Petty Chieftains:From the writings of Abul Fazal and other
contemporary authors, it is clear that personal ownership of land
was very old in India. The rights of ownership in land were being
created all the time.The tradition was that anyone who first
brought land under cultivation was considered its owner. There was
plenty of cultivable wasteland (banjar) available in medieval
times. It was not difficult for an enterprising group of people to
settle a new village or to bring under cultivation the wastelands
belonging to a village and become the owners of these lands.In
addition to owning the lands they cultivated, a considerable
section of the Zamindars had the hereditary right of collecting
land revenue from a number of villages. This was called his talluqa
or his zamindari.For collecting the land revenue, the zamindars
received a share of the land revenue which could go up to 25 per
cent in some areas. The zamindar was not the owner of all the lands
comprising his zamindari.The peasants who actually cultivated the
land could not be dispossessed as long as they paid the land
revenue. Thus, the zamindars and the peasants had their own
hereditary rights in land. The figures, perhaps also include the
strength of the subordinate rajas.The zamindars generally had close
connections on a caste, clan or tribal basis with the peasants
settled in their zamindaris. They had considerable local
information also about the productivity of land. The zamindars
formed a very numerous and powerful class which was to be fund all
over the country under different names such as deshmukh, patil,
nayak, etc. Thus, it was not easy for any central authority to
ignore or alienate them.It is difficult to say anything about the
living standards of the zamindars. Compared to the nobles, their
income was limited; the smaller ones may have lived more or less
like the peasants. However, the living standards of the larger
zamindars might have approached those of petty rajas or nobles.
Most of the zamindars apparently lived in the countryside and
formed a kind of loose, dispersed local gentry.It would not be
correct to look upon the zamindars merely as those who fought for
control over land and exploited the cultivators in the area they
dominated. Many of the zamindars had close caste and kinship ties
with the land-owning cultivating castes in their zamindari. These
zamindars not only set social standard, they also proved capital
and organization for settling new villages, or extending and
improving cultivation. But the precise extents of such efforts have
yet to be studied in detail.Cultivators and Non-cultivating
Classes:During the 16th and 17th centuries, 85 per cent of Indias
population lived in rural areas. The largest section in the village
consisted of peasants or cultivators. There were three main classes
of peasants.(1) Khud-kasht(riyayati):Those residential peasants
living in their own village, owning their own land and implements,
paying the land-revenue at a concessional rate, formed the
governing body of the village community. Also called mirasdars in
Maharashtra and gharu-hala in Rajasthan.(2) Pahi-kasht:These
peasants were basically outsiders but cultivated the rented land in
a village either by staying in the same village (residential
pahi-kasht) or by staying in the neighbouring villages
(non-residential pahi-kasht).(3) Muzarian (raiyatis):Those who
belonged to the same village but who did not have either land or
implements and hence were dependent on the Khud-kasht for their
supply. They were divided into two groups; tenants-at-will and
those who had hereditary tenant rights, called as paltis in
Rajastan.Apart from the cultivators, there were labourers (majurs).
In addition, there were the service people blacksmith, potter,
washerman, etc. In Maharashtra, these service sectors were twelve
in number who were called balutedars and received a prescribed
share (baluta) from the village produce.The Indian peasantry in the
Mughal Empire was highly stratified and there was considerable
difference in the size of holdings, produce and resources of
peasants within the same locality.India had a well diversified
economy with the cultivation of a large variety of crops. Cotton,
indigo, chay (red dye), sugarcane, oil seeds paid land revenue at a
higher rate and had to be paid in cash hence, called cash crops or
superior crops.The peasants not only shifted his cultivation from
one crop to other but also adopted new crops. Tobacco and maize
were introduced in the 17th century. The adoption of potato and red
chilies followed during the 18th century.During this period, India
also exported foodgrains, especially rice and sugar. The peasant
was not disposed from his land as long as he paid the land revenue.
Although the life of the peasant was hard, he had enough to eat and
meet his simple requirements.Artisans:(1) Rural artisanswho were
only part-time artisans and often indistinguishable from
cultivators. These included oil-pressers, indigo and salt petre
workers, etc. Their work was seasonal and often they had a small
family plot of land for cultivation. They sold their surplus
produce in the market.(2) Professional artisans were living in
towns and villages. As trade and manufacture grew, the merchants
extended their control over the professional artisans through the
dadni or putting out system by giving those loans, providing raw
material, etc. In such cases the artisans tended to become wage
earners because the cost of the raw materials and their labour was
prescribed by the trader.The master-craftsmen called ustads grew
both economically and socially during this period. Abul Fazal
called them artificiers and placed them in the second rank in the
society (below the nobles). The artisans were generally organised
on a case basis. The major industry where artisans were engaged the
most were the textile industry and leather industry. The Indian
artisans were not opposed to new techniques.The villages in India
continued with the traditional crafts and also developed localised
centres of production.The rural classes.The medieval Indian society
was organized on a feudal basis. The emperor, as the absolute
ruler, was the head of the social system. He claimed divine status
and powers for the crown and asserted proprietary rights over the
entire land in his capacity as the lord paramount of the
country.Members of the royal family together with the blood
relations, friends and favourites of the king enjoyed privileged
position in the society while the imperial harem and the court
acted as the trend-setters in social and cultural affairs. For
instance, Nur Jahan, the First Lady of the Realm, set the standards
in socio- cultural value for the aristocracy of her times. She was
treated as a model of fashions.The Mughal nobility or the ruling
elite, collectively styled as umara (pi. of amir), who belonged to
the first category of the mansabdari system, and the feudatory
chieftains, who owned allegiance to the Mughal crown, comprised the
aristocracy of the land.The latter were also graded as mansabdars
with a view to determining their dignity and status in the imperial
court as well as in the society, of course, there was little honour
or dignity outside the imperial service and every talented youth
aspired to join it. The aristocracy was composed of Muslims as well
as Hindus alike although the number of the latter was small because
of the delayed entry into its fold and the slow process of
Indianisation.Major Religious Groups:Although there were several
other religious communities, such as, the Parsis in Gujarat and
Bombay, Christians on our west coast especially in
Cochin-Travancore, and foreign European trading communities in the
several parts of the country, the sub-continent was mainly peopled
by the indigenous Hindus and Indian and foreign Muslims, who were
found living side by side and working together at the Mughal court,
in the camp and the public offices.Religion permeated every aspect
of the medieval Indian society. The country was dotted with
mosques, temples, and other places of worship erected by the people
belonging to various religious denominations: the whole of India
from the Himalayan peaks to Kanyakumari in the south seemed to be a
holy land.The foreigners who visited the country during the Mughal
period were simply wonderstruck to see the passion of people for
their creed who built their places of worship everywhere. The
prices emptied their purses and the commoners poured out the entire
savings of their lives to get them built while the poor and the
destitute dedicated their whole lives in the construction of these
holy places without remuneration.The Hindus thronged their places
of pilgrimage in millions while the Muslims understood Ramzan (fast
en masse) and went on Hay or pilgrimage to Mecca and Madina in
hundreds.The Mercantile and Professional Classes:Nevertheless,
trade and the traders continued to have a low social status. The
influence of the merchants on political processes is a matter of
controversy. Merchants in India were not without influence in the
political quarters where their own interests were concerned. Thus,
each community of merchants has its leader or nagarseth who could
intercede with the local officials on their behalf. We do have
instances of strikes (hartal) by merchants in Ahmedabad and
elsewhere to stress their points of view. We have also noted the
involvement of members of the Mughal royal family and prominent
nobles, such as Mir Jumla, in trade.The trading community in India,
especially in the port towns, included some of the richest
merchants who are comparable in wealth and power to the merchant
prices of Europe. Thus, Virji Vohra dominated the Surat trade for
several decades. He owned a large fleet of ships and was reputed to
be amongst the wealthiest men of his time.Abdul Ghafur Bohra left
55 lakh rupees in cash and goods and a fleet of 17 sea-going ships
at the time of his death in 1718. Similarly, Malay Chetti of the
Coromandal coast, Kashi Viranna and Sunca Rama Chetti were reputed
to be extremely wealthy, and had extensive commercials dealings in
India and abroad.There were many wealthy merchants at Agra, Delhi,
Balasore (Orissa), and Bengal also. Some of these merchants,
especially those living in the coastal towns, lived in an
ostentatious manner and aped the manner of the nobles.European
travellers mention the commodious and well-built houses in which
the wealthy merchants of Agra and Delhi lived. But the ordinary
sorts lived in houses above their shops. The trading community in
India did not belong to one caste or religion.The Gujarat merchants
included Hindus, Jains and Muslims who were mostly Bohras. In
Rajasthan, Oswals, Maheshwaris and Agrawals began to be called
Marwaris. Overland trade to Central Asia was in the hands of
Multanis, Afghans and Khatris.The Marwaris spread out to
Maharashtra and Bengal during the 18th century. The Chettis on the
Coromandal coast and the Muslim merchants of Malabar both. It will
thus be seen that Indias inter-regional trade was not in luxuries
alone. The movement of these goods was made possible by a complex
networks, linking wholesalers with merchants down to the regional
and local levels through agents (gumashtas) and commission agents
(dalals).The Dutch and English traders who came to Gujarat during
the 17th century found the Indian traders to be active and alert.
