Sketching a Filipino National Identity in Three Grade 1 Civics and Culture Textbooks: A Sapin-Sapin Strategy

SKETCHING A FILIPINO NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THREE GRADE 1 CIVICS AND CULTURE TEXTBOOKS: A SAPIN-SAPIN STRATEGY

An Undergraduate Thesis Presented

By

Jed Elroy E. Rendor

Submitted to the Development Studies Program of Ateneo de Manila University in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree of

Bachelor of Arts, major in Development Studies

28 February 2012

Abstract

This study explores the formation of national identity in three grade 1 civics and culture textbooks.

Exploring national identity responds to the contention that the Filipino is simply a hotpot of cultures.

Meanwhile, exploring the textbooks is a must to update the lack of study in this area. This study asks,

“How is the Filipino portrayed in three textbooks through the building blocks of national identity?” To

answer this, an appraisal of the definitions of national identity and their corresponding methodologies

was undertaken. The study then did a content analysis with a grounded theory, that distinguishes this

study from previous ones. The textbooks were also selected based on a criteria of acceptance of the

government and their recency. The grounded theory exhibits the use of Kohn’s (1944) and Smith’s (1991)

ideas of building blocks, or aspects of culture, that shape national identity. The study finds out that three

textbooks utilise a sapin-sapin strategy in sketching a Filipino national identity that does not have any

overarching narrative to bind the supposedly-organic building blocks. The study also compared the

contents of the textbooks with what other writers would say regarding the Philippines.

Acknowledgements I never imagined myself to get interested in the problem of Filipino national identity, until I met an article for my Asian History class. The article was titled As Yet an Asian Flavour does not Exist. By that time, it made me realise that there is no pan-Asian culture, and made me reflect on the case of the Philippines. My floating interest found consolation in a DS101 class where the instructor shared the case of her daughter, asking if she is a Filipino given her almond eyes, and also shared the issues of forced boundaries that made me further question Filipino national identity. I therefore thank my two greatest inspirations, Dr. Fernando Zialcita, the author of the article, and Sir Leland dela Cruz, the instructor for the DS101 class. I thank Sir dela Cruz for pushing me to take subjects that are related to nationalism and it allowed me to shape a lot of my academic interests toward this topic. I am then grateful to have had Dr. Zialcita as my professor in numerous subjects, each helping me critically reflect on nationalism and national identity and recognise areas where national identity does exist. I then thank my adviser, Dr. Jayeel Cornelio, for being patient with my work, for giving more constructive criticisms that allowed me to be as ruthless as possible in writing and editing the thesis. Without Dr. Cornelio, I would have not learned the value of clarity and precision in a social science thesis. Lastly, I thank my parents, my friends, my roommates, and Turisha for supporting me during the times when writing the thesis was a labour in the many definitions of the word. All of these people are my inspirations in writing this thesis.

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Table of Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................................... i

List of Figures ............................................................................................................................................. ii

Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 1

Empirical and theoretical significance ................................................................................................ 1

Scope and Limitations ........................................................................................................................... 4

Organisation of the Study ..................................................................................................................... 4

Review of Related Literature .................................................................................................................... 6

Appraising the definitions of national identity ................................................................................. 6

Studies on Textbooks ........................................................................................................................... 10

Research Framework and Methods ....................................................................................................... 14

Methodology ......................................................................................................................................... 15

Sampling ................................................................................................................................................ 17

Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................................ 19

Common myths and historical memories ........................................................................................ 20

Homeland and a common economy for territorial mobility ......................................................... 24

Language ............................................................................................................................................... 29

Kinship .................................................................................................................................................. 31

Religion .................................................................................................................................................. 34

Legal rights and duties ........................................................................................................................ 36

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................................ 39

Bibliography ............................................................................................................................................. 47

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List of Figures

Tables

Table 1. Summary of the textbook sample ........................................................................................... 18

Table 2. Contents of each textbook ........................................................................................................ 20

Table 3. Summary of data and analysis for common myths and homeland ................................... 41

Table 4. Summary of data and analysis for language and kinship ................................................... 42

Table 5. Summary of data and analysis for religion and legal rights ............................................... 43

Figures

Fig 1. Filipinos from Luzon..................................................................................................................... 21

Fig 2. Filipinos from Visayas .................................................................................................................. 21

Fig 3. Filipinos from Mindanao .............................................................................................................. 21

Fig 4. Phenotypical features of Filipinos ............................................................................................... 21

Fig 5. Passage telling that differences are fine since everyone is a Filipino ..................................... 22

Fig 6. Filipinos from Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao and their phenotypical features ................. 22

Fig 7. Pages showing jus sanguinis as basis for being a Filipino ...................................................... 23

Fig 8. Filipinos belong to the brown race .............................................................................................. 23

Fig 9. Passage showing rationalisations of differences through contact with foreign culture and

chemistry. .................................................................................................................................................. 23

Fig 10. Passage telling that differences are given by God .................................................................. 23

Fig 11. Passage showing that since Amira was born in Mindanao, which is part of the

Philippines, she is a Filipino. .................................................................................................................. 25

Fig 12. Pages showing that the Flag is loaded with symbols ............................................................. 26

Fig 13. Page showing the meanings of the colours of the flag ........................................................... 26

Fig 14. Another page showing the meaning of the colours................................................................ 26

Fig 15. Passage showing the role of great heroes of the country ....................................................... 27

Fig 16. Page showing the Philippines in a map ................................................................................... 27

Fig 17. Page showing the countries surrounding the Philippines .................................................... 27

Fig 18. Page showing the Philippines' location in the globe .............................................................. 27

Fig 19. Tourist spots to visit in the country .......................................................................................... 28

Fig 20. Some water forms and their uses .............................................................................................. 28

Fig 21. Some land forms and their uses ................................................................................................ 28

Fig 22. Filipino is used in school and for easy communication ......................................................... 29

Fig 23. Filipino transcends dialects for local communication ............................................................ 30

Fig 24. Establishment of Filipino was commissioned by ML Quezon .............................................. 30

Fig 25. Difference between rural and urban communities ................................................................. 31

Fig 26. Difference in modes of production ........................................................................................... 31

Fig 27. Agriculture as a mode of production in rural communities ................................................. 31

Fig 28. Classification based on standard of living & the role of the government ........................... 32

Fig 29. Families can be categorised based on size ............................................................................... 33

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Fig 30. Difficulties of having a large family without sufficient livelihood means .......................... 33

Fig 31. Non-traditional notions of family composition ...................................................................... 33

Fig 32. Families can be categorised based on composition ................................................................ 33

Fig 33. An exercise fostering bilateral kinship ..................................................................................... 33

Fig 34. Notions regarding the roles of each family member .............................................................. 33

Fig 35. Section cover telling that the love of God binds us all ........................................................... 35

Fig 36. Section cover telling that there is the God in the unity of the Filipinos .............................. 35

Fig 37. The Church is the institution of religions ................................................................................ 35

Fig 38. Some of the lessons of religion .................................................................................................. 35

Fig 39. Service is part of the lessons of religion ................................................................................... 35

Fig 40. Taking care of the environment is part of the lessons of religion ......................................... 35

Fig 41. Section cover for the rights of children .................................................................................... 37

Fig 42. Section for some of the responsibilities of children ................................................................ 37

Fig 43. Some of the institutions that enshrine the rights of children ................................................ 37

Fig 44. Sapin-sapin strategy in textbooks ............................................................................................. 46

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I Introduction

Children in different costumes welcome the readers of Grade 1 SIBIKA at CULTURA (civics and

culture) textbooks from its very first chapter. Their different costumes represent different indigenous

groups. The children also have different facial features. Some have curly hair, while some have it straight.

Some have darker skin tones than the usual kayumanggi (flesh or tawny). Some had a foreigner and a local

for her parents thus her unusual features. But despite the variations, one thing does not change for these

textbooks – these children are all Filipinos. This made the daughter of a university professor, a local, and

of a Chinese lawyer ask whether she really is a Filipino given her almond eyes. This then asks who the

Filipino really is. The contention is as important as understanding whether the “Filipino” is simply a

hotpot of cultures, a unique assemblage that learned from its history, or even a truly distinct culture.

This thesis responds to the contention by analysing Filipino national identity formed in three

SIBIKA at KULTURA grade one (1) textbooks in the Philippines. The research, in essence, then asks the

question, “How is the Filipino portrayed in three textbooks through the building blocks of national

identity?” Here, building blocks refer to elements that shape national identity. This will be furthered in

succeeding chapters.

This work has four objectives: (1) to be able to review different perspectives on national identity,

(2) to operationalise building blocks, (3) to be able to assess the congruence between what the textbooks

and what other studies say regarding each building block, and in totality, (4) to be able to sketch the

Filipino national identity based on the textbooks. Two important concepts are now apparent: (i) national

identity and (ii) textbooks. A brief overview on the two can elucidate the subject matter of this study.

Empirical and theoretical significance

This study is significant as it tackles both national identity and the issue regarding

Philippine textbooks. National identity allows for a sense of attachment (Smith 1991) to an imagined

community (Gellner 1983; Morris 1999; Anderson 2003) through certain building blocks that will be seen

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in a succeeding chapter. One building block, for example, is language (Smith 1991) and was crucial in

forming texts that bound people who can only read the same language, bringing about a sense of unity

(Anderson 2003). It allows people to not need face-to-face interactions to be integrated (James 1996), i.e.

people no longer have to meet. One simply needs, for example, a book written in a specific language that

gathers all of those who can understand the language (Anderson 2003). But it also has space for

capabilities1 deprivation, i.e. social exclusion (Sen 2000; 2000). In a review of the evolution of national

identity2, Desai (2008) shows a Janus of national identity. One the one hand, a developmental national

identity was required for fashioning popular movements, e.g. British American revolution and French

Revolution. This face unites people in an economic level, moving them away from mere commonality to a

sense of community – from Gemeinsamkeit to Gemeinschaft to Gesselschaft (Weber 1968). This then provided

for a secular attempt in cutting through cultural cleavages, i.e. a group of people is against another. But

this has contemporary repercussions in studies that contrast Mexican national identity vis-à-vis the

American national identity (Morris 1999), Japanese national identity vis-à-vis the Soviet Union (Bukh

2007), and other related studies, where the former’s economy was shaped by the latter creating a sense of

hostility by the former to the latter.

