Saad Zaghlul Pasha: Father of Egyptians - Part
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Saad Zaghlul Pasha: Father of Egyptians
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This short article documents the early life of Egyptian
nationalist leader,Saad Zaghlul Pashawho came from a peasant
(fellaheen) background to become Minister of Education (1906-1910),
Justice (1910-1912) and was elected Vice President of the new
Legislative Assembly (1914) during the time of the British
occupation of Egypt during the period 1882-1922. Zaghlul went from
being a rebel in 1882 to a prominent Egyptian Judge and Lawyer
before entering the world of Egyptian politics. As Minister of
Education he instituted a number of reforms that were designed to
raise the literacy levels of young Egyptians.
Saad Zaghlul Pasha: "Father of Egyptians"By Stavros T.
Stavridis, the author of'The Greek-Turkish War 1919-23
See also:Part 2andPart 3
"Unless I am much mistaken, a career of great usefulness lies
before the present Minister of Education, Saad Zaghlul Pasha. He
possesses all the qualities necessary to serve his country. He is
honest; he is capable; he has the courage of his convictions; he
has been abused by many of the less worthy of his own countrymen.
These are high qualifications. He should go far."Lord Cromer,
British Pro-Consul in Egypt, in 1907 in Ronald Storrs, The Memoirs
of Sir Ronald Storrs, Arno Press, New York, 1972, p.52
IntroductionThis short article documents the early life of
Egyptian nationalist leader,Saad Zaghlul Pashawho came from a
peasant (fellaheen) background to become Minister of Education
(1906-1910), Justice (1910-1912) and was elected Vice President of
the new Legislative Assembly (1914) during the time of the British
occupation of Egypt during the period 1882-1922. Zaghlul went from
being a rebel in 1882 to a prominent Egyptian Judge and Lawyer
before entering the world of Egyptian politics. As Minister of
Education he instituted a number of reforms that were designed to
raise the literacy levels of young Egyptians. He did not get along
too well with Khedive Abbas Hilmi and British Consul General Lord
Kitchener. It is against the latter that he held a personal grudge
that started him on the road into becoming anti-British after World
War 1.The fiery Zaghlul kept quiet during the First World War thus
making it easier for Britain to maintain its control over
Egypt.
1. The early years 1870-1906He was born in Ibiana village,
Gharbiya province, in the Nile Delta, either in 1857 or 1860 whose
father was a prosperous landowning village headman. His family
enjoyed prestige and political influence in their local community.
Zaghlul was a very bright student who entered Al-Azhar University
in 1870. In 1880 he was appointed assistant to Sheik Muhammad Abdu
"in editing the official gazette" where he took an active interest
in law reform. He took part in the El Arabi rebellion in 1882 and
was arrested and incarcerated in Kasr el Nil Barracks. He learnt
French whilst serving on the bench and studied at the French law
school in Cairo. Zaghlul was appointed a judge to the Native Courts
of Appeal in 1892 where he served with distinction.
Zaghlul was also concerned about the plight of poor children and
was one among the founders of the Muslim Benevolent Society in
1892. The main purpose of this organization was to set up schools
for poor children "which would serve as an experiment in private
education" and would "give students a modern education whilst
emphasizing a Muslim upbringing." Even at this stage, Zaghlul
clearly understood the benefits of education for young Egyptian
children.
As a lawyer, he occupied a privileged position in Egyptian
society which also opened the door to a political career. Having
come to the attention of Princess Nazli, she made it possible for
Zaghlul to come to the attention of Egyptian Prime Minister,
Mustapha Fehmy Pasha (1885-1908). Zaghlul's marriage to Fehmy's
daughter in 1896 paved the way for him to climb the higher echelons
of Egyptian society. Such an elevation also came to the attention
of the British Pro-Consul, Lord Cromer who immediately saw that
Zaghlul possessed the administrative competence to hold a high
office. All these political connections led to his appointment as
Minister of Education in 1906. The British Consul-General
(1882-1907), Lord Cromer cited the main reason for Zaghlul's
appointment as Minister for Education "was mainly due to a desire
to associate an able man and enlightened Egyptian of this
particular section of society with the work of Egyptian reform." It
was important from a British point of view to introduce western
civilization that would greatly assist Egypt's development into
becoming a modern nation.
2. Minister of Education and Justice 1906-1912During his tenure
as Education Minister 1906-10, he instituted a number of reforms
that were designed to raise literacy levels of young Egyptians. For
example the number of schools in the cities and particularly in the
villages was increased. The latter showed that the great majority
of Egyptians lived in rural communities. Even night school
education was expanded. He achieved in having Arabic replace
English as the language of instruction in Egyptian schools and also
increased the number of Egyptian school inspectors.
Douglas Dunlop, an adviser attached to the Egyptian Education
Ministry, tried very hard to stop Arabic as the language of
instruction in Egyptian schools but Zaghlul stood his ground and
prevailed. When Zaghlul became Minister of Education, he forced
Dunlop to come and see him and demanded reading all important
documents pertaining to his ministerial portfolio. Obviously Dunlop
resented such treatment but acquiesced in the end. He returned to
the Education Ministry after Zaghlul's appointment as Minister of
Justice in 1910.
A table reproduced below highlights the number of students
attending educational institutions run by the Ministry of Education
for the years 1906-10.
Type of institution19061907190819091910
In Government Kuttabs (Village
Schools)904511014123691336513545
Institutions for training of Kuttabs29392978278827472766
Higher primary schools79188544858583868644
Technical schools and classes7698598198541352
Secondary schools13801910211322432197
Professional colleges9621304151115481599
When examining the data above, it reveals an overall expansion
in education under Zaghlul's stewardship. Zaghlul also favored the
expansion of primary education for girls. The Ministry of Education
also inspected private schools to ensure that they adhered too
government regulations. In 1910 the Ministry audited 3664 private
Kuttabs (202,095 students), thirteen private higher primary schools
(3535), nine trades schools (1412), one training school for nurses
and midwives (35) and the Ghizeh Reformatory (715).
Another educational reform introduced by Zaghlul was a training
college for Qadis (Judges for Muslim courts) in 1907. Since there
were an insufficient number of them, he worked out a scheme with
the Chief Ulema (Muslim scholar trained in Islam and Islamic Law).
The school had a committee of management "composed of the Sheikh of
Al-Azhar as president, the Grand Mufti of Egypt (a jurist who
interprets Muslim religious law and who can issue fatwas (legal
judgments), the head-master, and two members nominated by the
Minister of Education in agreement with the Minister of Justice."
It received over 1,000 applications but only 200 students could be
accommodated.
Whilst Zaghlul worked tirelessly to expand educational
opportunities for his fellow citizens, he also had to operate
within a tight financial regime imposed by the British.Lord
Cromerand his successors tightly controlled Egyptian finances to
ensure that budget surpluses were achieved. According to the 1907
census only 6% of boys and 2% of girls of school age attended
elementary or industrial education under the direction or
supervision of the Ministry of Education out of a total population
of nearly 11,200,000 inhabitants. Taking this figure at face value,
it reveals the prevalence of high illiteracy rates amongst young
Egyptians. Paying moderate fees at government schools would have
acted as a disincentive for many poor Egyptian parents to educate
their children. Zaghlul offered a limited number of scholarships to
needy secondary students so that they could complete their high
school education. The British educated a limited number of
Egyptians for middle and lower civil service positions "to prevent
the emergence of an indigenous political leadership that might
spearhead a nationalist movement."
Another political appointment was when he served as Minister of
Justice 1910-12. He came into that position immediately after the
assassination of Egyptian Prime Minister, Boutros Ghali Pasha in
February 1910. In 1909, Khedive Abbas Hilmi approached Ghali and
asked him to raise the renewal of the Suez Canal concession in the
General Assembly. Ghali believed that the Khedive should raise this
matter with the British Consul General, Sir Elston Gorst. Ismail
Abaza who led the opposition in the Assembly met Ghali in October
1909 where the former stated that the Assembly needed to be advised
of this development. Gorst concurred that it should be debated in
the Assembly. The renewal meant that the concession would be
extended for a further forty years from 1968 to 2008. A committee
established by the Assembly studied the Suez Canal Concession and
presented its findings on March 21, 1910. It found that the General
Assembly could not alter the agreement as the financial accounts
would show a great loss for Egypt. Obviously financial projections
were very difficult to measure so far into an uncertain future. The
committee thought that the present generation could materially
benefit so long as the revenues collected could be employed for
productive purposes. The Assembly, finally, rejected the extension
of the Suez concession on April 4, 1910. Originally Zaghlul had
rejected the Suez concession but ended up defending it in the
Assembly much to the annoyance of the extreme nationalists.
Zaghlul also took the initiative to create the Bar Association
in 1912, thus elevating the status of the legal profession. As a
former Judge and Minister of Justice, he had the experience, status
and high profile to give this new organization the prestige it
needed to represent the legal fraternity in Egypt. In 1897 a young
Coptic lawyer named Murqus Fahmi (1870-1955) unsuccessfully tried
to establish a Bar Association. He sought the assistance of
Muhammad Farid, the future leader of the Watani Party, and together
they established the Society of Laws. They also drafted a proposal
for an official association and presented their plan to the
Minister of Justice, Fuad Ibrahim in 1902 who rejected it. The
Egyptian government preferred to deal with lawyers individually
rather than on a collective basis. Prior to 1893 any individual
could enter the legal profession without a law degree but the
Egyptian government closed this door. This helped to raise the
education qualifications and improve the training of lawyers in
Egypt. Zaghlul wasn't interested in assuming the presidency of the
Bar Association but preferred to use his experience in the General
Assembly. It is here where he could be most effective in applying
his vast legal and ministerial experience for the benefit of his
country. The Bar Association held its first official meeting in
November 1912 to elect a president and a committee.
