shu gX ch. 35, p. 27b. For

the practice in present day Taiwan see Schipper, Kristofer M., "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies". In: Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society. Edited by Arthur P. Wolf, Stanford University Press, 1974, p. 309-324.

37 The Taoist elements in Yang Hsin's art criticism have been analyzed by Taniguchi Tetsuo, "Yo Kin no denki to sono shoron +Rtnd&et# [The biography of Yang Hsin and his calligraphy criticism]". Bukkyo geijutsu Zg' 69 (1968), p. 144-155. This article has been reprinted in T.T.: Toyo bijutsu ronko mY'WSti [Studies on East Asian Art]. Tokyo: Chuo koron bijutsu shuppansha @aXXWRiX:, 1973, p. 92-114, and again, in enlarged form, in Yo Kin.... (above, n. 7). It is my pleasure to thank Professor Taniguchi for discussing this important article with me.




Even during the lifetime of the Two Wangs their pieces were collected which in turn very soon stimulated the production of copies and forgeries Thus from the very beginning collectors were confronted with the problem of authenticity. The first writer who discussed the authenticity of specific pieces by Wang Hsi-chih was T'ao Hung-ching L (456-536). Himself an accomplished calligrapher, he carried on a famous correspondence on calligraphy with emperor Wu of Liang AWAiV (reigned 502-549), in which he questioned the authenticity of Wang Hsi-chih's famous k'ai-shu work Yueh I lun,38 and raised doubts whether other k'ai-shu pieces, such as the Huang-t'ing ching and the Tung-fang Shuo hua-tsan were still extant.39

T'ao Hung-ching was the dominant Taoist of his time. He virtually founded the organization of Mao-shan Taoism, which remained the single most powerful Taoist school well into the T'ang dynasty.40 T'ao had gained his calligraphic expertise by collecting and scrutinizing manuscripts that had been written in religious trance. It was his vast experience in this field which gave him the authority to judge secular handwritings, too.

The Two Wangs, Yang Hsin, and T'ao Hung-ching are all decisive figures in the formation of the Wang tradition. In looking at their biographies, one sees that religious Taoism was an essential factor in each of their lives. These men represent three aspects of a calligraphic tradition: The Two Wangs-the calligraphers whose creations become the model because of their aesthetic quality and stylistic novelty; Yang Hsin-the art critic who evaluates works of calligraphy and who has to chose adequate terminology to describe them; and T'ao Hung-ching-the connoisseur and historian who establishes a corpus of authentic pieces, thus giving shape to a tradition. It is under these three aspects that the Taoist elements in the calligraphic tradition of the Two Wangs will be discussed later in this paper. Before coming to that however, we will first examine the role calligraphy could play in religious Taoism.

38 T'ao rin-cha ya Liang Wu-ti lun-shu ch'i d [Correspondence on Calligraphy between T'ao Hung-ching and Liang Wu-ti]. In Fa shuyao-lu, ch. 2, p. 20a. A Japanese translation of this text by Nakata Yuijiro is included in his 0 Gishi (above, n. 1), p. 144-148.

39 T'ao rin-cha ... (ibid.), p. 21 b. 40 For the Mao-shan movement see Miyakawa Hisayuki 'W11I(- Rikuchoshi kenkyui,

Shiukyo hen . 7 Tokyo: Heirakuji shoten l 1964, p. 127-152, 176- 187. Resumes of courses given by Rolf A. Stein at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in Paris contain short yet essential information and stimulating ideas on Chen-kao and the practice of writing in religious trance. See Annuaire, Ecole Pratique de, Hautes Etudes, Section des Sciences Religieuses, 1963/64, p. 50-53 and 1964/65, p. 62-66. The most thorough studies are those which Michel Strickmann has made in recent years, "The Mao-Shan Revelations . . . " (above, n. 7); "On the Alchemy of T'ao Hung-ching". Facets of Taoism (above, n. 13), p. 123-192; and Le Taoisme du Mao Chan (above, n. 7). Concise information is presented by the same author in "Taoist Literature", Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th ed., (1974), p. 1051-1055.




The written character has always enjoyed a special esteem in China and calligraphy has played an important and fascinating role in the religious sphere. Starting from the earliest known form of writing, the script on oracle bones, which was used for divination, writing has served as a vehicle of communication between the human and the superhuman world in many different ways.41 This magic function of script certainly is one of the most typical features of all religious cults indigenous to China, on the popular level as well as on the sophisticated, organized level. An example of how calligraphy was used in the communication with Heaven is the Mao-shan revelations.

The central figure of the relevations is a contemporary of the Two Wangs, the mystic Yang Hsi %- (330-?). Between the years 364 and 370 he experienced visions during which sacred texts were revealed to him which he wrote down while in a state of religious exaltation. More than a century later, in 484 the forenamed T'ao Hung-ching started to collect these manuscripts. He finished his critical edition in 499 and called it Chen-kao -Mif (Declarations of the Perfected).42

The celestial messages contained scriptures, biographies of some of the perfected, and supplementary instructions.43 Some of the texts had been known before and were now revealed in a modified and more accurate form. For example, among Yang Hsi's manuscripts is said to have been a new version of the Huang-t'ing ching, which was then called Nei-ching ching NgKq (Book of the Inner Effulgences) in contrast to the older version Wai-ching ching . (Book of the Outer Effulgences).44 The im- pressive corpus of texts has been called "the most complete dossier of any early Taoist movement", and "the highest literary achievement of esoteric Taoism's formative period."45

For most texts Chen-kao provides precise information about the day when they were revealed, and it also contains ample information about the circumstances under which the revelations took place. Yang Hsi was visited at night by various immortals who descended to him from heaven. Most often came a heavenly maiden of enchanting beauty, clad in precious garments. Sitting down on his bed and taking his hand she engaged

41 Jonathan Chaves has discussed magic aspects in the art of calligraphy, "The Legacy of Ts'ang Chieh: The Written Word as Magic". Oriental Art, New Series, vol. 23, no. 2 (summer, 1977), p. 200-215.

42 Strickmann, Le Taoisme du Mao Chan, (above, n. 7), p. 1. -For T'ao Hung-ching's biography cf. Mugitani Kunio , "To Kokei nempu koryaku Q4Lt3MUIM.'" Toho shuikyo , Nr. 47, p. 30-61; Nr. 48, p. 68- 83 (1976), and Michel Strickmann: "On the Alchemy of T'ao Hung-ching" (above, n. 40).

43 For the content of the texts in Chen-kao see ibid., p. 1 lf. For other texts revealed to Yang Hsi, p. 59-64.

44 The relation between the two texts is discussed by Schipper in his introduction to Concordance du Houang-T'ing King, (above, n. 22).

45 Strickmann, "Taoist Literature", (above, n. 40), p. 1054.




in a sublime relationship with him while he copied the sacred texts with a brush.46

The texts thus revealed to Yang Hsi were recopied by him and passed on to a certain Hsii Mi WEU (sometimes written Hsii Mu f-4j 303-373) and his son Hsii Hui gMiN(341-ca.370). HIsu Mi, a court official, acted as a patron to Yang Hsi. Yang Hsi, who was an amiable person and skilled at writing and drawing became Household Secretary to Ssu-ma Yu j1XR (320-372), the later emperor Chien-wen 1t9: on recommendation of Hsii Mi.47 Hsii Mi was the younger brother of Hsii Mai, the very person with whom Wang Hsi-chih practiced the rules of dietetics. Some of Yang Hsi's revelations were also directed at the above mentioned relative of Wang Hsi-chih, Ch'ih Yin.48 Therefore it can be assumed that the Two Wangs knew of the Mao-shan revelations.

Hsu Mi, who had some property on Mao-shan, a mountaneous area south of present day Nanking, erected there a "Quiet Chamber" (ching- shih 0), an intimate wooden construction that served as his oratory.49 His son, Hsui Hui, spent the last years of his life entirely as a recluse on Mao-shan. Mao-shan had since olden times been a sacred mountain and a preferred dwelling spot for hermits.50 The Three Mao brothers, who were among the perfected that visited Yang Hsi at night, were said to have lived there during the Former Han period. Later, in 492, T'ao Hung-ching, whose family was related to the Hsiis through marriage,5' also retired to Mao-shan. It was there where he deposited and edited all the original manuscripts by Yang Hsi and the Hsiis which he had collected. This is why the religious movement which started with these revelations came to be known as Mao-shan Taoism.

Chen-kao also contains a few texts that were transcribed by persons other than Yang Hsi. Among them is the poem revealed to Yang Ch'iian, the grandfather of the art critic Yang Hsin. (The family names of Yang Hsi and Yang Hsin are not written with the same character.) T'ao Hung- ching knew the poem in a ts'ao-shu copy written by Yang Hsi and included it as the first text in Chen-kao, because its revelation had already taken place in 359 A.D., thus preceding the first revelation given to Yang Hsi

46 See e.g. Chen-kao, ch. 1, p. 14b. A description of such nightly visitations has been translated by Schipper, L'Empereur Wou (above, n. 23), p. 55-57. (Chen-kao, ch. 1, p. 1 lb-13a).

