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L A S T S T O PB E F O R E
A N T A R C T I C A
T H E B I B L E
a n d
P O S T C O L O N I A L I S M
i n A U S T R A L I A
SECOND EDITION
R O L A N D B O E R
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LAST STOP BEFORE ANTARCTICA
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Semeia Studies
Gale A. Yee, General Editor
Editorial Board:
Jione Havea
Tat-Siong Benny Liew
Sarojini NadarJeremy Punt
Erin Runions
Ken Stone
Caroline Vander Stichele
Elaine M. Wainwright
Number 64
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LAST STOP BEFORE ANTARCTICA
The Bible and Postcolonialism in Australia
Second Edition
by
Roland Boer
Society of Biblical LiteratureAtlanta
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LAST STOP BEFORE ANTARCTICA
Copyright © 2008 by the Society of Biblical Literature
All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or
transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopying and recording, or by
means of any information storage or retrieval system, except as
may be expressly permit-
ted by the 1976 Copyright Act or in writing from the publisher.
Requests for permissionshould be addressed in writing to the Rights
and Permissions Office, Society of Biblical
Literature, 825 Houston Mill Road, Atlanta, GA 30329 USA.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Boer, Roland, 1961–Last stop before Antarctica : the Bible and
postcolonialism in Australia / by Roland
Boer. —2nd ed.
p. cm. — (Society of Biblical Literature Semeia studies ; no.
64)
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBN: 978-1-58983-348-7 (paper binding : alk. paper)1.
Bible—Influence. 2. Bible—Use. 3. Bible—Postcolonial criticism. 4.
Postcolonial-
ism—Australia. 5. Australia—Religion. I. Title.BS538.7.B64
2008
220.60994—dc22 2008009755
16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, recycled
paperconforming to ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997) and ISO
9706:1994
standards for paper permanence.
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For John Docker
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C
Preface to the Second Edition
...............................................................................ix
Preface to the First Edition
.................................................................................
xiii
Introduction—Gatecrashing Thanksgiving: Australian
BiblicalStudies in the Global Calculus
...............................................................................1
1. Marx, Postcolonialism, and the Bible
...........................................................23
2. The Decree of the Watchers, or, Other Globalizations
...............................37
3. Explorer Hermeneutics, or Fat Damper and Sweetened Tea
.....................57
4. Home Is Always Elsewhere: Exodus, Exile, and the
HowlingWilderness
Waste.............................................................................................81
5. Green Ants and Gibeonites: B. Wongar, Joshua 9, and
SomeProblems of Postcolonialism
........................................................................109
6. Dreaming the Logos: On Bible Translation and Language
......................135
7. Conclusion: (E)Strange Dialectics
...............................................................161
Bibliography
.........................................................................................................173
Biblical Index
.......................................................................................................193
Subject Index
........................................................................................................196
Author Index
........................................................................................................198
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P S E
Let me begin with a story, beore I say a little about what is
new and what is
the same about this revised edition o Last Stop Before
Antarctica. A ew yearsago (in act, getting close to twenty), I was
somewhat reluctantly planning toreturn to Australia afer some years
in Canada. With two o my our childrenborn in Canada, with a job
offer, and with a sense it was a long, long way toAustralia, we
said arewell to riends. One o them, Diet Neueld (now at
theUniversity o British Columbia), said, “Well, see you, Roland.
When I’m downthat way I’ll drop in.” “Yeah, please do,” I replied,
“maybe on your way to Ant-arctica.” Needless to say, I have Diet to
thank or that first spark that led to thetitle o the book.
I would preer not to dwell too much on what I like (the chapter
on“Explorer Hermeneutics,” or instance) or on what I don’t like
about the book(apart rom some very dense writing, I won’t say),
since that is a little toomuch sel-indulgence. Instead, I offer a
ew comments on what is new aboutthe revised edition and then about
what has happened with what is nowcalled “postcolonial biblical
criticism.” Chapter 1, “Marx, Postcolonialism andthe Bible” is the
major addition. It was published originally in Biblical Criti-cism:
Interdisciplinary Intersections (Moore and Segovia 2005) and,
with thegood graces o & Clark, has been republished here.
