Some Engraved Gems from Ammaia

PALLAS, 83, 2010, PP. 13-33

Some engraved gems from Ammaia

Graça Cravinho Universidade Nova de Lisboa

Ammaia était une importante ville romaine située dans la province de Lusitania (territoire portugais) . Elle avait un sol fertile et de l’eau, des mineraux (or, argent, plomb, hématite) et les pierres (granit, quartzite, schiste, gneiss et quartz) y étaient abondants; la ville était reliée à plusieurs endroits de Lusitania et d'autres provinces dans la péninsule Ibérique, vers la Gallia Narbonensis et l’Italie, par des routes importantes . Sa richesse en quartz, déjà mentionnée par Pline (N.H ., XXXVII, 24, 127), a été confirmée par la découverte de quelques mines antiques de quartz (fig . 2) et par de nombreux fragments de quartz venant de fouilles .

La collection présentée ici1 est composée de 17 pièces d’époque romaine : 7 nicolos (n° 3, 6, 12 et pl . I-1, 3 à 5), 2 pâtes de verre imitant le nicolo (n° 10, 14), 5 cornalines (n° 4-5, 7-8, et un camée n° 9), une jaspe (pl . I-2) et 2 agates (n° 11, 13) . Lors de fouilles récentes, 10 nouvelles pierres ont été découvertes: 3 nicolos, 1 pâte de verre imitant le nicolo, 1 sardonyx, 2 cornalines, 1 jaspe et 2 camées en verre (1 dans un bracelet, représentant le visage de la Méduse) . Trois autres gemmes viennent d’Ammaia ou de ses environs: 1 cornaline, 1 onyx noir et 1 sardonyx . On voit clairement que le matériel le plus fréquent dans les gemmes d’Ammaia est le nicolo (10 intailles, c’est-à-dire, 33 .3 %); si nous ajoutons les cornalines (8), les agates (2), l’onyx (1) et les sardonyx (2), on atteint un total de 23 intailles du groupe du quartz microcristallin, c’est-à-dire, c . 76 .6 % . Ce pourcentage peut être expliqué par la richesse régionale en quartz et par la fabrication locale des intailles (ce qu’on a déjà démontré pour la période imperiale) .

Ces gemmes présentent des motifs religieux (n° 3-11 et pl . I-3-4), des héros (n° 12 et pl . I-2), des sujets de la vie quotidienne (n° 13 et pl . I-5) et des motifs symboliques (n° 14) . Plusieurs divinités gréco-romaines sont représentées (n° 3, Jupiter Tonnans, n° 4 et pl . I-1, Mars, n° 5, Fides Publica / Cérès) aussi bien que des compagnons des divinités (n° 6-7, Amour / Éros, n° 11, satyre /silène, n° 9, ménade), une personnification (n° 10, Victoria) et un animal mythologique (n° 11, Pégase) . D’autres intailles sont gravées d’objets symboliques/religieux (pl . I-3, une lyre, pl . I-4, des symboles juifs, n° 14, un épi? un trident?) . Jupiter, Mars et Victoria étaient les dieux romains les plus populaires dans le territoire portugais . Jupiter,

1 Je remercie vivement Mme Hélène Guiraud pour son invitation . C'est pour moi un grand honneur de participer à ce numéro et, surtout, d'être associée à de grands chercheurs dont j'ai beaucoup appris .

01-EPallas83–>266-CAv2-(CS3).indd 13 13/09/10 12:44:00

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surtout Jupiter Optimus Maximus est la divinité la plus importante à Ammaia . D’autres intailles du Portugal ont les mêmes figures mythologiques : Mars Gradivus apparait sur 4 autres intailles, Mars Ultor sur 7, Fides sur 3, Victoria sur 3 et les satyres /silènes sur 20 . Le cheval est un motif commun aux statues en bronze, lampes, mosaïques et intailles romaines du Portugal : la Lusitanie semble avoir été une des sources principales de chevaux pour les spectacles du cirque . Outre les héros gravés sur les n° 10-11, on a trouvé à Ammaia un nicolo avec Diomède tenant le palladium et un jaspe avec un guerrier tenant la tête d’un ennemi . Le type de la tête de l’enfant (pl . I-5) apparaît aussi sur un autre camée en verre d’Ammaia, trouvé dans un tombeau datant de l’époque flavienne2, sur 5 autres camées du Portugal et aussi en petites statuettes en marbre et en bronze .

Cette collection donne des informations importantes sur le niveau de romanisation d’Ammaia . Une intaille avec la Muse Thalia (peut-être appartenant à un acteur) vient confirmer l’hypothèse de l’existence d’un théâtre . En outre, le nicolo figurant Ptolémée XII et l’autre portant des symboles juifs témoignent de l’influence orientale dans la ville .

Although Ammaia is not mentioned by Pliny, in his list of civitates of Lusitania3 (fig . 1), the foundation of this large and important Roman city must go back to the Augustan period . The site has fertile soil and plenty of water (originating in orogenetic rains, several streams and sources and the Sever river), which explains its occupation since pre-Roman times, as excavated materials dating the Neolithic and Chalcolithic demonstrate4 . Ammaia, which was elevated by Claudius to the status of a civitas and raised to the status of municipium at the end of the 1st c . A .D ., was connected by some important roads to several places of Lusitania (for instance, Emerita Augusta, its capital; Olisipo, present day Lisboa; and the rich villae of Alentejo region), throughout the Iberian Peninsula, the Gallia Narbonensis and Italy and, indirectly (from the harbours of Olisipo and Mértola, this one in the Guadiana river) to North Africa and the Middle East, as some archaeological finds testify . Its territory (the Civitas Ammaiensis, of c . 60 x 60 km) was rich in minerals (gold, silver, lead, hematite) and stones (granite, quartzite, schist, gneiss and quartz) . The local exploration of pure quartz or rock crystal (specially important for the production of glass and jewels), already mentioned by Pliny (N .H ., XXXVII, 24; 1275), has been demonstrated by the finding of some antique quartz quarries (fig . 2)6 and by many quartz fragments uncovered during ongoing excavations7 .

2 Pereira 2009, 106, 197, Pl . III, 43 Pliny (who died in 79 A .D .) served as procurator in Tarraconensis from 72 to 74 .4 Pereira, 2009, p . 122 .5 Pliny states: Cornelius Bocchus et in Lusitania perquam mirandi ponderis in Ammaeensibus iugis, depressis

ad libramentum aquae puteis (NH 37, 24); Bocchus auctor est et in Hispania repertas quo in loco crystallum dixit ad libramentum puteis defossis erui, chrysolithon XII pondo a se uisam (NH 37, 127) .

6 During the Ghent University survey campaigns, antique quarries were identified: one of rock crystal (Naves) and three of granite . In two of these granite quarries (Pitaranha and Marvao) we can see large quartz veins also containing rock crystal . In the Naves quarry, fragments of rock cristal as well as of roman ceramics, tegulae and imbrices were uncovered, demonstrating a roman settlement there .