On the other hand, cultural national identity emerges vis-à-vis the developmental face after

structural changes (Itzigsohn & vom Hau 2006) and economic delinking strategies (Barker 2008) around

the globe. This required grouping people together by making them affiliate to culture and its products.

The post-world war II years saw the need to create identities for newly formed countries. National

products, national food, national languages, and national sports became tools for cultural national

identity. But not all countries had it smoothly, as in the case of discrimination in Japan (Hein 2008) and of

Muslims in India (Moghissi 2008). These aspects of social exclusion in both faces of national identity also

bring up the important point that national identity is subsumed in the study of nations and its formation.

Meanwhile, there are certain national identities that require modern utilisations of time (Giddens

1991). This projecting for a future, or harking to a glorious past, may not always reflect the way time is

1 The ability of people to do things they value (Sen, 2000a). 2 Desai uses nationalisms but is operationalised in the same way national identity is defined in the previous section.

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utilised in indigenous groups, e.g. those of the Panay Sugidanon (Muyco 2009 & 2011). This recurring

problem of social exclusion is evident in the question of the half-Filipino, half-Chinese daughter in the

first paragraph of the paper.

Another importance of the study is its attempt to build up on the literature of textbooks.

Textbooks provide a pivotal role in nation building as it is circumscribed within the educational system

of the state and serves as the arms of the state to dispense its ideas, thus their importance (Altbach &

Kelly 1988). It specifically contains desired learning of the state (Cortes 1987), where desired learning

means a set of learning that allows students to be functional in the society. However, literature regarding

textbooks have the following problems: (1) a seeming lack of literature in general, and (2) a lack of

literature, especially in the Philippines, regarding national identity in textbooks. In terms of the lack of

literature in general, a lot of books regarding textbooks are foreign (Cronbach (ed.) 1955; Johnson 1963;

Madsen & Bowen 1978; Kahane 1995; Anders & Guzzetti 2005) and are not updated. Journals provide

more literature but a lot are also not updated (Burnett 1950; Ade-Ridder 1989; Dreher & Guthrie 1990).

However, there are literature that are of relevance to this study (Altbach & Kelly 1988; Cigler &

Neiswender 1991; Pace 1992; Peschanski 2004; Porat 2004).

In the Philippines, mainly there are the works of Mulder (1997, 2000) and those of Hornedo,

Miralao, and Sta. Maria ((ed.) 2000) since other sources mainly deal with budget allocation issues,

shortages, and corrections regarding textbooks (Quismundo 2011; Tubeza 2010; Basa 2011). While Mulder

(1997, 2000) looked at the Filipino identity, there is no mention of the textbooks he used. This renders his

study ultimately unreplicable. In terms of the editorial work of Hornedo, Miralao, and Sta. Maria (2000),

they gathered works that gave a survey of textbook issues per subject. However, the government has

issued changes in the curriculum in the past decade. Their work does not cover these changes.

This study aims to resolve the empirical significance of national identity in the Filipino context.

This study also aims to be theoretically significant by providing an updated work regarding textbooks

and its relation to Philippine society and find out why changes in content occur if there are any.

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Furthermore, since no one have studied textbooks using a grounded theory (will be explained in a latter

chapter), there is a methodological significance in the whole study.

Scope and Limitations

To recapitulate the previous sections, this study covers the analysis of three grade 1 civics and

culture textbooks in its portrayal of national identity. National identity, as will be discussed in a

succeeding chapter, is defined in two main academic traditions, idealist (existing in the level of idea) and

materialist (existing in the level of the material). This study will provide a holistic mixture of these

definitions in appraising the role of textbooks through a framework. Also, as it will be explored on a later

chapter, national identity has its building blocks or foundational concepts to bring about its fruition. The

study will then analyse the textbooks based on all of these building blocks. All of the contents of the

textbook, from texts to images to exercises are included.

To be explored later as well are aspects of national identity that are idealist in nature that have its

materialist counterpart. Example, the sense of affiliation through symbols (idealist) can be studied by

looking at the symbol, say a flag or hymn (materialist) without needing to ask for perception of citizens

(Kyridis et al. 2009). Thus, while textbooks are part of the educational system, this study does not cover

the pedagogical structures that deliver the contents of the textbook to students. It is accepted that

different factors in teaching, e.g. teacher, style, and environment, shape the learning of the student (Gagn

1985; Wragg 2005). But this study is not interested in the perception of students; moreover, in the way

national identity is packaged since such analyses simply focus on the idealist aspects of national identity

with secondary regard to the material. The textbook, as a material in itself, is worth its focused perusal as

well, and that is a primary limitation in this study.

Organisation of the Study

This study that will analyse Filipino national identity from three civics and culture textbooks

contains five (5) chapters. Chapter I lays the foundations of the study – introduction to concepts and the

research question, the scope and limitations, and the significance of the study. Chapter II provides a

review of literature that were previously discussed and those that were not yet tapped. In this chapter, the

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study will seek to better position itself in the array of literature on the topic. Chapter III banks on the

previous chapter to be able to find the research framework and methods. Chapter IV presents the data of the

study and is subdivided to X sections, each responding to one building block of national identity. Finally,

Chapter V recapitulates the whole study and contains its generalisations and recommendations.

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II Review of Related Literature

In this chapter, the study will peruse previous studies and literature in a two-fold manner. First,

there will be an appraisal of the definition of national identity. This will continue the definitions from the

preceding chapter. This will reveal that national identity is idealist, built from heritage, and is political.

The building blocks of national identity will also be seen. Second, this chapter will assess relevant studies

in the field. This will mostly operate by starting with (1) textbooks in general, (2) textbooks about national

identity, and will cap with (3) studies in the Philippine context. This will further position the empirical

significance of this study. At that point, a methodology to complement the theoretical framework will be

highlighted.

Appraising the definitions of national identity

Within the whole field of studying nationalism, national identity can be organised into two

primary traditions of definitions. Some authors would consider national identity to be (1) a construct, is

idealist and personal, or (2) an observable phenomenon, is material (tangible and intangible), and

communal. In the former, national identity is affiliation of the ego, and is considerably personal. Here,

national identity is (1) the ego’s attachment to an imagined community, (2) the understanding of identity

through juxtaposition or contrast to another community, and (3) the space for self-expression within the

imagined community. Through this three, an individual can say that s/he carries within her/himself a

sense of identity.

In the study of Davis (1999), he explored the associations of individuals in the Basque Country.

Here, national identity is viewed to be shaped by the ego. The nation satisfies the need of the ego for

belonging, survival and finding the sense of worth. And the identity commits because of symbols,

maintenance of familial or religious interests, and responsibilities available. He used a Q methodology to

find out the bonds of his sample to the Basque Country but to no avail. He found that people are more

affiliated with local groups than the country at large.

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This study of Davis was further explored by including respondents from other areas, e.g. the

Dutch and the Slovak, in Dekker, Malova, and Hoogendoorn (2003). The ego concept was expanded to

encompass more types of affection. Here national identity gains a cline of definitions: hate, disgust,

shame, alienation, feeling, liking, pride, preference, superiority, and nationalism. Hate is the strongest,

and alienation is the least strong in terms of negative emotion. Feeling is the least, and nationalism is the

strongest positive emotion. But like Davis (1999), the results of their interviews do not fully confirm nor

reject the ego factor. There is an important factor to consider – another group in play.

In Weber’s conception, identity and affiliation is also ensured through successes of the group

against another group (Norkus 2004). In Mexico, there is juxtaposition based on class, region, and

international relations (Morris 1999). In terms of class, higher income groups may not support policies for

the masses but ensure cultural identity. Based on region, the northern part of the country juxtaposes the

southern and vice versa. In terms of class and regions, there is a class and a region that has had its

economic, political, and cultural successes. However, Morris’ historical analysis also finds that Mexico,

writ and large, gains its identity when it compares itself to the United States despite the lack of economic

successes. This case shows that victory against another group is essential in juxtaposition as association.

Losing can also solidify losers as in the case of Japanese sentiment of victimhood from USSR (Bukh 2007).

Simple juxtapositions without victory or defeat also works (Miscevic 1999), e.g. the non-residents in

Japanese television (Hambleton 2011), America and Latin America based on National Geographic

Magazines (Jansson 2003).

And between the relationship of the ego and an other group, national identity allows for

expression of the self. In the case of the Saturday Post magazines, the people were able to express

affiliation by connecting with smaller communities as distillations of the larger America (Appleton 2002).

Spaces for expression such as these are important. This is because the state does not want to be

antagonistic and be juxtaposed against by the masses (Charney 2003). The liberal space of expression also

allows for the creation of symbols which can attract more people to affiliate together, i.e. flag as symbol

(Schatz & Lavine 2007).

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To recap, national identity can be defined as a construct, it is at the idealist level. Various studies

show that as an ideology, national identity connects the individual to an imagined community, i.e. cases

of Mexico, Japan, and Basque. As an ideology, the egos in the studies attach themselves, juxtapose their

imagined group against another group, and the egos require a space for expression. The usual methods

involve the attempt to map out the perception of the individuals, collectively called as citizens. This

requires interviewing (Davis 1999; Dekker, Malova & Hoogendoorn 2003), historical analysis (Morris

1999; Miscevic 1999), or content analysis (Bukh 2007; Appleton 2002; Schatz & Lavine 2007; Jansson 2003).