Further, I have beenable to correct a ew embarrassing spelling
errors (especially that o Lance-lot Trelkeld), add occasional notes
and update the bibliography. Apart romthat, I have lef the bulk o
the chapters alone. O course, there are some Iwould write
differently now, but that would destroy their integrity and flowo
argument.
As or postcolonial biblical criticism, things have changed quite
consid-erably in the decade since I first began writing. At that
moment there wereone or two books on postcolonialism and the Bible:
Sugirtharajah had edited
Te Postcolonial Bible (1998), was in the process o
publishing Asian BiblicalHermeneutics and
Postcolonialism (1999), along with the 1999 issue
o Journal for the Study of the New
estament (no. 73), and was just embarking on thesteady
flow o volumes that in many ways now define the field; Laura
Donald-son had edited a sole issue o Semeia (no. 75 in 1996),
rom which the “Green
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Ants and Gibeonites” chapter is drawn; Jon Berquist had written
his Judaismin Persia’s Shadow (1995), in which he used
some postcolonial methods to
reconstruct the history o ancient Yehud. Slim pickings indeed!
In the lastdecade there has been a deluge o studies, which I will
not delve into here.In act, I merely reer the reader to Stephen
Moore’s exhaustive bibliographyin his Empire and
Apocalypse (2006), where he gathers all that has been writ-ten
on postcolonialism, postcolonial theory, and postcolonial biblical
studies.Tese days we find a whole host o names, such as Fernando
Segovia, JudithMcKinlay, Musa Dube, Jeremy Punt, Stephen Moore,
Kwok Pui-Lan (toname but a very ew), sections at international
biblical studies meetings anda steady stream o monographs, edited
volumes and essays. I have ound inmy various travels to less than
usual haunts (in a conscious decision to avoidthose ormer and
present imperial centers), that postcolonial criticism o theBible
is cropping up all over the place—in the study o Christian missions
inGreenland, by activists rom the Swedish Lutheran Church, by
literary criticsin Bulgaria or whom “postcolonialism” means
“post-communist,” in aiwanand China, Switzerland and on and on. It
really is one o those so-called“new” approaches that have caught on
in biblical studies. Even old warhorseslike Niels Peter Lemche—o
the notorious “Copenhagen school” on Israelite
history (or the lack thereo)—have taken up postcolonial
criticism with somegusto. Tis revision, then, reappears in an area
o study that has changed bib-lical studies in the last ten
years.
Perhaps I should explain what I set out to do when I first began
writingthe book. I did not attempt to read specific biblical texts
in the light o post-colonial criticism. Rather, it seemed to me at
the time that we had a curiouscontradiction: those predisposed to
postcolonial criticism in other disciplinescontinued to ignore the
Bible while it was quite obvious that the Bible playeda crucial
role in the period o colonial conquest and rule—in the hands o
missionaries, administrators, Bible translators and whatnot—and
contin-ued to be crucial in what has ollowed, whether we call it
postcolonialism orneo-colonialism. So I wanted to offer a small
correction to that strange con-tradiction in wider postcolonial
criticism. And since Australia is o course aormer colony o the
British Empire (some would say that it is now a colonyo the
U.S.A.), and since Australia was one o the places where
postcolonialcriticism first emerged (especially with Ashcrof,
Griffiths and iffin’s TeEmpire Writes Back rom 1988), it
seemed obvious that the ocus should beAustralia. Te trick was to
try and raise questions that were much wider thanAustralia, to use
it as a test case, i you will. Whether I have succeeded or notis up
to the reader.
Tree final points: at the risk o stating the obvious, we need to
be awareo two senses o “postcolonial.” Te first is a temporal one,
designating the
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time afer the heyday o classical colonial expansion, subjugation
and domina-tion. Tat was the period, as capitalism was becoming
established in Europe,
when one European power afer another—Te Netherlands, Denmark,
Eng-land (although the English are a bit unny about being called
Europeans),France, Italy, Germany and so on—began to conquer lands
beyond Europe.In the ace o waves o anti-colonial agitation and
independence movements,running rom the end o the nineteenth century
and rising to a crescendo inthe twentieth, what is now called the
“postcolonial” era began. However, sincecolonialism is by no means
a thing o the past, and since we can easily identiyearlier orms o
colonialism (the Romans or one), “postcolonial” also reersto a
critical way o dealing with those earlier and still contemporary
ormso colonialism. It is this wholesale reassessment that really
embodies whatpostcolonial criticism sets out to do, ofen with the
tools provided by variousother approaches, including eminism,
Marxism, deconstruction and psycho-analysis, among others.