There was keen competition for inside information, and whenever
there was demand for goods in one part of the country, it was
rapidly made good
Cultural Life during the Mughal Period | Indian History
System of Education and Its Motivations:All the Mughal emperors
were great patrons of learning and gave their full encouragement to
the spread of education in their dominions. Babur was himself a
great scholar and public works department (Shuhrat-i-Am)
established by him, which, also continued to exist under later
Mughal emperors, was on trusted along with other responsibilities
to that of building the schools and colleges.His son, Humayan had
great love for study of books especially in astronomy and
geography. He constructed a Madarsa at Delhi and converted the
pleasure-house built by Sher Shah in Qila Kohana also called Purana
Qila into a library.The reign of Akbar, well known for improvement
in various other domains, also constitutes a new epoch in the
growth and improvement of education. He established a number of
colleges for high learning at Agra and Fatehpur Sikri and also
attempted to revise the curriculum of education.Abul Fazal writes,
All civilized nations have schools for the education of youth; but
Hindustan is particularly famous for its seminaries. Akbar also
encouraged the Hindus to join the madarsa and learn Persian, the
court language.Jahangir was himself a great scholar of Turki and
Persian and had written his memories known as the
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. It is stated that soon after his sitting on the
throne, he got repaired many old madarsa, which had ceased to
function for quite a long and filled them with pupils and their
teachers.Towards the close of his reign, he also promulgated an
order that if a rich person or traveller died without heirs, his
property would escheat to the crown and be spent on the
construction and maintenance of madarsa and monasteries, etc.Shah
Jahan had great fascination for study of the Turkish language and
had a regular habit of study at night for a short while. He
repaired an old institution called Dar-ul-Boqa (Abode of Eternity)
and found a new college at Delhi. His son, Dara Soukoh, also
patronized every educational activity. Aurangzeb encouraged the
education of the Muslims and founded colleges and schools
(Keene).Education: A Private Affair:Dr. Srivastava writes, The
Mughal government did not consider it to be its duty to educate the
people. It had no department of education and did not allocate a
portion of the public revenue for the spread of literacy. Education
was thus in Mughal India a private affair, a hand-made of religion
and if the Mughals took interest in it, it was to earn religious
merit and not to advance the welfare of the people.The public made
their own arrangements for the education of their children and
considering the age and circumstances of the time, the arrangements
were fairly satisfactory. Both the Hindus and the Muslims had their
separate institutions for education of their children.The Hindus
sent their children to the school usually at the age of five but
the Muslims performed the maktab ceremony at the auspicious day of
the child completing four years, four months and four days. The
syllabi and curriculum of studies as well as the medium of
instruction used by the communities were different. Obviously,
their institutions of higher learning were also located separately
and the subjects of their research and higher studies were also
different.Hindu Education:The Hindus had their primary schools
attached to the temples. These schools were maintained by grants or
endowments and no fee was charged from the pupils. There were no
printed books and the children wrote the alphabets on wooden boards
or on dust of the ground with fingers.Classes were usually held
under the shade of a tree. The students were taught the religious
scriptures after they finished their alphabets and these were
usually, according to Bernier, the Puranas. The centers of higher
learning or universities were scattered all over the country,
largely near the places of pilgrimage. These were Banaras, Nadia,
Mithila, Mathura, Tirhut, Paithan, Karhad, Thatte, Sirhind and
Multan.Bernier states, Banaras is kind of university; but it has no
college or regular classes as in our universities, but resembles
rather the school of the ancients, the masters being spread over
different parts of the town in private houses. Nadia was the second
great centre of Hindu learning after Banaras.Vasudeva Sarvabhauma
founded a school of Nyaya there in the sixteenth century which even
out rivalled Mithila. The University of Mithila, however, continued
to be a prominent centre of learning during the Mughal period.
Mathura was another famous centre of learning with its
specialization in Hindu philosophy and there were more than ten
thousand students.Thatte was equally important and had, according
to Hamilton, four hundred colleges. The subjects of theology,
philology and politics were taught there. Multan was well known as
a centre of specialization in astronomy, astrology, medicine and
mathematics. Sirhind had an important school of medicine.The
subjects of study in all these Hindu centers of study were grammar,
logic, philosophy, history, poetry, astronomy, astrology, medicine
including veterinary science and mathematics also including study
of physics and chemistry.Muslim Education: Madarsah and Maktabs:The
Muslims sent their children to Maktabs located in the mosque and
these schools, according to the Italian traveller Delia Valle,
existed in every town and village. The basic course of study at the
primary standard was the Quran which every child had to learn by
rote. After completing their study of Quran, the pupils were taught
Gulistan and Bostan of Sheikh Sadi and poems of Firdausi.The
institutions of Higher learning called Madarsahs where at Agra,
Delhi, Lahore, Jaunpur, Gujarat, Sialkot and Ahmedabad. Agra was
the biggest centre of learning were there were numerous Madarsahs
including the college of Jesuits. Delhi was the second largest
centre of education.It had also a number of madarsah, the prominent
being Humayuns madarsah, Maham Anagas madarsah, called Khair-ul-
Manzil and Darul Bana built by Shah Jahan. The Khan-ul-Manzil was
big residential college where students lived in the rooms of both
the storeys and classes were conducted in the main hall.Jaunpur as
a great centre of learning was known as the Shiraz of India, where
students came from far and wide. The Madarsah Faiz Safa and
Langar-i-Den/vazda Imam (now called Bara Imam ka Kotla) located in
Gujarat and Ahmedabad respectively were reputable centers of
learning in the Western India.Lahore as an important centre of
education attained its eminence during the reign of Aurangzeb.
Kashmir was also a place of attraction for scholars because of its
pleasant climate and beautiful environment.Among other places of
education, Gwalior, Sialkot, Ambala and Thaneswar were quite
famous. The courses of study in these institutions of learning
consisted of grammar, rhetoric, logic, theology, metaphysics,
jurisprudence and literature. Mathematics, medicine and astronomy
were also studied under the impact of Hindu scholars. The medium of
instruction usually was Persian or Arabic.The Aim of Education:The
aim of education writes Prof. S.M. Jaffar, was to bring out the
latent faculties of students, to discipline the forces of their
intellect and to develop their character, to equip them with all
that was required for their material as well as moral improvement.
Education was regarded as a preparation for life and for life after
death and hence it was that religion was at the root of all
study.The education thus did not equip a student only to obtain his
employment under the state but attempted at the development of his
faculties of head and heart. These were no regular examinations for
a student to be promoted to the next standard and the teacher was
the sole judge to ascertain his suitability for promotion to the
higher class.The educational institutions also did not award
certificates or degree and it was enough for a student to have been
taught at a reputed school or by a well known learned teacher. This
made the admission to the reputed institutions a big burden and
according to Dr. P.N. Chopra, it was with great difficulty that
Mullah Shah Badakshi agreed to take Jahan Ara as his pupil.Course
Content and Libraries:It cannot be said with certainty as to
whether the duration of the courses in all the educational
institutions was fixed according to a standard pattern. It seems
that the study for ten to sixteen years was considered enough for
education of a person equivalent to the degree examination in own
universities.All those who wanted to adopt teaching profession or
otherwise desired to pursue higher studies were placed under the
specialists. There students also visited the other centers of
learning both in the country and abroad as a part of their
curriculum. There were big libraries for use of these students in
every madarsa but certain libraries like that Madars Feiz Safa were
highly reputed.The biggest library was, however, the Imperial
library containing the Emperors collection of books. The Mughal
princesses Salima Sultana and Zib-un-Nisa had built their own
libraries. The high nobles and other courtiers also attempted to
work on the royal work on the royal example. Faizi had a collection
of 4,600 books in his library.Abdur Rahim Khan Khana employed
ninety five persons to take care of his collection of books and
rare manuscripts. The library of Maharaja Jai Singh contained all
books on astronomy used by the Hindu Scholars. Bernier saw a big
hall at Banaras University, which was full of books on philosophy,
medicine, religion and history etc.Women Education:Along with the
education of men, the education of the women did not obtain proper
priority during the Mughal period. Most of the women did not get an
opportunity to read beyond the primary standard and it was only the
few nobles and rich people who were able to engage private tutors
for education of their daughters at home.The institutions of
education of females were, however, absent. According to Dr. Datta,
regular training was given to the ladies of the royal household
during the reign of Akbar. The ladies of the royal blood thus
excelled themselves in education and statecraft.Gulbadan Begam,
Salim Sultana, Zeb-un-Nisa and Zinat-un-Nisa excelled themselves in
the literary field where Nur Jahan and Jahanara played an important
part in politics.Literature:Persian:During this period Akbar
brought Persian at the level of state language, which helped in the
growth of its literature. Besides, all Mughal emperors, except
Akbar, were well-educated and patronized learning. Babur was a
scholar.He wrote his biography, Tuzuki-i-Babri, in Turki language
and it was so beautifully written that it was translated into
Persian three times. He also wrote poems both in Turki and Persian
and his collection of poems Diwan (Turki) became quite famous.
Humayun had good command over both Turki and Persian. Besides, he
had sufficient knowledge of philosophy, mathematics and
astronomy.He patronized scholars of all subjects. Akbar himself was
not educated but he created those circumstances which helped in the
growth of literature during the period of his rule. He gave
encouragement to Persian language and famous works of different
languages like Sanskrit, Arabic, Turki, Greek, etc., were
translated into it. He established a separate department for this
purpose. Many scholars rose to eminence under his patronage.
Jahangir was also well-educated.He wrote his biography,
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri himself by for the first seventeen years of his
rule and got prepared the rest of it Mautmid Khan. Not much was
done concerning translation work but a few original works of repute
were written during the period of his rule. Shah Jahan also gave
projection to scholars.His son Dara Shukoh was also well-educated
and arranged for the translation of many Sanskrit texts in Persian.
Aurangzeb was also a scholar though he hated writings of verses and
books on history. During the period of the later Mughals, Persian
remained the court-language till the rule of Muhammad Shah.
Afterwards, it was replaced by Urdu. Yet, good works produced by
many scholars in Persian even afterwards. Thus, Persian got the
maximum incentive to grow during the rule of the Mughals and,
therefore, made very good progress.Largest numbers of good books
written in Persian were either autobiographies or books on history.