On the other hand, we see that symbols are created for national identity (ibid.). And following

the changes after the Second World War (Desai 2008), cultural heritage has been very important in

national identity. Heritage encompasses skills, practices, products, monuments, recipes, and other

analogous aspects that are passed to the next generations (Howard 2003). There are now cultural

products that have for its adjective the nation it represents, e.g. Vietnamese spring rolls vs. Chinese

spring rolls, which simulate a different identity altogether. Thus, some studies view national identity to

be something observable through tangible and intangible heritage, i.e. people share a culture of

nationalism and their heritage brings about their identity as a (collective) nation. This is primarily the

materialist way of defining national identity. In other words, heritage allows people to share an identity.

In the study of Deutsch (1953), he tried to be multidisciplinary in explaining national identity.

And following the empiricist perspective of social sciences of his time, he observed national identity

though its material iterations. Institutions, hierarchies, concentration of wealth and capital formation,

languages and dialects, are some observable variables. These can be observed to have impact in forming

identity. And five decades later this perspective is still alive in the acclaimed work of Benedict Anderson

(2003). In Anderson’s work, national identity was able to spread itself through print capitalism and

subsequently, the development of language (ibid.).

There are a lot more studies in this vein that mostly employed content analysis. A lot featured

content analyses of the exhibits in museums which hark to heritage that ought to bind people (Porto 1999;

Launius 2007). In the work of Porto (1999), identity of the Lunda people is compromised by packaging it

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to Westerners, creating a sense of inferiority. In the work of Launius, the technological exhibits build an

American identity of power. Content analysis can also be done with local narratives (Munasinghe 2002),

folk music (Degirmenci 2006), and language (LaDousa 2007). Group juxtapositions evidence a sense of

divide in Trinidadians (Munasinghe 2002). The institutional hegemonisation of folk music weakened

traditional notions and strengthened cosmopolitan views on the nation (Degirmenci 2006). In the work of

LaDouse (2007), Hindi is attributed the notion of national, low-cost, and for government, and English is

attributed the notion of international, high cost, and for private.

The materialist definition is more straightforward. It also follows a more straightforward tenet

that heritage reflects national identity and that it can affect other’s identity. But since heritage involves

people, idealist definitions of national identity overlap. However, there is yet a study to fully feature both

idealist and materialist definitions of national identity, e.g. conduct a content analysis on a national

symbol and at the same time asks people’s perception. These two definitions also fall short in fully

explaining political dimensions of national identity. What allows for the formation of the other and the

persistence of specific heritage are rooted in political structures as well, i.e. the state.

The classic work of Hans Kohn (1944) adds this political dimension of national identity. He

arranged his work such that there will be a concept of building blocks. The building blocks are

ingredients or foundations in achieving national identity. He branches these building blocks into two

main notions. The first, the eastern notion, is built upon, but not limited to, race, ethnicity, culture,

language, kinship, and religion (Morris 1999). The latter, the western notion, is built upon, but not limited

to ideologies, creed, and history (ibid.). Despite being one of the oldest theories in nationalism, Kohn is

still highly contemporary (Calhoun 2005) and used (Raghurama Raju 1993; O'Leary 1997; Morris 1999;

Munasinghe 2002).

It can be seen that the western notion is very developmental (Desai 2008) and the eastern, cultural

(ibid.). But since Kohn (1944) finds that the history of national identity begun outside the western world,

Desai’s Janus should be approached in less diachronic manner. In this vein, it appears as though the east

is definitely different from the west. Kohn never said that. Nonetheless, this grey area is taken by

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Anthony Smith (1991) and furthers the western/eastern building blocks of national identity by

highlighting political aspects in both. For him, the eastern is comprised of descent, vernacular language,

and customs. And the western is comprised of historic territory, community of equality, and civic culture.

However, he finds areas where the two notions (east and west) and political structures of the state find

synergy. Smith (1991) furthers, as with Kohn (1944) that there are overlaps between the eastern and

western notions. This study will therefore not hold on to the east/west dichotomy and approach the

building blocks more holistically. In lieu with this, Smith (1991) adds to national identity literature the

following building blocks:

1. Historic territory, or homeland

2. Common myths and historical memories

3. Common, mass public culture

4. Common legal rights and duties for all members, and

5. Common economy with territorial mobility for members

However, the problem with both Kohn (1944) and Smith (1991) is that they only gave historical

analyses and were only able to cite how the building blocks of national identity were in place during

events in history. It is therefore important to note the review of idealist and materialist definitions of

national identity in the previous paragraphs. These definitions add methodologies, e.g. interviews,

content analysis, in assessing what builds national identity. And with all these said, national identity can

be said to be expressed personally, yet shared as it is built upon heritage, and is controlled by political

structures. This extensive review on the definition will be taken again later in establishing a framework.

Studies on Textbooks

In the previous section, different definitions of national identity were given. Rather than

simplifying national identity, various definitions enrich the complex phenomenon/construct. It also

presents that analysing national identity takes on different methods. Thus, it is important to find out how

these definitions and methods can be operationalised to review textbooks. Therefore, this section focuses

on different studies on textbook regarding national identity.

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Cigler and Neiswender (1991) analysed the valuation for bureaucracy in 18 textbooks published

between 1980 and 1991. The quantitative content analysis of the study measured the number of pages,

frequency of important words in the index listing, the common myths about bureaucracy, the frequency

of associated negative attributes to bureaucracy or bureaucrats, and the themes that the pictures portray.

The study showed how bureaucracy was negatively portrayed despite the contestable contributions of

the topic.

Meanwhile, Pace (1992) gathered the five (5) top-most US Literature anthologies (considered

textbooks in their case) and the authors that appear three times or more out of the five anthologies. The

choice of sample was not discussed, thus not justified, as with the previous study. The study was another

content analysis, but qualitative this time. She noticed biases for “white men” and biases against “black”

women giving them a double standard in terms of ethnicities and gender. Pace (1992, pg. 38) then

concludes that, “[t]he textbook canon exhibits an exceedingly narrow spectrum of the intellectual and

emotional story of life in our country. It presents, for the most part, a homogenized ideology that

buttresses the existing power structures.” Pace’s conclusion show the importance of textbooks in

capabilities deprivation.

While these two studies employed content analysis, the former being quantitative in approach

and the latter being qualitative, there have been more recent studies and each have employed different

strategies other than content analysis. One of these is the study of Peschanski (2004) on the

legitimacy/legitimation/delegitimation of France in its “dark years” during World War II. Instead of a

content analysis, he did a historical analysis on the most common rendering of a historical event across

different textbooks that seemed to have been relegated now as common knowledge in their country.

And there was the work of Porat (2004) that did an experiment on the comprehension of students

on the textbook narrative of Israeli-Arab conflict. His sample was composed of eleven (11) seventeen-(17)

year-olds randomly selected from their classes. The sample of Israeli high school students displayed a

variety of ethnic backgrounds. Their understanding of the narratives from textbooks was measured

through written tests, interviews, oral (recital) tests. He found that comprehension of the narrative

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depends on the current dominant cultural and social milieu and can sway the interpretation of the

narrative from either positive or negative in conception.

The studies above sample the previous studies conducted so far with textbooks. However, it can

be noticed that these studies are foreign in origin and do not feature studies regarding the textbooks in

the Philippines. Unfortunately for the Philippines, there are around three studies only regarding

textbooks as a mode of practice whose narratives allow for disembodied integration. The first two comes

from Mulder (1997 & 2000) and the other comes from a compilation of reviews (Hornedo, Miralao & Sta.

Maria (eds.) 2000).

In both of his works, Mulder (1997, 2000) simply interpreted the images from textbooks at his

leisure. The textbooks explored were not mentioned at all, thus its methodology relied simply through a

thick description cooked as a post-colonial recipe for analysis. For him, textbooks (or schoolbooks) have

only portrayed a negative image of Filipinos, e.g. severely in-need of education and of discipline, images

that would benefit the then-current American and Marcos regimes.

Lastly, on the edited volume of Hornedo, Miralao, & Sta. Maria (2000), one author reviews choice

textbooks per subject area. Some of the subject areas included in the reader were (1) Sibika at Kultura, (2)

Home Economics, (3) English and Filipino and the textbooks for each subject area had a different article

for its elementary and secondary school series. Of importance in the collection is the analysis of Diaz

(2000). He reviewed Sibika at Kultura textbooks in elementary schools. In his study, he compared a DECS-

approved (Department of Education Culture and Sports and now called Department of Education or

DepEd) grade 1 textbook with the best-seller. He compared the titles of the contents. He compared the

number of pages vis-à-vis the adequacy of the contents in lieu of the allotted time for the subject. He also

compared a summary of ideas but had a lot more freedom in choosing which chapters to discuss. All in

all, the resulting work is a quantitative content analysis but did not exhibit a defined coding scheme.

These studies on textbooks provide a blueprint on what is best to be done depending on the aims

of the research. This will be expounded on the next section. These studies on textbooks also show that

there is a need for this study. The work in Hornedo, Miralao, & Sta. Maria, are outdated and so is

13

Mulder’s. Also, national identity itself in textbooks has not been studied yet outside the country. The

studies above were the closest to national identity since they dealt instead with the building blocks of

national identity.