Further, my conclusion to the original book evoked the Seattle
protests oNovember 1999 as a possible model or a new globalized
politics. More thanone reader o the book ound me overly optimistic.
But the situation now,afer an ongoing series o anticapitalist
protests, the U.S. empire stumbling in
Iraq, the looming crises o short oil-supplies (the amous “Peak”
seemed topass in 2006 when demand overtook supply), the urgent call
by the bulk o theworlds’ scientists to do something about global
warming, and the way groupslike the Fourth International (rotsky’s
original organization) are scramblingto provide inormation and
guidance to a large number o young peopleradicalized by protests
throughout the world, o which Seattle was only thebeginning, all
suggest that a “time o troubles” is upon us. How it may workout is
anyone’s guess, but it also provides untold opportunities to
imagine andplan or something a little better than the rotten system
we have.
Lastly, it may seem strange that the revised edition o a book
that islargely concerned with the Bible, postcolonialism, and
Australia should bepublished in the United States, the last
superpower. But then, the first editionwas published in that old
and now aded colonial center o England (by She-field Academic Press
in 2001). Te reality is that no press in Australia darespublish an
academic book to do with the Bible, let alone theology. One o
theparadoxes o postcolonialism, I guess. I am o course prooundly
grateul thatthe Semeia Studies series o the Society o Biblical
Literature has enthusiasti-cally agreed to publish this revised
edition. I would especially like to thankGale Yee, Bob Buller, and
Leigh Andersen or making it possible.
Te Hill, New South WalesJanuary 2008
PREFACE O HE SECOND EDIION XI
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P F E
Living on the periphery o the modern world system (Wallerstein),
last stop,
perhaps, on the way to Antarctica, seems to produce its own
curious ormo identity scholarship. Tat is, i I live in a
nation-state that was a ormercolony o one o the European powers, it
is in some perverse way assumedthat I will be interested in
postcolonial theory. It may in act be read as adeault theoretical
position: i I am not taken with postcolonial theory, thenthere is
something amiss, I have denied my calling, and I should return
tothat as soon as possible. All o this I find somewhat rustrating,
since my owndesire runs against the political assumptions o
postcolonial theory—localresistance, alternative identities, and
valorization o the peripheral zone over
against the center. I am, in other words, an internationalist in
the old com-munist sense, and my desire is to move rom the
periphery to the center, to bewhere the action is (i scholarship
may be called action). I my desire is but acopy o the constructed
wish or the center, and thereby merely reinorces thetroubled
center-periphery binary, it is also the desire called Marx, the
wish toocus on the international scene when so much attention is
directed towardsthe national, regional, local.
Yet (an inevitable dialectical marker) there is something
attractive aboutthe peripheral zones in another sense. Strangely,
Jeremy Bentham providesa rationale or this sense, in reverse o
course. During his long campaignto build his much commented upon
panopticon prison (and I will add tothe comments in this book),
Bentham gathered a number o his tediousletters under the title o
Panopticon Versus New South Wales (Bentham1843). By citing
numerous newspaper articles and reports on the practiceo
transporting convicts to New South Wales and then comparing them
toa prison in Pennsylvania run on his cherished panopticon model,
Benthamargued or the clear benefits—example, reormation,
incapacitation (preven-
tion o urther offense), compensation, satisaction, industry,
rugality, andeconomy—o the panopticon. His prison shines as a model
o discipline,sobriety, strictness, criminal reorm and the
impossibility o escape, whereasNew South Wales comes through as a
place o total and “general depravity”(the first point o Calvinism),
o sexual license, lewdness, lack o reorma-
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tion, and general carousing. All o which was caused by that
“universal andincurable” vice o drunkenness (1843: 230). Neither
temporal nor spiritual
remedies made, according to Bentham, any difference. Even though
I amamong that one third o Australians that does not have
connections withEngland, Scotland, Wales or Ireland, it takes
little reflection to decide whereI would rather be.