7 Pereira, 2009, p . 73, 74, 98, 122, 124, 126 .


15some enGraved Gems From AmmAiA

The collection8 is composed of 17 Roman glyptic items: 7 nicolos (n° 3, 6, 12 and pl . I-1, 3 to 5), 2 nicolo pastes (n° 10, 14), 5 carnelians (n° 4-5, 7-8, 9– this one, a cameo), 1 jasper (pl . I-2) and 2 banded agates (n° 11, 13) . During the ongoing excavations, other 10 glyptic items were uncovered: 3 nicolos, 1 nicolo paste, 1 sardonyx, 2 carnelians, 1 jasper and 2 glass cameos (1 in a bracelet, representing Medusa’s face) . Three other gems are said to come from Ammaia or from its suburbs: 1 carnelian (now in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, inv . no . 597), 1 black onyx (from the suburbs of Marvao, a small town situated on top of the hill above Ammaia) and 1 sardonyx (from a farm near Castelo de Vide, another small town not far from Ammaia), both set in golden rings in the ex-Barreto collection9 (now dispersed) . As we can see, the most frequent gemstone material within the Ammaia gems is the nicolo (10 intaglios, that is, 33 .3%) . But, if we add them the carnelian (8), the banded agate (2), the onyx (1)10 and the sardonyx (2) we will have a total of 23 intaglios of the microcrystalline quartz group, that is, c . 76 .6% . This is very surprising and only can be explained by the regional availability of quartz raw material and the existence of local manufacturing center/s specializing in treating, cutting and engraving quarried quartz . The existence of glyptic workshops in Ammaia, during Imperial times, has already been shown11 . But it is feasible that they continued to flourish into the Late Roman period since the large quantity of 4th century coins, African Red Slip and Late Roman Sigillata demonstrate the economic prosperity of the town at those times as well as in all the surrounding area (for instance, in the rich villae of Silveirona, Santa Vitória do Ameixial and Torre de Palma)12 .

As to the iconography of these gems, the devices allude to religious beliefs (n° 3-11 and pl . I-3-4), heroes (n° 12 and pl . I-2), daily-life (n° 13 and pl . I-5) and symbolic (n° 14) themes . Several Greco-Roman deities are represented (Jupiter Tonans – n° 4, Mars – n° 5 and pl . I-1 and Ceres Fides-Publica – no . 5) as well as companions of deities (Eros-Cupid – nos . 6-7, Satyr/Silenus – no . 10, Maenad – no . 9), a Personification (Nike-Victoria – no . 12) and a mythological beast (Pegasus – no . 11)13 . Other intaglios show objects with a symbolic/religious meaning (pl . I-3 – with a lire; pl . I-4 – with Jewish symbols; no . 14 – an ear? a trident?) .

Jupiter and Mars were the most popular Roman deities in present day Portugal, as well as Victory . Jupiter, mainly Jupiter Optimus Maximus, is known from several inscriptions to be the most important deity in Ammaia14 . Perhaps this can be explained by the assimilation of indigenous deities due to the influence of the Roman army, as it seems to have happened in

8 The Roman engraved gems this paper discusses were once part of the archeological collection assembled by Dr . Delmira Maças’s father . Before her death in 2007, she donated her important archaeological collection to the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia .

9 The widow of Mr . Américo Barreto sold his archaeological collection to a foreigner collector .10 Another onyx, a cameo with a warrior bust depicted, is of a later period .11 Cravinho, Amorai-Stark, 2006, p . 533-543 .12 It’s interesting to note that, in comparison to other parts of the Western Empire, there are no signs

of a deep crisis in the Late Roman Portugal .13 A carnelian uncovered in Idanha-a-Velha (the roman Igaeditania), but not located, also has Pegasus

depicted . 14 Cravinho, Amorai-Stark, 2006, p . 542, n . 34 .


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Bracara Augusta, actual Braga15 . Another 8 intaglios depicting Jupiter are listed in the Roman Gem Corpus from Portugal, two of them with Jupiter Tonans: a sard, F1 type, uncovered in Alentejo (in the area of Borba or Estremoz) and a chalcedony, A5 type, displayed at the Museu Nacional Soares dos Reis (Porto), probably come from North Portugal .

A bronze statue representing Mars Gradivus, in the Museu de Évora, and another 4 intaglios with the same depiction (1 carnelian set in a gold ring from Tróia, in front of Setúbal, the Roman Cetobriga, and 1 glass paste imitating jasper, type F1, from Alentejo region – both in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia; 1 glass paste imitating nicolo, from Bracara Augusta, and 1 jasper set in a gold ring, come from Alentejo or Algarve) testify to existence of a discrete cult of Mars Gradivus who was venerated by veterans and peasants in both Lusitania and Gallaecia .

A high-relief depicting Mars Ultor can be seen on an ara uncovered in the Torre de Palma villa (Monforte, Alentejo) dedicated by M(arcus) Coeli[us] Cel[s]us16 . The motif also appears in other gems from Portuguese territory: 1 carnelian, A4 type, from Conimbriga17; 1 nicolo, probably from North Portugal, in the Museu Nacional Soares dos Reis, Porto; 1 octogonal sard, type F5, from Alentejo or Algarve; 1 unprovenanced, in a private collection18; 1 carnelian, now lost (?), with Jupiter Capitolinus by his side, set in a fragment of a ring, from a 5th c . tomb in Alte (Algarve) come together with a coin of Eudoxia (Teodosius II’s wife)19; 2 intaglios from Bracara Augusta – a glass paste imitanting nicolo, type F2, and a blue-greenish glass paste, type F5, from Bracara Augusta, in a suburb of which (Montariol) an inscription dedicated to Mars Tarbucelus was uncovered .

As to Ceres, she is mentioned in an inscription dedicated to several deities found in the area of Guimaraes (Gallaecia)20 and also appears in other glyptic items from Portuguese territory: 1 jasper with a Ceres bust, type F1, set in a modern bronze ring, in the Museu Arqueológico da Fundaçao da Casa de Bragança (Vila Viçosa, Alentejo); 1 carnelian, type F2, in a gold medallion, from the suburbs of Borba or Estremoz (Alentejo), in a private collection21; 1 sard, set in a silver ring, from Alentejo or Algarve and 1 jasper, with Fides-Publica, set in a gold ring from Borba or Estremoz (both in the ex-Barreto collection) .

15 Other inscriptions dedicated to J .O .M . were uncovered in Conimbriga, Fiaes, Fornos de Algodres, Mangualde, Abrantes, Lisboa, Borba, Nisa and Alcácer do Sal . Especially important are those excavated in the areas where the roman army was established, such as Chaves and Vila Real (in Gallaecia, North Douro river, where the gold mines of Jales, Tresminas and Poço das Freitas were situated) and in the area of Egitania, in which territory gold mines also existed (in Almofala, Egitânia, Meimao, Monsanto and Escalos de Cima) .