47 Chen-kao, ch. 20, p. 1 lb. Miyakawa: Rikucho . . ., p. 131f; Strickmann, "The Mao- Shan Revelations . . . ", p. 41.

48 Strickmann, "The Mao-Shan Revelations ... ", p. 16, n. 26. 49 Chen-kao, ch. 18, p. 6b-7a. Cf. Strickmann, Le Taoisme du Mao Chan, (above, n. 7),

p. 171f. 50 For a monography of the sacred mountain see Edward H. Schafer, Mao Shan in

T'ang Times. Edited by The Society for the Study of Chinese Religions. (Monograph No. 1). Boulder: University of Colorado, 1980.

51 Chen-kao, ch. 20, p. 13b.




by five years. Starting in the night of the 10th day of the 11th month of the year 359 and continuing at a rate of six times a month, Yang Ch'iian had also been visited by a celestial lady. She had the appearance of a maiden of about 20 years and her beauty was striking.52 In view of the family relationship between the mystic Yang Ch'iian and his grandson Yang Hsin, there should be no doubt that Yang Hsin also had knowledge of the Mao-shan revelations.

In order to explain how the messages from the celestial world can be relayed to the human world through the medium of calligraphy, an entire theory of script is put forward in Chen-kao.53 There is a hierarchy of different types of script. The highest is a type called san-yuan pa-hui HEIA* (script of the three origins and eight connections). It exists on a timeless, primordial level and is used by celestial beings of the highest rank. Many derivations of this type exist on lower levels in the phenomenal world, starting with the yiun-chuan ming-kuang g.Y (radiance of the clouds seal) script, which can be used for writing talismans. These sacred types are not yet readily intelligible to mortals. On still lower levels script becomes materialized and falsified, the cloudy seals are coerced to con- form to definite shapes, and all the various ephemeral types that are used by ordinary mortals, make their appearance. Yet the heavenly maidens who visit Yang Hsi at night "never write themselves, neither with their hands nor with their feet"54 1 S . They use the hand of the mystic instead. Through his transcription, the original and pure script of the primordial level is made comprehensible to humans in this phenomenal world. What becomes visible, however, are mere traces (chi A,). T'ao comments, for example, about two pieces of scriptures:

"The original version of these must have been written in the san-yiian pa-hui script. Master Yang who understood the characters of the Perfected has now transcribed them into li-shu and made them known.55"

The formal type of script which T'ao Hung-ching calls li-shu, is the

52 Ibid., ch. 1, p. lb. 53 Chen-kao, especially ch. 1, p. 7b-lOa. The theory has been mentioned by Stein, Rolf

A., "Un exemple de relations entre Taoisme et Religion Populaire", Fukui [Kojun] hakase shoju kinen 'Toyo bunka ronshui' GM [*JP] F3 FMb:{L *j [Fukui Fest- schrift]. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku g*, 1969, p. 79-90. See also his "Religious Taoism and Popular Religion . . ." (above, n. 13), especially p. 60, n. 30. A visual idea of what these sacred types of script were imagined to look like may be gained on the basis of the many "fancy" scripts, that are still used for sacred purposes in our age. Cf. e.g. the comprehensive collection of illustrations in Henry Dore, Researches into Chinese Superstitions. 15 vols. Shanghai: T'usewei, 1914, Reprint Taipei, Ch'eng-wen, 1966, especially vols. 1-3.

54 Chen-kao, ch. 1, p. 7b. 55 Ibid., ch. 2, p. 7b.




chin-li - (modern li-shu), which was later called k'ai-shu (regular script), and which is seen e.g. on plates 5 and 10. Those texts which were carefully transcribed by Yang Hsi from the writings shown to him by his visitors probably included all scriptures and hagiographies, for which it would have been improper to be promulgated in a casual type of script. However, there were also oral instructions, which were apparently dic- tated, and which he wrote down in a fast cursive script. Only later, when he had emerged from his exalted state, did he transcribe these drafts into a formal type of script. He would then also add comments on the circumstances of the revelation, for example at the beginning of the transcribed text something like:

"and then again I cut the paper, wetted my brush and was revealed by the lady the following poem,56"

and at the end:

"the lady took a look at it and after rereading it said: "I herewith present this to you."57

-fAfRfi, TRA, F9 rtFUkVf

T'ao Hung-ching thus knew two kinds of manuscripts written by Yang Hsi, those written in cursive script and those written in regular script. He says:

"In the manuscripts of Yang Hsi one finds many retouches in ts'ao-shu and hsing-shu: they are all done at the time when he received the revelation. The writing is hurried and abbreviated. Later he recalled the words to mind and made additions and deletions. Those manuscripts that are neat and carefully written are the ones which he copied over and showed to Hsfi Mi.58"

The Hsiis in turn copied the manuscripts of the mystic, sometimes in several versions. T'ao Hung-ching pronounced himself deeply impressed by the handwriting of all three of these men in which he saw heavenly inspiration at work:

"When I now gaze at the traces of the Three Lords, in each single character and stroke I visualize a reflection suspended in mid-air. I believe that this is not something which could be attained through knowledge and skill (chih-i). Heaven conferred (t'ien-chia) this mirror especially in order to let them spread enlightment.59"

Above all, however, T'ao praised the timeless quality in the handwriting of Yang Hsi, and, interestingly enough, compared it to the handwriting of the Two Wangs:

56 Ibid., ch. 1, p. 14a. 57 Ibid., ch. 1, p. 14b. 58 Ibid., ch. 19, p. 5b. 59 Ibid., ch. 19, p. 6b.




"Among the manuscripts of these three Masters, the calligraphy of Master Yang is the most accomplished. It is neither modern nor old-fashioned. He can write big and he can write tiny characters. Although he generally followed the style of the Ch'ih [family],60 his brush is forceful and adheres the rules; he is on the same level with the Two Wangs. The reason that his fame did not spread is only that his social position was low and that, moreover, he was suppressed by the Two Wangs.61"'

Writing under religious inspiration was widespread in China and is still practiced today.62 The author, in 1972, witnessed a seance of planchette writing in a temple in Taiwan (see pls. 1 to 4). The medium who was clearly in deep trance stood in front of a table on which lay a shallow box about three feet square filled with sand. The man held a wooden stick with a hook with which he wrote in rapid and ecstatic agitation for about 40 minutes. Often he hit the sand so hard that it spilled out of the box and flew through the room. The writing was done in big ts'ao-shu characters that followed each other in continuous movement. From time to time the medium paused for a few moments and somebody swept over the sand with a board to smooth it. Then immediately the stick would hit the sand again. At the side stood an aide who read the characters out in a loud voice as he recognized them, and two scribes in turn hastily wrote down what they heard.63

The practice of planchette writing can be traced back in literary sources to the 6th century A.D.,64 and it is mentioned by such famous Sung dynasty writers as Shen Kua 1t4 (1031-1095) and Su Shih AC (1037- 1101).65 It has been suggested that the Mao-shan revelations are the earliest example of this custom, but Rolf Stein has pointed out that writing in a trance with an instrument such as a stick on the earth belongs,

60 For the Ch'ih family and Ch'ih Yin in particular see above, notes 4 and 48. T'ao Hung-ching is probably thinking here of Ch'ih Yin. In Chen-kao, ch. 2, p. 18b, "Ch'ih" is identified in the commentary as "Ch'ih Yin". Cf. also Strickmann, Le Taoisme du Mao Chan (above, n. 7), p. 116f. A famous example of Ch'ih Yin's calligraphy from the rubbing compendium Ch'un-hua-ko t'ieh It{JWM is illustrated in Ledderose, Mi Fu ... (above, n. 3), pl. 38.

61 Chen-kao, ch. 19, p. 6a-b. 62 Cf. the descriptions by J.J.M. de Groot, The Religious System of China. 6 vols. Leiden:

E.J. Brill, 1892-1910, vol. 6, p. 1295-1322; and Alan J.A. Elliott, Chinese Spirit-Medium Cults in Singapore. London: The London School of Economics and Political Science, 1955, p. 140-145.

63 Not every seance of planchette writing is conducted in the way described here. It has been historically more common to use a Y-shaped stick as a writing instrument Nor is a fast ts'ao-shu the only type of script that is written in trance. The more formal types chuan- shu X.X (seal script) and k'ai-shu are also used.

64 Stein, "Un exemple .... (above, n. 53), p. 84f; and "Religious Taoism (above, n. 13), p. 60, n. 30.

65 See the excellent documentation for the history of automatic writing by Hsui Ti-shan -tI 11, Fu-chi mi-hsin ti yen-chiu AAWAWR, [Research on the superstitious practice of

planchette writing]. (First ed. 1940). Taipei: Shang-wu iS, 1966, p. lIf and 12f respec- tively.




sociologically speaking, to the realm of popular religion, while writing with brush and ink was always the hallmark of the educated class. A1- though there are no historical sources earlier than Chen-kao in which planchette writing is mentioned, Stein argues convincingly that the writing of the Mao-shan revelations must have been an adaptation and sublima- tion of earlier practices on a more popular level.66

Turning to the secular calligraphy of the Two Wangs I should first like to discuss possible stylistic connections between their handwriting and that of the Mao-shan manuscripts. It was one of the great achievements of the Chin dynasty masters to give the final formulation to the three types of script that have stayed in use dcown to the present day: k'ai-shu, hsing-shu, and ts'ao-shu. Although the boundaries between them are fluent, these three types defined a spectrum of artistic possibilities for a calligrapher. A good master was expected to specialize in more than one type. One of the reasons why Wang Hsi-chih was respected so much is that he was highly accomplished in all three of these types. Plates 5-9 show some famous pieces by the Two Wangs which have been selected here to demonstrate the range of types that was practiced by Chin masters.

