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Lawrence UniversityLux
Lawrence University Honors Projects
5-30-2018
Santería in a Globalized World: A Study in Afro-Cuban Folkloric MusicNathan MontgomeryLawrence University
Follow this and additional works at: https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhpPart of the African History Commons, Caribbean Languages and Societies Commons,
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Recommended CitationMontgomery, Nathan, "Santería in a Globalized World: A Study in Afro-Cuban Folkloric Music" (2018). Lawrence University HonorsProjects. 123.https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhp/123
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NathanMontgomery
4/30/18
IHRTLUHC
SANTERÍAINAGLOBALIZEDWORLD:ASTUDYOFAFRO-CUBANFOLKLORICMUSIC
ABSTRACT
TheYorubanpeopleofmodern-dayNigeriaworshipmanydeitiescalledorichasbymeansof
singing,drumming,anddancing.Theiraurallypreservedartistictraditionsareintrinsically
connectedtobothreligiousceremonyandeverydaylife.Theseformsofworshiptraveledtothe
Americasduringthecolonialerathroughthebrutaltransatlanticslavetradeandcontinuedtoevolve
beneathracistsocietalhierarchiesimplementedbywesternEuropeannations.Despitesevere
oppression,YorubanslavesinCubawereabletodisguiseorichasbehindCatholicsaintssothatthey
couldstillactivelyworshipinpublic.Thisinitialguiseledtoasynthesisofreligiouspractice,
language,andartistrythatisknowntodayasSantería.
Thoughcontinuallyrepressedbymultipleregimes,increasedaccessibilityofinformation,
easeoftravel,andanexplosionoftourismhavecatapultedSanteríaintotheglobalreligious
conversation.Withpractitionersaroundtheworld,Santeríahasbecomeaninternationalreligion
thatdeservestobestudiedandrespected.Withitcomesarichartistictraditionthatbothpreserves
thehistoryofanoppressedpeopleandtheirindigenoustiestoWestAfrica,andusesaunique
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combinationofinfluencestoembodyalivingcommunaltraditionthatispowerfulenoughto
summonthedivine.
IusedmySeniorExperienceGranttoconducta30-dayresearchtriptoCubainJuly2017.I
willbespeakingaboutthehistoryofSanteríaasaworldreligioninHarperHallonMay13that11am,
sharinginsightsgleanedfrommyexperienceinCubaandpresentingaselectionofmusicthatI
learnedfromprimarysources.
INTRODUCTION
Inthefallof2013,IwaspersuadedtojoinTamboToké,LawrenceUniversity’sAfro-Cuban
ensemble,ledbyLawrencealumnusEliEdelman.InMarchof2014,Iperformedastheleadvocalist
(knownastheakpwon)inhisseniorrecital,whichfeaturedathirty-minutearrangementofwhatI
wastoldwas“Afro-Cubanfolkloricmusic.”IhadnopreviousexperiencewithanyAfro-Cuban
tradition,butIdecidedtotakeachanceandlearnwhatIcould.Therecordingweproducedwona
DownbeatAwardforbestundergraduateLatinGroupandjumpstartedanotheryear-and-a-halfof
intenseperformanceinatraditionthatIstillbarelyknewanythingabout.Overtime,mycontinued
involvementwiththeensemblefosteredthebeginningsofthefascinationandloveInowhaveforthe
diversityanddepthofAfro-Cubantraditionsandopenedmyeyestothemusicalandhistorical
importanceofstudyingthespreadofWestAfricanritualthroughouttheAmericas.
In2017IwasawardedaSeniorExperienceGrantfromLawrenceUniversitytoexecutea30-
dayresearchtriptoCubaduringthemonthofJuly.Iimmersedmyselfinthemusicalandreligious
communitiesinHavanaandMatanzas.WhileIlearnedabouttraditionssuchasIjesa,Arara,Abakwa,
rumba,andson,myfocusbecameSantería,themostprevalentreligionofAfricanoriginthatexistsin
Cuba.Specifically,myfocussharpeneduponthemusicalpracticesofthereligion,whichconsistof
call-and-responsesongssungoverspecificrhythmsthatareusedtoevokeandpaytributetodeities
calledorichas.Inadditiontomultiplepercussionlessonsandreligiousfieldwork,Irecorded,
transcribed,andmemorizedover150cantos(songs)for20differentdeitieswhilestudyingwitha
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kindandtalentedbabalawo(apriestintheSanteríareligion)namedGilbertoMoralesinMatanzas,
Cuba.
WiththematerialIobtainedoverthesummer,Ihavenowbecomeaco-directorofTambo
Toké.IhavebeenputtingforthmybestefforttosharethesmallamountofknowledgethatIhave
withmypeersinanattempttogivevoicetothecultureandsharetheexcitementIfeelaboutthe
music.
AsanaspiringTwenty-FirstCenturymusicianandmusicologist,Istrivetobetransparent
throughoutthisongoingproject.Thisismyexperiencewithaculturethatisnotmyown.Iam
attemptingtobeasaccurateaspossible,acknowledgingmyownbiasesandtheexistenceof
conflictinginformation.Thatbeingsaid,Iamalsoallowingmyownpersonalexperienceswith
Santeríatraditionstoinformmyanalysis.Thepurposeofmyessayandpresentationistoconsolidate
mycurrentknowledgeofthehistory,religiouscontext,andcontemporaryportrayalofSanteríaand
itsartisticrituals,andtopresenttwoprimaryobservations.
First,despiteanobscuredhistoryduetotheoppressiveinstitutionofslavery,displaced
WestAfricanpeoplesofYorubanoriginsharedculturalvaluesandartistictraditionsthatboth
reflectedaneedtocontextualizetheirexistencethroughancestrallineageandemphasizedthe
importanceofcreatingphysicalcommunityintheirimmediatespace.Theinherentqualitiesoftheir
decentralizedbeliefsystemsencouragedthesedisplacedcommunitiestoactivelyconnectand
homogenize,preservingancestraltieswhilesimultaneouslyadaptingandreactingtonew
environmentsonlocallevels.Hidingtheirtraditionsandadaptingtheirlanguagewhentheyneeded
toinordertosatisfytheiroppressiveoverlords,acommunalresilienceallowedtheseYorubansto
createtheirownhistorytoacertainextent,resultinginanewsyncretictraditioncalledSantería,a
religionwhosevalues,whileuniquelyAfro-Cuban,havenowspreadacrosstheglobe.Second,
becausesacredritualshavebeenobscuredandappropriatedtoacertaindegreebysecularfolkloric
performance,itisimportanttobeinformedaboutitsreligiouscontexttobetterunderstandand
connectwiththemusicaltradition.Whenexecutedappropriately,thepresentationoftheartistic
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practicesofSanteríainthecontextofsecularfolklorecanberespectfulandinformative,giving
authenticexposuretotheculturalhistoryandcontemporaryreligiouspracticethatitultimately
represents.
THEAURALTRADITIONOFSANTERÍAANDTHESTUDYOFAFRO-CUBANCULTURE
“Beforethe15thCentury,muchoftheinformationonAfricanculturehadbeenorally
documentedbyAfricanelders,encodedintheirdanceandmusicactivitiesorforgedon
paraphernalia.Exactdocumentedinformationhadalsobeendifficulttolocateduetotheirmigratory
lifestyle,[decentralizedreligiouspractices,]andthesharingnatureofthepeople”(Badu2002:39).
ThefirstindividualswhoattemptedtodocumentWestAfricanandAfro-Latinhistoryformally,in
writing,includedearlyEuropeanexplorers,Christianmissionaries,andambassadorsofIslam,allof
whocamefromcodifiedandcentralizedreligionswithwrittentraditions.Thesourcestheyproduced
areunreliable,andoftenmisleading,duetothebiasesimplicitintheirsenseofreligiousorethnic
nationalism,regardingWestAfricancultureastheexotic-yet-inferior.Forthisreason,itisbetterto
relyontheWestAfricanauraltraditionforauthenticinformation:apracticefoundedbysongs,
rhythms,andmovementsthatembodyalivinghistory,tellstoriesofapeopleandtheirvalues,and,if
intended,havethepowertosummonthedivineandcommunicatewiththedead(Badu2002:60,
Erel2017,Morales2017,Orale2017).Itisimportanttorememberthatthediverseculturesand
religionsrepresentedbythesemusicaltraditionsexistbothhistoricallyandcontemporarilyandhave
neverbeenstatic(Apter2013:365-368).
ABRIEFHISTORYOFCUBANSLAVERYANDCOLONIALRULE
BeforecolonialpowershadmadeclaimtotheAmericas,theislandofCuba,likethe
surroundingislandsofHispaniolaandSanSalvador,waspopulatedbyavarietyofindigenous
communitiesledbytheirownsetofnobles(LasCasas1552:43-47).AfterhisfirstlandingonSan
Salvador,ChristopherColumbusmadehissecondlandinginCubaonOctober28,1492.In1511,after
theisland’sinitial“discovery,”DiegoVelázquezlandedontheeastsideoftheislandatBaracoaand
foundedthefirstSpanishsettlementsinCuba.Hesoonconqueredtheisland,andby1515therewere
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nofewerthansevenSpanishtowns,includingHavana,foundedin1514,andSantiago,foundedin
1515(Chapman1927:25).BecauseofitslocationintheCaribbean,Cubawasseenastrategic
positioninreferencetoSpain’smainlandcoloniesandinthematterofnavigatinginternational
relationshipswithothercolonizersfromcompetingnations.TheSpanishgovernmentknewthat
maintainingcontroloftheislandwasimperativetothesuccessoftheirempire(Chapman1927:25-
26).
TheSpaniardsenslavedthelocalpopulationsandalsoexposedthemtonewpathogens.
Together,thebrutalityofslaveryandhighdeathratesduetoillnessquicklydecimatedthe
indigenouspopulationofCuba.Whileboththeforcesofenslavementanddiseasewreakedhavocon
indigenouspeoples,it’shardtosaywhichhadthemoredeleteriouseffect.BurkholderandJohnson
argue,however,thatslaverywastheprimarysourceofthedeclineofnativeCubanpopulations
(BurkholderandJohnson2004:37).Inresponsetothisdeclineofthelaborforce,theSpaniards
beganimportingAfricanslavestoreplaceindigenousworkersintheminesandfieldsasearlyas
1523(Chapman1927:25).WestAfricanslaveswereaconstantresourcefortheSpanishempire,at
firstforcedtoextractmetalsandothernaturalresourcesfromtheislandbeforebeingconsumedby
thesugarindustryboom.