Among writings on history, Tuzuk-i-Babri written by emperor Babur,
Humayuna Nama of Gulbadan Begum, Akbarnama and Ain-i-Akbari of
Abdul Fazl, Tabkhat-i-Akbari of Nizamuddin Ahmad,
Tazkirautal-waqiat of Jauhar, Tauja-i-Akbarshahi alias
Tarikh-i-Sher Shah of Abbas Sarwani, Tarikh-i- Alfi which covers
nearly one thousand years of history of the Islam and was written
by the combined efforts of many scholars.Muntkhba-ut-Twarikh of
Badayuni, Tarikh-i-Salatin-Afghana of Ahmad Yadgar,
Tarikh-i-Humayun of Bayaqzid Sultan and Akbarnama of Faizi Sarhindi
were written during the period of the rule of Akbar except the
first. Jahangir wrote his biography Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri.Mautmid Khan
completed it and also wrote Ikbalanama-i-Jahangiri.Massara Jahangir
of Khawja Kamgar Makazzam- i-Afghani of Niamatullah,
Tarikh-i-Farishta of Muhammad Kasim Farishta and Massare-i-Rahini
of Mulla Nanvandi were also written during the period of Jahangir.
Among the famous work written during the period of reign of Shah
Jahan were Padshahnama of Aminai Qazvini, Shahjahanama of Inayat
Khan and Alam-i-Saleh of Muhammad Saleh. Aurangzeb discouraged
writings of history.Yet a few good works were produced during his
rule. Among them, the most famous ones were Muntkhab-ul- Lubab of
Khafi Khan, Alamgirnama of Mirza Muhammad Qazim, Nuike-Dilkusha of
Muhammad Saki, Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri of Iswar Das and
Khulasa-ut-Tawarikh of Sujan Rai.Historical works were written
under the patronage of the later Mughals as well as provincial
ruler. Among them, the most reputed were Sidrul-Mutkharin of Gulam
Hussain, Tawarikh-i-Muzaffari of Muhammad Aliand Tawarikh-Cahar-
Gulzar-i-Suzai of Harcharan Das.Besides original work, books in
other languages were translated into Persian. Among the Sanskrit
text, Mahabharat was translated by the joint efforts of Naki Khan,
Badayni, Abdul Fazal, Faizi etc.Badayuni translated Ramayana into
Persian. He also started translating Atharvaveda while it was
completed by Haji Ibrahim Sarhindi. Faizi translated Lilavati, Shah
Muhammad Sahabadi translated Rajtarangini, Abul Fazl translated
Kaliya Daman, Faizi translated Nal Damyanti and Maulana Sheri
translated Hari-Vansha.All these works were translated during the
period of rule of Akbar. During the reign of Shah Jahan, his eldest
son, Dara Shukoh provided incentive to this work and got translated
Upanishads, Bhagvata Gita and Yogavasistha.He himself wrote an
original treatise titled Manjul- Bahreen in which he described that
Islam and Hinduism were simply the two paths to achieve the same
God. Many texts written in Arabic, Turki and Greek were also
translated into Persian during the rule of the Mughal emperors.
Bible was translated in it. Aurangzeb with the help of many Arabic
texts got prepared a book of law and justice in Persian which was
titled Fatwah-i-Alamgiri.Poems in Persian were also written during
this period though this type of work could not achieve the standard
of prose-writing. Humayun wrote a few verses. Abul Fazl named fifty
nine poets at the court of Akbar. Among them Faizi, Gizali and Urfi
were quite famous. Hahangir and Nur Jahan were also interested in
poetry. Jahan Ara daughter of Shah Jahan and Jebunnisa, daughters
of Aurangzeb were also poetesses.The letters written by the
emperors and nobles also occupy important place in the Persian
literature of that time. Among them, letter written by Aurangzeb,
Abul Fazl, Munir, Raja Jai Singh, Afzal Khan, Sadulla Khan, etc.
have been regarded as good literary value.Sanskrit:Original good
works in Sanskrit could not be produced during the rule of the
Mughals. Yet as compared to the age of the Delhi sultanate,
Sanskrit literature made good progress during the period. Akbar
gave recognition to scholars of Sanskrit. Abul Fazal has named many
scholars of Sanskrit who received the patronage of the emperor. A
dictionary of Persian Sanskrit titled Farsi- Prakash was prepared
during his rule.Besides many Hindu and Jaina scholars wrote their
treatises outside the patronage of the court of the emperor. Mahesh
Thakur wrote the history of the reign of Akbar, the Jain scholar
Padma Sundar wrote Akbarshahi-Srangar-Darpan and the Jain Acharya
Siddhachandra Upaddaya wrote Bhanuchandra Charita. Deva Vimal and
many other also wrote their treatises in Sanskrit.Jahangir and Shah
Jahan maintained the tradition of Akbar and gave protection to
scholars of Sanskrit. Kavindra Acharya Saraswati received patronage
of Shah Jahan and Jagannath Pandit who wrote Rasa Gangadhar and
Ganga Lahri was also at his court. Aurangzeb stopped court
protection to scholars of Sanskrit. Of course, Sanskrit continued
to receive patronage from Hindu rulers, yet, its progress was
checked later on.Regional Languages:During this period, regional
languages were developed due to the patronage extended to them by
local and regional rulers. They acquired stability and maturity and
some of the finest lyrical poetry was produced during this
period.The dalliance of Krishna with Radha and the milkmaids,
pranks of the child Krishna and stories from Bhagwat figure largely
in lyrical poetry in Bengali, Oriya, Hindi, Rajasthani and Gujarati
during this period. Many devotional hymns to Rama were also
composed and the Ramayana and the Mahabharata translated into the
regional languages, especially if they had not been translated
earlier.A few translations and adaptations from Persian were also
made. Both Hindus and Muslims contributed in this. Thus, Alaol
composed in Bengali and also translated from Persian. In Hindi, the
Padmavat, the story written by the Sufi saint, Malik Muhammad
Jaisi, used the attack of Alaudddin Khilji on Chittor as an
allegory to expound Sufi ideas on the relations of soul with God,
along with Hindu ideas about maya.Medieval Hindi in the Brij form,
that is the dialect spoken in the neighbourhood of Agra, was also
patronised by the Mughal emperors and Hindu rulers. From the time
of Akbar, Hindi poets began to be attached to the Mughal court.A
leading Mughal noble, Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, produced a fine
blend of Bhakti poetry with Persian ideas of life and human
relations. Thus, the Persian and the Hindi literary traditions
began to influence each other. But the most influential Hindi poet
was Tulsidas whose hero was Rama and who used a dialect of Hindi
spoken in the eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh. Pleading for a
modified caste system based not on birth but on individual
qualities, Tulsi was essentially a humanistic poet who upheld
family ideals and complete devotion to Rama as a way of salvation
open to all, irrespective of caste.In south India, Malayalam
started its literary career as a separate language in its own
right. Marathi reached its apogee at the hands of Eknath and
Tukaram. Asserting the importance of Marathi, Eknath exclaims: If
Sanskrit was made by God, was Prakrit born of thieves and knaves?
Let these earrings of vanity alone. God is no partisan of tongues.
To Him Prakrit and Sanskrit are alike. My language Marathi is
worthy of expressing the highest sentiments and is rich, laden with
the fruits of divine knowledge.Fine Arts:Major Schools of
Painting:Mughal period was the golden period for the development of
painting in India. This period practiced the arts of different
schools of painting which are as follows:1. School of Old
Tradition:Here old tradition is referred to the ancient style of
painting which was flourished in India before sultanate period.
After the eighth century, the tradition seems to have decayed, but
palm-leaf manuscripts and illustrated Jain texts from the
thirteenth century onwards show that the tradition had not died.
Apart from the Jains, some of the provincial kingdom, such as Malwa
and Gujarat extended their patronage to painting during the
fifteenth century.2. Mughal Painting (School from Persian
Influence):This school had been developed during the period of
Akbar. Jaswantand Dasawan were two of the famous painters of Akbars
court. The school developed centre of production. Apart from
illustrating Persian books of fables, the painters were soon
assigned the task of illustrating the Persian text of the
Mahabharata, the historical work Akbar Nama and others.Indian
themes and Indian scenes and landscapes, thus, came in vogue and
helped to free the school from Persian influence. Indian colours,
such as peacock blue, the Indian red, etc., began to be used. Above
all, the somewhat flat effect of the Persian style began to be
replaced by the roundedness of the Indian brush, giving the
pictures a three-dimensional effect.Mughal painting reached a
climax under Jahangir who had a very discriminating eye. It was a
fashion in the Mughal school for the faces, bodies and feet of the
people in a single picture to be painted by different artists.
Jahangir claims that he could distinguish the work of each artist
in a picture.Apart from painting hunting, battle and court scenes,
under Jahangir, special progress were made in portrait painting and
paintings of animals. Mansur was the great name in this field.
Portrait painting also became fashionable.3. European
Painting:Under Akbar, European painting was introduced at the court
by the Portuguese priests. Under their influence, the principles of
fore-shortening, whereby near and distant people and things could
be placed in perspective was quietly adopted.4. Rajasthan School of
Painting:The Rajasthan style of painting combined the themes and
earlier traditions of western India or Jain school of painting with
Mughal forms and styles. Thus, in addition to hunting and court
scenes, it had paintings on mythological themes, such as the
dalliance of Krishna with Radha, or the Barah-masa, that is, the
seasons, Ragas (melodies).5. Pahari School of Painting:The Pahari
School continued the Rajasthani styles and played an important role
in its development.Music:During Mughal Period music was the sole
medium of Hindu-Muslim unity. Akbar patronized Tansen of Gwalior
who is credited with composing many new melodies (ragas). Jahangir
and Shah Jahan as well as many Mughal nobles followed this example.