16 Hispania Epigraphica, no . 23833 (in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, inv . no . 994 .13 .1) .17 Cravinho, 2001, p . 161-163, no . 9 .18 Rainer Daehnhardt, 1990, LVSITANIA (Catálogo), p . 134, no . 775; Leite de Vasconcelos, 1907,

p . 367 .19 Leite de Vasconcelos, 1907, p . 367 .20 Hispania Epigraphica, no . 8231 .21 Once in the Barreto Collection, it was sold in Palácio do Correio Velho’s Auction 150, lot 0239,

on 7/6/2005 .



A temple to Victoria was dedicated by C(aius) Cantius Modestinus, as demonstrated by an inscription found in Tábua (district of Coimbra)22 . Other inscriptions, mainly found in Beira Baixa23, as well as 3 other intaglios testify to her cult in Lusitania: 1 carnelian with Victoria on a globe, type F2, set in a silver ring, from Alentejo or Algarve; 1 jasper with Victoria writing on a shield, set in a gold ring, from Batalha (in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia) and 1 unprovenanced carnelian with Victoria on a biga, type A3, set in a modern gold ring . It is interesting to note that an intaglio in the Berlin collection, with Victoria shouldering a palm24, has the inscription AMMAIENSES . Panofka, who previously published the gem25, states that the inscription has to do with a city in Mesopotamia (“Sass Ammaia eine Stadt in Mesopotamien hiess erfahren wir durch Ptolemaeus V, 18 und 19”)26 which, according to the Encyclopaedia Iranica online27, is probably Amida, modern Diarbakr (in Turkey) . However, it is feasible that the inscription refers to people from/living in Lusitanian Ammaia where a lamp with Victoria dating the middle 2nd c . A .D .-1st half of the 3rd was also uncovered28 .

Eros-Cupid riding a lion can also be seen on a glass paste set in a fragment of a bronze ring from Conimbriga29, but in this case there is a threatening serpent in front of the lion . In two other intaglios, he rides a horse: a carnelian, type F6, from Fiaes castrum and another carnelian, type F1, coming from the excavations in the Coimbra University main yard30 . Eros-Cupid was a popular theme on the gems uncovered in Portugal31, with a wide variety of iconographic motifs: 1 sard, type F1, come from Curvas castrum (Gallaecia), with a hunting Eros and a dog; 1 red jasper in a gold ring, with Eros holding a thyrsus and a mask, probably from a tomb in Alentejo; 1 green jasper, type A4, on which Eros rides a dolphin, perhaps coming from the North Portugal, in the Museu Nacional Soares dos Reis (Porto); 1 late Roman agate with the inscription IX (Iesus Xristos?), from Alentejo or Algarve; 1 unprovenanced nicolo with Eros holding a butterfly hanging from his both hands; 1 unprovenanced carnelian set in a gold ring, with Eros holding two arrows; 1 sard, type F2, with Eros resting on a hoe, from Tomar (the Roman Sellium); 1 onyx set in a gold ring with a hunting Eros, come from Estremoz (in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia); 2 unprovenanced carnelians on which

22 Hispania Epigraphica, no . 18961 (“Victoriae · templum / C(aius) Cantius · Modestinus / ex · patrimonio · suo”) .

23 The other inscriptions were uncovered in Castelo Branco, Vale de Lobo, Penamacor, Zebreira, Idanha-a-Nova, Póvoa de Atalaia (Fundao), Vale do Seixo (Sabugal), Egaeditania and Fundao . This last one was dedicated by a signifer of the Cohors II Lusitanorum .

24 Furtwängler, 1896, p . 271, Taf . 54, no . 7281 .25 Vide: Gemmen mit Inschriften, 1852, p . 68, Taf . 2, 28 .26 I thank Dr . Martin Henig for this information .27 http://www .iranica .com/newsite/index .isc?Article=http://www .iranica .com/newsite/articles/v1f9/

v1f9a048 .html28 Pereira, 2009, p . 124, pl . II, 27 .29 Cravinho, 2001, p . 146-149, no . 1 .30 Cravinho, 2001, p . 148, n . 18 .31 Three unprovenanced intaglios with Eros depicted existing in the Calouste Gulbenkian Museum

(Lisboa) were published by Spier, 2001 . Other four intaglios, existing in the Museu de Quinta das Cruzes (Funchal) are to be published soon by Raquel Casal Garcia and Graça Cravinho .


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Eros is burning a butterfly: one set in a modern silver mount32 and another in a modern ring33; 1 nicolo (?), set in a silver ring, with Eros playing with a cock, from Monte Mozinho castrum (Gallaecia) .

Like Eros, the depiction of Satyr/Silenus was also a very common motif, mainly the types on which he holds or plays a musical instrument (1 crisoprase set in a gold ring, with a young Satyr holding a syrinx, come from Beja or its surroundings; 1 rectangular carnelian, type F1, with a Satyr playing auloi, found in a Roman villa in Cascais; 1 unprovenanced carnelian, type F1, with the Satyr playing a lyre, in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia; 1 glass paste imitating nicolo, with a Satyr playing a flute, from Conimbriga34) or a bunch of grapes and a pedum (2 nicolos, one from Teixoso, Covilha and another unprovenanced, both in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia; 1 carnelian, type A4, from Borba or Estremoz; 1 carnelian, in a silver ring, from Alentejo or Algarve; 1 red jasper, type F2, also from Alentejo or Algarve) . Other intaglios show him in diversified types and, in some cases, together with other Satyrs or an animal (as in a nicolo from Ammaia, on which he is taking a goat to a sacrifice)35 .

The motif on no . 14 has a parallel on an orange-white sardonyx uncovered in the ruins of Bracara Augusta . Other two intaglios present a horse depicted: 1 quartz citrin, now lost, with a standing horse, from Citânia de Briteiros (a Romanized Iron Age castrum in Gallaecia) and a brown-blue-brown sardonyx with a galloping horse from Conimbriga36 . The horse was a popular theme on bronze statues, lamps and mosaics in present day Portugal perhaps because Lusitania was one of the main sources of horses for the chariot racings37 . This fact is attested in the Torre de Palma villa (not far from Ammaia) and in all the surrounding area and, at a certain point, corroborated by Pliny (Nat. Hist., 8, 166) who even tells that the Lusitanian mares were rendered fecund by the Favonius wind . Other animals are engraved on the Ammaia gems, testifying to the importance of the cattle in the region: a cow suckling its young, on a nicolo, and a running sow on a carnelian, type F2, both uncovered in the on-going excavations . The engraved sow is very interesting because it shows a special type of swine which is still very common in the Beiras region: the so-called “porco bísaro”, with hanging ears and “white” colour (in opposition to the “black” one – “porco preto” – typical in Alentejo) .

The heroes that can be seen on no . 12 and pl . I-2 are not the only ones coming from Ammaia: another nicolo, found in recent excavations, has Diomedes holding the palladium as a device; and a jasper, type F1, has a warrior holding the head of an enemy .