UnderSpanishrule,Cubaanditssugartradeweretightlycontrolledandtradetookplace
primarilyinabilateralfashionbetweenthecolonyandtheIberianPeninsula.Duringtheperiod
from1523tothemiddleoftheEighteenthCentury,thenumberofslavesinCubawasapproximately
39,000atanygiventime,amodestnumberincomparisontowhatwastocome(Encyclopedia
Britannica).
In1762,theBritishseizedcontrolofCuba,andopenedtheportofHavanatotheglobal
economy.FreetraderevealedtotheworldthewealthofresourcesofCuba(Chapman1927:29).In
addition,theEnglishfloodedtheislandwithAfricanslavestodevelopthateconomicpotential.While
theBritishheldthecapitalcityofCubaforalittlelessthanayear,theyimportedapproximately
10,000slavesinthatshortperiod,mostlytoworkonsugarplantationsastheglobaldemandfor
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sugarsoared(GuerraySanchez1964:45).WhentheportofHavanawasreturnedtotheSpanishin
1763,thenatureofconductingbusinesshadchanged.Thepopulation,too,hadchanged
dramatically.After1770,CubaabsorbedmorethanhalfoftheslavesenteringSpanishAmericaafter
1770,andinthelastquarteroftheeighteenthcentury,thesmallislandhadapopulationof96,440
whites,31,847freecolored,and44,333slaves.By1840,theenslavedWestAfricanpopulationhad
grownexponentiallytoabout400,000individuals(BurkholderandJohnson2004:134,Guerray
Sanchez1964:45,EncyclopediaBritannica).Duringthethree-and-a-halfcenturiesthatslaverywas
legalinCuba,itisestimatedthatoveronemillionWestAfricanswerebroughttoCuba,andover
sixty-fivepercentofcontemporaryCubancitizenshaveWestAfricanheritage(Encyclopedia
Britannica).
TheindependenceoftheAmericancoloniesin1776birthedanotheractivethreattoSpain’s
powerintheregion.Becauseofitsproximitytotheislandandaprevalentmanifestdestiny
mentality,membersoftheU.S.governmenthadmanyconflictingopinionsonCubaduringthelatter
partoftheEighteenthCenturyandthroughouttheNineteenthCentury,butthegeneralconsensus
wasthattheU.S.shouldhaveasmuchcontroloverCuba’spoliticaleconomyaspossible.Many
AmericansmovedtoCubaandmadealotofmoneyinthesugarindustry(Chapman1927:65-69).
Slavescontinuedtobeshippedtobothcountries,withCubaimportingover600,000WestAfricansin
thenineteenthcenturyalone(EncyclopediaBritannica).
Afteracenturyofone-dimensionaleconomicexploitationandtheinsistenceofcolonial
absolutismfromadecliningempire,pairedwithagrowingabolitionistmovementandafrustrating
economiccrisisin1857,CubabegantopullawayfromSpain(Chapman1927:29).WealthyCuban-
bornlandowners,angryatSpainthattheyhadnopoliticalrepresentation,begantocallforCuban
independencein1868.WiththeslaveryquestionintheU.S.settledbytheendofitsCivilWar,both
theU.S.andEnglandhelpedtofomenttheindependencemovement,aswellassupportingthe
abolitionofslaveryinfavorofadoptingnewertechnologiesandhiringmigrantworkers(Chapman
1927:61).Becauseofthesemomentouspressures,SpainagreedtoemancipateCubanslavesin1869,
andallowformorerepresentativegovernment,acknowledgingtheindependenceoftheCuban
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peoplewithoutrelinquishingthecolony.Alawin1870providedforagradualemancipation,butwas
notadheredtoduetothedistractionoftheTenYearsWar,whichendedin1878withSpain
managingtoretaincontroloftheisland.InanefforttosatisfyCuba’saggravatedcitizens,Spain
passedalawin1881toallowforgradualemancipationandby1886,slaveryinCubafinallyended
(Chapman1927:69).Despiteachangeinthelaw,nothingcouldundothemassdisplacementand
brutalexploitationoftheblackWestAfricancommunitiesinCuba,whoallthewhilehadstrivedto
preserve,adapt,andultimately,advance,theircultural,artistic,andreligiouspractices.
CULTURALHISTORYOFDISPLACEDWESTAFRICANS
ThemajorityofWestAfricansbroughttoCubacamefromthesamelinguisticorigin,though
theyrepresentedthreedifferentethnicities:theLucumí,ofYorubaorigin,theCarabalífromCalabar,
theEwe,fromtheDahomeyKingdom.Whilethesethreegroupswereculturallydistinct,theyall
spokeasimilarlanguageandsharedanoriginalhistory.Afourthimportantpopulationofenslaved
personsinCubaweretheBantupeople,whocamefromtheCongo(Castellanos2005:xiii).Outof
thesefourethnicgroups,itwastheLucumíwhoeventuallycametorepresentthedominantAfro-
Cubanculture.
“TheYorubamakeuponeoftheoldestidentifiableethnicgroupsinAfrica,andYoruba
speakingpeopleofWestAfricahaveculturalrootsdatingbackatleasttwothousandyears(Olopun
andRey2008:4).TheYorubahistoricallyoriginatefromthekingdomofOyo,whichwaslocatedin
modern-dayNigeria.Itssacredcapital,thecityofIfé,referredtoasIlé-Ifé(ilémeaninghomein
Yoruban),wasfoundedintheFifteenthCenturybyalargecommunityofYorubanpeoplewho
traveledwestafterthefalloftheSudaneseSonghaiEmpire.Citizensofthekingdomadheredtoa
religionknowsas“TheRuleofIfá.”WhilethemodernYorubanpeoplehavecultivated,andaretoday
stillactivelyencouraging,atransnationalYorubanethnicidentity,thiswasnotalwaysthecase.As
theoldkingdomofOyogrewinsize,sub-groupsofYorubanspeakerslefttheregiontoformtheir
ownneighboringkingdoms,cities,andvillages(FalolaandChilds2004:5-12).
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Yorubanreligionispracticedatacommunallevelinthephysicalspacethatitsbelievers
occupy.WhileeachsubgroupofYorubancommunitysharesacommonoriginwitheveryother(the
RuleofIfá),thetraditionsofeachsubgrouparecompletelydecentralizedandinnowaysubjectto
anypressuresofahigherreligiouscanonbeyondeachlocalcommunity.Yorubanmythology,which
“originatesfromtheRuleofIfá,”ishosttoover600deitiescalledorichas,and,forthemostpart,each
YorubancommunityorkingdominWestAfricachoseaspecificorichawithinthegreaterdivine
communitytoworshipasaprotectoroftheirpeople(González-Wippler2016[1989]:2).Whenthe
Lucumí(oneofthreemainsubgroupsofYorubanpeoplethatwerebroughttoCuba)wereattheir
culturalheight,theyrepresentedovertwentydifferentWest-Africancommunities,eachone
worshipingaseparatedeitywithspecificsongs,rhythmsandmovementsthatwereaurally
transmittedfromgenerationtogeneration(FalolaandChilds2004:5-12).Inthecolonialera,these
groupsformedtheirowncommunitiesthatcenteredaroundhousescalledcabildosdenación
“religioussodalitiesthatdoubledassocialclubsandmutualaidsocieties.”Inspiredbytheirprevious
regionalism,eachcabildoactedasasmall,neo-Africankingdom,usuallyrepresentingaspecific
oricha,equippedwithitsownflagandsetoflocalizedtraditions(Apter2013:369).
TheEwepeoplewereoriginallyYorubanswholeftthecityofIféandfoundedthekingdomof
Dahomey(locatedinbetweenpresent-dayBeninandTogo).Theywerelaterexpelledfromtheir
kingdombyanattackbytheFonpeople,anotherYorubansubgroupthatpreviouslycoexisted
peacefullywiththeEwe.AlargegroupofdisplacedEwetraveledtothecoast,sometravelingsouth
andsomewest.Becauseoftheirlargenumbersandnewfoundvulnerability,manyweretaken
prisonerandsoldintoslaverybyEuropeanslavetraders.TheEwethatescapedendedupsettlingin
TogoandpresentdayGhana.Thoughthesecommunities’traditionsweresoonaffectedbythe
presenceofDutchcolonialpower,theEwepeoplestillareaprevalentpopulationinGhanaand
maintaintheirreligiouspractices(Badu2002:60-70).
TheEwethatwereshippedtoCubalandedataportintheprovinceofMatanzas.Their
traditionswerewellrepresentedincolonial-eracabildosandhavebeenmaintainedtoacertain
extent,buttheEwesoonfelttheinfluenceofotherethnictraditions,inparticularLucumí.TheEwe
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traditionstillsurvivestoday,albeitquietly,asthemusicandreligiouspracticeofArara.Whilestill
representingitsEweorigins,AraranowfallsunderalargerLucumíinfluence,withitspractitioners
usuallyinvolvedinbothtraditions,ratherthanjustsolelyArara.OnlytwocabildosstillpracticeArara
andthecontemporarymusicandspiritualcollectiveAfrocubadeMatanzasisoneofthefewgroups
thatstillperformspublicdemonstrationsofArara’sartisticpractices.Todayonecannotfindany
accuraterepresentationofAraraoutsideoftheprovinceofMatanzas(Orale,2017).
TheCarabalísecretsocietyofAbakwáoriginatedfromthekingdomofCalabar,another
communityofYorubanoriginthatsettledjusteastoftheNigerRiver(FalolaandChilds2004:20).