In 1912 Zaghlul came into direct conflict with Khedive Abbas
Hilmi when he complained to the British Consul General,Lord
Kitchenerover irregularities that were taking place in the Wafq
administration. Zaghlul pointed the figure right at the Khedive.
The Khedive asked him to produce the necessary proof to
substantiate his claim but failed to do so. Kitchener forced
Zaghlul to resign as Justice Minister and latter believed that the
former had betrayed him. He, thereafter, held personal grudge
against Kitchener.
3. Vice President of the new Legislative Assembly 1914The
Egyptian elections were contested under the new organic and
electoral laws proclaimed on July 23, 1913. This meant the former
Legislative Council and General Assembly was combined into a new
Legislative Assembly increasing the membership from 30 to 89
"composed of ... six Ministers, who are ex officio members; of
sixty-six members elected in the second degree, by the
electors-delegate; and of seventeen members nominated by the
Government, thus making a total of eighty-nine members." Under the
new system, the election of sixty six members would guarantee the
"representation of the population at about the rate of one
representative for every 200,000 inhabitants." Furthermore
nominated members would provide representation for minorities such
as the Christian Copts offering them four seats in the new
Legislative Assembly. Others groups such as the Bedouins would have
three members, "merchants two; medical men, two; engineers, one;
representatives of general or religious education, two; the
municipal representatives."However there were some restrictions
raising the eligibility age from 30 to 35 years and a "land or
house tax" qualification. The aim behind this reform was to make
the electoral system more inclusive thus giving Egyptians an
opportunity to participate in their domestic political affairs.
During the November-December 1913 election campaign, Zaghlul
published his election program giving voters an indication of his
political agenda something which was copied by other candidates. In
Cairo, Zaghlul received 60% of the total vote giving him "an
overwhelming majority over his opponents." An article published in
The Times on December 24, 1913 appeared sanguine about the new
Egyptian assembly. It mentioned that "the general tone is higher
and the prospects are favourable, and if the principal members
adhere to their intentions the labours of the Assembly should prove
decidedly helpful." The article even asserted that Zaghlul would
behave in a dignified manner. On January 22, 1914 the Khedive
officially opened the new Legislative Assembly by stating that he
hoped members would work for the benefit of the nation and the
Assembly and Government would find ways of co-operation and resolve
any of their differences in an amicable way. Egypt had an
opportunity to move forward with this new Legislative Assembly.
Zaghlul was elected second Vice President in the Assembly by 65
votes. This was the first modern Egyptian election campaign fought
"on a platform of greater Egyptianisation of the administration."
In one of the early session of the new Legislative Assembly a
controversy occurred as to "whether in the absence of the
President, a Government nominee or an elected Vice-President should
preside over the Assembly." Zaghlul argued that it was more
important to set up a Court of Criminal Appeal rather than haggle
over the motion of the Vice-Presidency.' A majority of the Assembly
thought that the Vice-Presidency was a more pressing issue than the
Court of Appeal which made Zaghlul very angry. He "refused to
acquiesce and attacked the vote, raising different
objections....Saad Zaghlul left the hall, followed by 27 members,
amid much uproar, which continued outside. The sitting was
suspended till this afternoon."
The Times Cairo correspondent thought Zaghlul's behavior was
inappropriate for someone of his political standing and that the
new Assembly differed "little from its predecessors and does not
yet realize that the first duty of representative institutions is
to respect the decision of the majority."Zaghlul was now the
undisputed leader of the secularized educated members of the
Egyptian Assembly and also began to show his opposition to the
British presence in Egypt. As a politician he was poised against
the notables and aristocrats who were allied to the Khedival Court.
The Assembly was suspended due to the outbreak of the First World
War.
4. First World War and retreat into the background.On December
19, 1914, Britain declared Egypt a protectorate with Prince Hussein
Kamil proclaimed as Sultan replacing his deposed nephewKhedive
Abbas Hilmiwho had cast his lot with the Central Powers: Germany,
Austro-Hungary and Ottoman Empire. It must be remembered that
before the war, Egypt was part of the Ottoman Empire with the
Khedive acting as viceroy for his sovereign in Constantinople. The
Capitulations were also suspended for the duration of the war and
Sir Arthur Henry McMahon was appointed British High
Commissioner.
Zaghlul kept a low profile for most of the conflict. In 1916,
Zaghlul sought a ministerial position when McMahon was prepared to
offer him the Minister of Wafqs portfolio. However McMahon referred
the matter to Lord Kitchener who vetoed it. Zaghlul became more
resentful towards Kitchener and British rule in general.
During March 1917, the Egyptian government appointed a
commission headed by Sir William Brunyate, a British Judicial and
Acting Financial Adviser in Egypt 1916-1919, to eliminate the
capitulations. The capitulations granted Europeans economic
privileges and allowed foreign consuls to adjudicate legal cases of
their nationals in their own consular courts in the Ottoman
Empire.However Egyptian Prime Minister, Nubar Pasha created a Mixed
Court system in 1876 that allowed foreigners and Egyptians to have
their civil and commercial cases settled by European and Egyptian
judges. American, British, Italian, Russian, German, French and
Austrian judges served on this body. The Mixed Courts in no way
undermined the capitulatory system.
Britain desired to combine the capitulatory and mixed court
system which angered foreigners, mixed court judges and Egyptians.
Many thought that Brunyate was trying to Anglicize the Egyptian
legal system and ignoring "the national aspirations of the
populace." Harry J.Carman states that "throughout [Egypt] local
committees were formed, public meetings held and a campaign waged
for "freedom."...there were indications that the people were
determined and that the situation was serious." The British
government simply ignored the sentiments of the Egyptian population
and regarded "the nationalist movement as a shallow affair headed
by a small group of discontented politicians." It is interesting
that Zaghlul along with "nine of his associates were summoned
before the military officials and warned not to take action which
might incite disorder or hinder or embarrass the work of
authorities." Zaghlul and his followers issued a mild protest
regarding this incident.
Towards the middle of 1918, Zaghlul began to think of
independence for his country from British rule. An independence
movement emerged that was composed of landowners, financiers and
"incipient and commercial entrepreneurs" who represented the core
element of a native Egyptian national landed and commercial middle
class. Zaghlul became the leader of this new movement and founded
the Wafd Party that was a well-organized mass political party. He
dominated Egyptian in the post-1918 period until his death in
August 1927 where he was dubbed "father of Egyptians."
Part 2
Saad Zaghlul Pasha: "Father of Egyptians"PART 2 5. The Egyptian
revolution of 1919: the arrest of Zaghlul Pasha PashaSaad Zaghlul
along with two associates Abdel Aziz Fahmy Bey (a lawyer) and Ali
Sharawi Pasha ( a wealthy landowner) met the British High
Commissioner, Sir Reginald Wingate in Cairo on November 13, 1918
advocating Egyptian independence and proposing that an Egyptian
delegation led by him should proceed to London to present its case
before the British Government. Wingate told Zaghlul that he would
pass this information onto London for their consideration. Lord
Balfour, the British Foreign Secretary, informed Wingate on
November 27 that it would serve no useful purpose for the
nationalists to come to London. The British Government denied
Zaghlul's request because it had major political, strategic and
economic interests in the Suez Canal. Zaghlul was prepared to allow
Britain to supervise the public debt and grant them shipping
facilities at Suez. Wingate was recalled to London in January 1919
for consultation leaving Egypt in a state of turmoil.[1]
The Egyptian nationalists were dismayed to learn that Emir
Feisal was permitted to present Syria's case before the Allied
(Great Britain, France, and Italy) and Associated Powers (United
States of America) in Paris. This was an affront to the Egyptian
nationalists who believed that they as well had a right to attend
the Paris Peace conference to argue the merits of their case. At
the same time, Zaghlul and his followers tried to interfere with
the formation of a new ministry. The Sultan regarded Zaghlul's
action as treacherous which imperiled and undermined the authority
of the Sultanate and the former appealed to Sir Milne Cheetham, the
Assistant British High Commissioner, to arrest Zaghlul and his
followers. The British arrested Saad Zaghlul, Ismail Sidky,
Mohammed Mahmoud and Hamad-el- Bassal Pashas and deported them to
Malta in early March 1919.
Once this information became known, a wave of demonstrations and
strikes swept Cairo, Alexandria, and other towns resulting in
violence against British troops and foreign communities composed of
Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, Jews and Italians who had migrated to
Egypt during the 19th and early 20th century. Telegraph
communications between Upper and Lower Egypt were cut along with
railway lines being destroyed. It should be noted the strikes
affected most sectors of the Egyptian economy where striking
workers showed solidarity with the nationalist cause of the Wafd
party. The Wafd party was founded by Zaghlul in 1918.[2]
General Edmund Allenby was appointed Special High Commissioner
who arrived on March 26, 1919 in Cairo to take charge of the
situation. He immediately restored law and order and also released
Zaghlul and his followers from detention in Malta. Once freed
Zaghlul proceeded to Paris to try an address the peace
conference.[3]
The release of Zaghlul was greeted "with delirious joy by
Egyptians, crowds of whom in gala dress were careering through the
city all day yesterday waving flags and branches cut from the
street trees, shouting "Long Live Zaghlul", Long Live Egypt for the
Egyptians," "Vive l'independence," reported the Times. Zaghlul
Pasha was regarded as a national hero by all sections of Egyptian
society who had the audacity to challenge British authority in
Egypt.[4]
On April 19 Zaghlul Pasha and his followers arrived in Paris and
called themselves the The Egyptian National Deputation'. They
demanded the "complete independence for Egypt" and "immediate
official recognition of Saad Zaglul and Nationalist leaders, as the
representatives of the Egyptian Nation". They were imbued with the
Wilsonian concept of self-determination. Unfortunately Zaghlul
failed to get a hearing in Paris but "they devoted all their
energies to obtaining foreign support for their cause, and an
emissary was despatched to America to canvass opinion in the United
States". Zaghlul was a determined individual seeking Egyptian
independence from Britain.[5]
6. The denial of self-determinationSelf-determination was the
driving force behind the Egyptian nationalists push for
independence in early -1919. On April 22, 1919 Robert Lansing, the
US Secretary of State, who was attending the Paris Conference
addressed the following telegram to the American Agency in Cairo.