Contrary to most o my work, which is very much a solitary
effort, thereare a number o people to thank or their assistance and
eedback at differentpoints in this project. Sugi has through his
efforts with Sheffield AcademicPress provided a orum where the
issues o postcolonialism and the Bible maybe aired and discussed.
Paul Eckert, om Webb and Ken Hanson helped mewith vital inormation
and eedback on Bible translation in Australia, andJonathan Nicholls
straightened out some o my glaring errors in an early drafo that
chapter. Most o the project was researched and written during a
Visit-ing Fellowship at the Humanities Research Centre o the
Australian NationalUniversity in Canberra. It could not have
happened without that precioustime and space provided or me there.
Trough the dry heat and occasionalrain o a Canberra summer in early
1999, I read and wrote in an increasinglyrare place in Australia, a
research center. At breakast I rode into the space
provided, eating, talking, reading and writing, and at midnight
I rode back tomy tent, crawling in to sleep the sleep o the dead.
Leena Messina and MistyCook, the real directors o the center, made
my stay very pleasant. DeborahBird Rose kept me responsible or what
I said, and Ann Curthoys providedme with some ideas to ponder.
Above all, John Docker was and is a constantcompanion or talk,
reflection, reading and comment.
An earlier, barren and stark, version o chapter 5, “Green
Ants andGibeonites” appeared in Semeia 75 (1996): 129–52.
Canberra, ACFebruary 1999
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I
G : A B
S G C
In a time span that can only be ound in the hyper-market o the
pres-ent, postcolonialism has established itsel in a very short
space o time asa vibrant discourse in biblical studies, let alone
literary and cultural studiesmore generally. However, it is not
sufficient to seek to understand the Biblein a postcolonial
environment, as though it were an orphan seeking a home:it is also
necessary to ask questions about both postcolonialism and the
Biblein the light o each other. Tus, the underlying theme o this
study is the
way the intersection o postcolonialism and the Bible
problematizes bothsides, or neither has postcolonial theory given
much thought to the Bible,nor have biblical critics realized the
importance o postcolonial criticism ortheir work.
Biblical studies, however, ofen unctions like Hegel’s owl o
Minerva,taking to wing in the dusk o the methods it so assiduously
appropriates toitsel. Indeed, or a method in another discipline it
seems that a signal o itsshif to comortable establishment, o the
stiffening o the muscles and creak-ing o the bones, i not
obsolescence, is that biblical critics take it up or theirown use.
O course, this trades on the very patterns o ashion and
productupgrade so characteristic o capitalism more broadly, denying
the continued
viability o approaches well past their use-by date. And
this also convenientlyorgets, in a typical moment o repression,
that in many respects the verymethods appropriated by biblical
critics, particularly those rom literary andcultural criticism,
derive their enabling energy rom biblical criticism itsel,albeit in
a ormer moment that is no longer with us.1
Tat is to say, the orms o literary criticism established over
centuries
o interpretation o the Bible, which was the primary literary
document or
1. For an extended version o this argument, see the introduction
to my Knockin’ on
Heaven’s Door (Boer 1999, 1–12).
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2 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
the small clerical group who were literate, eventually ed into
the explosiono orms that came with the Renaissance and the rise o
capitalism. However,
while the forms—in key areas such as meaning,
hermeneutics, inspiration,classics, canonicity, genre, style and so
on—o such approaches derived rombiblical criticism, their religious
and theological content was discarded in that
vast campaign o the banishment o superstition rom
intellectual and sociallie that came with the Enlightenment. Over
time it became possible to usethese various secular methods,
derived rom biblical interpretation, or thestudy o the Bible,
without reerence to its religious content or theologicalclaims,
something carried out most amously in the grand style o
historicalcriticism. What is o course orgotten in all o this, as
with the orgetting othe origins o any socio-economic system, is the
enabling unction o biblicalcriticism. o complete the circuit, then,
it is not so much that biblical criti-cism is always late in its
appropriation o methods developed elsewhere, butthat there is a
delay in cashing the checks that all these methods bear, issuedand
signed by biblical criticism itsel, which is now the outcast among
themethods to which it gave birth.
I the process I have described all too briely is somewhat veiled
inthe usual operation o literary and cultural criticism, it seems
to be highly
transparent in what goes by the name o postcolonial criticism.