As to the type of the child’s head (pl . I-5) also appears on a cameo recently excavated in Ammaia: it’s a white glass cameo found in a tomb dating to the Flavian era38 . This is a frequent theme on cameos from Portugal: 1 black onyx, set in a gold ring, from Borba or

32 Cravinho, 1997-1998, p . 179-180, no . 7 .33 Cravinho, 2000, p . 101, Pl . I, 1 .34 Cravinho, 2001, p . 171-173, no . 13 .35 Besides these ones, there are other 5 intaglios in the Museu Calouste Gulbenkian published by

Spier, 2001 .36 Cravinho, 2001, p . 153-155, no . 5 .37 Caius Apuleius Diocles, born in Portuguese Lusitania, was a very famous auriga in Rome .38 Pereira, 2009, p . 106 ; 197, Pl . III, 4 .



Estremoz; 1 chalcedony from Alentejo or Algarve and other 3 unprovenanced: a sardonyx in the Antiquities Collection of the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa39 and a carnelian and a sardonyx in the Museu Nacional Soares dos Reis, Porto . But it also occurs in small head-statues in marble and bronze, as those existing in the Museu Nacional de Arqueologia .

As we can see, the wide range of themes of this gems collection illustrate the high level of Romanization of Ammaia, already shown by its huge area and the excavated buildings . A theatre must have also existed (as Prof . Bairrao Oleiro stated in 1954), although its possible location was not yet excavated . However, in a recent excavation a sardonyx, type F4, with a seated Thalia engraved was found . Perhaps it belonged to an actor .

On another hand, the presence in Ammaia of one nicolo depicting perhaps Ptolemy XII and another with Jewish symbols testify to Eastern influence in the city, already demonstrated by the finding of a Rhodian amphora dating the end of the 1st c . B .C . - early 1st c . A .D .

Catalogue

Pl.I-1. Nicolo with blue-cobalt upper face on black ground, oval, F4 . 11 .8 x 9 .1 x 2 .4 mm . Mars Ultor . Mars wearing a plumed helmet, cuirass (lorica) and short tunic (tunica manicata), standing to the front and facing right, with a spear in his left hand and a round shield resting on his right shoulder . Ground-line . Parallels: Breglia, 1941, p . 70, no . 544; Maioli, 1971, p . 32, no . 27, pl . II, no . 9; Gramatopol, 1974, p . 54, pl . X, no . 194; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, p . 129, pl . 84, no . 1095; Zienkiewicz, 1986, p . 135, pl . XI, no . 45; Henig-Whiting, 1987, p . 24, no . 222; Gesztelyi, 2000, p . 53, no . 91 . Discussion: The motif, derived from a prototype of the beginnings of the Hellenistic period, constitutes one of the variants of the Mars Ultor type . In some examples, Mars has a sword at his waist40 or a second shield in front of him41 or other divinities are associated (Victory42, Venus43 or Venus and Cupid44) . Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 86-87, no . 10; Cravinho and Amorai-Stark, 2006, p . 524, n . 15 .Date: 2nd c . A .D .

Pl. I-2. Red jasper, oval, F1 . 13 .2 x 11 .2 x 2 mm . Hero . Nude young warrior standing in profile to left, with his right leg bent behind the right, in a Polycleitan stance . Wearing only a mantle hanging from his shoulders, he holds his spear obliquely in the right hand and contemplates a helmet held in his left hand . Ground-line . Parallels: Sena Chiesa, 1966, p . 156, pl . XII, nos . 238-239; Henig, 1974, p . 65-66, pl . XV, nos . 457-459; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, p . 55, pl . 27, no . 743; Henig-Whiting, 1987, p . 28,

39 Cravinho, 1997-1998, p . 180, no . 8 .40 Zienkiewicz, 1986, no . 46 .41 Henig, 1974, no . 465 .42 Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, no . 1204 .43 Smith, 1888, no . 791 .44 Walters, 1926, no . 1435 .


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no . 264; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1991, p . 51, pl . 4, no . 1627; Guiraud, 1998, p . 135, no . 13; Gesztelyi, 2000, p . 68, no . 183 .Discussion: The type, perhaps representing Mars (Sena Chiesa, 1966, p . 154-155) or Achilles (Henig, 1974, p . 65-66) and inspired by the Greek art of the 5th-4th c . B .C ., is a classic reworking of Italic motifs in the Etruscan tradition, in which a warrior contemplates the head of an enemy or a helmet symbolizing it . Sometimes there is a shield in front of him45 or a column behind (on which he rests his elbow)46 or he rests his foot upon a globe47 . Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 83, no . 4 .Date: 2nd c . A .D .

Pl. I-3. Nicolo with pale blue upper face on black background, oval, F4 . 9 .6 x 7 x 2 .5 mm . Lyre . Lyre with high, symmetrical curved arms of same length, straight yoke, three strings and crescent-like body on a standing base . The sound-box is missing . Parallels: Zwierlein-Diehl, 1969, p . 165, pl . 77, no . 439; Zazoff, 1975, p . 80, pl . 46, no . 305a (hold by Hercules, with three strings); p . 253, pl . 185, no . 1344 (with five strings, nicolo); p . 260, pl . 189, no . 1392 (hold by Apolo, with two strings); Zwierlein-Diehl, 1986, p . 130, pl . 43, no . 217 (Apolo resting an elbow upon it) .Discussion: The lyre depicted on this gem seems to be a stylization of one of the old eastern lyres, although it has no sound-box . This unreal representation confirms its symbolic meaning as an attribute of Apollo, Achilles and Orpheus and as a symbolic object for both Jews and Christians . Actually, besides being one of the musical instruments used in the Jerusalem Temple and symbolizing the «Kinor» (which David used to play for king Saul), the lyre was one of the objects that, according to Clement of Alexandria, the Christians could have engraved upon their rings . Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 90, no . 17; Cravinho, 2004, p . 232-242; Cravinho and Amorai-Stark, 2006, p . 521-529, fig . 2 .Date: 2nd c .-3rd c . A .D .

Pl. I-4. Nicolo with pale blue upper face on black background, oval, F4 . 12 .3 x 10 .8 x 3 .7 mm .Jewish Symbols . Seven-branched Menorah with tripod base . Its branches are curved and plain, ending with light fittings, short lamps and flames symmetrically arranged: three on either side, bent to centre, and upright central flame . On the right, a palm branch (lulav) and a curved ram’s horn (shofar) and on the left a realistic citron (etrog) with short stem and two leaves .

45 Smith, 1888, no . 2221; Reinach, 1895, pl . 63, no . 64,2; pl . 64, no . 66,3; Furtwängler, 1900, pl . XXIII, no . 60; Sena Chiesa, 1966, nos . 236; 240; Henig, 1974, no . 460; Ap . 39; Zazoff, 1975, pl . 24, no . 108; pl . 55, no . 381; Sena Chiesa, 1978, no . 89; Maaskant-Kleibrink, 1978, nos . 556; 610; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, no . 744; Casal-Fernandez, 1982, no . 3; Henig-Whiting, 1987, nos . 261-263; Gesztelyi, 1987, no . 63; Casal Garcia, 1991, no . 364; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1991, nos . 1628-1629; Chaves-Casal, 1995, no . 13; Gesztelyi, 2000, no . 182; Henig-MacGregor, 2004, no . 10 .7 .

46 Ambrosio-De Carolis, 1997, no . 314 .47 Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, no . 741 (3rd c . B .C .) .