There are many apocryphal stories about the burial of music by the
orthodox Aurangzeb.Recent research shows that Aurangzeb banished
singing from his court, but not playing of musical instruments. In
fact, Aurangzeb himself was an accomplished veena player. Music in
all forms continued to be patronized by Aurangzebs queens in the
harem and by the nobles.That is why the largest number of books on
classical Indian music in Persian were written during Aurangzebs
reign. But some of the most important developments in the field of
music took place later on in the eighteenth century during the
reign of Muhammad Shah (1720-48).Architectural Developments during
Mughal Era:Mughal period was the period of glory in the field of
architecture. They also laid out many formal gardens with running
water. In fact, use of running water even in their palaces and
pleasure resorts was a special feature of the Mughals.Babur:Babur
was very fond of gardens and laid out a few in the neighbourhood of
Agra and Lahore. Some of the Mughal gardens, such as the Nishal
Bagh in Kashmir, the Shalimar at Lahore, the Pinjore garden in the
Punjab foothills, etc., have survived to this day.A new impetus to
architecture was given by Sher Shah. His famour mausoleum at
Sasaram (Bihar) and his mosque in the old fort at Delhi are
considered architectural marvels. They form the climax of the
pre-Mughal style of architecture, and the starting point for the
new.Akbar:Akbar was the first Mughal ruler who had the time and
means to undertake construction on a large scale. He built a series
of forts, the most famous of which is the fort at Agra. Built in
red sandstone, this massive fort had many magnificent gates. The
climax of fort building was reached at Delhi where Shah Jahan built
his famous Red Fort.In 1572, Akbar commenced a paiace-cum-fort
complex at Fatehpur Sikri, 36 kilometres from Agra, which he
completed in eight years. Built atop a hill, along with a large
artificial lake, it included many buildings in the style of Gujarat
and Bengal. These included deep caves, balconies, and fanciful
kiosks.In the Panch Mahal built for taking the air, all the types
of pillars used in various temples were employed to support flat
roofs. The Gujarat style of architecture is used most widely in the
palace built probably for his Rajput wife or wives. Buildings of a
similar type were also built in the fort at Agra, though only a few
of them have survived. Akbar took a close personal interest in the
work of construction both at Agra and Fatehpur Sikri.Persian or
Central Asian influence can be seen in the glazed blue tiles used
for decoration in the walls or for tiling the roofs. But the most
magnificent building was the mosque and the gateway to it called
the Buland Darwaza or the Lofty Gate, built to commemorate Akbars
victory in Gujarat. The gate is in the style of what is called a
half-dome portal.What was done was to slice a dome into half. The
sliced portion provided the massive outward faade of the gate,
while smaller doors could be floor meet. This devise, borrowed from
Iran, became feature in Mughal buildings later.Jahangir:With the
consolidation of the empire, the Mughal architecture reached its
climax. Towards the end of Jahangirs reign began the practice of
putting up building entirely of marble and decorating the walls
with floral designs made of semi-precious stones. This method of
decoration, called pietra dura, became even more popular under Shah
Jahan who used it on a large scale in the Taj Mahal, justly
regarded as a jewel of the builder art.Shah Jahan:The Taj Mahal
brought together in a pleasing manner all the architectural forms
developed by the Mughals. Humayuns tomb built at Delhi towards the
beginning of Akbars reign, and which had a massive dome of marbles,
may be considered a precursor of the Taj. The double dome was
another feature of this building.This devise enabled a bigger dome
to be built with a smaller one inside. The chief glory of the Taj
is the massive dome and the four slender minarets linking the
platform to the main building. The decorations are kept to a
minimum, delicate marble screens, pietra dura inlay work and kiosks
(chhatris) adding to the effect. The building gains by being placed
in the midst of a formal garden.Mosque-building also reached its
climax under Shah Jahan, the two most noteworthy ones being the
Moti Masjid in the Agra fort built like the Taj entirely in marble,
and the other the Jama Masjid in the Agra fort built like the Taj
entirely in marble, and the other the Jama Masjid at Delhi built in
red sandstone. A lofty gate, tall, slender minarets, and a series
of domes are a feature of the Jama Masjid.Aurangzeb:Although not
many buildings were put up by Aurangzeb who was economic-minded,
the Mughal architectural traditions based on a combination of Hindu
and Turko-lranian forms and decorative designs, continued without a
break into the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.Thus,
Mughal traditions influenced the palaces and forts of many
provincial and local kingdoms. Even the Harmandir of the Sikhs,
called the Golden Temple at Amritsar which was rebuilt several
times during the period was built on the arch and dome principle
incorporated many features of the Mughal traditions of
architecture.Short Essay on the role of Zamindars during Mughal
period
In the Mughal official records the term zamindar was used in a
very wide sense. It covered petty landholders in the villages,
descendants of old ruling families who retained small portions of
their ancestral lands as well as the Rajput and other chiefs who
exercised autonomous administrative authority in their
principalities.The zamindars had hereditary rights of collecting
land revenue from a number of villages which were called his
talluqa or zamindari. For the collection of land revenue they used
to get a share of revenues which could go up to 25 per cent of the
revenue. In Bengal the zamindars paid the state a fixed sum as the
revenue of a village, making collection from the individual
peasants at rates fixed by custom or by himself.The difference
between his collections and the amount he paid to the state was his
personal income. Where the state demand reached the maximum that
the peasant could pay, a deduction of 10 per cent was made from the
total amount of revenue and paid to the jzamindars as malikana
either in cash or in the form of revenue-free land.The zamindar was
not the owner of the land of his zamindari and peasants could not
be dispossessed of land as long as they paid land revenue. The
zamindars served the state as an agency for collection of revenue
and exercised considerable local influence in administrative and
social affairs.They often commanded armed forces and had
fortresses. According to Abul Fazl, their combined troops exceeded
44 lakhs. Sometimes the state had to use military force against
recalcitrant zamindars for the realisation of revenue.The general
attitude of the Mughal ruling class towards zamindars was
unfriendly, if not hostile. Writing in Aurangzeb's reign Munucci
says: "Usually there is some rebellion of rajas and zamindars going
on in the Moghul kingdom". The zamindars were a very powerful class
and were to be found all over the Mughal Empire under different
names, such as deshmukhs, patils, nayaks, etc.In some respects of
zamindars and the peasants were natural allies in any struggle
against the Mughal government. The higher class of zamindars, i.e.
tributary chiefs, also rendered military service to the Mughal
government. Hereditary succession to zamindari was the general
rule.Zamindari was divisible among legal heirs and could also be
freely bought and sold. Normally in the Mughal Empire villages were
divided into zamindari and raiyati (non-zamin- dari)
areas.Background: Babur, Humayun And The RajputsWith the decline of
Jaunpur and the weakening of Malwa towards the endof the 15th
century, a new situation developed in North India. There was
thecontest flanked by Rana Sanga of Mewar and the Lodis for
domination inexcess of eastern Rajasthan and Malwa. Sanga feared
the strengthening ofLodi power and so opened negotiations with
Babur against the Lodis. AsBabur progressed in accordance with the
agreement, Sanga retraced his steps.He had not envisaged Baburs
arrival in the Gangetic valley. His plan was todetain Babur in the
Punjab while he confronted the Lodis in the Gangeticvalley. The
ascendancy of Babur in the Gangetic valley took Sanga
throughsurprise. These developments led to the formation of an
alliance flanked bythe Afghans, Rana Sanga and a host of other
Rajput princes. The aim was tohold back the advance of Babur
towards Delhi and the nearby areas. So distantno Rajput ruler had
been successful in mustering support of such disparategroups as
Rajputs and Afghans. The disagreement flanked by Sangascoalition
and Babur at Khanwa was not a contest flanked by Hindus andMuslims.
This is amply borne out through the very nature of the
compositionof Sangas coalition. Babur condemned the Afghan
chieftains whocollaborated with Sanga as kafirs infidels and
mulhids and also proclaimed thecontest against Sanga as jihad.
These actions do not suggest religious zeal butreflect the effort
to meet the challenge through appealing to the religioussentiments
of his soldiers. Later on, Babur concentrated more on counteringthe
Afghan danger than fighting the Rajputs. He tried to secure his
control inexcess of the region adjoining Delhi-Agra zone. Outposts
such as Bayana,Dholpur, Gwalior were firmly brought under control.
Mewat and Chanderi inMalwa were taken. The death of Rana Sanga
settled the problem as distant asRajasthan was concerned.Babur
wished to follow a forward policy in Mewar and Malwa but
hispractical understanding prevented him from taking up this policy
till theAfghan problem in the east had been solved. Throughout
Baburs time, therelations flanked by the Mughals and Rajputs did
not develop beside definiteand positive lines, rather it was in
consonance with the political needs. WhenHumayun ascended the
throne, the political scene in Malwa and Rajasthan hadchanged
considerably. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Gujarat, had capturedMalwa
after defeating its ruler Mahmud Khalji II. Rana Ratan Singh of
Mewarhad sided with Bahadur Shah against Malwa for which he was
generouslyrewarded. This was an act of political expediency.
Though, a rupture flankedby Rana Vikramjit of Mewar and Bahadur
Shah led to siege of Chittor throughthe later. Though Humayun was
aware of the threat posed through theaugmentation of the power of
Bahadur Shah in Malwa and Rajasthan, he washesitant to get involved
in the disagreement with Bahadur Shah till the Afghanthreat had
been sorted out. Humayuns stance as regards Rajasthan
wasessentially defence oriented: an offensive policy was postponed
for a laterdate. He also realized that due to internecine warfare
in Mewar its power waswaning. So, for Humayun, its military
importance as an ally was inadequate.Humayun who joined the thrash
about on Chittors side had not anticipatedthe power of Gujarat
artillery and had overestimated the military strength ofChittor in
the wake of the siege. Bahadur Shah, on the other hand, had
notexpected Humayun to counter him in a contest against a Hindu
ruler. Chittorwas devastated but Bahadur Shahs success was
short-lived. Babur andHumayuns relations with Rajputs should be
viewed in the Afghan problemwhich deterred them from creation
friendly overtures to the Rajput rulers.Akbars Relations With The
RajputsWe can perceive three stages in the shaping of Akbars Rajput
policy.Throughout the first stage, which ended in 1569-70, Akbar
sustained with thepolicy followed through the Delhi Sultans; in the
second stage, Akbar tried todevelop and extend the alliance with
Rajputs but certain components of theearlier policy were retained;
the third and last stage is marked through Akbarsbreak with Muslim
orthodoxy.The First StageThere has been a lot of debate on Akbars
relations with the Rajputs. Someargue that his policy initiated a
system in which there would be nodiscrimination on the basis of
religion in public appointments. Others hold thatit was a
deliberate effort to exploit the martial attributes of the Rajputs
for theexpansion of the Empire and also to play them against each
other therebyensuring that they would not united pose a threat to
the Empire. It is alsostated that Akbars Rajput policy was a part
of a broad policy of wooing thezamindars and martial classes which
incorporated the Rajputs and Afghans.Majority of the zamindars were
Hindus and specially Rajputs.It is pointed out that the policy was
aimed at using the Rajputs to counterthe power of the Uzbegs and
other disaffected nobles. Faithfulness of Rajputswas legendary.