It stated "I have delivered today to Mr Balfour [British Foreign
Secretary] following letter. In answer to your inquiry the
President has authorised me to inform you that he recognises the
British protectorate over Egypt which was announced by His
Majesty's Government on December 18, 1914. The President has no
objection to this decision being made public as he understands that
it may help in the restoration of order and in the prevention of
further bloodshed in Egypt."[6]The Egyptian nationalists took US
President Woodrow Wilson's concept of self-determination to heart
and were furious when his note appeared in the Cairo press.The
Egyptian nationalists believed that Woodrow Wilson would have been
sympathetic to their case for self-determination. This very concept
should have terminated the British Protectorate. Such high hopes
were dashed when the US President supported the British
Protectorate which angered the nationalists. Mahmoud Pasha, a
member of the Egyptian delegation in Paris, stated that Britain
should have terminated the protectorate after "the signing of the
armistice." Egypt simply demanded its independence based on Woodrow
Wilson's fourteen points. The Egyptian nationalists were determined
to fight for the independence of their country.[7]
After Zaghlul's release from detention, there were loud cheers
for America, Woodrow Wilson and France. TheWashington
Postcorrespondent, William T Ellis captured the Egyptian mood when
he stated that "President Wilson had been the Egyptian idol, their
mahdi, their messiah" but the publication of Wilson's note wasn't
well received by the nationalists. They lost faith in America and
felt betrayed thinking that the US was no different to Britain.
Some Egyptians even thought that that it was a British trick or
Britain encouraged America to forestall Egyptian self-government.
Egyptians also believed that its delegation would succeed in
convincing the peace conference of the merits of its case. In the
end, the Egyptian delegation failed to present its case in
Paris.[8]The US Diplomatic Agent, Hampson Gary dispatch to the
Secretary of State stated that Wilson's note had "shattered the
Egyptian nationalist structure of hopes and aspirations overnight"
and was generally well-received by the local population including
the Palace. Wilson's comments assisted in isolating the
nationalists from moderate Egyptian opinion thus giving the Sultan
an opportunity of breaking the political impasse that had paralysed
the country.[9]In his dispatch Gary attached editorials from three
major Cairo newspapers regarding Wilson's note.Al Watanargued that
Wilson's note offered a middle course with the restoration of
public life being of paramount importance. It also was important to
maintain the friendship of the foreign residents who greatly
contributed to Egypt's needs. This would assist Egypt to find her
rightful position.[10]
Another newspaperLe Bourse Egyptiennementioned that the US had
confidence in the British Protectorate of Egypt. The US
sympathisized with the Egyptian claim for self-government but
preferred it to be under the British Protectorate. Wilson's note
was couched in terms that offered the US the opportunity to
safeguard its own interests in Egypt.[11]TheEgyptianMailindicated
the similarity of ideals between the US and Great Britain and
showing the "liberal policy and governing traditions" which Britain
exercised in Egypt. If the nationalists sat down and thought
rationally that British rule of the past 40 years had prepared and
trained Egyptians to govern themselves. On the other hand, the
nationalists' incitement of violence did not assist their cause in
Egypt and reflected badly for them on the international
stage.[12]
7. The Milner MissionThe British government dispatched a
commission of inquiry in late 1919 led by Lord Milner to
investigate the causes of the disturbances that had taken place
earlier in that year and to develop a "constitution which under the
Protectorate, will be best calculated to promote its peace and
prosperity, the progressive development of self-governing
institutions and the protection of foreign interests." Lord Milner,
(Secretary of State for Colonies and Chairman), headed the British
delegation to Egypt which also included Sir Rennell Rodd, General
Sir John Maxwell, Brigadier-General Sir Owen Thomas MP, Sir Cecil
JB Hurst (Foreign Office), AT Loyd (Secretary) and EMB Ingram
(Assistant Secretary and Private Secretary to the
Chairman).[13]
There was a vigorous campaign waged against the dispatch of the
Milner mission to Egypt. Zaghlul advocated "boycotting the mission"
when a series of strikes and demonstrations gripped the country.
Wahba Pasha warned Cheetham "that a general strike in all classes
of employment must be expected, and that agitation is a serious one
which Cabinet will be powerless to resist." The Egyptian radicals
wanted the Milner mission to return empty-handed back to Britain.
There were two important elements that guided their thinking. The
three divergent political forces Zaghlulists, Nationalists and
Democrats were all working in unison and the establishment of many
labor syndicates since July 1919 was "a powerful weapon in the
hands of Extremists."[14]
In January 1920, Zaghlul stated in Paris that he was prepared to
discuss with Milner at anytime "if the mission were able to declare
that it had been authorised by the British Government to negotiate
with himself and his colleagues as the representative body of the
nation." Britain was prepared to receive Zaghlul as representing
Egyptian opinion but not as an official representative of Egypt.
Milner returned to London in March to present his findings to the
British government. Through the intervention of Adly Pasha, Zaghlul
came to London to meet Milner in June for discussions regarding the
protection of British interests and fulfilling Egyptian
aspirations. Adly Pasha and Hussein Pasha also attended these
talks. The discussions were adjourned in the middle of August so as
to give both parties an opportunity to study all the issues raised.
Zaghlul returned to France for the break.[15]
On August 18, 1920 Milner presented a memorandum to the Egyptian
delegation outlining the abolition of the protectorate, Egyptian
independence would be recognised, treaty of alliance between the
two nations and safeguarding Britain's special interest in Egypt.
This document was given to Adly Pasha "for communication to Zaghlul
Pasha and his associates, four of whom were designated to return to
Egypt to place before their countrymen the terms of the settlement
which the mission was disposed to recommend."[16]The proposals
appeared in the British press on August 24 and in Egyptian
newspapers several days later.[17]These four emissaries arrived in
Egypt in early September to place these proposals before their
countrymen. They were widely accepted though some opposition
existed in the Association of Egyptians in Europe, some princes of
the Sultan's family andEl Ahlynewspaper.[18]
Discussions between Milner and the Egyptians resumed in London
in early October with former feeling optimistic that Anglo-Egyptian
relations had come along way since the start of 1920. On November
9, the final meeting between Milner and Zaghlul took place when the
whole situation was reexamined. Whilst many Egyptians supported the
proposals as outlined in the August 18 memorandum, there were some
points in the memorandum that the Egyptian delegates wanted to
alter. Several new conditions also were added which forced Milner
to terminate the discussions. The only prospect of resuming talks
would have been between authorised representatives of the British
and Egyptian governments. Britain believed that progress had been
made and publication of Milner's report would help to calm the
situation.
In Egypt, Zaghlul supporters convened a meeting at the Central
Zaghlulist Committee in Cairo on November 13 where 400 people
attended. The gathering attended by "princes, professors, clergy,
ex-Ministers, members of the old Legislative Assembly, traders,
farmers, magistrates, engineers, lawyers, doctors, officers of the
army, representatives of labour and civil servants" represented a
vast cross-section of Egyptian society. The meeting presided by
Prince Yusuf Kemal passed a resolution "assuring the delegation the
support of the whole nation."[19]
In February 1921, Milner's report published as a parliamentary
paper was generally well received by major British newspaper such
as theDaily Chronicle,Daily Telegraph,The Timesand theManchester
Guardian. The two newspapers who criticised it were theDaily
HeraldandDaily Expresswhere the latter described it as a perilous
policy' which was full of danger for the Empire. On the other hand,
the former referred to it as a dishonest paper.'[20]
The Tewfik Nessim Cabinet resigned in March 1921 and Adly Pasha
became Prime Minister. Zaghlul was prepared to support Adly so long
as he fulfilled his promise of ending the British protectorate.
Otherwise Zaghlul would undermine his government. Zaghlul returned
to Egypt and received popular ovation from his countrymen. In a
speech delivered by Zaghlul in Alexandria on April 4, the Wafd
leader commented on the publication of the Milner report. He
declared the supposed Egyptian independence was really nothing more
than a "veiled protectorate."[21]
The British Government invited Zaghlul and official Egyptian
delegates nominated by Sultan Fuad to participate in discussions in
London. In a record of conversation with a journalist of
theEgyptian Gazetteon April 8, 1921 Zaghlul demanded that he lead
the Egyptian delegation.[22]He laid down ten demands which are
reproduced in full below:-
1. That the delegation shall have complete control of Cabinet,
and I am prepared to with Adly, if he will be guided by me.
2. Milner Report shall not be accepted. It is only a veiled
protectorate.
3. Martial law shall be repealed regardless of any legal
obligations.
4. Retention of Capitulations, as their abolition only means
transfer of all existing rights to English.
5. That there shall be no Judicial Adviser; any necessary
functions can be performed by Proceurer General.
6. The powers of the Financial Adviser shall be curtailed.
7. That there shall be no British troops except east of
Canal.