Parallels: Hachlili, 2001, p . 341-342, IS 16 .1; p . 342, IS 16 .4; p . 343, IS 16 .9; p . 344, IS 16 .14; IS 16 .15; IS 16 .17; p . 345, IS 16 .18 (glass pendents); p . 346, IS 16 .24 (bracelet); p . 433, D 11 .7 (seal); p . 434, D11 .13 (seal); p . 436, D 11 .23 (seal); Spier, 2007, p . 161, no . 947 (nicolo) .Discussion: The presence of the Menorah in this intaglio renders its symbolism unquestionably religious for Jews and perhaps for paleo-Christians, as the menorah was the onetime great candelabrum of the Jerusalem Temple . It is a common motif in Jewish paintings, as in the Jewish catacombs at Rome and on the the wall of the Dura Europos synagogue (Henig, 1983, p . 110), reliefs, mosaics and gems (as an isolated motif48 or associated to other elements49) . However, all the other elements depicted had their own symbolism as well: the Shofar was played in the ceremonies of the Temple, especially in Rosh Hashana and Yom Kippur; the Ethrog was a symbol of fertility (since the lemon tree produces fruits all year long) and the Lulav is a symbol of victory . Besides, the palm tree was considered “the tree of the life” and was the symbol of Judea, which explains its depiction on gems50, coins of the Flavian era (with the inscriptions Judaea Devicta and Judaea Capta) and on Late Roman and Byzantine mosaics and artifacts .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 90, no . 18; Cravinho, 2004, p . 232-242; Cravinho and Amorai-Stark, 2006, p . 521-533, fig . 1 .Date: 2nd c .-3rd c . A .D .

Pl. I-5. Nicolo with cobalt-blue coloured upper face on black ground, oval, set in a Roman gold ring Henig’s type III and Guiraud’s type 2d . Measurements: gem: 6 .5 x 5 .3 mm; ring: diameter: 18 .8 mm; inner diameter: 13 mm; height: 17 .5 mm . Child’s head . Head of a child, three quarters to the left, with cheeky face, half-closed mouth, open eyes and curled hair . The deep engraving enhances the black part of the gem and emphasizes the motif . Parallels: Furtwängler, 1896, p . 303, pl . 36, no . 5273 (interpretated as a mask); Richter, 1956, p . 106, pl . LVIII, no . 485; Pannuti, 1975, p . 187, no . 29; Maaskant-Kleibrink, 1978, p . 263-264, no . 707; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1986, p . 53, pl . 2, no . 8; Spier, 1992, p . 97-98, no . 229; Krug, 1995, p . 198, pl . 42, no . 10 .4; Ambrosio-De Carolis, 1997, p . 45, pl . IX, no . 99 (nicolo, from Pompeia); Konuk-Arslan, 2000, p . 72, no . 48 (garnet); Wagner-Boardman, 2003, p . 64, pl . 65, no . 464 .Discussion: The motif is of late Hellenistic or early Roman type depicting Eros (or Eros-Horus), a type which was very popular among the sculptors of the Augustan era (cf . Richter, 2004, no . 64) . These small heads were intended as portraits, rather than as masks, although the neck is always absent (Richter, 1956, p . 106) . Many of them date between the reign of Tiberius and the Flavian era (Pannuti, 1975, no . 29) and some bear inscriptions in Greek letters (cf . Richter, 1956, no . 485), which may indicate the name of the owner of the gem (probably the father of the child so portrayed) . Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 91, no . 19 .Date: 1st c . B .C .

48 Henig, 1983, fig . 1, a (= Henig and MacGregor, 2004, no . 14 .26); Michel, 2001, no . 473 .49 Zwierlein-Diehl, 1991, no . 2055; Michel, 2001, no . 472; Spier, 2007, nos . 940; 942; 943 .50 Sena Chiesa, 1966, no . 1414; Zienkiewicz, 1986, no . 25 .


22 Graça Cravinho

3. Nicolo with blue-cobalt upper face on black ground, oval, F4 . 19 .3 x 15 x 4 .2 mm . Slightly chipped on back .Jupiter Tonans . Bearded, nude Jupiter standing to the front and facing right, holding in his outstretched left hand the thunderbolt (fulmen) and in the right his sceptre . By his left side, an eagle stands looking up towards him with its head turned back . Ground-line . Parallels: Furtwängler, 1900, p . 215, pl . XLIV, no . 49; Sena Chiesa, 1966, p . 95-96, pl . I, no . 20; Hamburger, 1968, p . 25-26, pl . I, no . 11; Maioli, 1971, p . 10-11, no . 4; Henig, 1974, p . 10, pl . I, no . 14; Elliot-Henig, 1982, p . 298, no . 17; Middleton, 1991, p . 47, no . 30; Casal Garcia, 1991, p . 111, nos . 149-150; Chaves-Casal, 1995, p . 322, no . 24, fig . 1, no . 24; Gesztelyi, 2000, p . 50, no . 71 .Discussion: The type, derived from a motif of the 4th c . B .C . Greek art which possibly represented the Zeus of Argos by Lisippus, appears on Greek coins of the 2nd c . B .C . and on Roman coins until the 3rd c . A .D ., with the epithets Tonans or Conservator .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 83-84, no . 5 .Date: 3rd c . A .D .

4. Carnelian of pale and cloudy orange color, oval, F6 . 12 .6 x 9 x 2 .3 mm . Chipped on inferior right edge .Mars Gradivus . Mars striding towards the left, nude apart from a plumed helmet and a subligaculum51 around his waist which floats on each side of his body . In his left hand he holds a spear (obliquely behind of his body) and in his right a trophy (spolia opima) which he rests upon his shoulder . Ground-line . Parallels: Zazoff, 1970, p . 19, pl . 5, no . 35; Maaskant-Kleibrink, 1978, p . 286, no . 805; Mandrioli, 1987, p . 86, no . 131; Guiraud, 1995, p . 384, no . 23; Konuk-Arslan, 2000, p . 34, no . 10 . Discussion: The type of Mars Gradivus (or Mars Tropaeophoros or Mars Iuvenis, the Italic agrarian god), probably copied from a cult statue (Richter, 1956, p . 300), symbolized Roman victories (which explains the other names of Mars Victor and Mars Invictus) . It appeared for the first time on republican coins, such as those of L . Valerio Flacco (c . 100 B .C .)52, and was more widely disseminated in the imperial period, especially under Galba and Vespasian53, although the name of Mars Gradivus never appears (only Mars Ultor, Augustus, Invictus, Pater and Victor) .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 85-86, no . 9 .Date: 1st-2nd c . A .D .

5. Orange carnelian, oval, F6 . 14 .1 x 10 .1 x 2 .5 mm .Ceres-Fides Publica . Ceres stands to the front, with her left leg slightly bent and faces left; she wears a belted chiton with overfold . In her raised right hand she holds a dish of fruit and in her lowered left hand two ears of wheat with their heads pointing down . Ground-line .