The first is a versicon of the Huang-t'ing ching, one of the three great examples of Wang Hsi-chih's k'ai-shu (pl.5).67 This type was developed by softening and refining the older li-shu of the Han dynasty. Each stroke is precisely executed. The characters are square, their composition is well- balanced, and their spacing in the lines is regular. The script was used when formal writing was required, for example for classical Confucian texts, Buddhist sutras, and Taoist scriptures. It is also sometimes called hsiao-k'ai 'J>XS (small k'ai-shu) in contrast to the larger k'ai-shu characters that were used for monumental stone stelae, especially of the T'ang dynasty.

Wang Hsi-chih's celebrated Lan-t'ing hsu +Ff; (pl.6) which may properly be called the most famous piece of calligraphy in East Asia,68 is written in a type of script that is somewhere between k'ai-shu and hsing-shun combining firm precision with graceful ease. The constant slight variations in the shape of similar strokes, the free, yet balanced structure of the characters, and the harmonious spacing of the entire composition together produce an artistic rhythm that set a standard for centuries to come.69

66 Stein: "Un exemple . . . " (above, n. 53). 67 See above, n. 19. 68 A bibliography on Wang Hsi-chih compiled in 1973 by Uno Sesson @8:88 and

Nishibayashi Shoichi StE-lists more than 200 Chinese and Japanese titles about the l an-t'ing hsu. See Showa Rantei kinenten (above, n. 16), p. 239-252.

69 T'ang T'ai-tsung ordered the original manuscript of the Lan-t'ing hsu to be buried with him in his tomb in 649 A.D., but the piece has been transmitted in countless copies. Shown on pl. 6 are the first lines of the Chang-chin chieh-nu §ia. version (also called Lan-t'ing pa-chu ti-i MAoR1SM-) in the National Palace Museum in Peking. (Reproduced




In the literary circles of the Chin dynasty the art of writing letters was

especially cultivated. For letters one generally chose the cursive types hsing-shu or ts'ao-shu. Plate 7 shows the beginning of the Sang-luan t'ieh

#iL@& by Wang Hsi-chih written in hsing-shu.70 The strokes are slightly more abbreviated than in the Lan-t'ing hsu, and several of them are con-

nected in a continuous movement. There is more freedom in the handling of the brush without, however, sacrificing precision. The compositional balance in the characters is sophisticated and delicate, and they follow

each other in an easy flow. An extreme degree of abbreviation is reached in Wang Hsi-chih's tstao-

shu, best exemplified by a series of letters called Shih-ch'i t'ieh tJc,APAi (pl.8).7l Each character is reduced to a few strokes giving it a visual quality that is not only radically different from k'ai-shu, but from hsing-shu as well.

Yet in spite of the simplification in their structure, the characters retain their equilibrium. They are evenly spaced and their overall composition remains stable.

The last example in this series is a letter by Wang Hsi-chih's son Wang

Hsien-chih, the Shih-erh-yueh t'ieh t=Fr@& (pl.9; first five lines).72 The

brushwork exceeds everything seen so far in freedom and spontaneity. Three characters at the beginning of the letter are still executed in a

rather formal script, but in the fourth character the cursive movement

begins, and the following three characters are written in one sweep during

which the brush is hardly lifted at all. Indeed, in each line there are some characters that are connected with each other, and throughout the work there is little modulation in the width of the strokes, which also contributes to the impression of a swift, almost unintentional movement. Towards the

end the characters show an almost erratic agitation. In this display of

fluid spontaneity in the brushwork, Wang Hsien-chih goes far beyond his

father. Looking at the spectrum of typological variations that was open to Chin

calligraphers one can now speculate upon how the handwritings of the

mystic Yang Hsi must have looked. The scriptures that were copied by

him and the two Hsus after the revelation in a formal script probably were

in Shodo zenshu, vol. 4, pl. 18). Nishikawa believes that this copy preserves the style of the

original most faithfully. See his "Chokin kainu . . ." (above, n. 16). 70 Shodo zenshu, vol. 4, pl. 28 31. The Sang-luan t'ieh in the Japanese Imperial House-

hold collection in Kyoto is a tracing copy of the T'ang dynasty and one of the most reliable documents of Wang Hsi-chih's style. It carries a seal of the Japanese Imperial collection of the enryaku KW era (782-805).

71 Shodo zenshu, vol. 4, pl. 46-57. Reproduced here on pl. 8 is the beginning of the Ueno version in the Kyoto National Museum.

72 The version shown on pl. 9 is taken from a reproduction of the Sung dynasty collection of rubbings Pao-C,5hin chai fa-t'ieh 3itwG, Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu @@X

J4, 1962. It is also reproduced in Nakata Yujiro MEStg, Chugoku shoron shu tR**

t. Tokyo: Nigensha =S;tt, 1970, p. 343.




close in appearance to the Huang-t'ing ching shown on plate 5. This was the seript which had to be used when writing sacred texts, and there is no reason for the Mao-shan manuscripts to have made an exception from the rule. Yang Hsi's cursive handwriting on the other hand, might have looked similar to the calligraphy of the Shih-erh-yueh t'ieh on plate 9. The uninterrupted flow of the lines through several characters and the swift and agitated movement of the brush which does not allow for an elaborate modulation of the strokes may also have been typical of Yang Hsi's nightly jottings.

The speculations about the affinity of Yang Hsi's calligraphy to either the Huang-t'ing ching or the Shih-erh-yueh t'ieh can be substantiated by an investigation of the transmission of these two works. As mentioned before, there are two Huang-t'ing ching texts, the older Wai-ching ching and the newer Aei-ching ching.73 Correspondingly there are two calligraphic traditions, but there were not always clearly distinguished by later writers. The text which Wang Hsi-chih wrote in 356 A.D. was the Wai-ching ching, and rubbings that are said, ultimately, to go back to this version should therefore all show the Wai-ching ching text. Versions of the J%ei-ching ching text, which was first revealed to Yang Hsi, however, should properly speaking never be attributed to Wang Hsi-chih, although this has been done sometimes.

The transmission of both Huang-t'ing ching manuscripts was very complicated.74 Although the authenticity of Wang Hsi-chih's handwritten version had already been questioned by T'ao Hung-ching,75 it is contained in Ch'u Sui-liang's ;jXA (596-658) authoritative list of Wang Hsi-chih's works in the T'ang imperial collection.76 There it is listed as the second

best work in k'ai-shu after the Yueh I lun. Hsu Hao (703-782), who

records the state of the palace collection of the year 717, even lists the Huang-t'ing ching manuscript as the best example, because the fueh I lun had been removed from the palace collection in the meantime.77 Whether the version in the T'ang collection was the original Wang Hsi-chih manuscript cannot be determined by modern scholars; it perished during the An Lu-shan rebellion in the middle of the 8th century. The work has, however, been transmitted through copies and rubbings, many of svhich

73 See above, n. 44. 74 The pedigrees and the complex relationship of the many Huang-t'ing ching versions

have been studied by Nakata: Chugoku... (above, n. 72), p. 83-136. A summary is given by him in Shodo geijutsu XXig'*, vol. 1, 0 Cishi, O Kenshi i.ffiS, It: Tokyo: Chuo koron rP*X=*, 1971, p. 190-192.

75 See above, n. 39. 76 Chin yu-chun Wang Hsi-chih shu-mu t£i£,2XS [List of calligraphic pieces by

Wang Hsi-chi, General of the Right under the Chin]. In Fa-shuyao-lu, ch. 3. Conven- iently reprinted in Shodo zenshu, vol. 4, p. 27-29.

77 Ku-chi chi t&16E [Record about old manuscripts]. In Fa-shuyao-lu, ch. 3, p. 53a-b.




are preserved to this day. They form a group whose stylistic homogeneity is greater than that of the different versions of, say, the Yreh I lun. The rubbing shown on plate 5 belongs to the so-called shui-liang tA'Z type which has eight damaged characters in the 10th and 11th lines. It is considered to be one of the best versions of the Wai-ching ching.78

Rubbings of the Nei-ching ching are rarer than those of the Wai-ching ching which being connected with Wang Hsi-chih's name were therefore held in higher esteem and more carefully preserved. Among the Nei-ching ching versions, there is one which deserves special attention because of its quality and well-documented history. In tracing the pedigree of this rubbing one has again to turn to Mi Fu, the first art critic and connoisseur who system- atically investigated the history of single pieces of secular calligraphy and recorded his observations. Mi Fu knew several manuscripts of the Huang- t'ing ching, and he specifically discussed four of them.79 The best one was a scroll written on buff coloured, plain silk. By means of seals and colo- phons Mi Fu could follow its history from the early 8th century down to his own time.80 It was one of the best documented scrolls known to Mi Fu.