Theirtraditions,whileoriginallycompletelyseparatefromLucumí,werealsoeventuallyabsorbed
intowhatbecameasecretsocietywithinamuchlargergroupofLucumípractitioners.Africanswere
alsobroughtfrommanyotherkingdomsthathadoriginatedfromOldOyo,includingtheKingdomof
Ijesa,whosetraditionswerealsocompletelyabsorbedbyLucumíbutwhoserhythmsandsongsare
stillperformedincertaincontexts(FalolaandChilds2004:5-12).
TheBantuslavesfromtheCongohadtheirownuniquesetsoftraditionscalledPaloMonte
thatwere,andessentiallystillare,completelyseparatefromtheYorubantradition.Bantureligion
andartisticpracticesareequallydeepasthoseoftheYorubaandweresomeofthemostprevalent
amongcolonialAfro-Cubancommunities,atonepointrepresentingamajorityofcabildos.Inthis
essay,myfocusisthedevelopmentofSantería,whicharosefromtheYoruban—andprimarily
Lucumí—ethnic,linguistic,andreligioustradition.WhileBantupopulationsstillexistinCubaand
practicetheirculturetoday,itwastheLucumíthatwereabletoadaptinthemostextremeways,
absorbingvirtuallyalloftheotherdisplacedOyo-originatingWestAfricancommunitiesundertheir
umbrella,whilenaturallyallowingforthesamekindsofregionalvariationthathadexistedintheOld
World(Apter2013:369)
Byitsverynature,Yorubanculturaltradition—andreligion—issyncretic.Itfreelyborrows
andadaptsandevolvesinnewcircumstances,migratingtodifferentregionswithitspractitioners.
UnlikeChristianity—orJudaismorIslam—thereisnoassumptionofdoctrinalpurity.The
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decentralizedqualityofYorubancultureallowslocalcommunitiestoevolveandexpressthemselves
undernewcircumstanceswithoutbeingsubjecttoanoverarchingregulator(e.g.,theChristian
Bible).TheseinherentculturalqualitiesencouragedtheLucumíandtheirfellowWestAfrican
communitiestoseekoutlikegroupsandredefinetheirsocialidentityonthebasisofcommonalities
oflanguageandreligiouspracticeinresponsetothesocialtraumaofforcedmigration(Falolaand
Childs2004:17-18).
THEEVOLUTION(DEVELOPMENT)OFSANTERÍA
ThewordLucumíisrepresentativeofauniqueAfro-Cubanethnicnationthatevolvedasa
conglomerateofthemultitudeofdiversetraditionsthatforciblydisplacedWestAfricans(knownas
theAfricanDiaspora)broughttoCuba.Lucumíisalsothewordthatisusedtorepresentboththe
religionandthelanguageofthesepeople.Theoriginofthewordisusuallysaidtocomefroma
Yorubangreetingmeaning“myfriend,”thoughsomeresearchersbelievethatthistermisderived
fromakumi,whichmeans,“IamAku.”BecausetheYorubapeopleofSierraLeoneareknownasthe
Aku,González-Wipplerhypothesizesthatthislinguisticconnectionmayindicatethatmanyofthe
YorubawhowerebroughttoCubaoriginatedinSierraLeone(González-Wippler2016[1989]:3).
LucumíasareligiouspracticeissynonymouswithSantería,RegladeOcha,RegladeIfá,and
RegladeOsha-Ifá.Thesevariousnamesrefertothesamething:the“RuleofIfá”practicedintheold
OyoKingdom.SanteríaisaSpanishtranslationandisnowthemostcommonlyusedtitleforthe
religion,literallymeaning“theworshipofsaints”(González-Wippler2016[1989]:1-7).“Saints,”of
course,wereanacceptableconceptundertherubricofCatholicism,whiletheworshipofa“god”
otherthantheChristianGodwouldhavebeenunacceptabletotheSpanishcolonials.Equating
orichastosaintswasanadaptationnecessarytoLucumí’ssurvivalundercolonialrule.
LikeallreligionsoriginatingfromOldOyo,Santeríaisananimistfaith,an“earthreligion
[with]amagico-religioussystemthathasitsrootsinnatureandnaturalforces.”Eachofthe
hundredsoforichas(saints)isidentifiedwithanaturalforce,whichisviewedasadirect
manifestationofgodhimself(González-Wippler2016[1989]:3,6).“Becausethephysicalelementsof
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existencereflectspiritualprinciples,believersareassuredthattheydonotexistinauniversethat
lacksreasonordirection”(LaTorre2004:6).TheconnectionbetweenGodandmankind—through
natureasexpressedthroughtheorichas—isenforcedthroughebbó(sacrifice),forthepurposeof
receivingaché,(power)(González-Wippler2016[1989]:6).
JustlikeoldOyo,Santeríaisnotapolytheisticfaith.Theorichasareexpressionsofa
“personalsupremecreatorGod—omnipotentandomnipresentifalsodistantandinretirement.”This
supremeGod—referredtoasOloddumareorOlorun—hasalwaysexisted(Castellanos2005xvi).This
omnipotententityiswhoisbelievedtohavecreatedalloftheorichasandgiventhemtheirachésone
byone.StillstronglyconnectedtoitsYorubanorigins,SanteríasharesthecommonYorubancreation
storyaboutthecityofIlé-Ife,whereitisbelievedthatcreationbegan”(LaTorre2004:158).The
CubanLucumísharethesameconceptofthecreatorOloddumare/Olorun,butrefertohimasOlofi,
thethreetitlesrepresentingdifferentaspectsofthesamesupremebeing.Oloddumareis“a
transcendentbeingwhoistheessenceofallthereisandmore,”Olorunreferstotheactofcreation,
whileOlofiisthecreationitself,ratherthanthecreator.Thebestwaytodefinetheconceptofthis
supremeGodinSantería,isasman’spersonalGod,amanifestedforcethatisinchargeofcreation.It
wasaftercreationthatOloddumaregavepowers(aché)totheorichassotheycouldcontrolandaffect
differentaspectsoftheworld’snaturalforcesandconnectwithhumanity.WithOloddumarenow
retired,“allthatis,whetheritbeseenorunseen,existsasapartofasysteminwhich[Oloddumare’s]
valiantorichasprotectallofcreation”sothathumansmaycontinuetoexistanddevelop(González-
Wippler2016[1989]:24-26,Morales2017).
WhileSantería’sfoundationaltenantscenteroncommunalpracticesthatcelebratefamilial
connectionsandancestrallineage,“Santería’smainpurposeistoassisttheindividual,regardlessof
theirreligiousbackgroundoraffiliation.”Santería’smostbasicbeliefisthatdestinybeginsinheaven
(Ilé-Olofi)priortobirth.Thegoalofpractitionersistoliveinharmonywiththeirassigneddestiny,
whichtheypreparethemselvesforbyensuringtheypossessthenecessaryritualstonavigatelife’s
difficultiesandbyconsultingwithbabalawos(highpriests),whocommunicatewiththeoricha
namedOrunmilainanefforttoadviseeachpersononhowtobestfollowtheirdestinyandavoid
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misfortune.Santeríabeginswithanindividual’sproblems,initiatingthemintoacommunitythat
encouragesthemtofindcontextandsuccess(LaTorre2004:4).
AsinthemanydisparateYorubatraditionsinAfrica(whichallreflect“oldOyo”),Santeríais
highlydecentralized.NocentralinstitutionalstructureprovidesconsistencywithinSantería.
Worshiptakesplaceinthehomesofindividualsandwithincommunal“house-temples.”Eachhouse-
templeisanentityuntoitself,withlittleornoconnectionorresponsibilitytootherhouse-temples.
Thisdecentralizationissoextremethatevenneighboringcasasdesanto(house-temples)canhave
differentinterpretationsoftraditionanddivergentpractices(LaTorre2004:4).Thisradical
decentralizationallowedSanteríatocontinuetoabsorbdiversetraditionswhilestillpermitting
variationonalocallevel.Thehouse-templesthatexisttodaydescendfromtheoriginalcolonial-era
cabildosthatcontinuetorepresentWestAfricandiversityandregionalism(Apter2013:369).
AsmoredisplacedYorubantraditionsbegantobeabsorbedbyLucumípractices,enslaved
populationswereforcedtobecomecreativeinordertocontinuetocomfortablypracticetheir
religion,which—Catholicclericsbeingcategoricallyintolerantofdivergenceandvarietywithintheir
faith—wasactivelydiscouraged.TheLucumísolutionwastodisguisetheorichastheyworshiped
withCatholicsaints.OneexampleisthatOlofiwassyncretizedasJesusChrist.Otherorichasarenow
representedbyreligiousfiguressuchasSaintAnthony(Elegguá),SaintLazarus(Babalú-Ayé),and
SaintNorbert(Ochosi).Becauseoftheseadjustments,theLucumíwereabletoclaimthattheywere
practicingCatholicismintheirownwayforashortperiodoftime.However,thecolonialgovernment
andCatholicclergysooncaughtontothisobfuscationandbegantopersecutetheLucumífornot
embracingthedoctrinalpurityofCatholicism.ThisforcedtheLucumíreligiouscommunity
underground,withpractitionersoftenswearingtosecrecytoprotectthemselvesandtheir
communities.Asyearspassed,boundariesbetweenthenowundergroundLucumícultandthepublic
practiceofCatholicismbegantoblur,resultinginthefusionofthetwosacredsystems.Becauseof
thisphenomenon,contemporary“Santeríaisatypicalcaseofsyncretism,thespontaneous,popular
combinationorreconciliationofdifferentreligiousbeliefs”(González-Wippler2016[1989]:3-6,24-
75).
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Oncethereligionwasmoreestablishedanditscommunitieswerenotbeingsoactively
persecuted,SanteríawasabletomigratefromCubatoothercountriesinLatinAmerica,includingthe
DominicanRepublic,Venezuela,Colombia,Panama,andelsewhere.Oneanalystestimatesthatthere
arenowmorethanahundredmillionpractitionersof[Santería]inLatinAmericaandtheUnited
States(González-Wippler2016[1989]:6).
THELUCUMÍLANGUAGEANDITSROLEINRELIGIOUSPRACTICE
WhilethereligionofLucumíhasmanynames,thelanguageofLucumíisreferredtoonlyas
Lucumí.Thisismostlikelybecauseitisauniquemixofnon-standardizedYorubandialectsand
colonialSpanish.TherearecertainlyveryclearsimilaritiesbetweenmodernYorubanandLucumí,
butLucumíitselfhasneverbeencodifiedandvariesfromregiontoregion,casatocasa,andeven
betweenindividuals.