51 Richter, 1971, p . 37 interpretates the subligaculum as a mantle and Guiraud, 1995, p . 384, no . 118 as a remniscence of the costume of the Samnite warriors .

52 Pessoa, 1996, no . 3 (108 or 107 B .C .) .53 Sternberg, 1980, no . 308 (69-70 A .D .) .



Parallels: Sena Chiesa, 1966, p . 233, est . XXIX, nº 565; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1969, p . 188, est . 91, nº 524; Henig, 1974, p . 41, est . IX, nº 271 (also an ant); Sena Chiesa, 1978, p . 92-93, est . XII, nº 86; Guiraud, 1988, p . 111, est . XV, nº 221; Casal Garcia, 1991, p . 143, nº 290; Henig, 1999, p . 53, nº 12; Gesztelyi, 2000, p . 58-59, nº 126 .Discussion: This motif appears for the first time on the coins of Domitian54, symbolizing his policy as censor in encouraging agriculture and strengthening the finances . It symbolizes the citizens’ faith in their Emperor (Fides Publica or Fides Augusti, as we can see in his and Plotina coins), and is typologically very similar to the Annona and Aequitas types (which depict the goddess more frontally) . In the field of the gems (never on coins) it is very common to find the depiction of an ant55 (the insect consecrated to the cult of Juno Lanuvina and perhaps also to that of Ceres, symbol of fertility, industry and richness) .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 85, no . 8 .Date: 2nd c . A .D .

6. Nicolo with pale blue upper on black ground, F4 . 13 x 10 .5 x 3 .2 mm . Chipped on right edge .Eros-Cupid . Eros kneeling to right, removing a thorn from the left paw of a squatting lion with its mouth open as if it is roaring with pain . Behind the lion there’s a tree . Ground-line . Parallels: Furtwängler, 1896, p . 135, pl . 25, no . 3033 (= idem, 1900, p . 222, pl . XLVI, no . 18); Fossing, 1929, p . 233, pl . XX, no . 1727 (no tree; below, a capricorne and a star); Breglia, 1941, p . 72, no . 565 (no tree); Richter, 1956, p . 75, pl . XLII, no . 308 (no tree); Zazoff, 1975, p . 71, pl . 41, no . 260 (no tree); Maaskant-Kleibrink, 1978, p . 178, no . 368 (behind the lion, a tree and a column with a vessel upon it) .Discussion: This motif, common on magical gems56, is related to the legend of Androkles57 and was later transposed to the evangelist Mark, commonly represented with a lion .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 89, no . 15 .Date: 1st c . B .C .

7. Orange carnelian, oval, A4 . 11 .1 x 13 .2 x 5 mm . Chipped on right edge . Eros-Cupid . Eros riding a lion towards the left, holding the reins in his left hand and raising his right hand . Ground-line .Parallels: Furtwängler, 1896, p . 135, pl . 25, no . 3031; p . 279, pl . 56, no . 7528; Walters, 1926, p . 165, pl . XX, no . 1489; p . 277, no . 2853; Zazoff, 1970, p . 80, pl . 32, no . 44; idem, 1975, p . 270, pl . 196, no . 1457 .

54 Sternberg, 1980, no . 322 (88-89 A .D .) .55 Furtwängler, 1896, no . 2859; Walters, 1926, no . 1304; Fossing, 1929, nos . 649; 1413; Sena

Chiesa, 1966, nos . 563-564; 566; Henig, 1974, nos . 271-273; Maaskant-Kleibrink, 1978, no . 979; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, no . 1583; Krug, 1980, nos . 277-278; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1986, no . 724; Guiraud, 1988, no . 225; Casal Garcia, 1991, no . 291; Middleton, 1991, no . 122; Pannuti, 1994, no . 135; Krug, 1995, no . 88; Capolutti, 1996, no . 72; Johns, 1997, nos . 135; 225 .

56 Bonner, 1950, nos . 242-243; Delatte-Derchain, 1964, no . 320a .57 For a motif with Androkles and the lion depicted, see Henig-MacGregor, 2004, no . 10 .12 .


24 Graça Cravinho

Discussion: This is a type related to the Dionysian thiasus, which was very popular in Roman decorative arts and gems (including the magical ones58) . In some variants there is still a second winged figure (Victoria?)59, the lion is galloping60 or has a goat’s head between his paws61 or a shield and a spear behind him62 . Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 87-88, no . 12 .Date: 1st-2nd c . A .D .

8. Carnelian of pale orange color, oval, F1 . 16 x 12 .5 x 2 .5 mm . Satyr/Silenus . Bearded Satyr, with a muscular body, walking towards the right playing a flute held in his raised right hand . He wears an animal skin (nebris) over his head and hanging down his left shoulder, and he holds another flute in his left hand while a pedum hangs from his left arm . Ground-line . Parallels: Walters, 1926, p . 171, pl . XXI, no . 1561; Richter, 1956, p . 77, pl . XLIII, no . 326 (playing double flute); idem, 1971, p . 44, no . 175 (playing double flute); Henig, 1994, p . 71, no . 120 (italic scarab, Satyr playing double flute, dog in front of him); Vollenweider, 1995, p . 7, no . 248 (playing double flute, hellenistic) .Discussion: The symbolism of the motif is Dionysiac since the flute was the appropriate instrument in Bacchic rites . In other variants, the satyr plays a syrinx63 . Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 84, no . 6 . Date: 2nd c . A .D .

9. Cameo . Dark orange carnelian, circular, with flat base . 11 .2 x 10 .7 x 4 .1 mm . Feminine bust . Frontal feminine bust, head three-quarters to the right slightly bent . Maenad? Cassandra? Parallels: Berry, 1969, p . 128, no . 234; Sternberg, 1980, p . 94, pl . XLV, no . 788; Wagner-Boardman, 2003, p . 88, pl . 84, no . 634 (gold cameo set in a modern rock cristal ring) .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 82, no . 1 .Date: End of the 1st c . A . D .

10. Glass imitating nicolo, with blue-cobalt upper face on black ground, oval, F4 . 14 x 10 x 3 .2 mm . Chipped on left edge .Victoria . Victory flying left, holding in her outstretched left hand a laurel wreath and a palm-branch over her right shoulder .Parallels: Merlin-Lantier, 1922, p . 336, no . 343; Walters, 1926, p . 184, pl . XXII, nos . 1705-1706; Gonzenbach, 1952, p . 69, pl . 27, no . 16; Sena Chiesa, 1966, p . 254, pl . XXXIII, no . 660; Hamburger, 1968, p . 29, pl . III, no . 60; Zazoff, 1970, p . 107, pl . 47, no . 222; p . 210, pl . 92, no . 56a; Gramatopol, 1974, p . 63, pl . XV, no . 320; Henig, 1975, p . 30, pl . 6, no . 89; Zwierlein-Diehl, 1979, p . 210-211, pl . 150, nos . 1520-1523; Krug, 1980, pl . 106, no . 270;

58 Michel, 2001, nos . 257-258 .59 Tamma, 1991, no . 58 .60 Wagner-Boardman, 2003, no . 228 .61 Walters, 1926, no . 1486 .62 Dimitrova, 1980, no . 138 (= Ruseva-Slokoska, 1991, no . 232) .63 Henig-MacGregor, 2004, no . 3 .94 (three quarter view) .