A former owner, T'ao Ku NV (903-970),81 had attributed it to Wang Hsi-chih and said that it was the manuscript which Wang had written for a Taoist priest in exchange for geese.82 Mi Fu, however, did not share this opinion. In his judgement it was a superb example of pre-T'ang style. He called it "the writing of a man of the Six Dynasties period", T\MAA without attributing it to any specific master.83

In the late Ming dynasty the scroll had come into the hands of Han Feng-hsi " where Tung Ch'i-ch'ang f (1555-1636) saw and copied it. He thought very highly of this work and recommended it as the best model for studying k'ai-shu.84 He also included it as the first piece in the big collection of rubbings, the Hsi-hung t'angfa-t'ieh M, 2&$& which he compiled (pl. 10 and 11). Appended is a colophon written by Tung

78 Reproduced in Shodo zenshui (above, n. 19) as well in Shodo geijutsu (above, n. 74), vol. 1, pl. 8-13.

79 Ledderose, Mi Fu ... (above, n. 3), p. 70-71; and in more detail Ledderose, "Yo Gi sho 'Kotei naikeikyo' To Kicho batsu &1** Flgg:EN J :KANA [A colophon by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang for the Huang-t'ing nei-ching ching written by Yang Hsi]. In Kohara Hironobu -NKMO ed. Th Kicho no shoga XtFR@N. Tokyo: Nigensha, 1981, p. 117-120. All calligraphic pieces seen and described by Mi Fu are discussed by Nakata Yuijiro in his new comprehensive study Bei Futsu **. Tokyo: Nigensha, 1982. See especially p. 38-40.

80 See Mi Fu's account in Shu-shih *W [Account of calligraphy]. Wang-shih shu-ydan TIrp, ed., p. 2b-3a. and in his Pao-chang tai-fang lu W*41M [Record of searches for precious scrolls]. Chin-tai pi-shu *I** ed., p. 13a-14a.

81 Member of the Han-lin academy and owner of a famous collection of calligraphy and painting. Biography Sung-shih 50k, ch. 269.

82 See above, n. 24. 83 Shu-shih, p. 2b. 84 Hua-ch'an shih sui-pi 111M [Random notes from the painting meditation cham-

ber], I-shu ts'ung-pien ed., p. 3. Instead of Huai Su 1KS read huang-su X.



TAOIST ELEMENTS IN THE SIX DYNASTIES CALLIGRAPHY

263 himself in which he modelled his calligraphy after that of the proceding Huang-t'ing ching version, thus paying hommage to this work (pl.12).

In his colophon Tung Ch'i-ch'ang makes a remarkable statement: he attributes the handwriting to the mystic Yang Hsi himself! He starts by quoting the opinion of the earlier connoisseurs T'ao Ku and Mi Fu, and then of Chao Meng-fu Z:Af1R (12541322), who had already linked the piece to the Mao-shan saints. He then recalls to mind T'ao Hung- ching's statement about the calligraphy of Yang Hsi being on the same level with that of the two Wangs, and he cites a T'ang dynasty description of Yang's style. Tung further provides supplementary information on the history of the scroll after Mi Fu and he concludes by emphasizing the timeless quality in the handwriting of the mystic. This, he says, was the reason, why he placed the work ahead of all the other pieces in his rubbing collection.

The colophon reads :85

"To the right is the calligraphy of the Perfected of the Heaven of Supreme Purity, Yang Hsi, whose style name is I-ho of the Chin dynasty.

The Huang-t'ing ching on buff colored, plain silk. T'ao Ku wrote a colophon to the effect that this was the calligraphy which Wang Hsi-chih had written in exchange for geese. Mi Fu said in his colophon that it was the writing of a man of the Six Dynasties, without yet displaying stylistic habits of [early T'ang calligraphers such as] Yu Shih-nan t@:X (558-638) and Ch'u Sui-liang. Only Chao Meng-fu says that it was airy and imbued with the pneuma of immortals and thus called it an old manuscript of Yang Hsi and the Two Hsus.86 When Chang Yu (1277-1348) wrote a colophon to Chao Meng- fu's own Kuo-Ch'in lun, he said that Chao had directly studied the calligraphy of Yang Hsi.87 Chao was an excellent connoisseur, and there must certainly have been something on which he based his opinion; it could not have been mere speculation. According to Chen-kao Yang Hsi's calligraphy followed the style of Ch'ih, but its force equalled that of the Two Wangs.88 The Shu-shu fu also states: "Square and round he spills forth, his compositions have abandoned every standard, like oars that are not tied to the boat, like somebody who does not care for honour nor disgrace."89 This shows how Yang Hsi was respected by calligraphers! The T'ang dynasty author, however, knew only six lines bearing a signature,90 but now there are several thousand characters in a cursive regular

85 The translation follows Tung's handwriting reproduced on pl. 12. The text is also contained in Hua-ch'an shih sui-pi, p. 32, and in jrung-t'ai pieh-chi tS1lt Ming-tai i-shu chia-chi hui-k'an PMAG'*gtMJ ed. Taipei: Kuo-li chung-yang t'u-shu kuan ISI!Z:@IZI *, 1968, ch. 5, p. 29a-30a. Cf. also Nakata, Chugoku . . . (above, n. 72), p. 95f.

86Sung-hsueh chai wen-chi &W*s1 [Collected works by Chao Meng-fu], ed. Taipei: Hsueh-sheng shu-chu t@M, 1970, p. 129. Chao Meng-fu's keen interest in the Mao-shan tradition is also attested to by the fact that he composed and wrote in his own hand hagiographies of 45 patriarchs of the shang-ch'ing h line. Cf. his preface of 1320 appended to the "Records of Mao-shan" (Mao-shan chih };1l*>), Lao-ts'ang ed., ch. 33, p. 7b-8b.

87Shih-ku t'ang shu-hua hui-Kao A*t**ti ch. 16. Taipei: Cheng-chung shu-chu irPXM, 1958, vol. 2, p. 93a.

88 See above, n. 60 and 61. 89Shu-shu fu XS [Poetical Story of Calligraphy], by Tou Chen 2&, written be-

tween 758 and 769. In Fa-shuyao-lu, ch. 5, p. 84b. For the last sentence see Tao-te ching thiW ch. 13.

90 Shu-shu fu, ibid.




script in this book. Their quality is phantastic and magnificent, and the line of transmis-

sion is continuous. Is this not a remarkable incident in the realm of calligraphy? In the

Yuan dynasty the piece was in the collection of Hsien-yu Shu ( 1257-1302) . I once borrow-

ed it from the instructor Han Tsung-po [Feng-hsi s] and copied a few lines. This copy

I have now put here ahead of all pieces, although Yang Hsi lived later than Wang Hsi-

chih. However, because these are the traces of a holy immortal, I do not follow the chrono-

logical order.91 [Tung] Ch'i-ch'ang."

Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's claim that the scroll of buS colored, plain silk was

written by Yang Hsi's own hand seems, of course, extremely optimistic.

Tung has been criticized on this point, even by his contemporary, the

independently-minded connoisseur Chang Ch'ou XE (1577-1643) 92

Yet Tung Ch'i-ch'ang was certainly right in emphasizing the quality and

stilistic purity in this version. In comparison to the Huang-t'ing ching that

is attributed to Wang Hsi-chih (pl.5) the strokes are fuller and rounder

and display elegance as well as precision. (See especially the detail, pl. 1 1 ) .

There is a greater ease in the flow of the lines and the entire piece is

permeated by a more satisfying rhythm. "Wang Hsi-chih's" strokes are

shorter, have more angular endings, and show relatively little modulation.

The stylistic difference between the two versions may in part have to be

explained by the fact that the "Wang Hsi-chih" version has absorbed the

angularity of the early T'ang style, whereas the "Yang Hsi" version has

retained the style of the Six Dynasties more purely.

This short glimpse into the intricate pattern in the transmission of the

Husng-t'ing ching has shown that the k'ai-shu styles of Wang Hsi-chih and

Yang Hsi must have been very close. Their respective traditions were

never completely distinct, and it could happen that the same piece was

once attributed to Wang Hsi-chih arsd once to Yang Hsi. Nor was Wang's

calligraphy always regarded as superior. On the contrary, a scroll al-

legedly by Yang won the highest praise by such a knowledgeable and

experienced critic as Tung Ch'i-ch'ang. The visual evidence, as far as it is

still available today, only confirms this. Looking at the two rubbings in

plate 5 and plate 10, T'ao Hung-ching's assertion that the calligraphy of

Wang Hsi-chih and Yang Hsi were on the same level seems perfectly

justified. Leaving aside the problem of stylistic influence one can at least

say that Wang Hsi-chih wrote the same k'ai-shu style that was practiced in

Taoist circles. There are many problems in the transmission of the handwritings of

Wang Hsi-chih, but in the case of Wang Hsien-chih the situation is even

more difficult. A major reason is that emperor T'ai-tsung in the early 7th

century propagated the art of the father Hsi-chih at the expense of the

91 The timeless quality in the handwriting of Yang Hsi had also been praised before

by T'ao Hung-ching. See above, n. 61.