They could serve as significant buttresses both within the courtand
outside. Rajputs had made an impression on Akbars mind method back
in1557 when a Rajput contingent under Bhara Mal, the ruler of
Amber, haddemonstrated its loyalty to Akbar. This led to a
matrimonial alliance flankedby Bhara Mals daughter and Akbar in
1562. But this matrimonial alliancewas not unique and such
alliances were a common characteristic beforeAkbars time also.
These marriages were in the nature of political compromiseand did
not imply conversion to Islam and break with Hindu traditions.
BharaMal had submitted to Akbar through personally paying homage to
him in1562. Through encouraging this practice, Akbar was trying to
establishintimate relations with those chieftains who submitted to
him personally. Apersonal relationship, it was felt, would best
ensure political allegiance.Akbars period therefore ushered in an
era of personal fidelity. Matrimonialalliances did not lead to any
type of special bond flanked by Rajputs andMughals. Nor were these
alliances with Rajputs planned to be aimed atcountering
recalcitrant elements or using the Rajputs for military gains.
Thefact that Rajputs did participate in Mughal wars against their
compatriots wasnot unprecedented. The liberal events such as
abolition of jiziya, remission ofpilgrim taxes, etc. which Akbar
introduced flanked by 1562-64, strengthenedpeoples faith in Akbar
as a liberal ruler. But these events did not make anatmosphere of
total peace flanked by the Mughals and Rajputs. The war
withChittor, is an apt instance. The Rajputs offered firm
resistance despite theattendance of Bhagwant Singh with Akbar.
Akbar on the other handproclaimed the disagreement as jihad and
martyrs as ghazis giving the wholeaffair a religious colour. He
ascribed his victory to Gods will, therebyemphasizing the religious
dimension of the disagreement.In the first stage, Akbars attitude
towards Rajputs softened and RaoDalpat Rai, the governor (hakim) of
Ranthambhor, was accepted in theimperial service and given jagir.
Akbar married Bhagwant Singhs(Kachhawaha prince) sister. That Bhara
Mal became a close confidant ofAkbar is apparent from the fact that
when Akbar proceeded on the Gujaratcampaign, Agra was placed under
his charge a gesture shown for the first timeto a Hindu Prince.
Though, Akbars religious views his public policies andattitude
towards Rajputs developed beside separate lines and coincided only
ata later stage.The Second StageTowards the end of 1570, the
relations with Rajputs were furtherrecognized. Rai Kalyan Mal of
Bikanar submitted to Akbar through payinghomage personally beside
with his son. Rawal Har Rai of Jaiselmer andKalyan Mais daughters
were married to Akbar. Both rajas were firmlyentrenched in their
principalities and enrolled in the Imperial service. TheGujarat
expedition of Akbar was an significant landmark in the evolution
ofMughal-Rajput relations. The Rajputs were enlisted as soldiers
systematicallyand their salaries were fixed for the first time.
Therefore , the Rajputs weredeployed outside Rajasthan for the
first time and were given importantassignments and posts.
Throughout the Gujarat insurrection of the Mirzas,Akbar depended
largely or Rajputs(Kachawahas) Man Singh and BhagwantSingh. Akbar
also had to deal with the Mewar problem. The Rana of Mewardid not.
agree to personal submission and wanted to regain Chittor.
Akbarremained firm on the principle of personal homage. In the
meantime Marwarwas subdued through Akbar.The battle of Haldighati
flanked by the Rana of Mewar and Akbar was nota thrash about
flanked by Hindus and Muslims. As significant groups from inthe
middle of the Rajputs sided with the Mughals, this thrash about
cannot betermed as a thrash about for independence from foreign
rule. It can to someextent be characterized as the pronouncement of
the ideal of regionalindependence. In the 16th century India, the
feelings of local and regionalloyalty were very powerful which
could be further strengthened throughemphasis on conventions and
traditions. Though, this catchword could not bevery helpful in the
long run since there was no supreme regional poweramongst the
Rajput states. They were vulnerable to internecine warfare and
itsdisastrous consequences. The states located beside the borders
of Mewarsubmitted to Akbar and entered into matrimonial alliances.
These states hadclose relations with Mewar but had always pursued a
practical policy ofallying with whosoever was the dominant power in
the area. The ruler ofBundi and Marwar, who were in league with the
Rana, were subdued.Therefore , the Ranas power suffered a severe
jolt and Rajputs weretransformed from mere collaborators into
allies of the Mughals.Till the end of the second stage, Akbars
Rajput policy had not acquired aform which would be disapproved
through the Muslim orthodox religiouselements or which would be a
threat to the Muslim character of the state. Orelse why an orthodox
person like Badauni commended the Mewar campaign?The Third StageThe
reimposition of jiziya through Akbar in 1575, which was a step
inpreparation for war with Mewar, shows that Akbar had to rely on
religion forserving political ends. The fall from power of the
chief sadr Abdun Nabi andthe proclamation of the mahzar are
significant events which constitute thestarting point of Akbars
break with orthodoxy.Throughout the invasion on Punjab through
Akbars brother Mirza Hakim(the ruler of Kabul) in 1580, Akbar
relied upon Rajputs such as Man Singhand Bhagwant Singh who
displayed considerable valour throughout the siegeand successfully
resisted it. Akbar rewarded them through creation BhagwantDas the
governor of Lahore and Man Singh the commander of the Indusregion.
An significant consequence of Mirza Hakims invasion was that
fromnow onwards the Rajputs became the sword-arm of the Empire and
becameactively involved in Mughal administration.A group in the
middle of the nobility displayed fear in excess of theascendancy of
Rajputs. Though Akbar was strong enough to brush aside suchfeelings
and sustained to rely on the Rajputs. Akbar tried to forge
closerelations with the Rajput ruling houses. The Kachhawaha family
occupied aspecial position in the gamut of Mughal-Rajput relations.
In 1580, Mani Bai,the daughter of Bhagwant Das, was married to
Prince Salim. In 1583, Jodhpur,which was a part of khalisa was
bestowed upon Mota Raja Udai Singh(Marwar) and his daughter was
married to Salim. Rai Kalyan Singh's(Bikaner) daughter and Rawal
Bhims (Jaisalmer) daughters were also marriedto Salim. Prince
Daniyal was married to a daughter of Raimal of Jodhpur.These
marriages reveal Akbars desire to compel his successor to thethrone
to carry on the policy of maintaining close relationship with
theRajputs. In 1583-84, Akbar initiated a new policy of selecting
loyal Muslimand Hindu nobles for performing administrative tasks.
Therefore , the son ofBhara Mal and Rai Lonkaran Shekhawat were
look: after armour and roads;household management was placed under
Raisal Darbari (Kachhawaha); RajaAskaran Kachhawaha of Narwan was
assigned the task of supervising theproperty of minors; Jagmal
Panwar, associated with Raja Bhagwant Das andMan Singh, was
incharge of the department of jewels and other minerals; RaiDurga
Sisodia of Rampura and Raja Todar Mal were assigned
administrativetasks in the revenue department and Rai Surjan Hada
was to bring mattersrelating to religion and faith to Prince
Daniyal. Raja Birbal was a closeassociate of Akbar and was
responsible for justice. It cannot be said withcertainty to what
extent this policy of deploying Rajputs for carrying
outadministrative tasks was successful. Abul Fazl provides the
impression that itwas not properly implemented.The year 1585-86
marks an significant landmark in the administrativesphere when the
subas were given an administrative form. Each suba was tohave two
amirs or sipahsalars as well as a diwan and a bakhshi.
TheKachhawahas got the largest share of appointments in the middle
of Rajputs.Lahore, was given to Raja Bhagwant Das and Rai Singh of
Bikaner, Kabul toMan Singh, Agra to Raja Askaran Shekhawat, Ajmer
to Jagannath (son ofBhara Mal). The Rathors and Sisodias were also
employed in theadministrative set up but not on a very large
level.Through 1585-86, Akbars Rajput policy had become fully
developed. Thealliance with Rajputs had become steady and stable.
The Rajputs were nownot only allies but were partners in the
Empire. Disagreement with the Rana ofMewar did not lead to
bitterness in relations with other Rajput states ofRajasthan.