Thiscanpresentinterestingproblemswhendefiningorinterpretingthe“language”ofthe
orichas.IfLucumíisinfinitelyvariable,howdothegodsspeakinawaythatisbothimmutableand
divine,butcanalsobeeasilyunderstoodbythosewhomayspeakwildlydifferentversionsofthat
language?PractitionersofSanteríathinkoftheorichasasspeakingan“ideal”ordivineversionof
Lucumí.Atthesametime,thesanterosalsorecognizethatthis“pure”formofLucumíhasbeenlost
overtimeandspace.AnthropologistKristinaWirtz(2007)putsitthisway:
“Whentheorichasspeakduringspiritpossession,theyincorporatemarkersofbothLucumíandheavilyexaggeratedbozalSpanish…Lucumí,thus,evokesapoignantcombinationofthepresumablytimelessdivineplaneandthebitterhistoryoftheancestorswhobroughtYorubatraditionstoCuba…InpartbecausetheorichaembodyidealfluencyinLucumí,santerosregardLucumíasperfectlyintelligibletoanyonewithsufficientknowledge.Atthesametime,theyrecognizethattheirownlinguisticknowledgeisimperfectbecausemuchhasbeenlostthroughthegenerations”(Wirtz2007:111-112)
Myteacher,ababalawonamedGilbertoMorales,certainlyrecognizedthathisknowledgeof
theLucumílanguagewasimperfect.Manyofthetranslationshegavemewerevagueandheadmitted
tonotbeingabletotranslatemanySpanishwordsintoLucumí.WhenImentionedthatafriendand
mentorfromHavana(acclaimedrumberoPedrito“ElBumbo”)hadofferedtoletmeborrowhis
Yorubandictionaryasaresource,Gilbertojustlaughedandclaimedthatnoneofthewordsfoundina
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standardizedYorubandictionarywouldcorrespondtotheLucumívocabulary.Heemphasizedthe
complexityofLucumí’soriginsandgavemeexamplesofhowthelyricsforcantoshaveevolvedand
varybyregion.
OnesuchexampleisasongforOchún,theorichaofwealthandbeauty.Gilbertotoldmethat
themajorityofpeopleknowasongthatgoes:
Chichiolongo,chichiolongo,
Tanimowaye,olongoea,
Chichiolongo.
Gilbertoarguesthatthesewordsdonotmakesense.“ChiChi”isasimplenicknameand
“Olongo”referstobasketthatiscarriedovertheshoulder.Hetoldmethatthetruelyricsare:
Obáikioloowo,obáikioloowo,
Tanimowaye,oloowoea,
Obáikioloowo.
Thisversionmakesmuchmoresensebecauseobátranslatesto“king”,olotranslatesto
“ownerof,”andowotranslatesto“money.”Ochúnisthequeen/ownerofmoney(Gilbertosayshehas
neverheardofaLucumíwordforqueen),sothecontextofthepreviouslyobscuredcantobecomes
logical(Morales2017).
Lucumíisanaurallytransmitteddivinelanguagethathasmorphedovertime.Direct
translationsofcantosarehardtocomebyandoftenimpossibletoobtain.Mostreligious
practitionersandscholarsaresatisfiedwithbeingabletoidentifycertainvocabularywithinLucumí
cantosandrezos(prayers).Somesanteroshaveevenarguedthatitisinappropriatetodirectly
translateLucumíbecauseofitsdivineproperties.Thatbeingsaid,manysanterosconsiderittheir
dutytoobtainthemostauthenticversionsofLucumícantosaspossible,someattemptingtoadhere
toaformofLucumíthatadheresascloselyasitcantotheoriginalYorubanrootsofthelanguage,
whileothersaremoreacceptingofLucumí’slivingpropertiesandconstantevolution(Wirtz2007:
108).
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AllthematerialsthatIwasabletoobtainfrommyCubanteachersandeveryacademic
sourceIconsultedcontaineddifferentspellings,andsometimesvaryingtranslations,forLucumí
vocabulary.Forpurposesofcontinuity,IhavechosenthespellingsthatIthinkaremostaccurateand
keptthemconsistentthroughoutthepaper.Ihavealsoincludedalistofsometranslationsof
importantLucumíterminologyforreference.Whileitisverymuchanincompleteandimperfectlist
thatIcreatedusingavarietyofsources,itshouldstillproveuseful(sourcesincludeMorales2017,
Erel2017,Martínez2018,González-Wippler2016[1989],Hagedorn2001,andLachatañeré2005
[1938]:145-153).
MELODY,MOVEMENT,ANDRHYTHM
Orichasareevokedbytheirworshippingcommunitiesbymeansofspecificpraisesongs
(cantos),drumrhythms,andphysicalgestures.Sacredritualisdictatedmusically,acommontraitin
West-Africanpolytheistictraditions(Hagedorn2001:75-76).Thecantosarecalledbyaleadsinger,a
talentedoratorknownastheakpwon.Thechoir(coro)thenrepliestoeachcallwiththesamemelody
orarelatedresponse.Theakpwonleadstheensemble,determininghowmanytimestorepeateach
cantoandwhentomoveontothenextcanto.Thedrummersanddancersreacttothesesongs,
knowingwhatdoduringeachtransition.Thesongsaremeanttopraise,tease,andtempttheorichas
intoenteringonesplaceofworship,sothatthedeitiescancommunicatewith,andsometimes
spirituallypossess,theirhumanchildren(Morales2017).
Theorichasarecalledduringatambór,alsoknownasatoquedesanto.Toquesare
specificallyreligious,oftenlastingforthreetofourhoursandusuallypresentedinhouse-temples.As
thepopulationsfromdifferentcabildosbegantomix,thoseofLucumíoriginbegantocombinethe
worshipoftheircommunity’sspecializedorichawiththoseofotherspecializedorichasfromother
Lucumícommunities.Soon,alltheorichaswereprayedtoduringasingleeventinaspecificorder.
Theordervariesfromcasatocasa,butafullsetofsongsforalltwenty-oneorichasiscalledanoro
cantado.Sometimesbeforetheorocantado,thedrummerswillplayanoroseco,asetofrhythms,
playedwithoutsongs,foreachdeityinthesamespecificorder(Morales2017).
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Inadditiontoenticingtheoricha,cantoscanalsotellstories,orpatakís,thattellthehistory
andmythologyoftheorichas.LikeotheraspectsofYorubanculture,itsmythologyiscomplex,
varyingfromregiontoregion.Oftenmythscontradictoneanotherbecausetheystoriesoriginated
fromgeographicallyseparatecommunities.Thesepatakísare“notinterpretedliterally[because]
theirpurposeistoprovideguidanceandpracticalhelpforbelieversinthehereandnow”(LaTorre
2004:31).
“Althoughsheckere,agogos,andevencongadrumsmaybeusedinotherSantería
ceremonies,thethreedouble-headedbatádrumsarethemosteffectiveinstrumentsforevokingthe
orichasduringatoque”(Hagedorn2001:75).Thebatádrumsusedtocalltheorichasmustbeblessed
duringaspecialceremonyinorderforthemtobeabletosummondivinepower.Inaddition,each
drummermustgothroughaspecialhand-washingceremonybeforetheyareallowedtotouchthe
sacredbatá(Hagedorn2001:75-76).
“ToquesdeSantocanbeinterpretedasadistillationofmorethanacenturyofdiverse,divine
performativeintent.”Thetraditionsstillcontinuetoevolve,buttheoverallmeaninghasstayedthe
same(Hagedorn2001:75).Singingcantosislikespeaking,orlikehavingaconversationand
preachingasermonatthesametime.Eachorationmustbecompellingenoughtophysicallybringan
orichatoearthsothattheymaycommunicatewiththeirhumanchildren(ElBumbo2017).
WhenobservingbothtoquesandfolkloricpresentationsinCuba,Isawthateachorichais
physicallyrepresentedbyadancer,dressedinthecostumeandcolorsthatcorrespondtothedeity
theyembodyinthatmoment.Duringreligiousceremonies,itisthehumanbodythatconnectsthe
physicalworldtothedivine.Ifsuccessfullysummoned,orichaswillpossessor“mount”their
children,leavingthempossessed,seizing,orinatrance-likestate(ElBumbo2017).
“Itisthroughthewords,therhythmsandthemovementsofthesesacredsongsthatthe
orichaswereabletotravelfromAfricatoCuba,”allowingdisplacedcommunitiestoasserttheir
religioninthenewphysicalspacesthattheyoccupied.Similaritiesinartisticpracticesarewhat
uniteddiverseYorubancabildosintheirworship,offeringalargersenseofcommunity(Concha-
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Holmes2013:490-491).Thesetraditionsofsong,rhythm,anddancearewhatcontinuetobethe
mostcompellingambassadorsforSanteríaacrosstheglobe.
ENTERINGTHEFAITH
Iknowfrompersonalexperiencethatapproachingadeeplycomplexfaithwithsucha
nuancedhistorycanbeintimidating,especiallyasanoutsider.WhenfirstarrivinginCubaIwas
unsureofhowmyinterestinthesepracticeswouldcomeacrosstothepractitionersthemselves.I
was,andcontinuetobe,pleasantlysurprisedwiththeamountofsupportIhavereceivedfromthe
Santeríacommunitytocontinuewithmystudies,honemymusicalpractices,andevenbecome
involvedinthereligion.
IlearnedthatwhilerootedinAfrica,“SanteríaisnotlimitedtothoseofAfricandescent.