8. That scheme for reconstruction of Mixed Courts shall [be]
opposed, as it interferes with the rights of other Courts.
9. Release of Abdul Rahman Fahmy and his associates.
10. The people demand, and I must follow their wishes, that
Soudan shall be beyond doubt Egyptian territory.[23]
All these conditions amounted to Zaghlul leading the delegation
and influencing decisions of the Egyptian Cabinet led by Adly
Pasha.
Adly Pasha was prepared to work with Zaghlul but didn't seem too
confident about the final outcome. Meanwhile Zaghlul and Adly's
discussions regarding the formation of an official delegation
reached an impasse. Zaghlul wanted the presidency of the delegation
something that displeased Adly Pasha. The Egyptian Prime Minister
expressed his views in an article that appeared inAl Ahram. Some of
the issues Adly raised were the abolition of the protectorate, the
composition of the official delegation and termination of
censorship and martial law. The issue of the presidency was
something that Adly Pasha directly addressed to Zaghlul in which
the Prime Minister as head of government couldn't be in a
subordinate position during negotiations with the British. As Prime
Minister it was his right to officially head the Egyptian
delegation. Adly continued " he did not claim, as did Zaghlul, that
president, whoever he might be, should have the right to control
course of negotiations, and to continue them or break them off as
he thought fit. That right belonged to delegation as a whole. If
Zaghlul demanded the presidency in order to have that right, there
should be no reason why he should not go alone."[24]
Zaghlul responded in an unfavorable manner on April 25
denouncing Adly Pasha by stating that his entire idea for the
presidency was done out of patriotic duty and he and his colleagues
possessed the experience to conduct the negotiations. Such comments
were insulting and also undermined the authority of the Adly
cabinet. After this exchange, Adly began to exercise his
leadership.[25]
Adly Pasha headed the Egyptian delegation in its deliberations
with the British government which dragged on for several months. On
November 11, 1921 the British Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon
presented a draft treaty to Adly Pasha which contained the
following clauses:- termination of protectorate, foreign relations,
military dispositions, employment of foreign officers, financial
and Judicial administration, Sudan, tribute loans, retirement and
compensation of officials and protection of minorities. The
Egyptians rejected the draft treaty which they considered
incompatible with their future status as an independent nation.
Some of their objections included that previous discussions
involved the stationing of British troops in the Canal Zone in
order to protect imperial communications. Now Britain extended its
right to station its troops on any part of Egyptian territory which
"destroys every idea of independence and suppresses even internal
sovereignty." The Egyptian Foreign Minister would be required to
maintain very close links with the British High Commissioner and
that "all political agreements" would require the consent of Great
Britain.[26]The Anglo-Egyptian draft treaty basically amounted to
the continuation of the British protectorate in another guise.
On December 3, 1921, the British High Commissioner in Egypt,
Lord Allenby delivered a note to Sultan Fuad expressing Britain's
disappointment with Adly Pasha's rejection. Allenby reminded Fuad
that Egypt owed its economic prosperity and political development
to Britain who had saved it from administrative and financial chaos
in the late 19thcentury. Egypt was of vital importance in Britain's
imperial communications with its Indian empire and dominions in
Australia and New Zealand. The positioning of British troops on
Egyptian soil could not be relinquished or reduced. Extreme
nationalist leaders did not have the best intentions for Egypt at
heart and "the cult of a fanatical and purely disruptive type of
nationalism" would not be tolerated. Whilst Allenby's note does not
mention the word force in his note, however it is implied in that
the British would not have hesitated to use force, if its strategic
interests in Egypt were threatened.[27]
Adly Pasha resigned as Prime Minister and his successor Sarwat
Pasha was considered a moderate and trustworthy by the British.
Many Egyptians disliked the proposed Anglo-Egyptian treaty as
tantamount to a continuation of the British protectorate. Allenby
believed that the termination of the protectorate and granting
Egypt her independence would greatly assist in defusing an unstable
political situation. The British had to contend with Zaghlul who
wanted complete independence for his country. A proposed meeting
organised by Zaghlul in Cairo was banned by Allenby on security
grounds. Allenby was prepared to deport him to an overseas British
possession should he violate the ban.
Zaghlul protested against this decision and considered this as
the first instalment of a new British policy designed to stifle
Egyptian opposition to the proposed draft treaty. Under martial law
regulations operating in Egypt at that time, Allenby prohibited
Zaghlul from "all further participation...in politics. His press is
also being warned against further agitation." Even his prominent
colleagues Atif Barakat Bey, Fathalla Barakat Pasha,
Mustafa-el-Nahas Bey, Sinnot Hanna Bey, Amin Ezz-el-Arab Effendi,
Gaafar Fakhry Bey and William Makram Obeid Effendi "were ordered to
their homes under police supervision, and to refrain from political
activities."[28]The deportation of Zaghlul and his followers will
be explained in greater detail below.
In February 1922, Britain recognised Egypt as a sovereign
nation, terminated the protectorate and that martial law would be
rescinded but retained certain reserved powers. These reserved
powers included: securing and protecting imperial communications in
Egypt, defending Egypt from foreign aggression, protecting foreign
interests and minorities and the Sudan. The Colonial Secretary
informed the British Dominions of Australia, New Zealand, Canada
and South Africa regarding the termination of the protectorate of
Egypt.[29]
In early March, Sarwat Pasha became Prime Minister which
included the following cabinet appointments in Ismail Sidky Pasha ,
Minister of Finance, Ibrahim Fathi Pasha , Minister of War, Gafar
Ali , (Minister of Wakfs), Mustafa Maher Pasha, (Minister of
Education), Mohamed Choukri Pasha, (Minister of Agriculture),
Hussein Wassef Pasha, (Minister of Public Works) and Wassef Semeika
Bey , (Minister of Communications). Sarwat's political program
involved the establishment of a democratic constitution,
ministerial responsibility, parliamentary control and terminating
martial law. Fuad's title changed from Sultan to King with Egypt
becoming a constitutional monarchy. It should be noted that Sarwat
resigned as Prime Minister in November 1922 as his working
relationship with King Fuad was never an easy one. His draft
constitution and Egyptian representation at the Lausanne conference
caused problems for him.[30]
8. The deportation of Zaghlul December 1921- March 1923The
Britishconsidered Zaghlul a dangerous opponent who was in a
position to whip up extreme nationalist fervor against them.
Allenby thought the deportation of the Wafd leader and his
associates would defuse a rather dangerous political situation. The
Colonial Office had "no objections [in Allenby] sending Zaghlul and
his principal associates by first available ship to Ceylon" where
the British Governor was duly informed.[31]
There were strong objections from the Indian government and
Ceylon Governor that Zaghlul's deportation to Ceylon might allow
him to communicate with Indian extremists. Zaghlul and his
associates Atif Barakat Bey, Fathalla Barakat Pasha,
Mustafa-el-Nahas Bey, Sinnot Hanna Bey and William Makram Obeid
Effendi arrived in Aden on January 5, 1922 until a ship transferred
them to the Seychelles in the Indian Ocean. On March 7, HMS
Clematis sailed with Zaghlul and Nanas for the Seychelles with the
others remaining behind in Aden. Zaghlul thought "that the climate
of the Seychelles could be dangerous for his health."[32]
Al-Ahramtook the opportunity to inform its readers of the
location of the Seychelles and the British deportation was based
that the islands "are indubitably blessed with a salubrious
climate, which is why the British have selected it as the place for
their soldiers in South Africa to recuperate should they fall ill."
The British constructed "many large and luxurious buildings" during
the First World War. After his arrival, Zaghlul wrote a letter to
his friends giving a different picture of the island paradise. He
stated "the terrain is tortuous, the houses are small, clustered in
a disorganised jumble lacking all imaginable conveniences for
comfort. The range of food is limited. Sheep are non-existent and
cattle are few. Poultry abounds and fish even more so. Fruit is
sparse and vegetables sparser. There is only one doctor on the
island, a surgeon by profession but he serves as a general
practitioner as well. There is only one licensed pharmacy, although
it is the doctor who generally prepares the medications. Certain
essential pharmaceutical staples, such as aspirin are virtually
impossible to find."[33]
Such information would have raised concerns about the state of
Zaghlul's health with his friends in Egypt.
Zaghlul left the Seychelles on August 18thpassed through the
Suez Canal on August 28th-29thand finally arrived in Gibraltar on
September 3, 1922 where the British authorities provided a
residence for him. His health had shown some improvement with his
transfer to Gibraltar. The British High Commissioner, Lord Allenby
informed Madame Zaghlul that she was free to visit her husband in
Gibraltar without any restrictions placed in her way. Zaghlulists
worked for his release and other five deportees for their return to
Egypt. Many Egyptians sent telegrams to Zaghlul "enquiring as to
his health and praying for his return." Finally Madame Zaghlul
sailed from Port Said on October 9 to be with her husband in
Gibraltar.[34]
After settling into his new surroundings in Gibraltar, Zaghlul
petitioned the Governor of the colony against his detention for
which he considered illegal, since no charges filed had been
against him. His case was heard in London by the judicial committee
of the Privy Council in late January 1923 with Mr Upjohn and James
Wylie representing the petitioner. On January 25Al-Ahramcommented
that "it is difficult for an Egyptian from a fully sovereign and
independent nation to comprehend how its most important nationalist
leader can be detained by a foreign authority which plays no part
in his nation's system of government and has no business being
there." Even British newspapers such asNew Statesman,Glasgow
HeraldandDaily Newssupported the release of Zaghlul on grounds that
it would help to calm the tense political situation existing in
Egypt.[35]
On March 29, 1923, a letter signed by 97 British MPs appeared
intheTimesnewspaper calling upon the government to change its
policy towards Egypt. The signatories were critical of Lord Allenby
for having "no new policy" and that his administration caused too
many problems. They urged the British government to adopt a new
policy, one that was unpopular whereas the other improved Britain's
image in Egypt. The former measure involved revoking "the
declaration of independence approved last year by the vote of House
of Commons; to make Egypt a part of the British Empire; to suppress
by military force any resistance; and to hold the Egyptian people
in subjection until such time as they acquiesce in the position
sufficiently to have some measure of self-measure." The MPs would
oppose such a policy showing Britain not honoring its promises. On
the other hand, a positive plan of action would be the return of
Zaghlul to Egypt. If Zaghlul died in exile, then the Egyptian
people would blame Britain for his death.[36]
The American Consul in Cairo, D Morton Howell had an interview
with Allenby regarding Zaghlul and Egyptian Prime Minister, Yehia
Ibrahim Pasha. On the subject of Zaghlul, Allenby stated that the
Wafd leader had been released because of his medical condition than
on political grounds. "So long as he held control here in Egypt;
Zaghlul would not be permitted to return to Egypt", Allenby said.