Dimitrova, 1980, p . 38, no . 33; Pannuti, 1983, p . 65, no . 98; Zienkiewicz, 1986, p . 136, pl . XII, no . 51; Henig-Whiting, 1987, p . 17, nos . 125-133; Guiraud, 1988, p . 101, pl . X, nos . 134-135; Ambrosio-De Carolis, 1997, p . 103, pl . XXXII, no . 339; Casal Garcia, 1991, p . 150, no . 319; p . 151, no . 322; Spier, 1992, p . 121, no . 316; p . 136, no . 371; Henig, 1994, p . 156, no . 323; Pannuti, 1994, p . 185-186, no . 152; Capolutti, 1996, p . 69, no . 60; Johns, 1997, p . 95, no . 224; Gesztelyi, 2000, p . 59, no . 130; Konuk-Arslan, 2000, p . 97, no . 73; Henig-MacGregor, 2004, p . 60, no . 4 .19; p . 61, no . 4 .21 .Discussion: The motif, of Hellenistic origin, is the most frequent type of Victoria on gems . Always winged and wearing a wide and floating tunic (as if to demonstrate the rapidity of her flight), she appears on republican64 and imperial coins (from the time of Octavian until the 3rd c . A .D .) in order to express the idea of Victoria Augusti and as a symbol of good-luck and victory .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 87, no . 11 .Date: 2nd-3rd c . A .D .

11. Banded agate of horizontal brownish, dark brown and white colors, oval, F1 . 25 .5 x 16 .5 x 3 .8 mm . Pegasus and Bellerophon . Pegasus with wings spread above his back, as if he was preparing to take flight over a seated warrior . With his left leg bent, the warrior rests his right hand on a shield with a central umbo and holds a sword and a spear in his left hand . Ground-line . Parallels: Walters, 1926, p . 202, no . 1913, pl . XXIV, no . 1912 (nicolo, Bellerophon standing, holding a spear and a rein of Pegasus, which is flying above him); Guiraud, 1988, p . 179, pl . LIII, no . 805 (?) . Discussion: The motif, probably a copy of a pre-Roman prototype (a Greek or Etruscan gem or relief ), could represent the precise moment at which Pegasus flew to Olympus, throwing down Bellerophon, although the warrior is not tumbling from his mount nor extended prone on the ground . Another possibility is that this is an adaptation of the type of the horse rearing over an enemy, kneeling under his front hoofs65; it is perhaps based on the Hellenistic scene of the Battle of Issos in which Alexander triumphed over the Persians . It’s interesting to note that the artist seems to have chosen the dark band of the gem for engraving the soil, the warrior and the back hoofs of the horse and the white-milky one to engrave the sky through which the divine horse begins his flight . Guiraud’s gem (see above), unhappily incomplete, may be an exact parallel .Bibliography: Neves, J . Conceiçao (1971) . “Uma Colecçao Particular de materiais Romanos da Neves, 1971, p . 88-89, no . 14 .Date: 1st c . B .C . – 1st c . A .D .

12. Nicolo with blue-cobalt upper face on black ground, oval, F4 . 12 .2 x 10 .3 x 3 mm . .Hellenistic king (?) . Warrior standing frontally and facing right . He is nude, apart from a radiate crown and a mantle draped over his right arm . In his right hand he holds a sword and a spear and in the left a lighthouse (pharos) . A small shield leans towards his left leg . Ground-line .

64 Sutherland, 1974, no . 103 (struck by L . Piso Frugi, 90-89 B .C .) .65 Sternberg, 1980, no . 338 (on a Trajan coin, from 105 A .D .) .


26 Graça Cravinho

Parallels: Henig, 1974, p . 19, pl . III, no . 92; idem, 1975, p . 87, pl . 28, Ap . 22 (holding palm); Guiraud, 1988, p . 150-151, pl . XXXVII, no . 539 (identified as a warrior with a sword) .Discussion: The motif probably represents a Hellenistic king, perhaps Ptolemy XII who was always portrayed as an adolescent . Actually, the pharos he holds in his left hand is the pharos of Alexandria (cf . Stupperich 1988: 294, pl . 24, nos . 6-7) .Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 84, no . 7 .Date: 2nd c . A .D .

13. Banded agate of vertical brown and white colours, oval, F1 . 9 .4 x 13 .2 x 2 .3 mm . Horse . Grazing horse in profile to left with a vegetal element in front of him . Ground-line . Small pellets . Parallels: Dimitrova, 1980, p . 75, no . 181 .Discussion: The type, perhaps the most frequent in the depiction of horses on gems, appears already upon Greek scaraboids of the 5th c . B .C .66 and in Greco-Persian seals of the 4th c . B .C .67 as well as on drachmas from Thessalia68 and lasted until the Sasanian era69 . Some Roman examples have an inscription identifying the horse70 or a tree71 or a star and/or a crescent72 on the field of the gem – a variant that already appears in the 4th-3rd c . B .C .73 Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 88, no . 13 .Date: 1st c . B .C . - 1st c . A .D .

14. Glass imitating nicolo with pale gray upper face on black background, circular, F2 . 11 mm (diameter) x 4 mm . Chipped on right edge .Symbolic motif . Stylized symbol: a trident cut by two parallel lines? An ear of wheat? Bibliography: Neves, 1971, p . 90, no . 16; Cravinho and Amorai-Stark, 2006, p . 543 .Date: 2nd c .-3rd c . A .D .

BibliographyalarCão, J ., 1987, Portugal Romano, 4th ed ., Lisbon .amBrosio, A . and de Carolis, E ., 1997, A ., I Monili dall’ area Vesuviana . “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, Roma .Berry, B .,Y ., 1969, Ancient Gems from the Collection of Burton Y . Berry, Indiana .Bonner, C ., 1950, Studies in Magical Amulets – chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, Humanistic Series, vol . XLIX, University of Michigan Studies, Ann Arbor .BreGlia, L ., 1941, Catalogo delle Oreficerie del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Roma .CaPolutti, G ., 1996, Römische Gemmen aus Aquileia – Gemme Romane da Aquileia, Società Friulana di Arqueologia . Provincia di Udine, Landkreis Ludwigsburg, Udine-Trieste .

66 Richter, 1956, no . 106 . 67 Wagner-Boardman, 2003, no . 49 . 68 Sternberg, 1980, no . 79 .69 Henig, 1994, no . 420 (4th or 5th c .) .70 Henig, 1974, no . 585 (HRAKLIDHC) .71 Middleton, 1991, no . 226 .72 Sena Chiesa, 1966, no . 1052; Richter, 1971, no . 375; Henig, 1994, no . 223 .73 Middleton, 1991, Ap . I - no . 1 .