92 Chen-chi jih-lu XlWHk [Diary account on originals]. Chih-pu tsou-chai tJ7F;Fit ed.,

section 2, p. 24.




son Hsien-chih. He strongly criticised the latter and neglected his works in his big palace collection, so that they almost fell into oblivion.93

Mi Fu, one of the most ardent admirers of Wang Hsien-chih's art, saw only three pieces by him which he considered to be originals.94 The pedigree of two of them was very shaky. One had first been attributed to Wang Hsien-chih in the 9th century, and the other one was first attributed to Hsien-chih by Mi Fu himself. The third item, however, which he called "the best piece by Wang Hsien-chih in the realm" )-FTRElMS jt95 had a very reliable pedigree. It is the Shih-erh-yiieh t'ieh, which has already been introduced here (pl.9).

The manuscript which Mi Fu saw had in the four corners a seal by the influential T'ang dynasty arbiter on calligraphy Ch'u Sui-liang and a label written by him reading: "The Secretary General [Wang Hsien- chih]: Shih-erh-yiieh t'ieh." (Visible on pl.9). The scroll passed through several important collections of the late T'ang and early Sung dynasties and was acquired by Mi Fu in 1084.96 It was one of the three pieces in his collection which he cherished most and which he cut into stone in 1104. This engraving formed the nucleus of the rubbing compendium Pao-Chin chaifa-t'ieh W H YW&M (Model Calligraphies from Mi Fu's Studio), which was compiled in 1268 by Ts'ao Chih-ko 2 r.97 Mi Fu's postscript, consisting of three lines has also been cut into stone and is appended to the piece. It reads (pl.9):

"To the right is a model calligraphy from the collection of Mi Fu of Hsiang-yang. It has passed through the imperial collections of the Liang and T'ang dynasties98 and has been handed down among connoisseurs of subsequent periods."

The resemblances between the seemingly uncontrolled brushwork in this piece and the ts'ao-shu manuscripts of the mystic Yang Hsi have been considered above. Unfortunately no example of Yang's drafts has been

93 T'ang T'ai-tsung's criticism is appended to Wang Hsi-chih's biography in Chin-shu, ch. 80, p. 8b.

4 See Ledderose, "Mi Fu and Wang Hsien-chih" [Text in Chinese]. National Palace Museum Quarterly, vol. 7, No. 2 (Winter, 1972), p. 71-84; and Mi Fu ... (above, n. 3), p. 83-89. See also Nakata, Bei Futsu (above, n. 79), p. 64-69.

95 Shu-shih, 4b. 96 Pao-Chin ying-kuang chi 3 F4 [Collection of the Pao-Chin Studio and the Ying-

kuang Hall]. (She-wen tzu-chiu ed. itOAn ), ch. 6, p. 8a. 97 The history of the Pao-Chin chai fa-t'ieh collection is discussed by Hsfu Sen-yui z3E

"Pao-Chin chai t'ieh k'ao 3WWFI*W [Investigation on the Pao-Chin chai rubbings]". Wen-wu 146 (1962/12), p. 9-19; and by Nakata, Chiugoku ... (above, n. 72), p. 295-365.

98 As Ch'u Sui-liang's seal and label indicate, the piece was in the imperial collection of the early T'ang period. Yet there is no specific evidence that the scroll had already been in the imperial collection of the Liang dynasty (502-557). Perhaps Mi Fu is referring to a remark in Hsin T'ang-shu, ch. 57, p. 1 Ia, that many pieces in the T'ang imperial collection had formerly been in the palace of Liang and Sui. This would push back the history of the Shih-erh-yeleh t'ieh by another century.




transmitted in rubbings, let alone in handwritten versions. on the other hand, some clarification about Wang Hsien-chih's stylistic innovations can be gained by studying how the question has been treated in theoretical literature.

Wang Hsien-chih's student and follower, Yang Hsin, had been the first to describe the difference between the styles of Wang Hsi-chih and Wang Hsien-chih in his famous verdict: "Wang Hsien-chih does not reach his father in structural force, but he surpasses him in charming elegance."99 The contrast between father and son was further expounded by the art critics following Yang Hsin. Wang Hsi-chih's style was labelled "old- fashioned" (ku Y), whereas Wang Hsien-chih's calligraphy was hailed as the "modern style" (chin-t'i ) Substance (chih A), technical skill (kung-fu It), and adherence to the rule (kuei-chii Nh), on the one hand were contrasted with grace (yen 43) and beautiful charme (hsiu-mei 3) on the other.100

For about one century the "modern" style of Wang Hsien-chih and Yang Hsin was more in vogue in literary circles than the style of Wang Hsi-chih. Around the middle of the 5th century, however, the tide turned. From then on Wang Hsi-chih's style was preferred as a model over that of his son. The first critic who emphatically sided with Wang Hsi-chih was Yii Ho A in his Lun-shu piao -kAATA (Memorial on Calligraphy) which he submitted to the throne in 470.101

The early critics were primarily referring to the cursive types hsing-shu and ts'ao-shu that were used for writing letters. When trying to visualize what they had in mind when they were describing the difference between the Two Wangs one may look at the Sang-luan t'ieh (pl.7) and the Shih- erh-yiueh t'ieh (pl. 9). These two pieces can profitably be compared, because both are letters written in a cursive type. Wang Hsien-chih's handwriting is indeed lacking in "structural force" in the composition of the characters, and it shows little regard for "technical skill" and "adherence to the rule" in the execution of single strokes. Yet there is certainly "grace" and "beautiful charm" in the flow of the lines.

99 See above, n. 31. 100 A comprehensive and systematic collection of critical comments about Chinese

calligraphers of all ages has been compiled by Ma Tsung-ho "I,-! Shu-lin tsao-chien 9#;g [Critical Mirror of Calligraphers]. Preface 1934. I-shu ts'ung-pien ed. For the Two Wangs see ch. 6, p. 51f. The terminological usage of the early criticis is summarized here, because it has been treated by Taniguchi (see above, n. 37), and following him by Roger Goepper, Shu-p'u. Der Traktat zur Schriftkunst des Sun Kuo-t'ing. (Studien zur Ostasia- tischen Schriftkunst 2). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1974, p. 140-142.

101 The text has been studied by Taniguchi, "Sho no hintoron no seiritsu ni tsuite, Gu Wa no Ronshohyo wo chashin ni XO nt-Q) l [On the beginnings of classification in calligraphy theory, centering around the Lun-shu piao by Yu Ho]". Bigaku 64 (1966), p. 1-9, reprinted in T6yo bijutsu ronko (above, n. 37), p. 115- 134.




The specific quality in Wang Hsien-chih's handwriting which made it differ from that of his father is also characterised by terms such as tzu-jan 0i spontaneity, t'ien-jan . heavenly spontaneity, and t'ien-chen .Xj, heavenly authenticity. These concepts play an important role not only in calligraphy theory, but in art theory in general. Tzu-jan is a fundamental idea in philosophical Taoism and the term is used frequently in the literature of the Six Dynasties period.102 Always associated with tzu-jan is the notion of a free, unobstructed flow.

The use of terms like t'ien-jan and t'ien-chen may be compared to the use of the English-or for that matter Latin-word "genius". First denoting a superhuman spirit the term was gradually secularized and came to be used in reference to inspired humans of extraordinary artistic or other ability. To which stage in this process of secularization a particular writer's usage of the word must be assigned, has to be decided from case to case. The first writer who introduced the concept of spontaneity into art criticism was Yang Hsin. The locus classicus is the following passage:

"Chang Chih (ca. 190 A.D.) does not reach Wang Hsi-chih in the shape of the characters (tzu-hsing), and he cannot compare to Wang Hsien-chih in spontaneity (tzu-

ian).103" 11 aE It'tJp_'ASE:.

Chang Chih, one of the few Han dynasty calligraphers whose name has been transmitted to posterity, was famous as a ts'ao-shu writer. It must have been this type of script to which Yang Hsin is referring in his comparison. Therefore it can be said that the first time the term tzu-jan was used in art criticism, it was intended as a praise for Wang Hsien- chih's cursive script.

Yang Hsin himself was the object of a similar comparison by a later critic, Wang Seng-ch'ien lfEf1t (426-485), who remarked about emper- or Wen of Sung 5S:W (r.424-452) as a calligrapher: "In heavenly spontaneity (t'ien-jan) he surpassed Yang Hsin, but in technical skill (kung-fu) he did not reach him $ 1tJa".104 In these two quotations the terms tzu-jan and t'ien-jan are set in opposition to tzu-hsing (shape of the characters) and kung-fu (technical skill). This antithesis, however, is very similar to the one which T'ao Hung-ching used in order to charac- terize the special quality in the handwriting of the three saints from Mao- shan, saying that it could not be attained through knowledge and skill (chih-i), but was conferred by Heaven (t'ien-chia).105

102 For the term tzu-jan in Six Dynasties' literature see Jung Chao VV, Wei-Chin ti tzu-jan chu-i Ok E} Y [The concept of tzu-jan in the Wei and Chin periods]. (Preface 1934), Taipei: Shang-wu, 1966.

103 Quoted by Yui Ho in Lun-shu piao, p. 14a. 104 Lun-shu A [On Calligraphy]. By Wang Seng-ch'ien lEtR In Fa-shuyao-lu, ch. 1,

p. 8b. 105 Cf. above, n. 59.