Finally, the dispute with the Rana was settled and he spent the
restof his life in Chawand in South Mewar (his capital). For
analysing therelations with Rajputs in Akbars reign, the year
1585-86 can be taken as aconvenient point. In the middle of the
Rajputs enlisted in the Imperial Service,the Kachhawahas reigned
supreme. In the mansabdari(ranking system) whichwas developed
through Akbar the Kachhawahas held a dominant position. Inthe list
of mansabdars, as given in the Ain-i Akbari of the 24 Rajputs 13
wereKachhawahas. In the middle of Kachhawahas only members of Bhara
Malsfamily held ranks of 1500 zat or above. The only non-Kachhawaha
Rajputwho held a high rank and significant posts was Rai Singh of
Bikaner.A study of the state structure of the Rajputs is
significant for understandingtheir relations with the Mughals. On
the eve of the Mughal conquests, theadministrative structure was
based on what is called bhaibant system. It was asort of a loose
confederation in which a region was held through a clan orkhap
through one or more family which had close kinship ties with the
clan. Amember of the leading family was called rao/rairana. There
was no definitelaw of succession both primogeniture and the will of
the ruler prevailed. Butthe deciding factors were the support of
Rajput sardars (chieftains) andmilitary might. A clan held a region
relying on the support of Rajput warriors.The leading family of a
clan held only a few parganas or mahals under directcontrol in a
region and the rest were assigned in patta to individual membersof
the family who erected their own fortresses or places of residence
calledbasi or kothri. Holders of these fortresses were called dhani
or thakur. Theseholdings were hereditary. In these circumstances
the Rana tried to extend theholding at the expense of the
thikanedars (clan brothers) whereas the clanattempted to gain at
the cost of neighbouring clans.When a Rajput raja was enrolled in
the Imperial service, he was given jagiragainst his mansab which
consisted of mahals or tappas where the clanmembers existed. The
mahals were a part of one or more parganas with a fortor garhi
where the raja resided with his family. This region was the real
watanof the raja though, occasionally, the term was extended to
mean the wholetract held through the raja and his clansmen.
Jahangir refers to this as riyasat.The term watan jagir came into
vogue only at the end of Akbars reign. Jagirsin close proximity to
watan were measured a part of the watan and were nottransferable
except in case of rebellion, etc. These watan jagirs were
grantedfor life within Rajasthan. Outside Rajasthan, jagirs were
transferable. The termwatan jagir is not referred to through Abul
Fazl and other modern historians.The first reference to this is
contained in a farman of Akbar to Raja Rai Singhof Bikaner. The
Rajput chronicles, for instance, Nainsi has a word utan whichcould
be a corruption of watan.The change in the state structure of
Rajasthan and the evolution of theconcept of watan jagir which
replaced bhaibant is an motivating phenomena.Through Jahangirs time
the concept of watan jagir was firmly entrenched.Areas held through
clan members and other clans were brought under thecontrol of the
raja. Watan jagirs allowed the rajas to consolidate their
positionvis--vis the pattayats which was a step towards the
evolution of a stable andcentralized state structure. Watan and
riyasat at times overlapped.When a raja died all the parganas
controlled through him as watan jagirwere not inevitably inherited
through his successor. His successor was given afew parganas
according to his mansab which was lower than that of
hispredecessor. Therefore , jagir rights in a pargana were
partitioned. This was ameans of exercising control in excess of the
Rajput rajas. Dispute in themiddle of the Rajputs for control of
certain territories was a problem in whichAkbar also got entangled.
For instance, Pokharan was claimed through theBhatis of Jaisalmer
and rulers of Bikaner and Jodhpur. Akbar had assigned itto Mota
Raja and later to Suraj Singh, but the Bhatis sustained to resist
anddispute could not be settled in Akbars time.The Mughals did not
try to make dissensions in the middle of the Rajputsbut they were
aware of dissensions in the middle of the Rajputs on the basis
ofclan and personal holdings and took advantage of these
differences for theirown ends. For instance, they transferred
disputed parganas from one toanother. The Mughal control in excess
of an autonomous raja was determinedthrough the Mughal concept of
paramountcy, attitudes of traditional rulingelites and political
expediency. In Akbars time Chittor and Ranthambhor fortswere under
Mughal appointees. The rajas assessed and composed land
revenueaccording to their custom and norms, but imposition of
certain taxes wasdisallowed. Though, there was no machinery to
enforce these prohibitionswhich were often ignored through small
rajas. Marwar was under directMughal rule from 1563 to 1583. Parts
of Mewar were directly controlledthrough the Mughals from 1568 to
the early years of Jahangirs reign.The Rajput rajas were granted
jagirs outside their watan in neighbouringsubas or in subas where
they served. The jagirs were situated either inproductive areas or
in zortalab (rebellious) areas. The proportion of jagirsgranted in
Rajasthan and outside differed from case to case. Additional
incomefrom jagirs outside traditional holdings was significant.
Jagirs in Rajasthanwere a more attractive proposition for the
Rajputs as they accepted a lot ofprestige and enabled them to
maintain their links with the clan which was thefoundation of their
power.The establishment of a sort of Pax Mughalica (Mughal peace)
wassignificant if the Rajput rajas were to serve in dissimilar
parts of the Empirewithout being bothered in relation to their
homelands. This meant regulationof inter-state disputes and
disputes in the middle of the Rajput rajas andsardars. The Mughal
policy of conferring honor on anyone was a part of theprocess of
weakening the aristocracy through instigating the middle and
lowerstrata to assert their independence from aristocracy. So, the
Mughals enlistedin the Imperial service several miner feudatories
of the Rajput rajasThemselves.
resumed offensive against theMughals. Later, Prince Khurram
forced Malik Ambar to surrender theAhmednagar fort and the
districts of Balaghat. Though throughout 1619-1620,Malik Ambar
recovered the lost territories.Malik Ambar was not only a
successful military commander but a veryable administrator. He is
credited with a number of effective eventsconcerning revenue and
general administration. With his death in 1626,Ahmednagar seems to
have lost all hopes. Now Marathas tried to helpAhmednagar against
the Mughals under Shahjahan. Shahji Bhonsle enthroneda member of
the royal family as Murtaza Nizam Shah III. Defying theMughals, he
occupied a number of forts. But Shahjahan forced MuhammadAdil Shah
to accept defeat in 1636. A settlement was made, according towhich,
the Nizam Shahi kingdom came to an end. It was divided flanked
bythe Mughals and Bijapur kingdom. It was settled that the forts of
Parenda andSholapur with their adjoining districts, the province of
Kalyani and the NizamShahi territory been the Bhima and Nira rivers
would be taken through AdilShah of Bijapur and, in return, be would
assist the Mughals to bring Shahji tosubmission. Abdullah Qutb Shah
of Golkonda also signed a treaty with theMughals. Prince Aurangzeb
was appointed the governor of the MughalDeccan. He conquered the
Nizam Shahi forts of Udgir and Ausa whichcompleted the extinction
of Ahmednagar kingdom. Shahji surrenderedMurtaza Nizam Shah III to
the Mughals and himself fled to Bijapur. Murtazawas imprisoned in
the Gwalior fort and, therefore , the Nizam Shahi kingdomcame to an
end.BijapurThe independent state of Bijapur was also carved out
from the Bahmanikingdom in 1490. Bijapur remained independent till
1686 when it wasannexed through the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.
Throughout this period ofapproximately 200 years, it was ruled
through Adil Shahi kings. Its founder,Yusuf Adil Khan, of Persian
descent, was the tarafdar (governor) of Bijapurprovince of the
Bahmani kingdom. He declared his independence in 1490. Heenlarged
his small territory through capturing Raichur, Goa, Dabhol,
Gulbargaand Kalyani. But he lost Goa to the Portuguese in 1510.
Throughout the periodof his successors, efforts were made to retain
and keep adding new territories.Ismail Shah tried to capture
Sholapur from Ahmednagar but failed. The majorsuccess of Ismail
Shah was the capture of Bidar. Amir Barid of Bidar hadalways been
intriguing against Bijapur. So, Ismail marched and captured
himalive. Amir Barid had to cede Bidar to Bijapur and was enrolled
in theBijapuri nobility.In 1530, Ismail in alliance with Alauddin
Imad Shah recovered RaichurDoab and Mudgal from the Vijaynagar
Empire. As a reward, Ismail gave backBidar to Amir Barid in return
for Qandahar and Kalyani. But after his return toBidar, Amir Barid
allied himself with Burhan and refused to provide Qandaharand
Kalyani. Finally, Ismail attacked and defeated him. In 1534, Ismail
madean abortive effort to take Kovilkonda and Golkonda from Sultan
Quli QutbulMulk. After his return to Bijapur, he died the same
year. He was succeededthrough the elder prince Mallu Adil Khan but,
due to his licentious behavior,he was blinded and imprisoned
through his grandmother Punji Khatun in1535. He died in captivity
in 1535. He was succeeded through his youngerbrother Ibrahim.
Ibrahim was forced to provide absent the ports of Salsette
andBardez to the Portuguese because the latter had already occupied
them in 1535as a price to keep the rebel prince Abdullah in check
who had taken shelter inGoa.Ali Adil Shah I (1556-1580), the after
that Sultan, captured the Vijaynagarforts of Adoni, Torgal, Dharwar
and Bankapur and made an unsuccessfuleffort to capture Penukonda,
the Vijaynagars new capital. Ali Adil Shah I wasassassinated in
1580. After him, his minor nephew Ibrahim ascended to thethrone;
his aunt, Chand Bibi, took charge of him as his guardian. The
courtpolitics led to the overthrow of three regents within a period
of ten years. Thebiggest success of Ibrahim Adil Shah was the
annexation of the kingdom ofBidar in 1619. Ibrahim was succeeded
through Muhammad Adil Shah (1627-1656). He conquered Tivy, Barder,
Sarzora and culture from the Portuguese.Throughout his reign the
kingdom reached the zenith of its glory. At the timeof his death in
1656, the boundaries of the kingdom extended from theArabian sea to
the Bay of Bengal and the tributes from the subdued
nayakscompensated for the loss incurred through payments to the
Mughals. AfterMohammed Adil Shahs death, his son Ali Shah II
(1656-1672) succeededhim. Throughout this period, the Mughal and
Maratha invasions weakened thekingdom. After his death, his four
year old son Sikandar was declared theSultan (1672-1686).
Throughout this period, factional fights, interferencethrough
Golkonda and the Marathas and Mughal invasions shattered
thekingdom. Finally, in 1686, the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb defeated
the AdilShahi forces and annexed the kingdom to the Mughal
Empire.
MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION: MANSAB AND JAGIRMansabdari systemThe
Mughal state had no division of its civil and military functions,
and aMughal sepoy defended the international borders, manned the
forts, andfought battles, but had also to perform a policeman's
duties in times of peace.Government officials too were required to
perform civil and military dutiessimultaneously. Akbar wanted to
evolve a unique system of regulating theseimperial services, and
the result was the promulgation of the MansabdariSystem in 1570.
All the gazetted imperial officers of the state were styled
asmansabdars. Initially, they were classified into sixty-six
grades, from themansab of ten to ten-thousand, although, in
practice, only thirty- three gradeswere constituted.The word
'mansab' is derived from the Arabic term mansib meaning a post,an
office, rank or status; hence mansabdar means the holder of a rank,
or anofficer. Some modern historians theories that Akbar was not
the originator ofthe system because the practice of grading the
military personnel through thegrant of mansabs had already been in
vogue in several Muslim countries.Akbar took it from the system
introduced through Khalifa Abba Said andaccepted through Chenghiz
Khan and Timur. The rulers of the Delhi Sultanatetoo had adopted it
to a certain extent. Balban's army was organized on thissystem
while Sher Shah and Islam Shah practised it in a much better
form.The mansabdari system was therefore not new to India; to
Akbar, though, goesthe credit of perfecting it. He alone organized
the mansabs of his imperialofficers, both civil and military, in a
systematic form and so regulated thewhole structure of the services
round the pivot of mansab that it becameassociated with his
name.Under the mansabdari system, dissimilar numbers which could be
dividedthrough ten were used for ranking officers. They were also
meant for fixingthe salaries and allowances of officers. W. Irvine
in The Army of the IndianMughals observes that the system
determined the rank, pay-level and theposition of the imperial
officer in the royal court in respect of othergovernment
officers.Throughout Akbar's reign, initially, the lowest rank was
that of number tenand the highest that of ten thousand. Mansabs
above 5000 and later on that of7000 were given only to princes; the
highest rank of ten thousand was givenexclusively to Salim, the
crown prince. At a later stage, though, Akbar raisedthe highest
rank to twelve thousand.(Throughout Jahangir and Shah Jahan's
reign, mansabs of only 8000 weregiven to officers, while princes
were given mansabs upto 40,000; the laterMughals gave mansabs upto
the number of 50,000.) All officers below therank of the mansab of
500 were called mansabdars, the officers enjoying themansab from
500 to 2,500 were called amirs, and those ranked in excess of
2,500 were called amir-i-azam. The officer called khan-i-jahan
was still higherin rank while the highest rank in the army was that
of khan-i-khana.Although the mansabdari system had made military
service the basicconsideration for the classification of all the
imperial officers, it wasunderstood that all the mansabdars were
not equally good military generalsnor were they expected to recruit
and hold under their charge the number ofsoldiers as indicated
through their mansab. or rank.For instance, a mansabdar of one
thousand was not always a commanderof one thousand men. If employed
in the revenue or judicial establishment, hemight not have had even
a single soldier under him.The mansabdars of each category were
subdivided further into three gradeson the basis of the actual
number of soldiers commanded through them. AbulFazl writes: "An
officer whose contingent comes up to his mansab is put intothe
first class of his rank; if his contingent is one-half and upwards
of the fixednumber, he is put into the second class; the third
class contains those whosecontingents are still less."A mansabdar
of one hundred belonged to the first class if he actuallyfurnished
100 soldiers; he was a second class mansabdar if the number
ofsoldiers under his charge was fifty or more but less than 100; he
was graded asa third class mansabdar if the number of soldiers
manned through him was lessthan 50.JagirThe term 'jagir' commonly
found in official papers of the seventeenthcentury to describe
revenue assignment is not seen in any work compiledbefore Akbar. It
apparently gained currency with the transition from the
semipermanentterritorial assignments of the Lodi period to the
revenueassignments of the Mughal empire.Through the end of the
sixteenth century, the term came to be accepted asthe official term
for a revenue assignment, having been derived from thePersian
jaygir, meaning possessing, occupying a place, fixing a
habitationcreation a settlement. It seems petty officials used it
as a jargon in the earlyyears of Akbar, and it found its method in
official papers only slowly. AbulFazl and Badauni tended to spell
it as 'jaygir' and in the third volume ofAkbarnama, Abul Fazal
substituted it for the expression 'iqta' presumablyshowing his
disinclination to use a term of somewhat vulgar origin.It seems the
varying frequency of the term jagir resulted due to thechanging
nomenclature for dissimilar types of assignments in the
originaldocuments referred to through the chroniclers. Assuming
that the conditionsused through the chroniclers reflect the
changing administrative jargon ofofficial papers, the inference
drawn through Irfan Habib that initially the termwas meant to
designate the petty assignees of revenue (and not thecommanders or
nobles holding large charges) is validated.The year 1561 appears to
mark a watershed in the evolution of the jagirsystem, because this
was when a few important and distant-reaching changeswere
introduced. In fact, these changes were the precursors of the
eventsintroduced through Akbar in 1574- 5. The first of these
changes, brought inrelation to thein 1561, concerned the manner in
which the jagirs wereassigned.From this time on, as a conscious
policy, the jagirs of great nobles came tobe assigned in fragments
scattered in excess of a number of parganas locatedat considerable
distances from each other. Synchronized with this change wasthe
beginning o a new concept of assignment, which could be regarded as
presanctionedincome determined in accordance with the status and
obligations ofthe assignee.A consequence of the process of
fragmentation of jagirs was that itseparated the jagirs from
administrative jurisdiction, which, in turn, sloweddown the
regional concentration of the jagirs of the nobles. Nonetheless,
therewas also a definite policy of not allowing the clans to remain
concentrated inscrupulous regions.Summing up, so, it may be said
that the arrangement of jagirs throughoutthe first twenty years of
Akbar's reign was an evolving process and theemerging system was a
dissimilar type of arrangement from the
military-cumrevenueassignments of Babar. It is also in order to
suggest that the origin ofthe Mughal assignment system lay in the
administrative policy of the Surdynasty, though the findings so
distant in this regard are not quite conclusive.According to Abul
Fazl, the division of the Mughal empire at the time ofHumayun's
death into a number of military zones under the charge of
seniornobles was as per a scheme thought of through Humayun in
1555, sometimebefore his demise. Professor Nurul Hassan called it a
plan for thedecentralization of authority through delegating powers
to the noblesadministering the military zones. Though, the
assignments sanctionedthroughout the first four years of Akbar's
reign seem to indicate that themilitary command which Humayun
passed on to him was superimposed on arevenue system under the
close control of the central government.The system in use after
1575 was conditioned through a new method ofrevenue assessment and
collection as also through the introduction of anextensive military
hierarchy and its obligations.Theoretically, the emperor was the
sole claimant of the land-revenue andother taxes, Though, through
using a system of temporary alienations of theclaim in specific
areas, the jagirs, a small ruling elite was permitted to sharethe
revenue in the middle of themselves. The ruling elite consisted of
personswho were granted mansabs or ranks through the emperor.The
mansabs were numerically expressed ranks which entitled the
holderor mansabdar to a scrupulous amount of pay or talab.
Normally, this could begiven in cash from the exchequer of the
state, but more often it was thepractice to assign an area which
was officially estimated to yield an equivalentamount of revenue.In
order to ensure exactness in assigning jagirs, the standing
estimates ofthe average annual income from revenues, recognized as
jamas or jamadaniswere prepared for every administrative divisions
right down to the villages.Khalisa or the land not assigned in
jagirs was the main source of income of theking's treasury, and the
king's officers were responsible for its collection. Thesize of the
khalisa was not constant.Under Akbar, it amounted to 25 per cent of
the total jama in at least threeof the provinces throughout the
later years of his reign. (In Jahangir's times,it's proportion went
down to one- twentieth, while Shahjahan raised it to
oneseventh.)The rest of the country, comprising of the vast bulk of
the territorieswere in the jagirs.This practice of assigning
overwhelmingly large portion of land in jagirsmeant that a small
number of people were in effect controlling almost all
theagricultural surplus in the form of revenue of the country. In
other words,much of the GNP of the country was in the hands of
these small number ofpeople. In the middle of them, yet another
small portion belonged to the classof the zamindars, for instance,
the Rajput, Baluch and Ghakkar chiefs. Themajority of the jagirdars
were immigrants, such as Turanis, Iranis, Afghans,etc., while a
small number was from the local intelligentsia or pettybureaucrats
like shaikhzadas, khatris and so on.The ranks or mansabs they held
were usually not inheritable. Though,normally such ranks were
conferred on sons and relations of nobles or highermansab holders,
thereby creating approximately a dynasty of khanzfids whomade their
living out of mansabs from generation to generation.Although the
power and the possessions enjoyed through the ruling classeswere
considerable, the mansabdar's dependence on the emperor's will
wasquite important. This control in excess of the mansabdar was
further increasedthrough giving the jagirs a purely temporary
character.A mansabdar no doubt was entitled to a jagir; but not a
specified piece ofland in jagir. and definitely not the same land
in perpetuity, year after year.This principle was introduced
deliberately, as mentioned earlier, and was anunavoidable
consequence of the working of the mansabdari system.Promotions and
demotions from time to time required revisions of themansabs and
each such alteration in mansab required a change in themansabdar's
jagir. Though, this was not possible without changing the
othermansab holder's assignments. Likewise, officials were
transferred from oneprovince to another, when in such instance, a
place had to be allocated for thejagir of the official in the new
province. This again required adjustments ofjagirs."The result was
that no one could be sure of how long he would remain inpossession
of a scrupulous area. The average period of term would bemanifestly
impossible to work out; but the fact that Sehwan in Sindh,
forinstance, was transferred no less than 17 times in a period of
43 years (1591-1634), lends point to general statements such as
that jagirs were transferredyearly or half yearly, or every two or
three years".The jagirdar's assignment was therefore not permanent
and hisremuneration was limited to the authorized land-revenue and
taxes. It wasnecessary for him to keep a copy of every revenue
paper with the permanentstate official or qanungo, from whose
record he had to draw his revenueassignments.He was not empowered
with any judicial powers; the qazi appointedthrough the emperor
dispensed justice. He had no police force either; thefaujdar, again
an appointee of the emperor, was the one who maintained suchforces.