14

III

Research Framework and Methods

Now that the review of literature expanded the definition of national identity, a theoretical

framework can be laid upon. Again, national identity can be understood as idealist, as material/heritage,

and as political. The work of Kohn (1944) carries idealist and material aspects in the eastern/western

building blocks. But he adds political aspects mainly in the western building blocks. Smith (1991) furthers

Kohn by looking for areas of synergy between the eastern and the western. But within these areas of

synergy, some building blocks in Kohn are rendered redundant. The same goes for Smith. The most

important of these is ethnicity and culture. Nonetheless, by employing both the frameworks of Kohn

(1944) and Smith (1991), this study can cover as much building blocks/aspects of national identity. This

brings about the following building blocks that will comprise the theoretical framework of this study:

Common myths and historical memories

Homeland

Common economy for mobility

Language

Kinship

Religion

Legal rights

Common myths and historical memories pertain to a sense of origin and descent, shared

memories, and traditions (Smith 1991). Unlike clans or tribes, the common myth in national identity may

be fictive (Kohn 1944). However this is important in explaining the beginning of life (ibid.) Historical

memories then bridge pre-history with the present. In totality, this brings about a sense that individuals

share a common past, being related all this time (Kohn 1944; Smith 1991). Museums allow for this, as in

the case of the sense of the native (Porto 1999) and a pan-American identity (Launius 2007) in museum

exhibits. This is also particularly important in issues of race (Pace 1992).

15

Part and parcel of understanding the former building block is the idea of homeland. Homeland

refers to territory and the historical valuation of the territory (Smith 1991). It is important to politicise the

territory, i.e. create a state (Kohn 1944). But another part of this is to make people think that this territory

has been conferred in conjunction to the beginning of the culture (Smith 1991), i.e. the cradle of the people.

This can be fostered by symbols (Schatz & Lavine 2007). It can also be found out that the sense of

homeland is very near the idea of a common economy. It is in the homeland that a sense of an

interdependent economy exists. A common economy ensures that the resources are only for those who

share the same territory, the same national identity (ibid.). It provides a sense of trust that the homeland

will provide for need. This allows for territorial mobility within the nation (ibid.). Here, the issues of

juxtaposition (Morris 1999; Miscevic 1999; Jansson 2003)make sense especially when economic issues are

involved

Language is a set of symbols that allow for communication and exchange between people (Kohn

1944; Smith 1991). This is particularly important for Deutsch (1953) and Anderson (2003). Language also

meant identification to a certain group as in the use of Hindi and English each for different occasions

(LaDousa 2007). Meanwhile, kinship, refers to familial and bureaucratic structures (Smith 1991). In

conjunction with the sense of territory or homeland, it creates a feeling that the nation has existed in pre-

history and continues until today.

Another building block in national identity is religion. For Kohn (1944), religion has preceded the

existence of modern nations and can help weaken or strengthen a nation. This is so because religion

allows people to share in certain codes, value systems, traditions, “including references to a supra-

empirical reality,” (Smith 1991, p. 6). Then lastly, the important politicising factor in the framework of

Smith (1991), is the idea of legal rights and duties should be embedded in a common legal system. This

gives a sense that the citizen is connected through a legally binding force.

Methodology

To recapitulate the scope and limitation, this study is not interested in probing the perceptions of

the readers in terms of the contents of the textbooks, i.e. Porat (2004). The ego aspect and juxtapositions in

16

the idealist definition can still be found within the building blocks above. While this limitation renders

interviews to be unimportant, the study does not undermine the value of perceptions and the way

national identity is packaged. Also, majority of the studies regarding textbooks employed content

analysis. These studies banked on the materialist definition of national identity, i.e. it can be observed and

textbooks serve as media/containers/vehicles or as heritage. Content analysis, as with previous studies,

appears to be the viable method. But content analysis boils into choosing between quantitative and

qualitative content analysis.

Neuendorf (2002) emphasises that a quantitative content analysis needs coding schemes,

tabulations, and statistical basis for agreements across the study. Its focus is on frequency of words or

phrases and relevant themes. Measurement, causality, generalisation, and replication are the concerns in

this quantitative approach (Bryman 2004).

On the other hand, qualitative content analysis has “[its] roots in literary theory, the social

sciences (symbolic interactionism, ethnomethodology), and critical scholarship (Marxist approaches,

British cultural studies, feminist theory)” (Krippendorff 2004). It allows space for testing theories, and

thereby, being guided by these theories. A mature qualitative content analysis also allows theory to

emerge out of the study (Bryman 2004).

Weighing between the two, a quantitative approach would require strict and easy to monitor

units of analysis. Also, unlike a qualitative approach, quantitative content analysis might miss out on

valuable theories that can emerge out of textbooks. So rather than missing out valuable theory and letting

the text speak instead, a qualitative content analysis seems more apt. But to ward off doubts on a

qualitative approach, the study will utilise a grounded theory.

Grounded theory involves on the one hand, qualitative inquiry, and on the other hand, theory

generation (Thomas & James 2006). It provides for direction by establishing its ground, which in this case

is the framework of building blocks. Grounded theory is further set in five principles: (1) the study of text,

(2) establishing definitions of key words (which has been done in a preceding section), (3) coding via

conceptual comparisons and classification of concepts (the former is to be done in the succeeding section),

17

(4) the use of theory to relate concepts (thus the use of a framework), and (5) finding a backbone story (as

in the use of the framework) (LaRossa 2005). In this sense, the qualitative approach is not a free and open

interpretation but a guided one. The study will explore the textbooks based on the framework, the

building blocks from Kohn (1944) and Smith (1991).

Sampling

With that, it is important to establish the choice of textbooks, or the sampling. In the study of

Diaz (2000), he was able to choose a DECS-approved textbook and the best-seller. However, the last

update on the approved list of textbooks was done last 1999, more than a decade since, and there have

been a number of changes already, such as the RBEC of 2004. Because of this important factor and

considering that Diaz (2000) had no formal method of establishing a “best-seller” other than the claim of

the bookstore itself, replicating the sampling of Diaz may not be done. Also, there are no current means to

generate a list of all publishers and all of their series available in the market. This prevents randomisation.

What can be done instead is to get a census from a relevance sampling (Krippendorff 2004). This requires

the establishment of criteria inasmuch as other studies established theirs (Hambleton 2011; Yoshimi 2003;

Pace 1992).Textbooks shall be chosen based on (1) the publisher, (2) availability of complete series of titles

in the market, (3) medium of instruction, (4) subject, (5) grade level, (6) compliance to Department of

Education standards, and (7) the most recently published from the previous parameters.

Established publishers, those that been publishing various subjects for the past decade comprises

the first criterion. This roster of established publishers includes Anvil Publishing, Vibal Publishing,

Phoenix Publishing House, and Rex Bookstore. Then, there are series which are no longer available as a

complete set in the market and these shall be omitted from the choices. A textbook for one grade level is a

stepping stone for the next grade level. And some titles are only available in the market for a specific

grade level.

The books also have to be at equal grounds when interpreted. Because of this, civics and culture

textbooks written in Filipino shall be the sample. Civics and culture is the primary subject about Filipino

18

identity rather than Filipino which simply teaches the language. Filipino is the chosen language for the

textbooks since majority of the textbooks in the subject area is written in it.

Also if the sample ranges from textbooks across different levels, topics covered can widely vary,

thus only Grade 1 textbooks will be considered since it is one of the earliest encounters with the subject

matter. Grade 1 textbooks are therefore the pillars of understanding for the next textbooks for the subject.

Considering also that the Department of Education released guidelines for the Revised Basic

Education Curriculum (2004), only those that were published after the guidelines will be considered.

Then finally, the most recent titles will be chosen to be fair to the publishing houses should they have

corrected errors in the previous titles. With these parameters in sampling, the following presents a run-

down of titles that will be covered:

Cover page

Title Kultura, Kasaysayan,

Kabuhayan

Lakbay ng Lahing

Pilipino

Ang Lahing Pilipino,

Dakila at Marangal

Author(s)

Agno, L.; Balonso, C.;

Capiña, E.; Mateo, G.E.;

and Tadena, R.

Dayag, A. Mendoza, L.; Pelingo,

L.; and Sablaon, R.

Publisher Vibal Publishing House,

Inc.

Phoenix Publishing

House Rex Bookstore

Copyright 2007 2009 2010

Table 1. Summary of the textbook sample

Anvil books did not get through all the criteria and will not be studied. Also, because of these

criteria, this study admits that there is no attempt to create a probabilistic claim for all possible textbook

in the Philippines but attempts generalisation from the refined sample. Again, everything in the textbook

is open for coding.

Now, with the methodology, sampling, and framework in place, the succeeding chapter will

present the data.

19

IV Data Analysis

This section presents the analysis of each building block of nationalism in the three textbooks.

Each section begins with a brief discussion on how Kohn (1944) and Smith (1991)

defined/operationalised each building block. An assessment on how the textbook portrayed this follows.

Then studies on each building block in the Filipino context will assess the congruence of the textbook

content. But before that, Table 1 below shows the contents of the three textbooks. Each textbook is

divided into four units. Written then are the titles of each section under each unit in each book.