Tat is, notonly might it be argued that the Bible had a central
role in the various pat-terns o colonialism, but also that the way
in which the Bible has been and isappropriated by both the
indigenous colonized and the colonials themselvesprovides something
o a model or postcolonial criticism. In other words, ithe various
items and issues o postcolonial criticism seem to have a pecu-liar
resonance with the questions associated with the
Bible—globalization,the construction o new worlds, Diaspora,
identity and translation, to namea ew—it is not mere coincidence,
or the Bible was crucial not only in the
construction o medieval and early modern Europe, but also in the
colonialendeavor that saw Europe itsel shif rom the margin o the
global systemto its center (see ch. 2). It was, to use another code
with which I have a greatsympathy, a central item in the
ideological construction, language and cul-ture o Europe. Tis is
the sense in which I suggest that the Bible is a hiddenactor in
postcolonial criticism, insoar as its problematic is colonialism
andits afermath.
Tus, it is somewhat curious—and thereore one o the arguments o
this
book—to note the absence o the Bible in postcolonial critical
work (apartrom some notable exceptions with which I will engage in
this book), some-thing that stands in stark contrast to its
pervasive presence in the productiono colonial discourse.
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INRODUCION 3
Inevitably, postcolonial theory must negotiate a range o
problems thatignite the intellectual passions o a growing group o
theorists:2 the inau-
gural moments o Frantz Fanon (Moore-Gilbert, Stanton and Maley
1997,12–15; Gandhi 1998, 17–22); C. L. R. James (1993) and Said’s
“colonial dis-course” (Said 1978; see Moore-Gilbert 1997, 34–73;
Moore-Gilbert, Stantonand Maley 1997, 21–27; Gandhi 1998, 64–80);
Spivak’s deconstruction o thecolonial subject and subalternity
(Spivak 1988; Moore-Gilbert 1997, 74–113;Moore-Gilbert, Stanton and
Maley 1997, 27–32); hybridity, mimicry, transla-tion, and ambiguity
(Bhabha 1994; see also Coombes 1994; Moore-Gilbert1997, 114–151);
alternative or subaltern historiography (Chakrabarty 1996;Guha and
Spivak 1988; Rajan and Mohanran 1995; Spivak 1988,
197–221);oppositional politics, critical scrutiny, and resistance
(Fanon and many otherssuch as Adam and iffin 1991; Boehmer 1995;
San Juan 1998); the dialec-tics o difference and identity in global
culture (Darby 19983; Spivak 1994;Jameson 1998b); the explosion o
indigenous politics and literature (e.g.,Devi 1995); globalization,
essentialism, and identity (Dussell 1998; Bhabha1994; Rajan and
Mohanran 1995); exile and nomadism (Bhabha 1994; Rajanand Mohrahan
1995; Said 1990); nationalism and postnationalism (Gandhi1998,
102–40; Paik Nak-Chung 1998; Kapur 1998); and not least eminism
(Spivak 1988, 1990, 1996; Gandhi 1998, 81–101). Tere is also a
continualengagement with Marxism and economics more broadly,
especially sincepostcolonial theory, as with so many other critical
approaches, finds itselcontinually dealing with the legacy o Marx
(see Ahmad 1992; Moore-Gil-bert 1997, 2–3; Hoogvelt 1997, 154–58;
Spivak 1988, 77–92 on reproduction,154–75 on value; Spivak 1990,
95–111 on Marx in general).
In various ways most o these themes are interwoven in the
ollowing text,ofen in a way that problematizes the theme itsel. o
begin with, there is thepeculiarly postmodern dilemma that presents
itsel to any critical approach:
either postcolonial criticism is one o a number o current
approaches, ofengathered behind the prefix “post,” with which it
shares certain issues andterms and problems; or it is a distinct
break that usurps all o these otherapproaches, the outsider that
storms the field and brings in a new era. Indeed,both o these
claims are made, as they are or other overlapping approaches,and
Moore-Gilbert (1997) has attempted to deal with such a question by
dis-tinguishing between the long history o what may now be named
postcolonial
2. Some useul surveys must include Gandhi 1998, Loomba 1998, and
Moore-Gilbert
1997.
3. Indeed, Darby argues that the earlier interest in hird World
literary production
has allen away in postcolonial discussion in avor o theory. He
seeks to readdress this
with considerations rom politics and economics.