The faujdar was also a person of some consequence.These were,
though, of theoretical importance; in practice, the
jagirdar'spowers were not that limited. Especially if he was a big
jagirdar enjoyingfaujdari or police jurisdiction as well. Actually,
the larger portions of thecountry's territories lay within the
jagirs of such satraps.It has been figured out that in 1646, 36.6
per cent of the total jama wasunder the control of 68 princes and
nobles, while the after that categorycomprising of 587 officials
held 25 per cent of the territories. The still lowerrank of
mansabdars numbering 7555 shared in the middle of themselvesflanked
by twenty-five to thirty-three per cent of the revenues.Even after
taking into account the fact that some of them got their salariesin
cash, these proportions would still indicate the high concentration
of jagirholdings in a few hands. The bigger jagirdars had large
establishments foradministrative purposes (sarkar) to collect
revenues in their places ofassignment. They maintained a large
military force, and, due to their powerand prestige, they were
somewhat immune to complaints made against them inthe imperial
court.The jagirdars were quite well-known for their enormous clout
and therewas a saying that the hakim (jagirdar) for a day could
remove a zamindar offive hundred years tradition, installing there
a destitute since birth. It waswithin his authority to detain his
peasants and to bring them back if they ranabsent. Consequently, it
was widely whispered that the jagirdars were allinclined to treat
their peasants with severe oppression.There was also a cause for
this unusual severity. As they were not quitesure of the time they
would continue in the jagirs, they tried to extract as muchmoney as
possible within the shortest period regardless of its baneful
effectson long term revenue collection. No doubt, the Mughal
administration tried toput a curb on the excesses committed through
the jagirdars, but such effortsdid not appear to be particularly
successful.Incidentally, there was a small but quite vocal section
enjoying some smallshare of the empire's revenue possessions. They
were the people who weregranted madad-i-muash, also recognized as
sayurghal, through the emperor.These awards entitled them to
collect revenues from specified lands, usuallyfor life. When the
awardee died, the award was usually confirmed upon hissuccessor
under certain circumstances.These people belonged usually to Muslim
scholarly and theological classesand incorporated retired
government officials, widows and women of familiesof some social
eminence. Though, the revenue given absent through suchawards was
not very large.In 1595, the revenue so distributed amounted to four
per cent in Agra subaand to five per cent in Allahabad suba. As
their assignments were more or lesspermanent, the assignees tried
to acquire zamindari rights in the assigned areasand elsewhere. In
this manner, some of them transformed themselves intosmall
zamindars. Separately from this, they had no effect on the
agrarianeconomy of the country.MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION: CENTRAL,
PROVINCIAL ANDLOCALAdministration Under Sher ShahIn the process of
evolution of Mughal administrative machinery, theAfghan interlude
(1540-1555) was important. Under Sher Shah Suri theexperiment in
the formation of a bureaucracy under a centralised despotismhad
taken place. Akbar gave it a definite form. Therefore , we can say
thatSher Shah anticipated Akbar. Let us first study the
administrative events ofSher Shah.We get very little information in
relation to the working of centraladministration under Sher Shah.
But he was an autocrat and kept everythingunder his direct control
and supervision. So, things went well so long as hewas alive: his
successors were no match to him. The village was the smallestunit
of administration. A group of villages constituted a pargana and a
fewparganas a shiqq which was equivalent to Mughal sarkar. Though,
in fewareas, such as Punjab, Bengal, Malwa, etc. many shiqqs were
placed under anofficer whom we can equate with the Mughal subadar.
The village-head wasrecognized as muqaddam who worked as the sole
link flanked by thegovernment and the village. Though he was not
the government servant,nonetheless he was responsible for
maintaining and order in his village. Afterthat comes the patwari,
a village record- keeper. He was also not an employeeof the state
but of the village community.The shiqqdar was incharge of the
pargana. His chief function was tocollect the revenue at pargana
stage. He was regularly transferred under SherShah. He was assisted
through two karkuns (clerks) who kept the records bothin Hindi and
Persian. The munsif was responsible for measuring the land,
etc.Both (shiqqdar and munsif) were directly appointed through the
government.The qanungo maintained the records at pargana stage. He
was a hereditarysemi-official. The fotadar was entrusted with the
treasury of the pargana. Anumber of parganas shaped a sarkar
(shiqq), headed through shiqqdar-ishiqqdaran. He was the supervisor
and executive officer in excess of theshiqqdars of all the parganas
in a sarkar (shiqq). The munsif-i munsifanperformed the duties of
amin (created later through the Mughals) at sarkar(shiqq) stage.
There were 66 sarkars (shiqqs) in Sher Shahs Empire.Sher Shah
attached great importance to the administration of justice.
Civilcases of the Muslims were taken care of through the qazi,
while the criminalcases were tried through the shiqqdar. The
largest responsibility for detectingcrimes rested upon muqaddams.
If the muqaddam of the village, where thecrime was committed,
failed to capture the culprit, he was liable to
severepunishment.Central Administration: Its EvolutionThe Mughal
Empire had pan-Indian character. Babur and Humayun forcauses of
their brief reign and that of being busy in military matters could
notconcentrate on establishing a definite system or pattern in
administration.Through the end of Akbars reign, we discover
establishment of elaborateoffices with assigned functions to the
heads of offices. The rules andregulations guiding both their
public and private conduct had all been fixed sothat the officers
were converted into' what can be termed the Tools of theEmpire.The
EmperorThe ancient Indian traditions had always supported a strong
ruler. TheMuslim jurists and writers also held the same view.
Therefore , the concept ofdivine origin of monarchy could easily
discover credence in the middle of theIndian people. It is not
surprising that the Mughals publicised their jharokhadarshan with
great deal of pomp and illustrate in which the Irrigation.
Emperorappeared at an appointed hour before the general public, the
myth being that amere look of his majesty would redress their
grievances. With such popularperception of the ruler, it is obvious
that all officers in Mughal administrationowed their position and
power to the Emperor. Their appointment, promotion,demotion, and
termination were subject to the rulers personal preference
andwhims.Wakil and WazirThe institution of wizarat (or wikalat
since both were usedinterchangeably), according to some accounts,
can be traced back to theAbbasi Caliphs. Under the Delhi Sultans,
the wazir enjoyed both civil andmilitary powers. But under Balban
his powers woe reduced when thfe Sultanbifurcated the military
powers under diwanarz. As for Sher Shah, this officeremained
approximately in abeyance under the Afghans. The position of
thewazir revived under the early Mughals. Baburs wazir
NizamuddinMuhammad Khalifa enjoyed both the civil and military
powers. Humayunswazir Hindu Beg also virtually enjoyed great
powers.The period of Bairam Khans regency (1556-60) saw the rise of
the wakilwazirwith unlimited powers under Bairam Khan. In the 8th
regnal year (1564-65), Akbar took absent the financial powers of
the wakil and entrusted it intothe hands of the diwan kul (Finance
Minister). Separation of finance gave ajolt to the wakils power.
Though, the wakil sustained to enjoy the highestplace in the Mughal
bureaucratic hierarchy despite reduction in his powers.Diwani KulWe
have already seen how Akbar strengthened the office of the
diwanthrough entrusting the revenue powers to the diwan. The chief
diwan (diwanikul) was made responsible for revenue and finances.
His primary duty was tosupervise the imperial treasury and check
all accounts. He personallyinspected all transactions and payments
in all departments. He maintaineddirect contact with the provincial
diwans and their functioning was put underhis vigil. His seal and
signatures were necessary for the validation of allofficial papers
involving revenue. The whole revenue collection andexpenditure
machinery of the Empire was under his charge. No fresh order
ofappointment or promotion could be affected without his seal. To
check thediwans power, the Mughal Emperor asked the diwan to submit
the report onstate finances daily. .The central revenue ministry
was divided into may departments to lookafter the specific needs of
the Empire. For instance: diwani khalisa, diwani tan(for cash
salary), diwani jagir, diwani buyutat (royal household), etc.
Eachbranch was further subdivided into many sections manned through
a secretary,superintendents and clerks. The mustaufi was the
auditor, and the mushrif wasthe chief accountant The khazanadar
looked after the Imperial treasury. Mir BakhshiThe mirarz of Delhi
Sultante changed its nomenclature to mir bakhshiunder the Mughals.
All orders of appointments of mansabdars and their salarypapers
were endorsed and passed through him. He personally supervised
thebranding of the horses (dagh) and checked the muster-roll
(chehra) of thesoldiers. On the basis of his verification, the
amount of the salary wascertified. Only then the diwan made entry
in his records and placed it beforethe king. Mir bakhshi placed all
matters pertaining to the military departmentbefore the Emperor.
The new entrants, seeking service, were presented beforethe Emperor
through the mir bakhshi. He dealt directly with provincialbakhshis
and waqainavis. He accompanied the Emperor on tours, pleasuretrips,
hunting expeditions, battlefield, etc. His duty was to check
whetherproper places were allotted to the mansabdars according to
their rank at thecourt. His darbar duties considerably added to his
prestige and power. -The mir bakhshi was assisted through other
bakhshis at central stage. Thefirst three were recognized as 1st,
2nd and 3rd bak-hshi. Besides, there wereseparate bakhshis for the
ahadis (special imperial troopers) and domesticservants of the
royal household (bakhshi-i shagird pesha).Mir SamanThe mir saman
was the officer incharge of the royal karkhanas. He wasalso
recognized as khan saman. He was the chief executive officer
responsiblefor the purchase of all types of articles and their
storage for the royalhousehold. Another significant duty was to
supervise the