Anyoneandeveryoneiswelcometohonorandworshiptheorichasbecausethenaturalforcesthey
representarepresenteverywhereintheworld…onebecomesadevoteenotaccordingtoethnicityor
race,norbecauseofaprofessionoffaith,butratherbecauseofanactiontakenduringaritual”(La
Torre2004:4).Evennon-religiouspersonslikemyselfarewelcometoparticipateinsecular
presentationsofthemusicandsharetheintensecommunalenergyofanartistictraditionfounded
ritualpractice.OnceIhadlearnedafullOroCantadofrommylessonswithGilbertoMorales,many
religiouspractitionersweresurprisedbymyamountofknowledgeandinterest,askingmewhyIhad
learnedsomuchandnotyetbecomeapractitionermyself.ItoldthemtruthfullythatIlovedthe
traditionbutwantedtotakemytimeandbecomemoreinformedbeforegettingmorepersonally
involvedwithreligiousritual.DespitethismentalityandmyinitialgoaltostudyandobserveSantería
traditionasanoutsider,IbecamemorepersonallyinvolvedthanIoriginallyintended,partially
becauseoftheamountofencouragementIreceivedtoparticipate.
DuringmylastweekinHavanaImetamannamedErelatapark(ElParqueTrillo)near
whereIwasstaying.WhileIcorrectlysuspectedthathehadapproachedmebecausehehadno
moneyfordinner,hewasincrediblyfriendly,respectful,andeasytotalkto.Weendeduphavinga
longconversationaboutmyproject,andIsanghimsomeofthesongsfromtheOroCantadothatI
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learnedinMatanzas.Hewasimpressed,loweringhisvoicetotellmethathewasaSantería
practitionerandcouldshowmeaspectsofthereligionthatmosttouristsneversee.Aswebecame
morecomfortablewitheachother,headmittedthathewasspirituallycommunicatingwithhis
ancestorsandthattheyweretellinghimthatIdeservedtobeinvolvedandlearnmore.Weendedup
spendingmanydaystogether.Duringthattime,Erelbroughtmetohiscasadesantoandintroduced
metohisreligiouscommunityofsanteros,specificallyhisPadrino(thesanterowhohadinitiatedErel
intothefaith).JustlikeErel,theywereimpressedbymyknowledgeoftheirtraditionsand
encouragedmetobecomemoreinvolved.Withthehelpandblessingofhiscommunity,ErelandI
performednumerouslow-levelritualstobetterconnectmewithmyancestors,askingthemfor
supportinmypersonaljourney.
“ThereareseveralrolesavailableinSantería.Eachoffersadifferentlevelofprotection,
power,andknowledgetothedevotee.Asthebelieverprogressesthroughthedifferentlevelsofthe
faith,theymovefromareligiousexpressionwhichreliesmostlyontheCatholicinfluencesofthe
religiontowardgreaterrelianceonitsAfricanelements”(LaTorre2004:106).Eachstepis
characterizedbyaspecificseriesofrituals.“Practitionersareinitiatedintoembodiedknowledge
systemsandgaintheabilitiestousemusicandmovementtocommunicateacrossphysicaland
spiritualborders,aswellasenactsocialandpoliticalchangeacrossethnic,religious,andnational
boundaries”(Concha-Holmes2013:491).
Afteraseriesofinitialrituals(themajorityofwhichIwasneverpersonallyinvolvedin),
initiateshavetheopportunitytohacersanto(tomakesaint).Santerosarealsoreferredtoasomo-
orichas,or“childrenoforichas.”Eachsanteroisgivenanorichatoserveastheiradoptedparent.
OncethemusiciansestablishaconnectionbetweenheavenandEarthduringatoque,santerosand
santerasareresponsiblefordirectingtheceremonyandpassingonthebenefitsofthisdivine
interventiontotheirahijados(godchildren)(Hagedorn2001:82).
Beyondsantero,thenextstepisbecomingababalawo(likemyteacherGilberto),ahigh
priestconsecratedtotheruleofIfá.Inadditiontoaddedceremonialresponsibilities,babalawoshelp
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peoplebysummoningthedeityOrunmila.AlsoknownasOrula,Orunmilaissaidtolivebetween
heavenandEarthandhasthepowerofdivination.Babalawosconsulthimtoharnessthatdivine
power,helpingindividualschoosetherightpathtoeffectivelyadheretotheirpredetermineddestiny
(González-Wippler2016[1989]:33-36,94-98).
WhilebecomingasanteroisagoalofmanySanteríapractitioners,itisclearthatanyonecan
becomeinvolvedtoanydegreeiftheyareinterestedandabletofindareligiouscommunityto
supportthem.Thistraitofacceptance,despitesuchaviolenthistorywithwesternEuropeanculture,
isakeyreasonwhySanteríaissharedwithandpracticedbycommunitiesallovertheword.Iam
gratefultomyCubanfriendsandmentorsforbeingsokind,encouraging,andgenerouswiththeir
time.
THECONCEPTOFEGUN ANDTHEIMPORTANCEOFANCESTRALCONNECTION
AsIlearnedfromErel,anessentialtraditioninSanteríaandallotherYoruban-based
culturesistheworshipofone’sancestors,knownastheegun.Beforepresentingtotheorichas,itis
paramounttopaytributetoone’slineagefirst,appeasingtheegunandbringingthemintotheroom
toaskforhealthandstrength.Onceconnected,theworshipperthenaskspermissionoftheegunto
usetheirancientknowledgeoftraditionthathasbeenpasseddownsincethebeginningsofIfá(Erel
2017).Accordingtothistradition,“deathdoesnotseparateapersonfromtheircommunity;rather,
thedeadremaintiedtoandpartofthefaithcommunityofwhichtheywereapartinlife”(LaTorre
2004:21).Theeguncontinuetohelpandprotecttheirlovedonesandhavetheabilitytobringharm
totheirenemies.InSantería,itisconsideredperfectlynaturalthatthedeadcaninteractwiththe
living.AccordingtoLaTorre,theseinteractionsareperceivedasanaturalaspectofexistence“in
whichthephysicalandspiritualconvergeandintermingletothebenefitofbothrealms”
Likeallorichas,egunhavetheirownsongsandrhythmstosummonthembeforeeachritual.
Iwouldliketoexamine,andlaterdemonstratelive,onecantoinparticularthatIlearnedfromErel:
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Aumbáwáorí,
Aumbáwáorí,
Awaosún,awaomá,
Leríomá,leyawo,
AráOrúnkawé.
Thisroughlytranslatesto:
Wehaveourheads
Wehaveourheads,
WehaveOsún(anorichawhorepresentsone’spersonalguardianangel),wehaveourchildren,
Toourchildrenwewillpassthesecret,
Peopleinheavenjoinus.
As the akpwon calls this particular song, he or shewill often change thewords of the last verse,
substitutingthewordsaráorúninordertoincludeothergroupsofancestors.Whilefirstaskingthe
peopleinthekingdomofheaventojointhepractitionersinthephysicalworld,theakpwonwillask
the bogbo egun (all our ancestors), the iyá egun (the ancestors of our mothers), the babá egun
(ancestorsofourfathers)themokékeréegun(ancestorswhodiedaschildren),andtheegunilé(the
ancestorsoftheparticularochahouse-templewheretheritualisbeingperformed(Erel2017).
This song for the egun embodies two key elements of Santería practice: First, it
acknowledges theroleof individualconsciousness,highlighting thatculturalhistoryandcontext is
principally conceived of and preserved in people’s minds. Even though West African religious
traditionswerenotphysicallyrecorded,communalpracticescontinuedtosurvivewithinthebodies
andbrainsofindividuals.Second,itcommunicatestheimportanceoflearningculturalpracticesfrom
theolder generationsandpassing themon toyoungergenerations through ritualsofphysical and
artistic practices. This is perhaps the most fundamental cultural value practiced by the Lucumí,
ensuring their continued survival and communal development despite a history of severe
oppression.
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WHOARETHEORICHAS?
ThenumberoforichasthatexistinAfro-LatinAmericantraditionsfluctuatesbetween
twentyandtwenty-five(González-Wippler2).DuringmytimeinCuba,Icameacross21orichasthat
representtheLucumítradition,thoughitisverypossiblethatthereareafewlesserdeitiesthatI
havenotheardorreadaboutyet.BoththeLucumíandthegreaterYorubancommunitycategorize
orichasasbeingeither“white”and“cool,”withlife-givingpowers(i.e.Obatalá),or“dark”and“hot,”
symbolizingstrength,virility,andmorechaoticemotions(i.e.Elegguá).Alloftheorichashave
specificnaturalpowers(aché)thatweregiventothembyGod/Oloddumare.(González-Wippler2016
[1989]:24-28)
Forthepurposeofthisproject,Iwillexamineanddemonstratecantosandbatárhythmsfor
threeofthemostessentialorichas:Elegguá,Obatalá,andYemayá.
ELEGGUÁ
Elegguáistheorichaofthecrossroads,astrongwarriorwithamischievousstreakwho
holdsthepowertocontrolchangeanddestiny(González-Wippler2016[1989]:4).Consideredthe
youngestandcleverestoftheorichas,Elegguáisthedivineenforcerandthemostpowerfulofthe
warriorgods.Heisconsideredthesecondmostpowerfuloricha.HisnameinYorubameans
“messengerofthegods,”andheusesmiceashisagentstohelpguardthepathsofdivineandhuman
communication.Heisalsothedivinetricksterwhoenjoysputtingbothgodsandhumansin
compromisingpositions.Despitehistricks,Elegguáisknowntoalwaysactrationally(González-
Wippler2016[1989]:31).
Inadditiontocarryingmessagesbetweenhumanbeingsandtheotherorichas,Elegguáalso
reportshumanactionstoOloddumare(González-Wippler2016[1989]:28).Elegguáhasbeen
syncretizedwithseveralCatholicsaints,includingSaintAnthonyofPadua,theHolyInfantofPrague,
SaintMartinofPorres,andSaintBenito.Heisrepresentedbythecolorsredandblackaswellasby
numbersthataremultiplesofthree(twenty-oneinparticular).Heisalsovaluedforhisabilityto
guardhomesagainstdangers.SomesanteroskeepElegguá’simageintheircourtyardsinasmall
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houseespeciallyforhim,butmostkeephiminsidethehousenearthefrontdoor,sothathecankeep
awayevil(González-Wippler2016[1989]:29-30).