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4 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
criticism (stemming rom W. E. B. DuBois and Sol Plaatje at the
turn o thetwentieth century) and the more recent postcolonial
theory, which is char-
acterized by reliance on the French theory o Derrida, Lacan and
Foucaultthrough Said, Spivak and Bhabha.4 Tis is a salutary
effort, except that it isprecisely the latter that permits the
construction o a tradition o postcolo-nial criticism in the first
place. All the same, it seems to me that a signal opostcolonial
theory’s (and I do not distinguish between criticism or theoryhere)
status as one other theoretical commodity is the wholesale sharing
oterminology with other approaches—such as agency, alterity,
appropriation,binarism, discourse, essentialism, globalization,
hegemony, marginality, raceand so on (see Ashcrof, Griffiths and
iffin 1998)—and o theorists them-selves—Foucault and Gramsci
(Said), Lacan (Bhabha), Derrida (Spivak),Marx (e.g., Ahmad,
Spivak).
I have delayed the moment o definition since I am inclined not
to spendtime discussing what postcolonialism might be, assuming
that readers willalready have opinions on this matter. Yet a ew
comments may be in order.Ari Dirlik, in a rereshing mode o Marxist
demystification that may beinstrumental in seeing the overdue
return o this practice, identifies threeusages o the term: (1) a
literal description o conditions in ormerly colo-
nial societies that includes ormerly third world and some first
world politicalentities (Australia, Canada, and so on); (2) the
global condition afer colo-nialism, replacing the term Tird World;
(3) the discourse on this conditionthat is inormed by
epistemological and psychic orientations that are prod-ucts o those
conditions (Dirlik 1997, 54).5 While one would have
expectedthe irst and third items—postcolonialism as a heterogeneous
discourseand as a period o socio-economic and cultural history—the
surprise is thesecond item, mediating the other two, somewhere
between their concrete and
4. Indeed, Moore-Gilbert’s agenda is to meet the criticism o the
newer postcolonial
“theory”—that it is complicit with a neo-colonial world order,
it reinscribes the culturalauthority o the west, that its modes o
cultural analysis are deeply Eurocentric, that its
style and language are obscure, and that there are insuicient
engagements with class and
gender (see 1997, 152–69)—rom the older postcolonial “criticism”
and to bring the two
together.
5. Postcolonialism itsel partakes o a deeper pattern o
periodization which seems to
alict our thinking. For reasons that need to considered in
detail somewhere else, it seems
to me that we have two options within our present intellectual
and social horizon. he irstis to attempt some organization o
history into distinct periods which may be identiied
according to a set o eatures which mark it o rom other periods
which will then have
their own distinct eatures. he second option is to argue that
history is ar too complex
to periodize in any meaningul sense. Postcolonialism alls
clearly within the orbit o peri-
odization, being in this sense that which comes ater the era o
(capitalist) colonialism.
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INRODUCION 5
abstract opposition. And, despite misgivings by Ella Shohat over
the demiseo “Tird World” as a signifier (1996), it seems to me that
postcolonialism
is a slogan that useully indicates the shifs in global economic
and politi-cal power afer 1989 and the absorption o communist
Eastern Europe intoa capitalist Atlantic. Such a shif is marked in
Dirlik’s own definition o post-colonialism as the cultural logic o
late capitalism, “this time on Tird Worldterrain” (1997, 70). Apart
rom the echoes o Jameson here—postmodern-ism as the cultural logic
o late capitalism—such a definition also intertwinespostmodernism
with postcolonialism.