Allenby had confidence in Yehia to proclaim the constitution and to
pass the Act of Indemnity which also would terminate martial law.
By the end of March 1923, Zaghlul was given an unconditional
release from detention and returned to Egypt in September where he
received a hero's welcome in Alexandria and Cairo. His speeches
reported in theEgyptian Gazette,Egyptian MailandWatanwere well
received by the Egyptian public.[37]
REFERENCES[1]BDFA Series G Vol.1., pp.86-7& 152-3. Great
Britain, Command Paper,Cmd1131, Report of the Special Mission to
Egypt, Egypt no.1, 1921, HMSO, London, pp.13-4; Peace leaders
rest...Egyptian delegates in Paris Demand National
Independence',Washington Post, March 24, 1919, p.1; British put
down revolt in Egypt by Nationalists. Deportations of Three leaders
announced in Parliament by the Government',New York Times, March
19, 1919, p.1; Valentine Chirol, The Egyptian Question,Journal of
the British Institute ofInternational Affairs, Vol.1, no.2, (March,
1922), pp.61-2
[2]BDFA Series G Vol.1, pp.211-4 &218;Cmd1131, Report of the
Special Mission to Egypt, Egypt no.1, 1921p.14 ; David Fromkin,A
peace to end all peace, Penguin Books, London,1989, pp.418-20; More
refugees reach Cairo',The Times, April 4, 1919, p.11; British put
down revolt in Egypt by Nationalists. Deportations of Three leaders
announced in Parliament by the Government',New York Times, March
19, 1919, p.1; Peers and interned aliens',The Times, March 25,
1919, p.16; Marius Deeb, The socioeconomic role of the local
Foreign minorities in modern Egypt, 1805-1961,International Journal
of Middle East Studies, Vol.9, no.1 (Jan 1978), pp.9-11; Zachary
Lockman, British policy towards Egyptian labor activism,
1882-1936,International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.20,
no.3 , (Aug., 1988), p.272; Joel Beinin, Formation of the Egyptian
working class,MERIP Reports, no.94, (Feb., 1981), pp.19-20
[3]BDFA Series G Vol.1, pp.214-5 ; L.Fromkin, op cit., p. 420;
Aims of Egypt's independent Party',Christian Science Monitor, May
1, 1919, p.9; Gen.Allenby intervenes. Rising in hand. Military
measures effective',The Times, April 4, 1919, p.11; Frees Egyptian
Leaders. Gen Allenby will permit 4 chief agitators to
return',Washington Post, April 11, 1919, p.1; Release of Zaghlul
Pasha',The Times, April 11, 1919, p.12
[4]BDFA Series G Vol.1, p.220; Fromkin,op cit.,p.420; Wild
Scenes at Cairo...Nationalists sail for Europe',The Times, April
14, 1919, p.11;
[5]Cmd1131, Report of the Special Mission to Egypt, Egypt no.1,
1921,p.15 ; Lord Curzon on Egyptian unrest',Christian Science
Monitor, July 9, 1919, p.7; For a discussion on the concept of
self-determination see Allen Lynch, Woodrow Wilson and the
principle of national self-determination',Review of International
Studies, 28 (2002), pp.419-36
[6]Egyptinternal 883.00/119 Lansing (American Mission) to State
Department, April 22, 1919
[7]Egyptinternal 883.00/151; Tells why Egypt wants
freedom',Chicago Daily Tribune, July 23, 1919, p.8
[8]The text of the Woodrow Wilson's note is in The Department of
State,Papers relating to the Foreignrelations of the United States
1919 Vol,.2, United States Government Printing Office, Washington
DC, 1934, p.204; This note also was published in theNew York Times,
April 26, 1919, p.4 &
Washington Post, June, 25, &26 1919, pp.4 &5
[9]Egyptinternal 883.00/203 Hampson Gary , American Diplomatic
Agency and Consular-General, Cairo Egypt to Secretary of State ,
Washington , April 26, 1919
[10]Egyptinternal 883.00/203 includingAl Wataneditorial, April
1919
[11]Egyptinternal 883.00/203 includingLe Bourse
Egyptienneeditorial, April 24,1919
[12]Egyptinternal 883.00/203 includingThe Egyptian
Maileditorial, April 24, 1919
[13]Cmd1131, Report of the Special Mission to Egypt, Egypt no.1,
1921[14]BDFA Series G Vol.1,pp.330-1;Egypt internal883.00/215
enclosures Strikes based on conditions non-economic',Egyptian Mail,
November 1, 1919; Egypt's pressing need',Egyptian Gazette, November
4, 1919; Renewed disorder in Egypt' & Anti-Milner campaign',The
Times, October 30, 1919, p.11; Milner Mission Boycott. Nationalist
Manifesto',The Times, December 15, 1919, p.13
[15]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,pp.101
&222
[16]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December
1921,p.101;Cmd1131, Report of the Special Mission to Egypt, Egypt
no.1, 1921,pp.24-6
[17]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,p.102; New
era for Egypt. Points of Agreement discussed. Future of Sudan',The
Times, August 24, 1920, p.10; An independent Egypt. Terms of the
new Agreement. Garrison on the Suez. Security for British
Interests', Manchester Guardian, August 24, 1920, p.7
[18]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,p.103
[19]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,pp.103-4;
Zaghlul Pasha's Reservations. Delegates leaving London. Effect on
moderate opinion',The Times, November 11, 1920, p.13
[20]Egypt internal, 883.00/336 John W.Davis, American Consulate
General, London to Secretary of State, March 2, 1921 with
enclosures from British newspapers -Daily Chronicle,Daily
Telegraph,Daily Express,Daily HeraldandThe Times; Egypt's future.
Milner Report parts',The Times, February 19, 1921, p.10; Egypt for
the Egyptians. The Milner Plan for a lasting
settlement...',ManchesterGuardian,February 19, 1921, p.9
[21]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,p.365
[22]Ibid.,p.365
[23]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,p.366;
Hopeful outlook in Egypt. Zaghlul's views. Concessions by both
parties',The Times, April 15, 1921, p.9
[24]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,pp.367
&391-2
[25]BDFA Series G Vol.2 December 1919-December 1921,p.392; New
crisis in Egypt. Zaghlul's move. Cabinet in danger',The Times,
April 27, 1921, p.11
[26]Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers,Cmd1555, Papers
respecting negotiations with the Egyptian delegation, Egypt no.4,
1921,pp.1-6 & 8-10; British relations with Egypt. A breakdown.
Retention of Garrisons. Native objection to Control' &Future
British policy in Egypt. Sequel in negotiation. Official
declaration. The delegations reply to the treaty offer',Manchester
Guardian, November 21, &December 5, 1921, pp.7 &8
[27]Cmd1555, Papers respecting negotiations with the Egyptian
delegation, Egypt no.4, 1921,pp.10-14; Lord Allenby's letter.
Martial law to go after Indemnity Act',Manchester Guardian,
December 5, 1921, p.8
[28]Great Britain, Parliamentary Paper,Cmd1592, Papers
respecting negotiations with the Egyptian delegation, Egypt no.1,
1922(in continuation of Cmd1555)HMSO, London,1922, pp.7-14;Egypt
Internal883.00/387 American Diplomatic Agency and
Consulate-General, Cairo, to Secretary of State, Washington,
December 31, 1921 with enclosures of newspaper articles: Egypt's
political crisis...Zaghloul's attempt to stir up trouble',Egyptian
Gazette, December 22, 1921; Egypt's political crisis. Military
authorities' precautionary action. Rustification of Zaghloul and
his partisans..',EgyptianGazette, December 23, 1921
[29]Egyptian internal883.00/410 American Diplomatic Agency and
Consulate-General, Cairo to Secretary of State, March 6, 1922
includingOfficial Egyptian Journal, February 28,1922 containing the
official British declaration of Egyptian
independence;Cmd1592,Papers respecting negotiations with the
Egyptian delegation, Egypt no.1, 1922, pp.31-2
[30]Egyptian internal883.00/410 American Diplomatic Agency and
Consulate-General, Cairo to Secretary of State, March 6, 1922;BDFA
Series G Vol.8 December 1925-May 1927,pp.42-3
[31]BDFA Series G Vol.3 May 1921-December 1921,pp.397-8
[32]BDFA Series G Vol.4 December 1921-December
1922,pp.14-5;Egypt internal883.00/393 American Consulate, Aden,
Arabia to Secretary of State, Washington, January 10,1922;
883.00/411 American Consulate, Aden, Arabia to Secretary of State,
Washington, March 7,1922; Clamour for Idol's return', Al Ahram
Weekly, 2-8 March 2000, issue no.471
inhttp://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/471/chrncls.htm(accessed on
September 12, 2007). This article was written by Dr Yunan Labib
Rizk, the head of Al-Ahram history studies centre.