T'ao Hung-ching certainly used an expression like "conferred by Heav- en" in its literal religious meaning. In view of Yang Hsin's personal in- volvement in Taoist religious life one has to conclude that for him the concept of spontaneity also had a very concrete, religious meaning. When he called Wang Hsien-chih's calligraphy spontaneous he must have seen in it the emanation of a celestial force, the same force which he knew to be at work in the automatic writings of Taoist mystics.

Later critics who described Wang Hsien-chih's style also observed a connection between his calligraphy and writing under religious inspiration. The early T'ang dynasty calligrapher and theorist Sun Kuo-t'ing *,S shared the general attitude of his time and praised Wang Hsi-chih at the expense of Wang Hsien-chih. In his Shu-p'u [Treatise on Cal- ligraphy] of 687 A.D. he says that Wang Hsien-chih "only pretended to rely on divine immortals" Jjf%~E43{f.106 Even in this negative statement Wang Hsien-chih's art is related to superhuman beings of the kind that inspired the mystic Yang Hsi.

A collection of calligraphic texts, compiled under the title Mo-sou *9 [Swamp of Ink] sometime in the late T'ang dynasty by a certain Wei Hsii J, also contains a story on the supernatural sources of Wang Hsien- chih's calligraphy. It is told that a "strange person" descended to him through a cloud, presenting him a manuscript and a brush.107

In the first half of the 8th century Chang Huai-kuan 4iR# praised Wang Hsien-chih in his systematic "Synopsis of Calligraphy" (Shu-tuan aM), for having excelled in i-pi-shu - `, single-stroke writing.108 Single- stroke writing means that several characters are connected in one continuous movement without lifting the brush, as it is seen in the Shih-erh

yueh t'ieh (pl.9). Single-stroke writing is a particularly adequate expression of spontaneous, unobstructed flow. Planchette writing in trance as shown on plates 1 to 4 is, of course, also a type of single-stroke writing.

Mi Fu also called the calligraphy in the Shih-erh-yueh t'ieh "single-stroke writing", and his comments are, as always, specific and to the point:

"In this piece he moves the brush like drawing in ash with a fire poker. The strokes are continuously connected and [some characters] have neither beginning nor end, as if there were no willful intent. This is the so-called single-stroke writing. It is the best piece by

10i Shu-p'u T by Sun Kuo-t'ing . Postscript 687 A.D. I-shu ts'ung-pien ed., p. 1. For a German translation see Goepper, Shu-p'u (above, n. 100), p. 108.

107 Mo-sou % section 17 (Ch'in-hsiieh VfB), (I-shu ts'ung-pien 'rgBO ed.), p. 45. For the compilation Mo-sou cf. Barnhart, Richard M., "Wei Fu-jen's Pi Chen T'u and the Early Texts on Calligraphy." Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America 18 (1964), p. 13-25, especially p. 13.

108Shu-tuan A1F, in Fa-shu yao-lu, ch. 7-9, p. 11 3a. The second century calligrapher Chang Chih, who according to Yang Hsin had less spontaneity than Wang Hsien-chih (above, n. 103), is said to have "invented" single-stroke writing (Shu-tuan, ibid). What his calligraphy really looked like, however, remains obscure. Even Ch'u Sui-liang in the 7th century knew hardly enough characters by him to fill "a shred of silk" (Shu-tuan, p. 122b).




Wang Hsien-chih in the realm.'09" kI MA *, tW1. fi1- X2. iT{E@t

The similarity to planchette writing could not be stated more clearly. Writing in ash was practiced in popular cults in the same way as writing in sand. It had already been attested to in the year 713 A.D.110 and it is also described by Mi Fu's contemporary and friend, Su Shih. Su even uses the same character (chu #I) for the word "fire poker" as Mi Fu.111 Wang Hsien-chih's calligraphy gained Mi Fu's highest praise because it was imbued with heavenly authenticity (t'ien-chen), and Mi Fu left no doubt that it was this quality which made it, for him, far superior to that of Wang Hsi-chih:

"Yet Wang Hsien-chih's heavenly authenticity is transcendent and untrammeled. How can his father compare?112" - fTt, wt1?

The quotations from theoretical literature have shown how art critics have emphasized the differences in the styles of Wang Hsi-chih and Wang Hsien-chih from the beginning. They agree that it was a new fluidity and spontaneity which Wang Hsien-chih's calligraphy displayed. This was the very quality which was characteristic for the calligraphy of mystics such as Yang Hsi, and it is described in similar terms. It can be argued therefore, that Wang Hsien-chih developed a cursive style for secular calligraphy under the influence of manuscripts that had been written in religious inspiration.

This seems to agree well with the general historical and religious situation of the period. The Mao-shan movement developed as a synthesis between indigenous cults on a popular level and the religious system of the Way of the Celestial Master that was brought to the south after 311 by the northern aristocratic refugees. The mystic Yang Hsi then combined in the 360ties the popular custom of writing in trance with refined mastery of the brush. The second generation immigrant Wang Hsien-chih who was in his twenties at that time achieved a parallel synthesis. He was open to influences from a local tradition and adapted them into the calligraphic art that he had inherited from the generation of his father.

In addition to the similarities in calligraphic style and in the terminology used to describe the calligraphy of the Mao-shan school and that of the Two Wangs, there are remarkable parallels in the ways the manu-

109 Shu-shih, p. 4b. 110 Stein, "Un exemple . . . " (above, n. 53), p. 86. 111 Hsfi Ti-shan (above, n. 65), p. 12.- The famous Ch'ing dynasty theoretician

Pao Shih-ch'en 912: : (1775- 1855) quotes Mi Fu's "like drawing in ash with a fire poker" in his important treatise on calligraphy I-chou shuang-chi MON-MtV [The two oars for the boat of art], postscript 1848, I-shu ts'ung-pien ed., p. 89. For a translation see Goepper, Shu-p'u, (above, n. 100), p. 164.

112 Shu-shih, p. 7a.




scripts of these two traditions were transmitted. We know very little about the history of the calligraphic pieces of the Two Wangs during the formative 250 year period between their lifetime and the early T'ang dynasty when their works were ultimately accepted as the basis of the classical tradition. Although the available evidence has not yet been studied ex- haustively, there is little hope that we will ever be able to assemble satis- fyingly detailed information about the fate of the scrolls during this time. We are, however, fortunate to possess a detailed record of the Mao-shan scriptures. This record, covering the period from approximately 360 A.D. to 500 A.D. was compiled by T'ao Hung-ching as a postscript to his Chen- kao.113 He relates at length how the handwritings of Yang Hsi and the two Hsiis were handed down from generation to generation, how they were copied, falsified, and recopied, and how they were divided among different owners, dispersed, and then collected again. He tells how scrolls disappeared and perished, and he describes the efforts of connoisseurs and historians, confronted with problems of authenticity, to establish a canon of genuine scriptures.

Earlier textual traditions, such as that of the classical Confucian scriptures probably developed according to similar patterns. However, little is known about those. T'ao Hung-ching's comprehensive account about the physical transmission of a body of manuscripts is the first of its kind in China. It not only allows us to find more parallels between the Mao- shan and the Wang tradition, but it can also provide general insights into the patterns of transmission of a calligraphic tradition, and such questions as the problem of authenticity, the spread of copies, the in- tricacies of connoisseurship, the function of collections, and the pivotal role of the later historian.

The problem of authenticity is ubiquitous in the study of Chinese calligraphy. The works of the Two Wangs were already copied during their lifetime and they have largely been transmitted only through copies and through copies of copies. To tell the original from the copy and to deter- mine the relative authenticity of a given version is a task that has con- tinually occupied the minds of connoisseurs and historians, collectors and dealers from the time of the Six Dynasties down to the present day. Nor- mally the copyist was not intending to produce a forgery; rather the copies were made in order to spread the knowledge of the Two Wangs' calligraphic style and to stimulate as well as satisfy the demand of those wanting to study it. For example, the Buddhist monk Chih-yung A, (late 6th century), a descendant of Wang Hsi-chih, spent 30 years produc-

113 T'ao Hung-ching's account in chs. 19 and 20 of Chen-kao has been translated by Strickmann in his paper "The Mao Shan revelations . . . " (above, n. 7). For a general history of the Mao Shan movement see his Le Taoisme du Mao Chan (above, n. 7) and Miyakawa, Rikuchoshi kenkyu ... (above, n. 40).




ing some 800 copies of the Thousand Character Essay written in the chen and ts'ao manner of his ancestor, which he then distributed among the monasteries of Eastern Chekiang.114 When a few decades later T'ang T'ai-tsung propagated Wang Hsi-chih's style as a standard throughout the empire, he also had to make extensive use of copies of the original Wang manuscripts from his palace collection.

In the case of the Mao-shan manuscripts the situation was quite similar. Even during the lifetime of the two Hsiis, copies of the manuscripts in their possession had been made. Like every new religious movement the Mao-shan school tried to make proselytes. This involved copying sacred scriptures in order to meet the needs of a growing circle of devotees. Through the practice of copying, however, the wide road to modification and falsification was opened up. The faithfulness of copies varied widely, and it appears that more often than not the copyist introduced changes into his copy. Such changes ranged from simple mistakes and small corrections that may have been perfectly justified and often were done with the best intention, to embellishments and rearrangements of entire texts and to outright forgeries. Judging from the extent of these falsifications, one can imagine that there was also considerable confusion in the early transmission of the works of the Two Wangs.