Kultura, Kasaysayan, Kabuhayan (Vibal Publishing)

Lakbay Ng Lahing Pilipino (Phoenix Publishing)

Ang Lahing Pilipino, Dakila At Marangal (Rex Bookstore)

Yunit (Unit) I

Ako At Ang Aking Bansa Lahing Pilipino, Ipinagmamalaki Ko

Ang Mga Pilipino

Ang Mga Pilipino Ikaw, Ako, Tayo, Mga Pilipino Ako Ay Pilipino

Mga Katangiang Pisikal Ng Mga Pilipino

Mga Pilipino Tayo, Iba-Iba Man Ang Anyo

Mga Sagisag Ng Pilipinas

Ang Pilipinas Sa Mapa Bahagi Ng Mundo Ang Pilipinas Na Bansa Ng Mga Pilipino

Mga Kakayahan Ng Batang Pilipino

Mga Magandang Tanawin At Pook-Pasyalan

Mga Sagisag Ng Bansa Mga Huwarang Pilipino

Mga Yaman Ng Pilipinas Iba Pang Sagisag Ng Bansa

Pangangalaga Ng Mga Yaman Ng Bansa

Pilipinas: Bahagi Ng Mundo

Mga Panturo

Yunit II Ang Pilipinas, Mag-Anak, At Pamayanan

Pilipinas…Maganda At Mayamang Bansa

Ang Kapaligiran Ng Pilipinas

Mga Pambansang Sagisag Mga Anyong Lupa Ang Mundo At Ang Pilipinas

Paggalang Sa Pambansang Awit At Sa Watawat

Mga Yamang Lupa Mga Anyong Lupa At Anyong Tubig Sa Pilipinas

Ang Mag-Anak Na Filipino Mga Anyong Tubig Natatanging Tanawin At Pook-Pasyalan Sa Pilipinas

Mga Mag-Anak Sa Pamayanan

Mga Yamang Tubig Pag-Abuso Sa Kalikasan, Dapat Wakasan

Pagtugon Sa Mga Pangunahing Kailangan

Pilipinas, Isang Magandang Bansa

Yunit III Ang Aking Pamumuhay Pagkakaisa Ng Mamamayan Tungo Sa Kaunlaran

Ang Pamayanang Pilipino

Ang Mga Mag-Anak At Iba Pang Kailangan Sa

Ang Mag-Anak Na Pilipino Mga Uri Ng Pamayanan Sa Pilipinas

20

Pamayanan

Mga Tumutugon Sa Kailangan Ng Mag-Anak

Pangangailangan Ng Mag-Anak Na Pilipino

Mahahalagang Samahan Sa Pamayanan

Pagtutulungan Sa Tahanan At Paaralan

Pagtutulungan Ng Mag-Anak Mga Karapatan At Tungkulin Ng Batang Pilipino

Pagtutulungan Sa Pamayanan

Ang Pamayanang Pilipino Ang Mahusay Na Lider

Ang Panginoon Sa Pagkakaisa Ng Mga Pilipino

Iba Pang Pangangailangan Ng Pamayanan

Biyaya Ng Panginooon, Pasalamatan Natin

Mga Katulong Sa Pamayanan

Yunit IV Pambansang Katapatan Karapatan, Tungkulin, At Kakayahan, Ating Pahalagahan

Pag-Unlad Ng Pamayanan

Ang Karapatan At Ang Kahalagahan Nito

Pagmamahal Sa Panginoon, Nagbubuklod Sa Atin

Mga Pangangailangan Ng Tao At Ng Pamayanan

Mga Karapatan Ng Bata Tayong Lahat Ay May Karapatan

Pagtugon Sa Mga Pangangailangan

Tulad Mo, May Karapatan Din Sila

May Mga Tungkulin Ako Sa Sarili At Sa Tahanan

Paglutas Sa Suliranin Ng Mga Pamayanan

Mga Katulong Sa Pagkamit Ng Karapatan

May Mga Tungkulin Ako Sa Paaralan

Ang Naidudulot Ng Migrasyon

Ang Mga Tungkulin Ng Bata

May Mga Tungkulin Ako Sa Pamayanan

Bawat Karapatan, May Katumbas Na Tungkulin

Table 2. Contents of each textbook

Despite the less number of units or lessons in some textbooks, the content and exercises are

thicker and often integrate already a lot of material. It can also be observed that there are commonalities

in content per unit. Units 1 and 2, talk about who the Filipino is, what the national symbols are, where the

Philippines is situated, and what is the environment is for. Units 3 and 4, talk about the Filipino family

and community, and rights and responsibilities.

Common myths and historical memories

Common myths and historical memories allow people to feel that they are connected since way

back in the past. In Unit 1, Section 1 of Kultura, Kasaysayan, at Kabuhayan, various cultural groups from the

three main island groups – Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao – and are considered Filipinos (see Figures 1 to

3). However, it was not discussed where these groups came from. Unit 1, Section 2, presented the

different phenotypical differences (see Figure 4). These differences are accompanied with pictures that tie

21

with a certain cultural group. It left these topics with saying that the differences are not a problem since

everyone is still a Filipino (see Figure 5). This is possible since the textbook still considers the citizen a

Filipino as long as one of his/her parents is a Filipino (jus sanguinis) whether or not you were born in the

territory (jus solis).

Fig 1. Filipinos from Luzon (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 2. Filipinos from Visayas (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 3. Filipinos from Mindanao (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 4. Phenotypical features of Filipinos (Agno et al.

2010)

22

The same discussion runs in Ang Lahing

Pilipino, Dakila at Marangal (see Figure 6) and Lakbay ng

Lahing Pilipino (see Figure 7) except that there are

rationalisations in both. In Unit 1, Section 1, of the

former, it is mentioned that, “Ito (ang Pilipino) ay

nabibilang sa lahing kayumanggi dahil ito ang kulay ng kanilang balat,” (They belong to the brown race

because this is the colour of their skin) (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, p. 10) (see Figure 8). The book

considers that everyone belongs to a Filipino race. Meanwhile, differences and the myth of ancestry is

given more rationalisation in Unit 1, Section 2, of the latter. Variations in phenotypical qualities are

brought about by parentage, and by contact with various cultures (see Figure 9). Chemistry was also used

to rationalise the melanin content thus the darker skin colour for those in tropics. And most interestingly,

in the latter book, one of the exercises point to God as the maker of these differences (see Figure 10).

Fig 6. Filipinos from Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao and

their phenotypical features (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 5. Passage telling that differences are fine since everyone is a Filipino (Agno et al. 2010)

23

Fig 7. Pages showing jus sanguinis as basis for being a Filipino (Dayag 2009)

Fig 8. Filipinos belong to the brown race (Mendoza,

Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 9. Passage showing rationalisations of differences through contact with foreign culture and chemistry.

(Dayag 2009)

Fig 10. Passage telling that differences are given by God

(Dayag 2009)

24

Shared memory and the feeling of descent majorly come from a concept of a Filipino race in the

three textbooks. This is due to the lack of discussions regarding traditions and historical memory, albeit

this might be the content for higher grade levels. The Filipino race is supported by (i) average features, (ii)

rationalisation of differences, and (iii) descent via jus sanguinis. The Filipino race is characterised by the

following average features: brown or tawny skin, medium build and height, black and straight hair,

round and black eyes and a flat nose. Rationalisation exists and serves as a means to accommodate as

much children who have different phenotypical features. Of these rationalisations, the most common is

the concept of jus sanguinis. As long as one parent is a Filipino, one can be a Filipino. If a Filipino is a

Filipino because one of his/her parents are, then who is the first Filipino? The lack of a myth or creation

story gives no perspective on the first Filipino and gives a sense that the Filipino has been long present.

Rationalisation, rather than weakens, actually strengthens the idea of descent that is tangible through

parentage, manifested through phenotypical features.

This valuation for race, an ideology behind defending social Darwinism (Christie 1998), has

gotten into the contemporary parlance, “iisang lahi” (one race). Zialcita (1990; 2005) finds “iisang lahi”

and race, in general, to be a flimsy notion to hold on to. Race is unlike culture since the former is genetic

and the latter is a system of belief that can be passed on (ibid.) For him, “there are no a priori genetic or

metaphysical bonds that can be appealed,” to the valuation of Filipinos (1990. p.249). Instead, aspects of

culture that are shared can be capitalised on in finding commonality in the Filipino thus Zialcita’s (2005)

extensive project in finding the “Filipino” in many of the tangible and intangible heritage throughout the

Philippines.

Homeland and a common economy for territorial mobility

Homeland can be seen in conjunction with parentage in the previous section. One of the reasons

why a parent or a child is a Filipino is that it came from a certain province that is part of the Philippines.

Anyone who lives in any of the three major island groups – Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao – are Filipinos

(Agno et al. 2010, p. 6) (see Figures 1 to 3). Amira was born in Mindanao, and Mindanao is part of the

25

Philippines, ergo, Amira is a Filipino (Dayag 2009, p.

5) (see Figure 11). Furthermore, “Ang Cebu, Tawi-

Tawi, at Ifugao ay nasa Pilipinas. Ang mga Cebuano,

Badjao, at Ifugao ay mga mamamayan ng

Pilipinas,”(Cebu, Tawi-Tawi, and Ifugao are in the

Philippines. Cebuanos, Badjaos, and Ifugaos are

citizens of the Philippines) (Mendoza, Pelingo &

Sablaon 2011, p. 3). However, the three textbooks do

not show how these groups ended up sharing a same

territory in the first place. Instead, there is a sense that the territory is a given. The following strategies

posit this idea: (1) the use of the flag, (2) the use of national heroes, (3) juxtaposing the Philippines vis-à-

vis Asia and/or the world, and (4) forging a commitment to the environment, and land and water forms.

The flag is the primary national symbol (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo &

Sablaon 2011). It is the symbol of freedom (Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). And it is

loaded with symbols (Agno et al. 2010) (see Figure 12). Of importance are the three colours in the flag, the

three stars, the sun, and the white triangle. The colour blue represents peace (ibid., p.94; Dayag 2009,

p.51) (see Figure 13) and justice (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, p. 29) (see Figure 14). The colour

white stands for purity (ibid.; Dayag 2009, p. 51) and the noble goals of the Filipinos (Agno et al. 2010, p.