[33]Clamour for Idol's return', Al Ahram Weekly, 2-8 March 2000,
issue no.471
inhttp://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/471/chrncls.htm[34]BDFA Series G
Vol.4 December 1921-December 1922,pp.306-8, 314 &331
[35]Judicial Committee of the Privy Council',The Times, January
24, 1923, p.5; Clamour for Idol's return', Al Ahram Weekly, 2-8
March 2000, issue no.471
inhttp://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/471/chrncls.htm[36]British policy
in Egypt. M.P.S' Call to the Government. The failure of nominal
independence',TheTimes, March 29, 1923, p,.13
[37]Egypt internal883.00/460 J Morton Howell, Legation of the
United States of America, Cairo to Secretary of State, Washington ,
April 18, 1923; 883.00/469 enclosing clippings from the Egyptian
Gazette, Egyptian Mail and Watan , September 18-21, 1923; Clamour
for Idol's return', Al Ahram Weekly, 2-8 March 2000, issue no.471
inhttp://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/471/chrncls.htmIn January 1924
Zaghlul and his Wafd Party won the election under the new
constitution gaining a majority both in the Chamber of Deputies and
Senate. He accepted King Fuad's invitation to form a new ministry.
An article published in The Times on January 29 mentions the names
of Zaghlul's cabinet and his nationalist program. In his acceptance
letter addressed to the King which is reproduced in full below.
Zaghlul states:
Saad Zaghlul Pasha: "Father of Egyptians"PART 3 By Stavros T.
Stavridis, the author of'The Greek-Turkish War 1919-23'In January
1924 Zaghlul and his Wafd Party won the election under the new
constitution gaining a majority both in the Chamber of Deputies and
Senate. He accepted King Fuad's invitation to form a new ministry.
An article published in The Times on January 29 mentions the names
of Zaghlul's cabinet and his nationalist program. In his acceptance
letter addressed to the King which is reproduced in full below.
Zaghlul states:
The majority gained in the elections and the mandate given me by
the nation makes it my duty not to refuse responsibility for the
government. Therefore I agree to form a Ministry provided this
acceptance does not imply recognition of any situation against
which the Wafd has protested. The elections have clearly shown the
nation's unanimity and attachment to the principles of the Wafd and
the necessity for the country's enjoying its rights of real
independence in Egypt and Sudan, with due respect to all foreign
rights not conflicting with that independence.The nation has shown
a strong desire for the pardoning of political prisoners, likewise
its rejection of the many agreements and laws recently promulgated
which restricted the rights of the country and the liberty of its
people, and also its dissatisfaction with the state of the
country's administration and finances. It will be my duty of the
new Ministry to find means to realize the people's aspirations,
remove the causes of grievances, and fix the blame on those
responsible. This task cannot be accomplished except by Parliament,
and the Ministry will do all that is possible to hasten
Parliament's assembling. For a long time Government has been
regarded by the nation as an enemy, not its mandatory, and has
always been mistrusted. Now the duty of the new Ministry is to
remove that mistrust and replace it by confidence in the
Government.[1]
The Wafdist leader had received a mandate from the electorate to
implement his political program and to ensure Sudan's incorporation
into Egypt. Zaghlul determined to use parliament as the forum where
electors could feel confident that their wishes and expectations
were being fulfilled.
The American Consul Howell believed Zaghlul was a strong leader
who possessed the experience and patriotism to improve his
country's position, especially in resolving outstanding issues with
Britain. TheEgyptian Mailof February 22 published an article titled
Egypt and Britain' which captured the confident mood for Egypt's
future under Zaghlul's leadership. However the future of Sudan was
considered the key issue by theEgyptian Mail.[2]
On March 15, King Fuad opened the new parliament with Zaghlul
receiving a warm ovation from his parliamentary colleagues after
delivering his opening speech. The new British Labor Prime Minister
Ramsay MacDonald sent a congratulatory telegram to Zaghlul hoping
the two nations would work closely in resolving their outstanding
issues.[3]
In late April,Ramsay MacDonaldissued an invitation to Zaghlul to
come to London to discuss their unresolved issues. These were "(a)
the security of the communications of the British Empire in Egypt;
(b) the defense of Egypt against all foreign aggression or
interference, direct or indirect; (c) the protection pf foreign
interests in Egypt and protection of minorities "; (d) the
Sudan."[4]
Zaghlul insisted that Sudan be incorporated into Egypt which
obviously annoyed the British. TheTimesnewspaper printed the
following headlines Egypt and the Sudan. Zaghlul Pasha's Plans',
Zaghlul and the Sudan. "Complete evacuation by Great Britain",
Zaghlul Pasha and the Sudan. "Rights of Egypt", and "Egypt and the
Sudan. Widespread Depression', on June 10, 24, 25 and 28
respectively regarding Sudan. In its editorial of June 27,
theTimeswas very critical of Zaghlul's position over Sudan and that
he "may as well abandon his mission" to London. Even Lord Parmoor
(a British Labor Peer), was quoted as saying in the House of Lords
that Britain had no intention of abandoning Sudan.[5]
When the British statement was received in Cairo, Zaghlul and
his followers could not believe the attitude adopted by the Labor
Party. Zaghlul thought that Labor would have shown greater sympathy
towards Egyptian aspirations over Sudan than the conservatives.Al
Siassa, ananti-Zaghlulist newspaper,argued that Zaghlul's "lack of
stability is at the bottom responsible for the present development,
and claims that he must not be allowed to try to evade
responsibility by abandoning office." He was urged to find a
solution to this difficult issue. In the meantime, a ministerial
crisis ensued over Sudan raising the possibility of Zaghlul's
resignation. Zaghlul told the Chamber of Deputies that he would not
cede Sudan under any circumstance and his declaration had been
received with great enthusiasm by the opposition. They urged him to
continue with the policy that would result in Egyptian independence
and that he should continue to lead the government. King Fuad
refused to accept Zaghlul's resignation as premier minister.[6]
A failed assassination attempt on July 13 shook Zaghlul who went
to Europe for recuperation. Abdel Latif Khalik, an Egyptian medical
student, "who had returned from Germany on July 2nd, fired a
revolver at Zaghloul when the latter was about to board the train."
Zaghlul received a superficial wound, spent a few days in hospital
before returning home. The Egyptian police arrested a large number
of individuals suspected of being involved in the failed
assassination. It was a relief for many Egyptians that the Prime
Minister and national hero had escaped death. Zaghlul was the only
Egyptian leader who could stand up to the British. His meeting with
MacDonald in London would show whether he had the mettle to
accomplish his stated goals of Egyptian independence and Sudan's
integration.[7]
The Macdonald- Zaghlul negotiations took place in London during
October 1924 to settle outstanding issues. There was a hope in the
Egyptian and British camps that some compromise would be reached
between two leaders. Such expectations, however, did not
materialise as Zaghlul demanded the withdrawal of all British
troops and British influence from Egypt something which MacDonald
found unacceptable. MacDonald reminded Zaghlul of the importance
the Suez Canal figured in British imperial communications in Egypt
and that the stationing of British troops in no way impinged upon
Egyptian independence.
Sudan also was one of Zaghlul's demands but MacDonald took the
opportunity to remind him of statements that he made in the
Egyptian Parliament earlier regarding this territory and the
Egyptian army being commanded by a foreign officer. Such official
statements would place "Sir Lee Stack, as Sirdar but all British
officers attached to the Egyptian army, in a difficult position."
Britain had undertaken the responsibility to provide good
governance, sound financial management, public order and security
for the Sudanese and that Egypt would receive "her share of the
Nile water and the satisfaction of any financial claims which she
may have against the Sudan Government." MacDonald outlined his
differences with Zaghlul in a memorandum to Lord Allenby in
Cairo.[8]
The talks finally were abandoned because Zaghlul's case was
regarded as an ultimatum by Britain and his attitude did not assist
the Egyptian cause. Whilst Zaghlul was a proud and respected
nationalist leader, nonetheless, his rigidity, indecisiveness and
refusal to compromise wrecked the discussions with MacDonald.
10. Zaghlul's return to Egypt and Sir Lee Stack's assassination,
November 1924Zaghlul returned home at the end of October
empty-handed to a disappointed Egyptian public and his reputation
began to decline as Egyptians started to realise that his
administration had not improved things. On November 19, the
assassination of the Governor General of Sudan and Sirdar of the
Egyptian army, Sir Lee Stack was a fatal blow for Zaghlul. The
Sirdar died two days later in hospital. Zaghlul was incensed over
this tragic episode when he stated "I believe that those who
committed this appalling evil aimed only to disrupt the peace and
security of this country." He encouraged his fellow citizens to
come forward with any relevant information that might assist the
authorities to apprehend the assailants. Over the coming months a
number of individuals were arrested and tried for this
crime.[9]
Lord Allenby issued an ultimatum to Zaghlul that included "(a)
Apology. (b) Pursuit and condign punishment of criminals. (c)
500,000 fine. (e)The withdrawal of Egyptian army from Sudan. (f)
Abandonment of 300,000 feddan limit in Gezira. (g) Agreement with
His Majesty's Government on certain points touching foreign
interests." Zaghlul rejected the British demand for the immediate
withdrawal of Egyptian troops and officers from Sudan. British
forces occupied the Alexandria Customs House in response to
Zaghlul's non-acceptance of the British Government's demand "on
certain points touching foreign interests."