Within the process of transmission of the Mao-shan manuscripts one can recognize a particular attitude towards the problem of authenticity. Authenticity was not simply a question of fact (as one normally regards it in the West), but rather a matter of degree. The mystic Yang Hsi immediately copied his own handwriting when he awoke from his trance, and these copies in turn were copied by the two Hsuis. But even Yang's trance writings, in a sense, may be called copies, copies of otherworldly texts that existed on a primordial level. As such they were not legible by ordinary mortals and therefore had to be transcribed by Yang into a script of this world. Thus there exists no one unique handwritten piece in contrast to which all the other versions would be copies or forgeries. Rather there is a chain of copies whose beginnings are hidden in ob- scurity. What matters is not so much the authenticity of a single scroll but the authenticity of the chain of copies. This concept of a relative authenticity can also be seen at work in the transmission of secular manuscripts.

There are various techniques by which copies can be produced. The most meticulous one is the tracing technique. When using this technique a sheet of thin paper is placed over the original. The outlines of each stroke are then traced and later slowly filled in with fine ink strokes. The process is very elaborate and was for example, used in T'ang T'ai-tsung's

114 Lan-t'ing chi M*#= [Record of the Lan-t'ing manuscript] by Ho Yen-chih f1J 2. In Fa-shuyao-lu, ch. 3, p. 55a.




palace to produce facsimile copies of the pieces by Wang Hsi-chih. Even today the most reliable examples of Wang's calligraphy such as the Sang- luan t'ieh (pl.5) are early tracing copies. The earliest reference to this technique is found in Chen-kao. T'ao Hung-ching says that scriptures could be copied freehand but that talismans should be copied by tracing.lls The reason why talismans had to be reproduced in this meticulous way must have been that they lost their magic power, if they were not du- plicated as exactly as possible. Something of this notioIl probably still lingered on when T'ang T'ai-tsung ordered the best of Wang Hsi-chih's handwritten pieces to be copied in a similar manner.

The widespread use of copies in the Mao-shan movement as well as the complicated relationship in their respective pedigrees necessitated critical judgment of any given manuscript and thus greatly stimulated the development of connoisseurship. The first connoisseur in China who has left a detailed record about the style and the physical appearance of specific pieces of calligraphy is in fact T'ao Hung-ching. It has been mentioned before that he discussed the authenticity of certain scrolls by Wang Hsi-chih in his correspondence with Emperor Wu of Liang,1l6 yet these scrolls he did not describe in any way; however, his critical comments on the Mao-shan manuscripts contain much precise information. In each case he decided on the basis of the style of the calligraphy, whether it was written by Yang Hsi or by one of the two Hsus. In addition there were a number of scrolls showing still different hands. These he distinguished stylistically as the handwritings of scribe A, B, C, and D,1l7 saying for example, "these two paragraphs are written in the hand of scribe A t=fX+" 118 One also finds remarks such as, "this is written by two different hands ffijl++::4:",1l9 or, "these two characters were later inserted by Hsu Mi =tJ4tXt".120 Describing the physical features of a manuscript T'ao might say, "this is written by Hsu Hui on half-sized paper tt*X+0;g,'?,121 or, "these three letters seem to have lost

their covtr paper ffuttg",122 and he sometimes goes into great

detail as in the following passage:

"Following the preceeding scroll there are ten sections of chants and poems. Affixed are instructions, filling eight sheets of paper until here. All are written in a different hand and on ruled paper. Thereafter comes half a line with characters cut off. It is the [begin-

115 Chen-kao, ch. 20, p. l b. Cf. also Chaves, "The Legacy of Ts'ang Chieh . . . " (above, n. 41), p. 209.

116 See above, n. 38 and 39. 117 Chen-kao, ch. 19, p. 5b-6a. 118 Ibid., ch. 2, p. 5b- 119 Ibid., ch. 17, p. la- 120 Ibid., ch. 2, p. l9b. 121 Ibid., ch. l 7, p. 6a- 122 Ibid., ch. 17, p. 1 6b




ning] line [of the next paragraph] written by Yang Hsi which reads: "Silently gazing at heaven and earth". Preceeding this there must also have been Yang Hsi's handwriting, yet somebody has later rewritten it and continued in a different way. Thus 34 characters of Yang's writing have formerly been taken out. It is not known anymore what they were about.'23" K- VLYLA*, t K * P rFpiw)tu.tjff-t &A3E% , 3MMIT-4 AHLNIE-Wpj*- tg

T'ao even describes single characters:

"This one character is retouched in heavy ink and cannot be recognized anymore. Yet in the middle a vertical stroke comes down. It looks as if it were the characteryang, 124"

k-TR&ftT&Pf. 143M-MEe. V-Ijt FTJu.

and

"this was originally the character ch'iian written in ts'oo-shu. Somebody later retouched it and wrote the character chien over it.125" Ff4T. 'AfP F J4, i

Many centuries would pass before the first descriptive information of this kind was recorded for secular manuscripts.

Another line of investigation that T'ao Hung-ching regularly followed was tracing the pedigree of his scrolls. He composed a separate list of all the scriptures in Chen-kao,126 containing detailed information on the history of each scroll. This list has been lost, but a similar list of about a dozen minor pieces is still found in Chen-kao.127 Starting from the time when the scroll was written by Yang Hsi or one of the two Hsiis, T'ao traces its history carefully from one owner to the next and he does not hesitate to inform the reader if the line of transmission had been interrupted, or if the location of a certain piece was no longer known. In the field of secular calligraphy Mi Fu, half a millenium later, was one of the first who made comparable investigations into the pedigree of pieces of the Two Wangs and recorded his findings.

T'ao Hung-ching also describes the efforts of earlier connoisseurs who scrutinized the various versions of the sacred texts. At one time, in the middle of the 5th century, an entire committee of such experts came together. Each of the participants either kept Mao-shan scrolls in his own possession or had become familiar with the originals by personally transcribing them. The leading figure of the group was the Taoist priest Ku Huan )OR a man famous in his days.128 He edited a compilation of Mao-shan texts under the title of Chen-chi JXtk, Traces of the Perfected.129

123 Ibid., ch. 6, p. lOb. 124 Ibid., ch. 1, p. la. 125 Ibid., ch. 1, p. lb-2a. 126 T'ao says so ibid., ch. 20, p. 2a. 127 Ibid., ch. 20, p. 2bff. 128 Biography in Nan-Ch'i-shu 19I, ch. 54, and in Nan-shih j,P ch. 75. His dates are

normally given as 390-453, but he probably lived into later years. 129 The term Chen-chi means "original" in both modern Chinese and Japanese, and




This work, which has been lost now, served T'ao Hung-ching as his model when he compiled his own Chen-kao.

Again, some committees of connoisseurs were established on imperial initiative to decide questions of authenticity of secular calligraphy in the palace collections. The earliest such imperial commission that is known worked in the first half of the 6th century at the court of Liang Wu-ti, the emperor who exchanged letters on calligraphy with T'ao Hung-ching. The signatures of several of these connoisseurs can still be seen on certain pieces by Wang Hsi-chih.130 At the time when he was still Prince of Chin, the second Sui emperor Yang-ti J%jM (r. 604-617) also invited a committee of calligraphic experts to examine the works in the imperial collection.131 The signatures of some of these experts have also been preserved.132 The same practice of calling together commissions of connoisseurs was continued by later emperors.

Further similarities between the Mao-shan and the Wang tradition can be identified in the function that collections had in both traditions. Sacred scriptures were the most valuable treasures that a believer of the Mao-shan school could possess, and they were collected, preserved, and transmitted with great care. The scrolls served as an important means to guarantee religious and social unity within the movement. T'ao Hung-ching's account of the fate of the scriptures might also be called a history of collections to his time. T'ao himself was also a major collector who tried to obtain as many scrolls as possible. These served him as the material from which to compile his Chen-kao.

The same period also saw the rise of collections of secular calligraphy. The scrolls of the Two Wangs were among the first to be collected. Al- though not much is known about their history before the T'ang dynasty, the few facts that are recorded gain new significance when they are set in relation to the detailed account of the history of the Mao-shan scriptures.

Two similarities in the transmission immediately become apparent: the secrecy of collections and the belief that the fate of manuscripts was guided by heavenly providence. The sacred scriptures were not available

T'ao Hung-ching also uses the terms chen / wei A / i. (original/forged) as antonyms. Yet he leaves no doubt that in the book title Chen-chi, chen is not an adjective but a sub- stantive, an abbreviation of chen-jen, the Perfected. (See Chen-kao, ch. 19, p. 2a). This is another example of Taoist vestiges in art historical terminology.