Followingtheritualsfortheegun,Elegguáisthefirstorichatobeaddressedateachtoquede
santosothathemayentertheroomandphysicallyopenthelineofcommunicationbetweenthe
worshipersandtheotherorichas.ThedancerwhorepresentsElegguáwillapproachmembersofthe
crowd,physicallyconnectingwithpeoplehand-to-handandforehead-to-foreheadbeforefinishing
thedance.Fortheremainderoftheritual,theElegguádancerleadstheotherorichadancersonand
offstage,physicallyembodyingElegguá’srole.
ThefirstsongthatIlearnedfromGilbertoMoralesisacommonsongtoinitiateanOrofor
ElegguáandisthesecondsongthatIwilldemonstrateduringmypresentation:
Mojubao,Mojubaoricha
Aché,mojubaoricha
Mojubatranslatestoasalutationorprayer,whileachérepresentsthespiritualpower
wieldedbytheorichas.ThisisacleardeclarationofrespectforElegguáandhispower.
AnothercommonsongforElegguáisagoiléago.Agoisaphrasethatasksforpermissionfor
entry(e.g.,aknockatthedoor).Ilé,asmentionedearlier,referstotheconceptofaphysicalhome.In
thissong,theakpwonisaskingforpermissiontoenterintocommunicationwiththedivineworld,
invitingElegguá,andallotherorichas,intotheirilé(Morales2017).
OBATALÁ
Obataláisfatheroftheworld,thoughhe/sheappearsinbothmasculineandfeminineforms.
Obataláisthephysicalcreatorofmankindandisalsothesymbolofpeaceandpurity.Obataláis
representedbythecolorwhite,issaidtoliveontopofamountain,andrepresentsthehighestlevel
ofexistence(LaTorre2004:58).He/sheprotectsthemindsofallindividuals(González-Wippler
2016[1989]:38).
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AccordingtoYorubanmythology,Obataláwasthefirstorichacreatedbythesupremegod,
Olofi/Oloddumare.He/sheisthemostpowerfuloricha,isthefather/motherofmanyoftheorichas,
andisconsideredtobethefatherofhumanity.Interestingly,thetraditionisthatObataláisthe
creatorandownerofallhumanheads,andisthusinchargeofhumanthoughtsanddreams.When
someoneistroubledorconfused,Obataláprovidesserenity,andwhensomeoneisgoingthrough
difficulttimes,he/shecanbringclarity(LaTorre2004:57-58).
ThesanterosoftensaythatallofObatalá’sattributesemanatefromacombinationofthe
oricha’smaleandfemaleaspects,butthatitisimportanttorememberthatObataláisoneentity.“He
istheowneroftheworld,cabezagrande,thefirstoricha,andforthatreason,histureenorsoperais
placedabovethoseofalltheorichasinthecanastilleroorcabinetwheretheyarekept…Obatalá’s
sacrednumbersareeight,sixteen,andtwenty-four[andtheir]feastiscelebratedonSeptember24,
thedayofOurLadyofMercyintheCatholicChurch”(González-Wippler2016[1989]:38).
ThesecondtimeImetwithErel’spadrinowassothathecouldreadmyenergyandhelpme
connectwithmyancestors.Afterinvokingtheegunofmydeceasedgrandmother,Iwastoldavariety
ofthingsaboutmyenergyandlifetrajectory.IwasadvisedthatIneededtoparticipateinaceremony
tolavarlacabeza(washmyhead)soIcouldreceiveObataláasmyguardianangel,towatchoverme
andprotectmyhead.Thispurificationceremonyinvolvedprostratingmyselftomultipleorichas,
burningcandlesandofferingfoodtoappeaseObatalá,andplacingchoppedfreshfruitonmyhead
andlimbs.AftersomeinvestigationIfoundoutthatearlyinitiatestothefaithalwaysreceiveObatalá
asaguardianangeltowatchoverthemuntiltheyreceivetheirprincipaloricha.Istillwearthe
blessedwhitebeadednecklace,bracelet,andankletIreceivedduringtheceremonywhenIcan,
especiallyondaysthatIneedextramentalsupport.
IhaveunfortunatelybeenunabletofindaccuratetranslationforthecantosforObataláthatI
willbedemonstrating.GilbertotoldmethatthecantosforObataláaresomeofthemostlyrical.While
theakpwonisallowedtoimprovisevariationsoftheircallsforotherorichas,toembellishObatalá
cantosisgenerallyconsideredunnecessarybecauseoftheimportanceoftheirspecificmelodies.
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YEMAYÁ
Yemayáisthegoddessoftheoceanandthemotherofallthatexists.“IfObatalásymbolizes
theseedoflife,thenYemayágerminatesthatseed.Sheisthemotheroftheworld,motherof
humanity,andmotherofseveraloftheorichas.”Interestingly,practitionersofSanteríaassociatelife
withwater:justasourscientificunderstandingoftheoriginoflifeonEarthbeganinthewater,
Yemayá—theoriginoflife—possessesthepropertiesofwater(LaTorre2004:72).Hernameis
derivedfromtheYorubatitleYeyeomoeja,whichmeans“themotherwhosechildrenarethefish”
(González-Wippler1989:57).Asamaternalsymbol,Yemayáisalsothegoddessoffertility,receiving
fertilityritesfromwomenwhoarehopingtoconceive.
InCatholicism,YemayáisalsoknownasOurLadyofRegla(LaVirgendeRegla),aversionof
theMadonnaandprotectorofsailorsandpatronsaintoftheBayofLaHavanainCuba.Inthemiddle
oftheseventeenthcenturythisimageoftheblackMadonnawasbroughtfromSpain.Followersof
SanteríasoonbegantousetheblackMadonnaasthe“mask”fortheirorichaYemayá,becauseofboth
skincolorandherassociationwiththesea(LaTorre2004:73-74).Yemayáistheonlyoricha/saintin
SanteríathatisdepictedasablackAfrican.“Hergreatestgiftstohumanityarethedi-logun,the
seashellswhichareusedbytheorichastocommunicatewiththeirchildren”(LaTorre2004:72).
ImanagedtopartiallytranslatethesecondtolastsongofthesetofcantosthatIwillpresent
forYemayá:
Yemayáoloodo,awalodolomio
Yemayáoloodo,awalodolomio
Olo,translatesto“ownerof”andodomeans“river,”sowecanbesurethatthiscantoispraising
Yemayáas“theowneroftheriver.”Mioshouldbepossessive,mostlikelymeaning“my,”butIhave
notbeenablefindthetranslationforawalodo,thoughIbelievelatterhalfofthewordisstillreferring
toariver(odo).
DuringmylastweekinCuba,IrodetheferryacrossthebaythatseparatesHavanawiththe
suburbofReglaonanumberofoccasions,atownoriginallyformedbyemancipatedslaveswhere
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Erellivedwithhismother.Inthemiddleofeachcrossing,Erelwouldcrosshimself(aCatholic
tradition)withacoinandthentossitintheriverasagiftforYemayá.Heencouragedmetodothe
same.Aftermyhead-washingceremonyforObatalá,wegatheredtheremainderofthechoppedfruit
thathadbeenplacedonmyheadandleftitonthestairsofaCatholicChurch.Wethenwenttopay
tributetoYemayá,arrivingatthewater’sedgenexttothepopularmalecóninHavana.Welitacandle
and“washed”ourselveswithflowersandtheremainingfruitthatremainedintact(thisconsistedofa
circular“scrubbing”motionfromheadtoe)beforethrowingtheofferingsintotheocean.
SACREDVS.SECULAR:THEPROBLEMSOFFOLKLORICPRESENTATION
AtleastfromtheendoftheNineteenthCentury,mostpeople(includingacademics)have
dismissedSanteríaandotherAfro-Latinreligioustraditions.Theyerroneouslycategorizeitinoneof
twoways:First,theyhaveinterpreteditasastaticanddecliningtradition.Mostnon-practitioners
whohavebeenexposedtoSantería’sartistictraditionshavenotappreciatedSanteriaasaliving,
breathingformofcontemporaryreligiousexpression.Rather,theyhaveseenitasabitoffolkloric
traditionthatmodernCubanskeepaliveasafunandlivelyartformusedpurelyforentertainment.
ThecharacterizationanddemonstrationofSanteríamusicasfolkloricentertainmenthasallowedit
be“objectifiedandreconstructedwithoutconsiderationfor[its]contemporaryreligiouscontext”in
manyinstances(Hagedorn2001:4).Second,manyanalystshavewronglyassociateditsolelywith
theAfro-Cubanexperience:thatitissomethingthatisassociatedonlywiththehistoryofslaves
broughttoCuba,andisthereforeadyingbitoffolklorictraditionthatisbeinglostasCuba
modernizes.MyexperienceinCuba—alongwithmyresearchintothefaith—hasconvincedmethat
Santeriaisnotonlyanactivereligionthatlivesandbreathes,butisalsoafaiththatoperatesona
globalscale,flexibleenoughtoallowforlocalizedvariationandevolution,andwelcomingtopeople
whoareneitherblacknorCuban.
DuringtheearlyyearsoftheCubanRepublicattheturnoftheTwentiethCentury,Havana-
bornscholarFernandoOrtízbecamethefirstacademictowriteaboutAfro-Cubanreligious
traditions.HisfirstworksLosNegrosBrujos(“TheBlackWitches,”publishedin1901)andLosNegros
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Esclavos(“TheBlackSlaves,”publishedin1916),werehighlyexoticizedaccountsofwhatIhavejust
explainedtobedeeplycomplexreligioustraditionswitharichhistory,equatingthesepracticesto
witchcraftandexoticfolkloreofa“simple”orunsophisticated“primitive”people(Castellanos2005
[1938]:153,andErel2017).
WhilehiswritingsseemedtoignoretheroleofAfro-Cubanartisticpracticesasalegitimate
formofreligiousexpressionandwereplainlyracist,Ortízwasthefirsttoorganizepublicstagingof
batádrummingin1936and1937,givingSanteríaanewpublicplatform.Thiswasthebeginningof
theConjuntoFolklórico,agroupthateventuallybecamethefirststate-sponsoredartisticcollectiveto
demonstrateAfro-Cubanartistic,andoriginallyreligious,practiceswithinahighlysecular“folkloric”
context(Hagedorn2001:5).