94). But more importantly, the colour red symbolises courage (ibid., p.94; Dayag 2009, p. 51; Mendoza,

Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, p.29) in defending Inang Bayan (motherland) (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag 2009). The

three stars represents Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao (ibid.; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, p. 29). The

white triangle represents equality and the sun stands for the first eight provinces that revolted against

Spain (ibid.). The flag is therefore important in instilling a sense of a homeland, the Inang Bayan. Inang

Bayan is the conjured mother of the revolutionaries against Spain that came into modern parlance as the

motherland from revolutionary literature (Tolentino 1996; Rafael 2000). And this motherland is composed

of the three main island groups. And its current peace was won through revolution of its lands.

Fig 11. Passage showing that since Amira was born in Mindanao, which is part of the Philippines, she is

a Filipino. (Dayag 2009)

26

Fig 12. Pages showing that the Flag is loaded with symbols (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 13. Page showing the meanings of the colours of the

flag (Dayag 2009)

Fig 14. Another page showing the meaning of the colours

(Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

27

However, the idea of flag is not enough.

Heroes, people who risk their lives for Inang

Bayan, defended the homeland from

foreigners (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011,

p. 11) (see Figure 15). Of these heroes, only

Jose Rizal appears in all of the textbooks.

While the flag and the heroes silently juxtaposes the Philippines to an unknown other, teaching how to

use the map and globe makes the unknown other clear – countries in Asia and around the world (Agno et

al. 2010, pp. 22-24, 64-66, 71; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, pp. 83-94; Dayag 2009, pp. 33-39) (see

Figures 16 to 18).

Fig 16. Page showing the Philippines

in a map (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 17. Page showing the countries

surrounding the Philippines (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 18. Page showing the Philippines'

location in the globe (Dayag 2009)

Not only is there an appeal to a shared past that occurred amongst the lands defined vis-à-vis

other countries, there is a pragmatic appeal by showing the environmental features of the lands. Each

textbook has its dedicated number of sections to discuss the different land forms and sea forms and the

resources that abound the country (see Figures 19 to 21). There are also tourist areas to be proud of. This

is followed by telling that the environment, ergo, the country, be protected. This type of discussions add

Fig 15. Passage showing the role of great heroes of the country (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

28

up to the idea of Ina, the country as mother – gave birth to you, gave you her resources, and you thus

have to protect.

Fig 19. Tourist spots to visit in the

country (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 20. Some water forms and their uses (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon

2011)

Fig 21. Some land forms and their

uses (Dayag 2009)

However, there are some problems with the idea. By the time that the flag was raised to

symbolise the Philippines, full consolidation of Mindanao, and, to an extent, Visayas, is questionable

(Constantino 1990). The Spaniards have not fully won over Mindanao (Arcilla 2009). The primordiality of

Inang Bayan is, thus, questionable. The flag is an attempt to give a legal basis in the inclusion of Mindanao,

however, there are no historical events within the textbook that shows the consolidation of Mindanao

during the American occupation (Constantino 1990).

Either way, “most improbable is the belief held today that the various groups of islanders even

then were aware of the boundaries of the archipelago, and therefore of an archipelagic ethnie,” (Zialcita

1990, p. 240). There were differences in economic practices. Moreover, there were different polities with

different affiliations. “There were no biological, geographic, or economic reasons that compelled these

polities to merge each other,” he adds (ibid.). The riches of Inang Bayan are therefore products of historical

changes and not primordiality. The only reason why Amira and her parents are Filipinos is due to

historical events that consolidated Mindanao, events not mentioned in the textbooks.

29

The sense of a common economy can only be appealed as a product of demarcating the territory.

Also, this means that resources within the territory can be utilised vis-à-vis the needs of the majority.

Issues like choosing between creating a dam and relocating indigenous peoples, and not creating a dam

at all, is an example of this one. Initially there is no common economy that allowed for territorial mobility.

Indeed, ethnies before the conquests were hostile against one another (ibid.).

Language

Filipino was the basic medium used in all three textbooks. Filipino is the national language (Agno

et al. 2010; Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). It is used for exchange in school and for easy

communication (Agno et al. 2010, p. 82) (see Figure 22). Despite the different dialects in different areas in

the Philippines, it ensures that every Filipino will be able to understand each other (Mendoza, Pelingo &

Sablaon 2011, p. 12) (see Figure 23). It was commissioned by former president Manuel L. Quezon and is

composed of twenty-eight (28) alphabets pronounced in English except Ññ in Spanish (Dayag 2009, p. 59)

(see Figure 24).

There are currently 171

languages that abound in the

Philippines (Wilson 2011) but only

one was chosen as the national

language vis-à-vis English. In 1937,

under the Commonwealth period,

Tagalog was chosen as national

language (ibid.). The national

language was named Pilipino in 1959

and renamed Filipino in 1987 (ibid.).

The choice of Tagalog as

national language in the commonwealth period reflects the appropriation of the political system to

Fig 22. Filipino is used in school and for easy communication (Agno et al. 2010)

30

western notions of monolinguism in statehood

(Smolicz & Nical 1997). English, however, was

rampantly used vis-à-vis Tagalog as a strategy to

allay Spanish influence and cement economic

relations with Americans (ibid.). However, the choice

of these two languages only suppressed other

linguistic groups, mainly the Cebuanos that comprise

60% of the population (ibid.). The remedy is through

Article XIV, Section 6 of the 1986 Constitution that mandates that Filipino be expanded to assimilate as

many languages in the Philippines as possible. However, only one of textbooks (Mendoza, Pelingo &

Sablaon 2011) even mentions that there are other languages. Moreover, all of the textbooks do not even

show that Filipino is to build upon the various languages and dialects. This ultimately attempts to

reposition the Filipino as national language. This is despite that English, Filipino, and the vernacular each

play specific roles in various types of exchanges (Smolicz & Nical 1997).

Fig 24. Establishment of Filipino was commissioned by ML Quezon (Dayag 2009)

Fig 23. Filipino transcends dialects for local communication (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

31

Kinship

Part of the building the sense of common descent, myth, and history is the sense of kinship (Kohn

1944; Smith 1991). In the three textbooks, there is a two-fold strategy to bring about the sense of kinship.

First, there is a sense of kinship at the community level. Second there is a sense of kinship at the familial

level. The community level is important as it ties with the different cultural groups presented in Unit 1 of

the textbooks and it strengthens the idea of homeland (there is a populace in the homeland). The

textbooks show that the community can be depended upon by everyone (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag 2009;

Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011).

The communities are primarily differentiated between urban and rural (Agno et al. 2010, pp. 114-

118; Dayag 2009, pp. 220-230; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, pp. 165-171). The rural is sparsely

populated, far-flung, has access to natural resources, and is the provider of goods (ibid.) (see Figure 25).

The urban, on the other hand is densely populated, has sufficient transportations systems, is the centre of

key offices, and provides services (ibid.) The rural and the urban are then differentiated by their modes of

production (see Figure 26). The rural is divided into the agricultural and fisherfolk communities (ibid.)

and mining communities (Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011) (see Figure 27). The urban is

differentiated between commercial and industrial (ibid.).

Fig 25. Difference between rural and

urban communities (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 26. Difference in modes of production (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 27. Agriculture as a mode of production in rural communities

(Dayag 2009)

32

Meanwhile, communities can also be

organised based on size and standard of living

(Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). There are small

and large communities. The former is usually urban

and offers a lot of job opportunities. In terms of

standard of living, there are communities in large

subdivisions, small subdivisions, and informal

settlements (see Figure 28). The large subdivisions are

safe and spacious and are afforded by business

people. The small subdivisions are afforded by

professionals. Informal settlements are resided by

those who cannot afford to buy a house and does not

have a stable livelihood (ibid.). Ideal communities are

clean, peaceful, secure, and orderly (Agno et al. 2010;

Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). To

make this happen, various occupations alongside the government, the church, and the school, are

expected to fulfil certain roles and duties (ibid.).

These communities are composed of families, the basic unit of society (ibid.). Families are

classified according to size (ibid.). A small family is comprised by the parents with one to two children

(ibid.) or up to three children (Agno et al. 2010) (see Figure 29). Medium sized families are composed by

the parents and three to four children (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). Large families are composed

of the parents and three or more children (Dayag 2009) or five or more children (Agno et al. 2010;

Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). The larger the family is, the more difficult it is to sustain, thus the

textbooks idealise a small family lest the family can provide (ibid.; Dayag 2009) (see Figure 30). Couples

without children yet or adopted children can still be families (Dayag 2009) (see Figure 31). Families can

also be classified based on composition. They can either be nuclear, composed only of the parents, the

Fig 28. Classification based on standard of living & the role of the government (Mendoza, Pelingo &

Sablaon 2011)

33

children, and the househelp, or be extended where the nuclear family is added with other relatives

(Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). Furthermore, based on an exercise in the textbook, familial lineage is

bilateral (Dayag 2009, p. 179). Also, only Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon (2011) shows the different expected

roles of the father (as provider), the mother (as house keeper), the kuya or male eldest child (as assistant to

the father), the ate or female eldest child (as assistant to the mother), and the bunso or the youngest (as

source of joy and requires help) (see Figure 33).

Fig 29. Families can be categorised

based on size (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 30. Difficulties of having a large family without sufficient livelihood

means (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 31. Non-traditional notions of family composition (Dayag 2009)

Fig 32. Families can be categorised based on composition (Mendoza,

Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 33. An exercise fostering bilateral

kinship (Dayag 2009)

Fig 34. Notions regarding the roles of

each family member (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

34

For the sustainability of families, they require food, clothing, shelter, hygiene, livelihood, and

protection (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). Over-all, it can be seen that

the family alone is not enough. Requirements for the family to survive are provided by the government,

the church, or the school as well. Because everyone needs the services (which come from the urban) and

everyone requires goods (for food and other products as in the previous sections on natural resources

which comes from rural), there is a sense of interdependence. Total nurturing of the child and the citizens

then come from everyone, everyone is connected in a kinship pattern.