130 For example [Chu] I [*] - and [Hsui] Seng-ch'udan [t]ftjl at the end of the raeh I lun (Shod6 zenshiu, vol. 4, pl. 5); and [T'ang] Huai-ch'ung [*],NY6 at the beginning of the Ho-ju t'ieh (ibid., pl. 35). The names of connoisseurs at the Liang court are listed in Erh- Wang teng shu-lu -ET-IV [Record of the Calligraphy of the Two Wang], by Chang Huai-kuan, in Fa-shuyao-lu, ch. 4, p. 65a; in Ku-chi chi (above, n. 77), p. 52a; and in Hsin T'ang-shu VD96, ch. 57, p. 1 Ia.

131 Sui-shu M , ch. 58, p. 8b. 132 E.g. at the end of Wang Hsi-chih's Feng-chii t'ieh *AM Shodo zenshui, vol. 4, p. 166.




to everybody; rather they were kept and transmitted in secrecy and were given to the believer only in an act of initiation. The recipient had to swear an oath that he would not show them to unauthorized persons and he had to pay a heavy fee for their receipt. Nor would a believer receive all the texts at once. They were only gradually bestowed on him as he reached higher levels of initiation. T'ao Hung-ching's account is full of curious details about the secretive behavior of the collectors of scriptures. For example, one of them kept his scrolls in a chest and poured molten copper over the lock to secure them.1m

With regard to secular manuscripts most famous is the story about Wang Hsi-chih's masterpiece, the Lan-t'ing hsii (pl.6) which was transmitted in secrecy for more than two centuries. It had been kept hidden under the rafters of a small temple when it was discovered and snatched away by the imperial emissary of T'ang T'ai-tsung.134 There are also stories from later times which show that the area under the roof was apparently considered a fitting spot to store great works of calligraphy. A predilection for secrecy seems to linger on even among today's collectors-much to the dismay of the modern scholar.

The adherents of the Mao-shan movement were convinced that the diffusion of their sacred scriptures did not happen at random. If the scriptures fell into the hands of somebody who was not worth having them he was sure to lose them again before long. A scribe, for example, who had been ordered to copy certain of the holy texts, but secretly had made copies for himself, lost most of these very soon when crossing a river, and the remaining ones perished in a rainstorm after the mountain spirits had burnt down his house.135 The permanent possession of scriptures on the other hand, was an assurance for the owner that he enjoyed heavenly grace and was predestined for a posthumous rank in the celestial hierarchy.

Again, one finds related concepts in the secular tradition. The mere fact that an emperor succeeded in collecting the major originals of the Two Wangs, for instance, showed his subjects that he had been found worthy to act as protector of the great calligraphic tradition and the cultural values which it embodied. Mi Fu once remarked, perhaps half- jokingly, that it was heavenly providence which helped him acquire a masterpiece by Hsieh An136 on a certain day whose cyclical characters

133 Chen-kao, ch. 19, p. 14b. Strickmann, "The Mao-Shan Revelations ..." (above, n. 7), p. 52.

134 For this story see Lan-t'ing chi (above, n. 114) and the excellent article by Han Chuang [John Hay], "Hsiao I gets the Lan-t'ing Manuscript by a Confidence Trick". National Palace Museum Bulletin, vol. 5, Nr.3 (July/August 1970), and vol. 5, Nr. 6 (Jan./ Febr., 1971).

135 Chen-kao, ch. 19, p. 1 la. Strickmann, "The Mao-Shan Revelations ..." (above, n. 7), p. 45.

136 See above, n. 6, and Ledderose, Mi Fu. . ., pp. 90-91.




corresponded to his own birthdate.137 The fact alone, that he succeeded in bringing so many important originals of the classical calligraphic tradition into his own possession was justification enough for assuming an authoritative position in the transmission of this tradition. The same ap- plies in the field of painting to, for instance, Tung Ch'i-ch'ang.

The secretive behavior of collectors of Mao-shan manuscripts certainly did not create a favorable atmosphere in which to clarify the manifold problems of authenticity. On the other hand it was the secrecy which enabled an owner to use his collection as a powerful instrument through which he could gain a position in the religious movement and influence its course. On the basis of the material in his possession he could claim expertise in questions of authenticity and make authoritative statements which could not easily be challenged by people who did not have this material at their disposal. T'ao Hung-ching asserted, that unless one had personally seen the original Mao-shan scrolls one was not in a position to identify copies and forgeries.138 The authority that a collector could claim grew with his collection. If somebody succeeded in bringing together most of the scriptures in circulation, he could achieve a virtual monopoly.

As one would expect, owners of manuscripts were often suspected of and criticised for misusing the power which their collections gave them. T'ao Hung-ching's account is also full of such accusations. He relates how unscrupulous and ambitious owners changed the scriptures in their possession, simplifying or embellishing them, deleting or adding passages, and even wrote entirely new scrolls themselves. These fabrications were then copied again and promulgated among the believers. Because the original scrolls continued to be kept in secrecy nobody could easily identify the changes and make the proper corrections. The tradition was falsified. and one had to wait for another great collector, connoisseur and historian to appear, who reassembled the entire material, scrutinized it, and established the corpus of authentic handwritings. T'ao Hung-ching was one of them and like his forerunners he claimed, certainly in good faith, that he was searching for historical truth. His detailed descriptions of manuscripts and his careful reasoning make him appear very trustworthy. How- ever, because of the monopoly that he held as a collector and connoisseur, his contemporaries and even more so his followers were hard put to check his verdicts. The manuscripts which he rejected as forgeries were not transmitted and someone who had not seen all the relevant material could not reasonably challenge T'ao's selection. By establishing a definite corpus of Mao-shan scriptures, T'ao left his own imprint on the movement. His motives were not just those of an historian and one would miss the point in trying to judge him merely as such. His basic intention was to establish

137 Pao-Chinying-kuang chi, ch. 7, p. 8b. 138 Chen-kao, ch. 19, p. 12a.




for himself a pivotal role in the living religious tradition to which he belonged and to propagate this tradition.139

The function of collections of secular calligraphy, especially of imperial collections, is comparable. T'ang T'ai-tsung set out to assemble in his palace all the original handwritings by Wang Hsi-chih that were known to circulate in his empire. The pieces that had come into the imperial collections were then inaccessible to outsiders. Those who still owned works that remained outside the palace collection did not mention them for fear of confiscation. The palace thus held the monopoly in matters of Wang Hsi-chih. Copies of certain pieces were made and distributed throughout the empire to serve as models of Wang Hsi-chih's style. When screening the imperial collection for Wang's attributions the palace connoisseurs also relied on the earlier work at the Liang and Sui courts140 in the same way as T'ao Hung-ching made use of the earlier compilation Chen-chi. T'ai-tsung's principal connoisseur, Ch'u Sui-liang, enjoyed un- rivalled authority. He was said to have never made a mistake in verifying the authenticity of a scroll.141 Ch'u compiled a list of the best pieces by Wang Hsi-chih which has long been highly respected and is still extant today.142 He gave shape to the image of Wang Hsi-chih at is was seen by posterity. In the transmission of the Wang tradition he thus established for himself a pivotal role, as T'ao Hung-ching had done in the Mao-shan tradition.

There has been a tendency among Chinese scholars to look with sus- picion and often with contempt at religious phenomena in their own cultural tradition. This critical attitude of the intellectual mainstream has even been reinforced under the influence of certain iconoclastic currents in the West.143 Religious elements in the classical calligraphic tradition ac- cordingly have found little attention or even been denied. It has been the aim of this paper to point out the manifold similarities between the tradition of religious manuscripts in the Mao-shan movement, and the Wang tradition in its formative period. There is, however, one essential difference between these two bodies of writings. The Taoist manuscripts were treas-

139 T'ao's position in the Mao-shan tradition was further strengthened by the fact that Hsui Mi's wife's maiden name had been T'ao. See above, n. 51.

140 See the remark in Hsin-T'ang-shu mentioned above, n. 98. 141 See Ch'u's biography in Chiu T'ang-shu AM*, ch. 80, p. la, Hsin T'ang-shu VW*,

ch. 105, p. 5b. 142 See above, n. 76. 143 Hu Shih -A (1891-1962), for example, declared that the entire Chen-kao was a

forgery by T'ao Hung-ching. See his "T'ao Hung-ching ti Chen-kao k'ao LFNMMJXMI [An investigation on the Chen-kao by T'ao Hung-ching]". 1933. In Hu Shih wen ts'un -MWit3 Taipei: Yuian-tung t'u shu 1:NI, 1961, part 4, ch. 2, p. 153-174. Here is not the place to refute Hu Shih's argument in detail (although this could be done), yet generally speaking one might say, that Hu Shih's solution fails to recognize the complexities of the problem. Religious traditions simply are not invented by one man.




ured primarily for their text, the sacred revelation. In the pieces of the Two Wangs, on the other hand, the text is only of secondary value. What is esteemed more is the style of the handwriting itself. It is this shift of emphasis from religious quality to aesthetic quality which is the epochal achievement of the early Wang tradition.



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1-4. Planchette writing in sand. Taiwan 1972. Photographs by the author.



5. Wang Hsi-chih, Huang-t'ing ching. Rubbing, Shui-liang type. Detail of opening section.



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9. Wang Hsien-chih, Shih-frh-yiieh t'ieh with a colophon by Mi Fu. Rubbing from the Pao-Chin chaifa-t'ieh compendium.



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Some Taoist Elements in the Calligraphy of the Six Dynasties

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