On November 24, Ghali Pasha declared the government's official
response to Allenby's ultimatum when it issued an apology, denied
responsibility for Stack's assassination, promised to pay 500,000,
offered to suppress demonstrations and that investigations into the
crime were already yielding good results. Later in that day,
Zaghlul resigned paving the way for Ziwar Pasha to become Egypt's
next Prime Minister who promised "to restore good relations with
Great Britain." The new Egyptian Government accepted "the British
conditions in regard to the position of foreigners and the Royal
Marines are being withdrawn from the Customs House at
Alexandria."[10]
King Fuad signed an edict that dissolved Parliament in December
1924 paving the way for new elections to be staged on February 24,
1925. TheTimesdescribed Ziwar as a sincere individual who it
appears had support among educated Egyptians and foreign
communities who believed he had "only done his duty in advising
King Fuad to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the
electorate."[11]
With the election campaign underway, Zaghlul took a swipe at
Ziwar by claiming "that the Cabinet has flouted the Constitution by
dissolving Parliament and by its method of treating the new
electoral law." In the beginning the Wafd party thought of
boycotting the elections but decided against it in order to protect
the constitution. Zaghlul urged his supporters "let the Ministry
know that, inspite of all its efforts, you know your duty. Egypt
will be in great danger if traitors are elected."[12]It would
appear Zaghlul distrusted Ziwar's political motives and the Wafd
was the only party that represented the aspirations of ordinary
Egyptians. The forthcoming elections would give Zaghlul the
opportunity to test his party's strength against his opponents.
The primary elections were held February 24, 1925 and a second
one took place in March with both sides claiming victory. The three
anti-Zaghlulist parties - Constitutional Liberals, Ittihad and
Independents formed the new Cabinet with Ziwar Pasha accepting King
Fuad's offer to become Prime Minister. This election saw a complete
reversal in the fortunes of the Wafd who lost 80 seats from 1924
indicating a widespread anti-Zaghlul sentiment in many parts of
Egypt. There were some defections from the Wafd helping the
opposition parties win office. On March 23,King Fuadopened the new
parliament and in a secret vote Zaghlul easily defeated Sarwat for
the presidency of the Chamber by forty votes.[13]
11. Zaghlul's last political endeavor In early December 1925, a
new electoral law was proclaimed revising the qualifications for
voters. These included:
All males over 30 years of age have the vote, but those between
25 and 30 only have a vote if they pay land tax of E1 annually; or
house tax of E12 annually; or rent cultivable land paying E2
annually in tax; or hold a matriculation certificate.
Primary electors are grouped in 20's, instead of 30's as
formerly for choosing secondary electors, while further groups in
the case of senatorial elections each consist of five secondary
electors for the Lower Chamber.
Deputies must be 30 years of age and literate, and must be
resident in the constituency for which they stand.
There is no plural voting.[14]
It is interesting to note that all males over 30 years of age
could vote without restriction whereas those between 25-30 years
faced property or educational qualifications in order to vote.
Women were excluded from voting.
After their 1925 electoral success, squabbles developed between
Liberals and Ittihadists with the former withdrawing and forming an
"unnatural alliance with the Wafd, to which the Nationalists also
joined themselves." This situation made it difficult for Ziwar
Pasha to continue as Prime Minister which effectively assured a
Wafdist electoral victory. For the first time, Egyptians would be
participating in a "system of direct voting and universal suffrage
" thus eliminating " the two degree system in which groups of 30
electors chose each an elector delegate and these electors delegate
of each constituency in turn elected a Deputy, the voting for
latter being consequently on a relatively restricted scale and
area." Ziwar Pasha was very brave to implement such an important
electoral reform despite opposition within his own political
ranks.[15]
Against the backdrop of a Wafd electoral victory, a number of
Egyptians-Ahmed Maher Pasha, Addel Halim Bey, Mahmoud Nekrashi
Effendi, Dr.Hassan Kamel Shishini,Mahmoud Osman Mustafa Effendi, El
Hag Ahmed Gadollah and Mohamed Fahmy Aly Effendi were acquitted of
the murders and attempted murders of British soldiers and officials
and anti-Zaghlulists. The first four were charged for their
involvement "in the murders of Aldred Brown (February 1922),
Bimbashi Cave (May 1922), Hasan Abdel Razek Pashas and Ismail Zuhdi
Bey (November 1922) and in the attempted murders of Colonel A.F.M
Piggott and T.W.Brown (August 1922)." El Hag Ahmed Gadollah and
Mohamed Fahmy Aly Effendi were accused of the slaying of Dr Newby
Robson with former being sentenced to death.[16]
On May 30, 1926 Zaghlul's meeting with the new British High
Commissioner, Lord Lloyd was arranged by Dr Nimr, editor ofAl
Mokottam, who acted as an intermediary. The High Commissioner
demanded a number of conditions from Zaghlul in order to establish
his ministry. These included: "(1) To accept the Declaration of
February 28, 1922; (2) That no reference was to be made in the
Parliament to the Sudan Question or to the Jarabub settlement which
would be adverse to the settlement agreed by the representatives of
the two Governments, Egyptian and Italian; (3) that he become
personally and officially responsible for the maintenance of good
order and proper respect to the King." Zaghlul rejected the first
two demands and stated that he could not be held responsible for
the action of others. Originally Zaghlul stated that he would not
form a cabinet but suddenly changed his mind. The about-face
possibly came about through "some articles in the Unionist Press
...taunting him" and "the acquittal of Maher Pasha and Nekrashi in
the political murder trial." Even his meeting with Lord Lloyd also
would have made him rethink his attitude towards the premiership,
as he disliked being dictated too.[17]
Judge JF Kershaw, the President of the Assize Court, handed his
resignation to the Minister of Justice over the acquittal of those
tried in the political murder trial. He dissented in the final
verdict where the evidence clearly showed a "grave miscarriage of
justice" had been carried out. TheTimescorrespondent in Cairo
believed that Kershaw's decision was "courageous and
self-sacrificing gesture [that] will do more than anything else to
convince Egyptians of the injustice of the acquittal." An American
Consular report from Alexandria mentioned that some British Judges
of the Mixed Courts "themselves feel that Judge Kershaw made a
mistake" in resigning his position. On the other hand, the Egyptian
press was damning over Kershaw's resignation. TheIttihad raised the
question of "how many judges would be left on the Egyptian bench,
if all who disagreed with their colleagues
resigned."Kawkab-esh-SharkandBalaghcensured "Kershaw of complicity
with the Residency in a plot to condemn certain individuals,
regardless of proof."[18]
Britain delivered a note to the Egyptian government refusing to
accept the innocence of the four acquitted and "reserves full
liberty to take such steps as the future may show to be necessary
to fulfil its obligation to ensure the safety of foreigners in
Egypt."[19]On June 7, 1926 Ziwar Pasha tendered his resignation to
King Fuad feeling satisfied that his introduction of universal
suffrage and improvement in Anglo-Egyptian relations were his
contribution to Egyptian political life. Adly Pasha was invited by
the King to form the next Cabinet which had the support of the
Zaghlul and the Parliament. The new Cabinet included three
Liberals-Adly, Sarwat and Mahmoud Pashas, Abul Seud was an
independent with remainder being Wafdists. On June 10, the King
opened the new parliament with his speech from the throne outlining
the political agenda of the new Cabinet. It was important "to
strengthen the parliamentary regime and compel everyone to respect
the constitution." Furthermore the government had the
responsibility to improve the nation's finances and ensure a better
utilisation of its resources. In the international arena, Egypt
would be seeking to further improve its relations with Britain and
would apply to become a member of the League of Nations. Sudan was
considered a part of Egypt. Zaghlul was elected President of the
Chamber which allowed him to remain influential over the Wafd
Party.[20]
Adly Pasha resigned as Prime Minister on April18, 1927 due to
the "Chamber's refusal of a vote of thanks" which seemed trivial to
say the least. This decision took the Chamber by complete surprise
and Sarwat Pasha was destined to become the next Prime Minister.
Nevile Henderson, the Acting British High Commissioner in Cairo,
outlined five features that emerged from the sitting of the third
Egyptian parliament in a dispatch to the British Foreign Secretary
Sir Austen Chamberlain. His dispatch described Zaghlul Pasha
completely dominating the Chamber, no effective opposition existed
in the Chamber, Anglo-Egyptian issues were simply ignored,
hostility was shown towards the King and "the tendency of the
Chamber to encroach upon the executive functions of the
government."[21]
The new Prime Minister faced a Cabinet crisis over his refusal
to reinstate the Omda (Mayor) of Deirut when fifteen Senators and
Deputies had originally approached him to overturn Adly Pasha's
decision. In fact, Sarwat agreed with his predecessor's decision
and considered the action of the delegation as usurping the
executive authority of the government. Sarwat called a meeting of
the Cabinet and told them that he contemplated resigning as Prime
Minister. In the meantime, Sarwat communicated with the Palace and
Zaghlul to inform them of his intended decision. Zaghlul implored
Sarwat to postpone his decision until he arrived in Cairo. On
arriving in Cairo from his country house, Zaghlul had a meeting
with Sarwat and told the latter that he would support him in the
Chamber. Zaghlul's action allowed Sarwat to withdraw his threat of
resignation and thus ending the Cabinet crisis.[22]
12. The death of Zaghlul, August 23, 1927
On the evening of August 23, 1927 Zaghlul died of unknown causes
at the House of the Nation' in Cairo having recuperated from
complications in the right lung following his recent illness. From
his bedside with his wife in attendance and four doctors, he told
her "I am finished." He then lapsed into a coma from which he never
recovered. His nephew Fathalla Barakat Pasha officially informed
the Chief of the King's Cabinet, Mohamed Nessim Pasha who
immediately was driven to the House of the Nation.' There was a
steady stream of visitors to pay their respects to Madame
Zaghlul.[23]
Before Zaghlul was buried, the Minister of War Gafar Wali Pasha
presented the following brief address:
Saad is dead: what a misfortune! The lofty principles which he
spent his life in spreading in this country have taken root in this
good nation. The great man who had departed to-day departs only in
body; his soul remains alive in his principles and teachings which
we keep in our hearts. As individuals, we shall all vanish, but the
nation, thanks to the efforts of the man who leaves us, and thanks
to his sincerity, will remain free and last forever.[24]
This brief speech was a fitting tribute to an individual who was
admired and respected by both friends and foes alike. Whilst his
political opponents may have chided him, they recognised his
patriotism and loyalty to Egypt.