A lot of what the three textbooks say are confirmed by Jocano (1998). Indeed, kinship patterns are

bilateral. Ties are also complexly interlocked (ibid.). The textbooks also require respect for the older

generation in as much as Jocano notes. Modesty is also valued. Also, the textbooks reflect that idea that

the community influences the individual within this kinship system (ibid.). However, the textbooks do

not deepen the kinship relations. Jocano (1998) notes the importance of ritual kinship patterns, e.g.

ninong/ninang, and kumpadre. But these are not are presented, rather, there is a focus on the

bureaucracies, viz. the government, the church (and its spiritual guidance), and the school.

Religion

Religion can then create opportunities for unity. This can be seen in the textbooks. Section 17 of

Lakbay ng Lahing Pilipino is titled “Pagmamahal sa Panginoon, nagbubuklod sa atin” (Love of God binds

us all) (Dayag 2009, pp. 268-275) (see Figure 35). Section 18 of Kultura, Kasaysayan, at Kabuhayan is titled

“Ang Panginoon sa Pagkakaisa ng mga Pilipino,” (The God in the unity of the Filipinos) (Agno et al. 2010,

pp. 166-169) (see Figure 36). Meanwhile, in Ang Lahing Pilipino, religion is discussed through the Church

as a unit in the country (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011, pp. 188-189) (see Figure 37). From the goals of

each section itself, religion is valued as a vital resource in forming national identity and linking citizens

together. All three textbooks acknowledge the primacy of Catholicism and Islam but also acknowledge

other Christian sects. Despite the different religions, it is the belief in God, or monotheism that is

considered the binding force.

35

The Church (Catholic or not), is the leading institution in thrusting the spiritual growth of its

citizens (ibid.). It then imparts a threefold lesson. First it is important to love God, praise God, and follow

the dogmas of the religion (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011) (see Figure

38). Second, praising God involves service and helping others (ibid.) (see Figure 39). Lastly, praising God

involves taking care of the environment (Dayag 2009) (see Figure 40).

Fig 35. Section cover telling that the

love of God binds us all (Dayag 2009)

Fig 36. Section cover telling that

there is the God in the unity of the Filipinos (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 37. The Church is the institution

of religions (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 38. Some of the lessons of

religion (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 39. Service is part of the lessons

of religion (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

Fig 40. Taking care of the

environment is part of the lessons of religion (Dayag 2009)

36

The textbooks are praiseworthy for discussing way to respect other religions. However, it does

not discuss why religion in itself binds the Filipinos despite the varieties save for monotheism. The

running thread of argument seems like this: since we believe in one God, we are all united. This assumes

that the God of Islam is the God of Christianity. Or if that is not the case, it appears that monotheism in a

certain populace is enough to bind them despite differences in doctrines.

Despite this, the content about religion pre-empts an important phenomenon today. Indeed, one

way to express religion is through action, i.e. volunteer or social work (Abad 2001). The lessons in the

textbooks seem to have found its realisation. The same expression of religion through action can be seen

in Catholic undergraduate students (Cornelio 2010). Furthermore, Abad (2001) notices important aspects

in the valuation of religion based in a study of 1200 respondents in a series of Social Weather Stations

survey between July 1991 and December 1998. Majority consider the primal importance of the Church,

the institution of religion (also shown in textbooks). However the respondents feel that the Church

should meddle less with politics (ibid.). This seems to form a conflict where religion as building block is

isolated from politics, another building block. Indeed the lines and divisions of influence are not said by

the textbooks. However, as it proceeds from the previous section, provision of needs primarily come from

government and the people themselves.

Legal rights and duties

Again, legal rights and duties give the sense of affiliation a legally binding force. However, the

textbooks have no mention of laws that outline legal rights and duties. Instead, the three textbooks

dedicated a number of their sections to rights and responsibilities of children (see Figures 41 and 42). Also,

rights are assumed to exist in conjunction with a free sovereign. Since the Philippines is free, rights

should also exist as well (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). Rights are also considered to ensure order

and allow us to be functional in ourselves, in the family, and the country (Dayag 2009).

The rights of the children are: (1) to be born and live and have a nationality, (2) to have a family,

(3) to study, (4) to have rest and recreation, (5) to enjoy a safe environment, (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag 2009;

Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011) (6) to exercise freedom of speech and self-expression (Agno et al. 2010;

37

Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011) (7) to choose religion, (8) to be mobile or to be able to go around

places (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011), (9) to have healthy and balanced diet, (Dayag 2009), (10) to

improve one’s talents (ibid.; Agano et. al. 2010) and (11) to be defended and assisted by the government

(Agno et al. 2010). The children are then expected to fill their duties at home, at school, and to the

community (ibid.; Mendoza, Pelindo & Sablaon 2011; Dayag 2009). Part of children’s duties is to take care

of health and maintain one’s life intact (Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011). Also, not only is

helping the poor a duty (Dayag 2009) there should also a need to respond to the needy (Agno et al. 2010).

Fig 41. Section cover for the rights of

children (Agno et al. 2010)

Fig 42. Section for some of the

responsibilities of children (Dayag 2009)

Fig 43. Some of the institutions that

enshrine the rights of children (Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011)

To assist the children in ensuring that their rights are observed, the textbooks point to certain

government offices. These offices include the: (1) Department of Education, (2) Department of Health, (3)

Department of Social Welfare and Development, (4) Philippine National Police (Agno et al. 2010; Dayag

2009; Mendoza, Pelingo & Sablaon 2011) (5) Department of Natural Resources, (6) Department of

Agriculture, (7) Department of Trade and Industry, (8) Philippine Overseas Employment Agency, and (9)

Pag-IBIG. There are projects to ensure the rights: (i) Munting Bayani Award, (ii) UN Convention on the

Rights of Children, (iii) Child development week, (iv) Barangay Council for the Protection of the Children

(Agno et al. 2010). There are other entities as well, like corporate foundations, e.g. Bantay Bata 163, and

38

NGOs, e.g. Childhope, and Loving Care Street Kids Foundation (Dayag 2009; Mendoza, Pelingo &

Sablaon 2011) (see Figure 43). Thus while the rights themselves do not follow a specific legal mandate,

these rights are incorporated in the mandates of different government offices. The packaging of the rights

does not show that it flows smoothly from the existing Article III Bill of Rights of the 1987 Constitution,

nor from the legally binding United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF 2005).

This chapter answers the research question, “How is the Filipino national identity portrayed in

three textbooks through the building blocks of national identity?” The textbooks sufficiently tackle most

of the building block. However, due to considerations of the textbooks, a lot of information was missed

out, shaping a misleading concept of Filipino national identity. The building blocks came from a

framework of Kohn, and are improved upon by Smith. It was also found out that the contents of the

textbooks do not fully portray reality or are difficult to piece together as a whole. The next chapter, the

last chapter, will piece together the different building blocks to form a Filipino national identity from the

three textbooks and state an answer to the research question and highlight its implications.

39

V Conclusion

The whole study has been interested in answering the question, “How is the Filipino portrayed in

three textbooks through the building blocks of national identity?” The question derives from the public

contention that the Filipino is simply a hotpot of cultures, that it simply acquired its existence from its

foreign influences. This study then posits four main objectives, such that at the end of the study, (1) there

will be a review on perspectives of national identity, and from this (2) there will be an operationalization

of building blocks of national identity, (3) there will be an appraisal of what the textbooks say regarding

each building block, and lastly, (4) there will be a sketch a Filipino national identity from the textbooks.

Studying national identity is important because it is a tool for social integration that does not

require people to meet face-to-face (James 1996). But in as much that certain people are integrated, some

people are excluded (Hein 2008; Moghissi 2008). National identity can unite people economically as in the

British American and French revolutions and culturally as in the need to create identities after the Second

World War (Desai 2008a & 2008b). This is possible because national identity is both a construct and

experienced through heritage. The individual can express itself (Davis 1999) and there are cultural

products (Kohl 1998; Launius 2007) that can be produced to perpetuate the notion of identity. However,

economic and cultural integration brought about by national identity, either considered idealist or

material, is sanctioned by politics/political structures and processes.

This is the case with textbooks. While it is tangible and considerable as heritage, national identity

can shape the ego. However, a textbook is at the core of the whole education system of the state (Altbach

& Kelly 1988). Because of this, there is significance in perusing the textbooks in the Philippines, especially

those that are first encountered by children – grade 1 civics and culture textbooks. Considering the lack of

update on the studies regarding Filipino textbooks, there is a theoretical significance in the whole study.

Furthermore, this study conducted a method not used in any research on textbooks – the use of grounded

theory. This gives the study a methodological significance.

40

In a perusal of previous literature on national identity and textbooks, methods of research are

based on the definition of national identity, whether it is idealist (personal) or material (communal). In

the idealist perspective, one can get the perceptions of the population of study (mostly via interview)

(Davis 1999; Dekker, Malova & Hoogendoorn 2003; Porat 2004), conduct a historical analysis (Morris

1999; Miscevic 1999), or content analysis (Bukh 2007; Appleton 2002; Schatz & Lavine 2007; Jansson 2003).