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heniG, M ., 1982, Seasonal Feasts in Roman Britain, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 1 (2), p . 213-223 .heniG, M ., 1983, A Question of Standards, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 2 (1), p . 109-112 .heniG, M ., 1990, The Content Family Collection of Ancient Cameos, Oxford (England) and Houlton (USA) .heniG, M . et alii, 1994, Ancient and Modern Intaglios and Cameos in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, Cambridge .heniG, M . and maCGreGor, A ., 2004, Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and Finger-Rings in the Ashmolean Museum, vol . 2, Roman, BAR International Series 1332, Oxford .heniG, M . and Plantzoz, d., 1999, One Hundred and fifty Years of Wroxeter Gems, Classicism to Neo-Classicism, Essays dedicated to Gertrud Seidmann, BAR International Series 793, p . 49-66 .heniG, M . and whitinG, M ., 1987, Engraved Gems from Gadara in Jordan . The Sa’d Collection of Intaglios and Cameos, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph, no . 6 .Johns, C ., 1997, The Snettisham Roman Jeweller’s Hoard, British Museum Press . London . konuk, K . and arslan, M ., 2000, Ancient Gems and Finger Rings from Asia Minor, Ankara .kruG, A ., 1980, Antike Gemmen im Römisch-Germanischen Museum Köln, Frankfurt .kruG, A ., 1995, Römische Gemmen im Rheinischen Landesmuseum Trier, Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, 76, p . 159-218 .leite de vasConCelos, J ., 1907, Sepultura Romana, O Archeologo Português, XII .maaskant-kleiBrink, M ., 1978, Catalogue of the Engraved Gems in the Royal Coin Cabinet The Hague . The Greek, Etruscan and Roman Collections, Dan Haag .maioli, M .G ., 1971, Gemme della Collezione Rasponi nel Museo Nazionale di Ravenna, Felix Ravenna, Fasc . II, p . 3-59 .mandrioli, A .R ., 1987, La Collezione di Gemme del Museo Civico Archaeologico di Bologna, Bologna . merlin, A . and lantier, B ., 1922, Catalogue des Musées et Collections Archéologiques de l’Algérie et de la Tunisie – Musée Alaoui, 2º Suppl ., Paris .miChel, S ., 2001, Die Magischen Gemmen im Britischen Museum, British Museum Press . London .middleton, S .H ., 1991, Engraved Gems from Dalmatia, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, no . 31, Oxford .neves, J .C, 1971, Uma Colecção Particular de materiais Romanos da Aramenha, Tese de Licenciatura, Coimbra .Pannuti, U ., 1975, Pinarius Cerialis, Gemmarius Pompeianus, Bolletino d’ Arte, Série V, Anno LX, III-IV .Pannuti, U ., 1983, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale di Napoli. Catalogo della Collezione Glittica, vol . I, Roma .Pannuti, U ., 1994, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale di Napoli. La Collezione Glittica, vol . II, Roma .Pereira, S . 2009, A Cidade Romana de Ammaia: Escavações Arqueológicas 2000-2006, Ed . Colibri-Câmara Municipal de Marvao .



Pessoa, M ., 1996, Moedas Romanas de Conimbriga na Colecçao da Quinta de Santo António em Condeixa, Miscellanea em Homenagem ao Professor Bairrão Oleiro, Lisboa .reinaCh, S ., 1895, Pierres Gravées des collections Marlborough et d’Orléans, Paris .riChter, G ., 1956, Catalogue of Engraved Gems, Greek, Etruscan and Roman . Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, L’ ERMA, Roma .riChter, G ., 1971, Engraved Gems of the Romans – a supplement to the History of Roman Art (The Engraved Gems of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans) – part II, Phaidon Press, Ltd, London . riChter, G ., 2004, Roman Portraits, Phaidon Press Limited (Re-edition), London .ruseva-slokoska, L ., 1991, Roman Jewellery . A Collection of the National Archaeological Museum, Sofia, Sofia .sena Chiesa, G ., 1966, Gemme del Museo Nazionalle di Aquileia, Padova . sena Chiesa, G ., 1978, Gemme di Luni, Archaelogica, 4, Roma .smith, A .H ., 1888, A Catalogue of Engraved Gems in the British Museum, London .sPier, J ., 1992, Ancient Gems and Finger Rings . Catalogue of the Collections . The J . Paul Getty Museum, Malibu .sPier, J ., 2001, A Catalogue of the Calouste Gulbenkian Collection of Gems, Ed . Fundaçao Calouste Gulbenkian, Lisbon .sPier, J ., 2007, Late Antique and Early Christian Gems, Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden .sternBerG, F ., 1980, Antike Münzen – Gemmen, Zurich .stuPPeriCh, R ., 1988, Ein Goldarmband mit dreizeh Römischen Gemmen in Münster, Boreas, 11, p . 292-300 .sutherland, C .H .V ., 1974, Monnaies Romaines, Office du Livre, Fribourg .tamma, G ., 1991, Le Gemme del Museo Archeologico di Bari, Bari . taelman, D . et alii, 2009, Granite and rock crystal quarrying in the Civitas Ammaiensis (north-eastern Alentejo, Portugal): a geoarchaeological case study, BABESCH, 84, p . 171-182 .vollenweider, M .-L ., 1995, Camées et Intailles, Tome I : Les Portraits Grecs du Cabinet des Médailles, Bibliothèque National de France, Paris .waGner, C . and Boardman, J ., 2003, A Collection of Classical and Eastern Intaglios, Rings and Cameos (Studies in Gems and Jewellery), Oxford .walters, H .B ., 1926, Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and Cameos in the British Museum, London .zazoFF, P . et alii, 1970, Antike Gemmen in Deutschen Sammlungen, Band III, Wiesbaden .zazoFF, P . et alii, 1975, Antike Gemmen in Deutschen Sammlungen, Band IV, Wiesbaden .zienkiewiCz, D ., 1986, The Engraved Gemstones, In The Legionary Fortress Baths at Caerleon, II, The Finds, Cardiff .zwierlein-diehl, E ., 1969, Antike Gemmen in Deutschen Sammlungen, Band II, Munich .zwierlein-diehl, E ., 1979, Die Antiken Gemmen des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien, vol . II, Munich .zwierlein-diehl, E ., 1986, Glaspasten im Martin-von-Wagner-Museum der Universität Würzburg, vol . 1, Munich .zwierlein-diehl, E ., 1991, Die antiken Gemmen des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien, vol . 3, Munich .


30 Graça Cravinho

fig. 1. Map of Roman Lusitania and its main ciuitates (G . Cravinho del .)



fig. 2. Ammaia quarries: 1 – granite quarry of Pitaranha; 2 – granite quarry of Santo António das Areias; 3 – granite quarry of Marvao; 4 – rock crystal quarry of Naves (Taelman, 2009, fig . 9) .


32 Graça Cravinho

fig. 7.

fig. 5.

fig. 3.

fig. 8.

fig. 6.

fig. 4.



fig. 13.

fig. 11.

fig. 9.

fig. 14.

fig. 12.

fig. 10.


Graça Cravinho

Pl I. Gemmes et intailles d’Ammaia, Portugal (G. Cravinho)

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Pallas83 Photos-v2.indd 1 7/09/10 12:54

Some Engraved Gems from Ammaia

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