Whatever thoughts the British press may have had on Zaghlul,
their obituaries were laudable of this man who challenged British
authority in Egypt. Inits obituary of August 24, The Timesregarded
Zaghlul as an astute debater who had the ability to inspire his
audience with his oratical skills. On the other hand, he could be
extreme and inflame the passions of his followers. "[Zaghlul]
missed a great opportunity to establish Anglo-Egyptian relations on
a sure and friendly basis. But whatever his faults or foibles he
proved himself a political leader of rare energy. From being a mere
humble fellah, he rose to be the leader of a nation which had only
recently awakened in any strong sense of nationhood. That was in
itself a remarkable achievement",The Timesstated.[25]
TheManchester Guardiandid not consider Zaghlul a fanatic or a
snob. He was the individual who "never swerved from his purpose
"and "Englishmen have reason to lament his death because a
friendly, honourable, and charming opponent of a policy their
Government has fitfully pursued is gone." The obituary concluded
that "to Egyptians the loss is irreparable."[26]
In conclusion, Zaghlul Pasha rose from a peasant background to
become Prime Minister in January 1924. The assassination of Sir Lee
Stack irreparably damaged his premiership making him to appear a
weak leader in the eyes of his compatriots. British demands for
compensation compounded his problems.
Zaghlul was a charismatic leader who possessed the oratorical
skills to sway and inspire ordinary Egyptians to support the Wafd
party and who dominated Egyptian politics for more than twenty
years. He proved a thorn in the side of the British who twice
deported him to Malta and Seychelles in 1919 and 1921 respectively.
He was a fierce nationalist who wanted complete and not nominal
independence for Egypt. On the negative side, he was rigid,
uncompromising and inflexible when negotiating with his political
opponents and the British.
There is no doubt that Zaghlul was a devoted patriot who always
had best intentions for his country at heart. Whilst he failed to
remove the British from Egypt, his actions laid the foundation for
the rise of the Colonels in 1952.
REFERENCES[1]Zaghlul's Cabinet.Nationalist Programme',The Times,
January 29, 1924, p.11
[2]Egyptinternal883.00/483 J Morton Howell to Secretary of
State, February 24, 1924 includingEgyptian Mail,February 22,
1924
[3]Egypt internal883.00/485 J Morton Howell to Secretary of
State, March 29, 1924; Mr McDonald's Message',The Times, March 17,
1924, p.12; MacDonald sends greetings',New York Times, March 16,
1924. p.7; Fuad opens Egypt's first parliament. British King and
Premier wire congratulations; Cairo Celebrates',Washington Post,
March 16, 1924, p.1
[4]Egyptinternal883.00/489 March 29, 1924; 883.00/492 July 3,
1924
[5]The Times, June 27, 1924, p.5 (editorial)
[6]Egyptinternal883.00/492 July 3, 1924; Egypt and the Sudan.
Widespread Depression', & The Sudan. Egyptian Cabinet Crisis.
Resignation of Zaghlul',The Times, June 28 &30, 1924, pp.12
&14
[7]Egyptinternal883.00/493 July 21, 1924
[8]BDFA Series G Vol.8 December 1925-May 1927,p.48; Great
Britain, Command Paper,Cmd 2269, Despatch to His Majesty's High
Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan respecting the Position of His
Majesty's Government in regard to Egypt and the Sudan,, Egypt no.1,
(1924), HMSO, London, 1924 pp.2-4; Anglo-Egyptian Conversations.
Cause of Breakdown. Zaghlul's impossible demands',The Times,
October 8, 1924, p.141
[9]Egyptinternal883.00/502-503 November 19 &21,
1924;Al-Ahram Weekly On-line, October 12-18, 2000, issue
no.503[10]BDFA Series G Vol.8 December 1925-May
1927,pp.49-50;Egyptinternal883.00/504,507-508 &514 November
22,24 &25, December 5, 1924; The Egyptian Settlement. Customs
House released, resignations from the Cabinet',The Times, December
2, 1924, p.14
[11]Dissolution in Egypt. Election in February', & The
Egyptian Election campaign. Rival Addresses',The Times, December 24
& 27, 1924, p.9
[12]The Egyptian election. Zaghlulist manifesto',The Times,
December 29, 1924, p.9
[13]BDFA Series G Vol.8 December 1925-May 1927,p.51; The
Egyptian Election. Opposition to Zaghlul'; The Egyptian Elections.
Zaghlulist Party reduced'; The Egyptian Coalition. Parties in New
Cabinet',The Times, March 12, 13 &16 1925, pp.15, 14, &
14
[14]Egyptinternal883.9111/4, December 5, 1925 with enclosures of
news clippings; 883.00/568. December 11, 1925; New Electoral law
for Egypt',The Times, December 9, 1925, p.13
[15]Egypt internal 883.00/594 London to Secretary of State,
Washington, June 1, 1926 with enclosuresDaily Telegraph, May 26,
1926; General Election in Egypt. A new departure',The Times, May
22, 1926, p.12
[16]Political murders in Egypt. Former Ministers to be tried';
Political murders in Egypt. Seven men on trial'; The Egyptian
Murders. Six men acquitted', & Zaghlul Pasha's Position. An
interview with Lord Lloyd., Difficult Situation',The Times, January
7, March 30, May 26, &31 1926 pp.11, 13, 14 & 14; August
24, 1927, p.12
[17]Egyptinternal883.00/596, June 7, 1926; Zaghlul Pasha's
Position. An interview with Lord Lloyd., Difficult Situation',The
Times, May 31 1926 p.14
[18]Egyptinternal883.00/600 July 5, 1926;BDFA Series G Vol.8
December 1925-May 1927,p.84; Cairo Murder Trial. British Note to
Egypt. Judge's resignation',The Times, June 3, 1926, p.16
&August 24, 1927, p.12
[19]Cairo Murder Trial. British Note to Egypt. Judge's
resignation',The Times, June 3, 1926, p.16
[20]The Egyptian Crisis. Cabinet formed by Adly Pasha'; New
Egyptian Cabinet.Preponderance of Wafd Party. Ziwar Pasha's Career'
& The Egyptian Parliament. King Fuad's speech. Claims in the
Sudan affirmed',The Times, June 7, 8 &11, 1926, pp.14,16
&14
[21]National Archives of Australia [NAA],Canberra ACT, Series
A981 item no. EGY 11 Part.1 Egypt internal situation 1 1923-31, Mr
Henderson (Ramleh) to Sir Austen Chamberlain, September 8, 1927
[22]Cabinet Trouble in Egypt. Zaghlul called to Cairo', &
Egyptian Political Crisis ended. Relations with Great Britain',The
Times, May 19 &20, 1927, pp.13 &13
[23]Egypt internal883.9111/90 , Bulkeley Ramleh, August 29, 1927
with enclosures ofEgyptian Mail, August 24, 1927 &Egyptian
Gazette, August 25, 1927; 883.03/8 August 27, 1927
[24]Egyptinternal883.03/8 August 27, 1927
[25]The Times, August 24, 1927, p.12
[26]Manchester Guardian, August 24, 1927, p.12
The Greek-Turkish War 1919-23By Stavros T.StavridisThis book
describes different facets of the Greek-Turkish conflict through
the eyes of two Melbourne newspapers: The Age and Argus. There were
times when the Melbourne press favored the Greek and opposed the
Turks. It also outlines the role that the Australian press played
in the development of Australian nationalism and identity.
The Melbourne press covered the Greek-Turkish conflict for three
important reasons. Firstly, Australian forces had played a major
part in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East in the
1914-18 War. Secondly, the Greek-Turkish War involved the clash of
two opposing armies: the Greek army of occupation at Smyrna (Izmir)
and the Turkish Nationalist movement led by Mustapha Kemal Pasha
(later known as Ataturk). Australia had no direct involvement in
the actual conflict but the Colonial Office did provide the
Australian Government through the Governor Generals office, with
some information on the events unfolding in Asia Minor. Throughout
the period 1919-23, Australia was trying to chart an independent
foreign policy within the framework of the British Empire. The
Imperial Conferences was the only forum where the Dominions could
question Britain on foreign and Imperial policy issues. The
Australian Prime Minister W. M. Hughes wanted the Dominions to have
some input into the foreign policy formulation of the British
Empire. The Chanak crisis of September 1922 nearly brought
Australia into direct conflict with the Kemalists following the
defeat of the Greek army.
Stavros T Stavridisis a historical researcher at the National
Centre for Hellenic Studies and Research, Latrobe University,
Bundoora, Australia. He holds an MA in Greek/Australian history
from RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. He has written
extensively on Greek, Armenians and Assyrians and conflict in Asia
Minor covering the period 1890-1923.