In the materialist perspective, where national identity is related with tangible and intangible heritage,

content analysis is a major technique (Munasinghe 2002; Degirmenci 2006; LaDousa 2007; Munasinghe

2002; Pace 1992; Mulder 1997 & 2000)

But since national identity is not just idealist or material, there has to be an appraisal of the

political dimension of national identity. Kohn (1994) and Smith (1991) provide this. Both further a notion

that there are certain building blocks or concepts that usually found in eastern nations and in western

nations. These building blocks are aspects in society that allow for national identity. The following

building blocks then guided the content analysis of the study:

Common myths and historical

memories

Homeland

Common economy for mobility

Language

Kinship

Religion

Legal rights

The definition of each is in a previous chapter. A qualitative content analysis was used since this

opens more space for the text to speak. But since it is guided by a theory, it is not a free and open coding.

There will be focus on certain aspects of the text yet not getting limited by word count, frequencies, and

others. The study then selected the textbooks based on these criteria: (1) the publisher, (2) availability of

complete series of titles in the market, (3) medium of instruction, (4) subject, (5) grade level, (6)

compliance with Department of Education standards, and (7) the most recently published from the

previous parameters. With this, Table 2 in the next page outlines the summary of findings per building

block in the textbooks. The table is arranged in a way to show which findings are common to the three

and which perspectives are unique in each.

41

Sources of information

Common in three textbooks

Kultura, Kasaysayan, Kabuhayan, Vibal

Publishing (Agno et al. 2010)

Lakbay ng Lahing Pilipino, Phoenix

Publishing House (Dayag 2009)

Ang Lahing Pilipino, Dakila at Marangal,

Rex Bookstore (Mendoza, Pelingo

& Sablaon 2011)

What other studies say and analysis

Building blocks

Common myths and historical memories

No creation myth. No historical memories. Instead, all Filipinos share in one race, rationalised via jus sanguinis.

Various cultural groups across Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao

The Filipinos belong to the brown race due to skin colour.

Variations are brought about parentage, contact with various cultures. Chemistry changes skin colour.

Must not hold on to race, instead, on culture (Zialcita 1990).

Homeland and Common economy for mobility

One is a Filipino as long as you came from any part of the Philippines. Homeland established through flag, national heroes, juxtaposition to other places, and commitment to environment. Common economy of interdependence of rural and urban. But no mention how cultures ended up in a same territory.

Concept of Inang Bayan.

Concept of Inang Bayan.

Heroes defended the homeland against foreigners.

Inang Bayan does not a primordial quality. It is a product of historical consolidation (absent in the textbooks) (Constantino 1990). Cultures before consolidation will not form one Philippines, and are not aware of archipelagic boundaries now termed Philippines. (Zialcita 1990)

Table 3. Summary of data and analysis for common myths and homeland

42

Sources of information

Common in three textbooks

Kultura, Kasaysayan, Kabuhayan, Vibal

Publishing (Agno et al. 2010)

Lakbay ng Lahing Pilipino, Phoenix

Publishing House (Dayag 2009)

Ang Lahing Pilipino, Dakila at Marangal,

Rex Bookstore (Mendoza, Pelingo

& Sablaon 2011)

What other studies say and analysis

Building blocks

Language Filipino is the national language.

Filipino is used for exchange in school and ordinary conversation.

Despite dialects, Filipino ensures that everyone understands each other

Filipino was by President Quezon.

Filipino evolved from Tagalog and was mandated to accommodate many languages since Cebuano remains spoken by the majority (Smolicz & Nical 1997). This is not shown in the textbooks.

Kinship

Kinship can be experienced in two levels: (1) the community, and (2) the family. Communities are either rural or urban. Rural communities are agricultural or fisherfolk. Ideal communities are clean, peaceful, secure, and orderly. Family is the basic unit. There are needs of the community. There are opportunities and resources in the community. The ideal family is one that meets its needs.

Small family is composed of parent plus up to two children.

There are rural mining communities. Urban communities are either commercial or industrial. Couples without children or adoptee and adopter are families. Bilateral lineage in Filipinos.

There are rural mining communities. Urban communities are either commercial or industrial. Communities can be based on standard of living using subdivisions. Medium sized families exist.

Family sustainability is met by community. Community constitute kinship. Ties are thus complex (Jocano 1998). Not present in textbooks are ritual kinship patterns.

Table 4. Summary of data and analysis for language and kinship

43

Sources of information

Common in three textbooks

Kultura, Kasaysayan, Kabuhayan, Vibal

Publishing (Agno et al. 2010)

Lakbay ng Lahing Pilipino, Phoenix

Publishing House (Dayag 2009)

Ang Lahing Pilipino, Dakila at Marangal,

Rex Bookstore (Mendoza, Pelingo

& Sablaon 2011)

What other studies say and analysis

Building blocks

Religion

Catholicism and Islam are the primary religions in the Philippines. There are other Christian sects. Love of God is important and service to others is a way of showing it.

God is behind the unity of the Filipinos.

God is behind the unity of the Filipinos. Taking care of the environment is a way of showing love for God.

Religions and their institutions are members of the community. Leads spiritual growth.

It does not follow that since majority of the people practice monotheism, they can be bound or can find themselves affiliated or united. One way of expressing faith for Filipinos is indeed through service (Cornelio 2010; Abad 2001). Church should meddle less with politics. (Abad 2001)

Legal rights

Children have rights and responsibilities. Government offices like DepEd, DOH, DSWD, and PNP are expected to ensure and protect the rights of children. Children have duties at home, at school, and at the community.

Self-expression is a right. There are government projects that ensure the protection of rights.

Having a healthy and balanced diet is a right. Helping the poor is a duty. There are corporate foundations that protect the right of children.

Self-expression is a right. To be able to choose religion and to be able to go to different places is a right.

Rights are assumed and do not follow a legal (constitutional) basis. Does not flow from Article III, Bill of Rights nor UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Table 5. Summary of data and analysis for religion and legal rights

44

From the summary of data above, the study can now sketch the Filipino identity from the

textbooks. Only those that are common to all three will be considered in answering the research question,

“How is the Filipino portrayed in three textbooks through the building blocks of national identity?”

The Filipino is anyone born from the Filipino race. To be a Filipino, one parent should be at least

a Filipino. The Filipino exhibits average features: black and round eyes, black and straight hair, and a

medium height and build. To be a Filipino, one should come from any place in the Philippines. The

Philippines is positioned in Asia and can be located in the globe. Every Filipino values the flag and the

national anthem. Every Filipino recognises that it is rich in natural resources through different land and

water forms. The Filipino is expected to visit the different tourist spots scattered throughout Luzon,

Visayas, and Mindanao. Filipino is his/her national language.

The Filipino is taken care by his/her family. The family varies in size. There are needs that

his/her family should fulfil since an ideal family is a family where all needs of its children are satisfied.

The family constitutes the community and in turn the community helps the family and the child, the

Filipino. Communities are either rural or urban. Rural communities are either agricultural or fisherfolk.

Ideal communities are peaceful, clean, and orderly.

Central to the Filipino is his/her love of God. Catholicism and Islam are the two major religions

of the Filipino. There are Filipinos who are Christians. Service or helping others is a way of showing love

for God. The Filipino has rights but has to act his/her duties which value respect. The government does

not only help the Filipino in providing needs but also assures the protection of the Filipino’s rights.

However, this image of the Filipino is incomplete as seen in the literature regarding the Filipino.

What can be said in one sentence to provide precision in depicting the Filipino were not included.

Nonetheless, we that the Filipino in the three textbooks is a social Filipino, an interdependent Filipino,

where without the family, the community, the guidance of religion, and the assistance of the government,

he will not be functional.

Unlike the study of Mulder (1997, 2000) and Diaz (2000), this study engaged a grounded theory

from Kohn (1944) and Smith (1991). Contrary to Mulder’s (1997, 2000) finding of negative images that

45

Filipinos require education and discipline, a highly social identity of the Filipino that banks on

interdependence can be seen. And while Diaz (2000) affirms that textbooks avoid certain issues resulting

to a simplistic portrayal of the Filipino, this study came to the same analysis through engagement with

relevant literature.

All in all, it can be said that the three textbooks exhibit a sapin-sapin strategy in sketching Filipino

national identity. Sapin-sapin is blancmange of glutinous rice and coconut distinguished through its layers

patched together in a bilao. First, the size of and the very pudding is limited by its container, i.e. bilao, a

traditional winnower/spanner. The same is true with the textbooks as they have to contend with existing

notions, i.e. the state and its territory. This affirms the central position of textbooks in the educational

system (Altbach & Kelly 1988; Armburster & Ostertag 1993; Cortes 1987), a system managed by the state.

For example, the textbooks have to contend with RBEC protocols otherwise suffer negative implications.

And because of this position, the textbook is central in the state’s function in defining the nation. This

very political nature holds the building blocks from the framework, the whole sapin-sapin. From there,

the sapin-sapin is built by building up its layers, each layer composed of different colours and flavours. In

a sense, this is how the textbooks unconsciously utilised the building blocks of national identity in

arranging its contents. Each layer presents a building block. And pointed before, these building blocks

have political aspects integrated within themselves, i.e. sense of territory for homeland.

There is then a need to synthesize the layers despite the lack of a real binding narrative (as seen

in the absence of such in the textbooks) – the need for homogenisation in textbook content (Pace 1992). If

each layer of sapin-sapin shares the common stickiness, the building blocks of Filipino national identity all

share the sense of communality. From concept of race, to even kinship, to the sense of being bound by

monotheism, Filipino national identity emphasises a sense of Ubuntu – a Filipino is a Filipino because of

everyone. And because of the many ethnic groups, religions, and languages in consideration, the sapin-

sapin Filipino identity had grown complex, with seemingly obvious demarcations of heterogeneity. This

shows that it is not a simple hotpot of cultures but a result of having to contend with limits, i.e. of the

state.

46

Fig 44. Sapin-sapin strategy in textbooks

The explanation of sapin-sapin strategy through the use of a grounded theory in textbooks, a

material that is understudied, is the contribution of this thesis.

47

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