AfterOrtiz’sinitialwork,CubanbornscientistandwriterRómuloLachatañerébegandoing
hisownethnologicalresearchintoAfro-Cubanmusicandreligiouspractice.Lachatañeréestablished
“themethodologicalandsemanticroutestobefollowedbysubsequentCubanethnology”inhiswork
TheReligiousSystemoftheLucumísandOtherAfricaninfluenceinCuba(publishedin1946).Inhis
writinghereferencedFernandoOrtiz’sgroundbreakingwork,declaringhimselfadisciple,butstill
pointingouthismentor’smistakesandlimitations.HecritiquedOrtiz’sstudyofAfro-Cubanreligion
andartformsasmerelyastudyofthe“blackunderworld”thatwasbroughttoCubaby“primitive
peoples”asaresultofthetransatlanticslavetrade(Castellanos2005:xi).
Tohiscredit,OrtízpublishedLachatañeré’scritiqueinthepagesoftheacademicjournalhe
editedcalledEstudiosAfrocubanos.Asaresultofthisseeminglyunlikelycollaboration,Lachatañeré’s
anthropologicalapproachwasadoptedbyOrtíz,enabling“therapidadvanceofAfro-Cubansocieties
atacrucialpointin[their]development”andinspiringotheranthropologistsandethnomusicologists
(i.e.LydiaCabrera,KatherineHagedorn)tocontinuetoinvestigateboththehistoryand
contemporaryexistenceofdiverseAfro-Latintraditionsinmorecomprehensiveandrespectfulways.
(Castellanos2005:xi).TheethnographerJorgeCastellanoswritesaboutthedifficultiesthat
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LachatañeréandhiscontemporariesfacedintheirefforttoobtainaccurateinformationaboutAfro-
Cubanculture:
Itwasnecessarytopenetratethesecrecyinwhichblackbelieverscloakedtheirbeliefsandtheircults,fearful—withgoodreason—ofattractingallmannerofdisdain,desecrationandpersecution.Tothearroganceofthedominantculturewasaddedtheunderstandableinferioritycomplexofthesubjugatedculture.Exorcisingthosedemonswasnotasimplematter(Castellanos2005viii).
WhileallofmyreligiousCubanfriendsandmentorswereveryopenandencouraging,I
couldtellthattheyweren’tsharingallofthesecretsoftheirfaith,oratleastwerejustgivingme
informationlittlebylittle.ThismakessensebecauseSanteríaisapracticethatoneentersgradually
throughaseriesofrituals,eachrevealingnewinformationaboutthereligion’s“secrets.”Thisisa
trajectorythatallpractitioners,includingCubansofWestAfricanorigin,mustfollow.Ifanything,
practitionersofSanteríahavefoundtheirreligiousbeliefstohavebecomemoreacceptableinthe
publiceye,allowingthemtobemorecomfortablepracticingtheirreligionopenlyandmore
empoweredtoshareaspectsoftheirtraditionswithforeignindividualsandcommunities.
Despiteitsnewfoundopennessandglobalpresence,thenuancedandhistoricalimbalanceof
powerbetweenethnicgroupscontinuestocreateproblematicsituationsinthecontextofsecular
presentationsofSantería,raisingquestionsabouthowtogivethesetraditionstheirownvoiceinthe
mostrespectfulmannerpossible.Thebestmethodstoavoidmischaracterizationofthetraditionare
educationandconversation.
SACREDVS.SECULAR:THETOURISTBOOM
WhentheCastroregimecametopower,itadoptedanofficialpolicyof“scientificatheism,”
whichdrewuponMarxaswellasthemodelsofCastro’sSovietbenefactors.Asaresult,theCastro
regimepersecutedpractitionersofSanteríaandotherAfrican-basedreligions.However,soonafter,
theCastrogovernmentbegantoselectivelysupportsomeofCuba’sAfrican-basedreligious
traditions,“legalizingcertainpractitionersandmainstreamingthesereligionsandtheiradherentsto
thetouristtrade”inanefforttomakemoney.Insodoing,thegovernmentprojectedawhite-washed
imageofadiverseandevolved“Cuban”heritageontotheisland’sdevelopingpost-revolutionary
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identity.Thefirstartisticcollectivetobestate-sponsoredwasacontinuationofFernandoOrtíz’s
originalfolkloricproject,withthestateofficiallyestablishingtheConjuntoFolklóricoNacionalde
Cubain1962(Hagedorn2004:7,19).
InherbookDivineUtterances,KatherineHagedorninterviewsAlbertoVillareal,a
percussionistandsanterowhowasoneoftheConjunto’soriginalmembers.Inthisinterview,Villareal
explainsthatwhiletheformoftheConjunto’sperformanceswassecular,mostofthemembersofthe
ensembleweredeeplyreligiousandcommittedtotheSanteríatradition:
TheConjuntowasformedbyreligiouspeople,whoweretheoneswhomadereligionintoartbytheirstrength,theirabilities,theirinstruments,theirclothing…theConjuntowasbornofthatwhichisreligious,itwasbornofthereligion.We[thedrummers]werecapableofbringingreligiontoart”(Hagedorn2001:86).
Asfurtherevidenceofthecontinued“masking”ofthereligioustraditions—thistimefromtheCastro
regimeratherthantheSpanishcolonistsorCatholicpriests—Villarealexplainsthatinthesesecular
presentations,sacreddrumsareneverused,whichaccordingtoSanteríapractitionersmeansthat
themusicperformedinthesesecularcontextswouldnotconjuresacredpower(Hagedorn2001:99).
Keydifferencesofsecularperformanceandsacredpracticesincludetheperformativeintent
oftheparticipantsaswellasthenatureoftheirperformancepractice.Whilefolkloric
demonstrationsareorchestratedastypicalmusicrehearsalswheremusiciansarefreetorehearse
differentsectionsofanarrangementtoperfectaspecificarrangementthathasbeenpreviously
agreedupon,religiousritualsarerehearsedthroughrepetitionsoffunction.Inthereligiouspractice
ofSanteríathereisneveramomentwheretheintentofthemusicandmovementisanythingbesides
anattempttoaccessdivinepower(Hagedorn2001:12).
LinesbetweensacredandsecularperformancesbegantoblurbecausemanyAfro-Cuban
ritualmusicianswerealsoinvolvedinfolkloricperformances.Infact,asstatedbyAlbertoVillareal,if
itwasn’tforthereligiouspractitioners,whoallofasuddenhadbecomeresponsibleforaccurately
representingtheirtraditionstoanaudienceofoutsiders,thefolkloricensembleswouldnothavehad
anopportunitytoexist.Becauseofthecrossoverofmusiciansandarelativelyaccurateportrayalof
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SanteríaandothersacredAfro-Cubantraditions,“thetaskofdifferentiatingbetweenreligiousand
folkloricintent[inperformance]isconstant”fortheartistsinvolved(Hagedorn2001:85).Folkloric
presentationshavesometimesinadvertentlyputmusiciansorreligiousaudiencemembersinto
divinetrancesbecauseofthereligiousbackgroundofmanyoftheperformers,aswellasthemusical
commonalitiesthatsecularpresentationssharewithreligiousritual(Hagedorn2001:112-116).In
hercontinuedinteractionswithAlbertoVillareal,HagedornconcludesthatVillarealwalkstheline
betweenanactivesanteroand“apreserverofhisreligioustradition,’’eventhoughheclaimsthathis
workandhisreligionaretotallyseparate”(Hagedorn2001:98).Inthiscase,oneroleconsistsof
fosteringcontinuedreligiouspracticeswithinhiscommunity,whereastheotherroleisoneofa
culturalambassadorwhointroducesforeignerstoLucumíinanefforttoeducatecommunities
outsideofhisown.ThisdualsenseofpurposeseemstomirrortherolethatmyteacherGilberto
Moralesplaysasabothababalawoandasecularmusician.
Despitethesuccessandgrowingpopularityofthesestate-sponsoredAfro-Cubanfolkloric
groups,mostmanifestationsofreligiositywerestillseenascounter-revolutionarybytheCastro
regime.PractitionersofSanteríawerestilldiscriminatedagainst,notbeingallowedtojointhe
CommunistPartyandsometimesdeniedprofessionaltraining,education,andhousing(Marouan57).
DuringmyowntimeinCuba,GilbertoMoralestoldmethatheandhisfamilypracticed
SanteríainsecretduringtheCastroregime,despitebeingabletoopenlyplayreligiousmusicina
folkloriccontext.Gilberto’sviewisthatitwasnotuntil1998,afterthearrivalofthePopeJohnPaulII
inCuba,thattheCastroregimebegantorelaxpoliciesenforcingsecularism,allowinghimandothers
tomorefreelyandopenlypracticehisreligion(Morales2017).Hisperceptionmusthavecoincided
withdrasticchangesintheCubaneconomicmentalitythatdevelopedafterthecollapseoftheSoviet
Unionin1989.SovietsupportfortheCubaneconomyvanished,andneitherthestrugglingsugar
industry,northerevivalofthecigarmarketcouldbalanceCuba’smassivetradedeficit.Withits
beaches,tropicalclimate,andeasilyexoticizedhistory,openingthecountrytotourismseemedtobe
theonlyanswer(Hagedorn2004:7).
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ThetouristtradehasprovidedsomeeconomicopportunitiesforCubanpeople,bringing
globalinfluenceandanincreaseinforeigninvestment.However,itwaseasyevenformetoperceive
duringmyshorttimeinCubathattheCastrogovernmentprioritizestourists’well-beingoverthatof
Cubancitizens.Thetwotypesofcurrencyarethefirstsignsofdisparity,withtheCubanpeso
equatingtoonlyonetwenty-fourthofthetouristdollar(CUC).WhileinMatanzas,Iheardmany
storiesaboutlocalgrocerystoresrunningoutofmanytypesoffoodonarelativelyregularbasis
becausethegovernmentchosetoprioritizemaintaininganabundantfoodsupplyfortouristsonthe
beachesofneighboringVaradero.
TouristscomingtoCubahavealsobecomeincreasinglyexcitedaboutallformsofAfro-
Cubanmusic,includingfolkloricpresentationsofSanteríapractices.TheCastrogovernment’splanto
commodifyreligioustraditionhassucceededandledtoformsofwhatisnowcalledSanturismo.This
formoffetishizedtourismhascreatedamarketforforeignerstopayagreatlyinflatedpricetotake
partinritualsandinitiationsofreligionsthatstillfacediscriminationanderasure.Thishaspromoted
“theriseofnewreligiousvoicesthat[havechallenged]thecommercializationofthereligion”
(Marouan58).HagedornwritesthatonecouldeasilyarguethatthefolkloricizationofAfro-Cuban
religioustraditionsisinherentlyproblematic,describinga“historicizedprocessinwhichaninward-
directed,noncommodifiedreligioustraditionbecomesoutward-directed,commodified,staged,and
secularized”forpublicconsumption(Hagedorn2004:9).
Despitefeelingwaryoffolkloricpresentation,HagedorncomplimentsAlbertoVillareal’s
abilitytoprogramsecularpresentationswhilerespectingreligiouspractices:“Inthesamewaythat
[Villareal]guardstheauthenticityofthefolkloricrenditionsofhisreligion,healsoguardsthesecrets,
sothatthepartialversionhegivesisabsolutelyauthentic,compromisingneithertheintegrityofthe
folkloricperformance,northesanctityofitsreligiousantecedent”(KatherineHagedorn2001:98-
99).Tome,thisanimportantobservationthatrecognizesthatwhengiventheautonomy,Santería
communitieshavethepotentialtoaccuratelyrepresentthemselvesinwaysthatbringexposureto
theirculturalpracticeswhilestillpreservingsacredritual.AgainIseesimilaritiesbetweenVillareal
andmyteacherGilbertoMorales.
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DuringmytimeinCubaIwenttosecularfolkloricpresentationsthatwereperformedbya
combinationofreligiousandnon-religiousmusiciansattendedbyamixedaudienceofreligiousand
non-religiouspersons.Theseperformanceswalkedthelinebetweensecularandsacredbecause,
whilenotperformedforaspecificreligiouspurpose,religiousperformersandattendeeswerestill
payingtributetotheorichasintheirownway.Despitenotactuallysummoningthedeities,themusic
andrhythmswereclearlyenoughtostimulatepeople’sfaithandbuildcommunity.Hagedornwrites
aninterestingpassageabouttherolethatpeople’sphysicalbodiesplayinthespacebetweensacred
andsecularperformance:
Thesphereofsacredintentismostoftenconstructedbyresurrectingthememoryofthesacredinbothfolkloricandreligiousperformance.Andinbothtypesofperformance,thememoryofthesacredistranslatedthroughthebody.Thebodyiswhere“sacred”and“secular”meet,wheretheboundariesareblurred,anditisthisliminalspacethatisbothpowerfulanddisruptivebecauseitcallsintoquestiontheperformativecategoriesimpliedbytheterms‘sacred’and‘secular’andforcestheparticipantstorenegotiatetheirrespective“rulesofengagement”(Hagedorn2001:77).
Becausethemusicplayedduringreligioustoquesisusedtosummonorichassothatthey
mayphysicallypossesstheirhumanchildren,itisactuallytheindividualpractitionersthemselves
whohavethepowertoallowthemusicofSanteríatoaffecttheminspiritualways.Evenfolkloric
performancesusingsecularbatádrumshavecausedreligiouslistenerstohaveseizuresorfallinto
trancesduetodivineintervention(Hagedorn2001:75-88).Thespacebetweensacredandsecular
performanceisnavigatedbytheperformativeintentoftheparticipants.
Navigatingthisperformativeintenthasalwaysbeenanimportantaspectofperformingwith
LawrenceUniversity’sTamboToké,anensemblethatIamfortunateenoughtoco-direct.Asreligious
outsiders,ourgoalistolearnandpresentAfro-Cubanmusic,includingthatofSantería,as
authenticallyaspossiblewithanintenttoeducatemembersoftheensembleandouraudiences
aboutthesenuancedmusicalpracticesandthedeephistoryofcommunalritualthattheyrepresent.
Astheleadcaller(akpwon)ofthegroup,IamconstantlyoratinginLucumí,frequentlywondering
whetheritismyplacetodoso.TheoverwhelmingencouragementIhavereceivedfromCuban
Santeríapractitionershasinspiredmetoeducatemyselffurther,notonlybecauseIlovethemusic,
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butalsobecauseIfeelaresponsibilitytoaccuratelyportraytheemotionaldepth,historical
complexity,andlivingfaiththatthemusicrepresents.
CONCLUSIONS
Despitetheegregiousdisadvantagesofaracializedglobalizedcapitalistsystemstilldictated
byhistoricallycolonialpowers,theimportantadvantageofthedevelopmentofsecularfolkloric
practicehasbeentheincreasedexposureofimportantAfro-Latintraditions.Whileracistundertones
andlackofeducationallowthemusictobeeasilycommodified,exoticized,andappropriatedby
foreigners,manymusicians,dancers,andreligiouspractitionersarguethatanyexposurecanbegood
exposureandencourageconversationandeducation(Bumbo2017,Morales2017,Martínez2018,
Hagedorn2001:101).
DuringaTamboTokémasterclasswithaccomplishedmusicianandCuban-bornsantero
PedritoMartínezinAprilof2018,MartínezemphasizedthatsecularperformancesofAfro-Cuban
traditionsshouldbeaccessibletoanyone.Hekeptrepeatingthatthetypeofinformedand
educationalperformancethatwestriveforis“goodfortheculture.”Herelatedtousthatitwasthe
cantosandbatárhythmsthatfirstattractedhimtoLucumí,encouraginghimtonotonlylearnthe
music,buteducatehimselfaboutthereligiousritualsandculturalhistoryaswell(Martínez2018).I
believethatitisthispurecuriositythatcanbeinspiredbybothsacredandsecularformatsof
Santería,thelatterbeingmuchmoreeasilyaccessibleformembersoftheglobalcommunityand
thereforeholdingavastamountofeducationalpotentialtointroducepreviouslyuninformed
populationstonotonlyawealthofoverlookedartisticpractices,butalsotoanancient,yetinherently
fluid,religiouspracticethatcontinuestosurvive,thrive,andadapt.
OnekeyreasonSanteríahasbeenabletowithstandabruptchangeandconstantexternal
pressureisbecauseofitsinternalemphasisonpayinghomagetoancestrallineage(respectingthe
egun)andtheimportantpracticeofactivelybuildingnewcommunitythroughauralritual.Ibelieve
thatitisthisvaluespecificallythatencourageddisplacedWestAfricanswithanobscuredsenseof
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heritagetoevolvefromwithinandclaimspacesofthestolenislandastheirown,buildingasenseof
communityandhistoryfromtheremainsofwhatwastakenawayfromthem.
SanteríaisabletoauthenticallyrepresentaversionoftheruleofIfá,allowingits
practitionerstotakepartinadevelopingtransnationalYorubanidentityandconnecttotheiroriginal
West-Africanhistory,aswellassimultaneouslybeingabletoprogressforwardwithlivingtradition
andadaptreligiouspracticesonlocallevels.Complimentingsacredritualisthefolkloricpresentation
ofanadjacentsecularmusical“genre”that,whenexecutedcorrectly,hasthepotentialtoeducate
audiencesandbringimportantexposuretoSantería,itsmusic,andthegreaterWestAfrican
Diaspora.
Justlikethereligionitself,myrelationshiptoSanteríaanditsartisticpracticeswillcontinue
toevolve.IamgratefultohavehadtheopportunitytolearnwhatIcanaboutthisimportanttradition
andamhumbledtoplayasmallroleinexposingitsmusictonewcommunities.
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LUCUMÍTRANSLATIONS
Aché:PositiveSpiritualPower
Alagba/Alagbalagba:Respected
Agó:Aphrasethatasksforpermission(Knock-Knock)
Agoya:Enter
Aiku:Longlife
Ajuba:WeSaluteyou
Akpwon:Leadsinger/callerwhensingingcantos
Ala:Dream
Aña:Orichaofthedrum
Awo:Secret
Babá:Father
Babalawo:PriestofOrula,ApractitioneroftheRegladeIfá
Babaloricha/Babalocha:ASanterowhohasinitiatedothersintotheafaith
Iyaloricha/Iyalocha:ASanterowhohasinitiatedothersintotheafaith
Bogbo/Gbogbo:All
Di-logun:Molluskshellsusedfordivinationbybabalochasandiyalochas
Ebbó:Sacrifice
Egun:One’sancestors
Ekuele:Divingchain
Elegguá:Orichawhooverseesthecommunicationlevelsbetweenthehumanrealmandthedivine
Eleri/Eri/Ori:Head
Foribale(Moforibale):Salutebyprostrating(actofgreeting/respectingtheorichas)
Güemilere:Tambor/ToquedeSanto(Ritualcelebrationofinvokingtheoricha)
Igboro:OrichaPriest
Ikú/Icú:Death
Ilé:Home
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Ina:Fire
Iré:Blessings,Goodfortune(intheformofenergy)
Iroko:Laceiba–Asacredtree
Iyá:Mother
Iyawó:Wife
Mi:My
Mo:I
Mojuba:Salute/Salutation/Homage/Prayer
Mokékeré:Babies/Children
Obá:King
Obiní:Woman
Oguede:Plantain
Oke:Mountain
Okuni:Man
Olo:Owner,onewhohas…
Olofi/Oloddumare:OmnipotentandOmnipresentGodthatbestowedachétoallexistingorichas
Omá:Children
Omí:Water
Omordé:Woman“inthespecificsenseoftheword”(Castellanos2005[1938]:151)
Oricha:AnanimisticdeityofYorubanoriginwithsomeamountofcontroloverthenaturalworld
Orún:Heaven,orSun
Orunmila:OrichawholivesbetweenheavenandEarth,consultedbybabalawosbecauseofhispowersofdivination
Owo/Olowo/Oguo:Money
Patakí:storiesthatdepictdiversemythologyofLucumíorichas
Wa:Come
Yemayá:Orichaoffertility,Queenofwater,motherofalllife
Yeye:Mama/informalnameformother
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