Indeed, in chapter 2 I will argue or an understanding o
postcolonialismthat cannot avoid postmodernism and or a urther
understanding o both interms o a dialectical conjunction between
globalization and disintegration,the deeper logic o capitalism
itsel. Tis implies a connection between post-modernism and
postcolonialism as cultural phenomena (their most commonormulation)
and as socio-economic developments. In order to make thisconnection
I rely upon a Marxist construction o reality in which the realm
oculture, aesthetics and so on, has a necessary but complex
relationship withpolitical economics. Rather than proposing a
solution, this relationship—nor-mally designated in terms o base
and superstructure—states a problem that
requires innovative thinking. Yet, what the interlocking o
postcolonialismand postmodernism enables is a reverse o the usual
relation: that is, it may inact be argued that postmodernism itsel
is predicated upon the conditions opostcolonialism, namely, the
move o certain third world colonial countriestoward independence
rom their various colonial masters afer the SecondWorld War—the
last wave, i you like, o decolonization (and then
neo-colo-nialism). In other words, the late arrival o the term
postcolonial belies theprior socioeconomic status
o postcolonialism, which then becomes a con-dition or the
development o postmodern culture as well. What this boils
down to is that the two closely related cultural moments o
postmodernismand postcolonialism are distinct, spatially determined
responses to the vastexpansion o global capitalism afer 1950.
A definitional discursus like this is not complete without
considering theinevitable celebrations and condemnations that a
term such as postcolonial-ism (or postmodernism or globalization or
…) inevitably attracts to itsel.While it is salutary to be wary o
the ideological mystification that “postco-lonialism” may bring,
particularly as a mask or neo-colonialism,6 and to be
6. “While admittedly another PC word, ‘postcolonialism’ is
arguably more palatable
and less oreign-sounding to skeptical deans than ‘hird World
Studies.’ It also has a less
accusatory ring than ‘Studies in Neo-colonialism,’ say, or
‘Fighting wo Colonialisms.’ It
is more global, and less uddy-duddy, than ‘Commonwealth
Studies.’ he term borrows,
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6 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
suspicious o emancipatory expectations generated by the term
(most notablyAshcrof, Griffiths, and iffin 1989, 38), it is also
important to ask why such
terms attract approbation and celebration in the first place.
What happenshere is that the cultural dimensions o postcolonialism
bear a positive weight,whereas the economic side is the bogey in
all o this. Tus, postcolonial litera-ture, film and art become the
ocus o intense appreciation, while the politicaland economic
situations o ever more intense capitalist saturation are
decried.Yet, it is not really possible to separate culture and
economics here so easily,since, as Jameson has argued, the two
slide into one another: the celebratedfilms, or instance, are both
enabled and then become part o the global eco-nomic system in which
such cultural products are bought and sold.
Ne vertheless, the disadvantage o such broad-ranging
discussions is thatthe peculiar lilt o the local ades away, as
Mishra and Hodge have argued(1993). Although I remain perpetually
interested in the global and alwaysread in that light, there are
two areas that produce a particular flavor: Aus-tralia and the
Bible. One o the eatures o postcolonial criticism that is adistinct
legacy o Said is that its major figures derive in some way or
another rom the “Orient,” whether rom the Said’s paradigmatic
Middle East, orSpivak’s nonparadigmatic India (Spivak 1984), or
Bhabha’s Babelian India.
Australia is thereore outside this orbit. It is one o a number o
white malesettler colonies, in distinction rom indigenous or
“non-white” colonies, or atleast places where the European
contingent was always a significant but verypowerul minority. It
belongs, then, to that exclusive club that includes theU.S.A.,
Canada, and New Zealand, where the attempt to kill the
indigenouspeoples was most systematically perpetrated. However,
despite being, alongwith Canada and New Zealand, the site or an
earlier wave o decolonizationin the later nineteenth century, the
resulting semi-independent status wasestablished in such a
way—ramed in a rather hasty and patchwork constitu-
tion—as to allow the drive to decolonization to expend itsel
while keepingAustralia firmly tied into British society and
political economics. In thiscontext Australia itsel became a minor
colonial nation in the South Pacific,exercising its paternal care
over a number o small islands and Papua NewGuinea. In act,
Australia’s involvement with the decolonizing moves o thedecades
ollowing the Second World War lay in Papua New Guinea, which
moreover, on the dazzling marketing success o the
term postmodernism. As the organiz-
ing rubric o an emerging ield o disciplinary studies and an
archive o knowledge, the
term postcolonialism makes possible the marketing o a
whole new generation o panels,
articles, books, and courses” (McClintock 1993, 299). See also
the misgivings by Shohat
1996 and Brewster 1995, 21–23.
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8 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
easier opposition between native and colonizer that works so
well or some-one like Bhabha, debate here divides over whether
“postcolonial” applies to
the relation between Aboriginal and settler cultures (Gunew in
Rajan andMohanran 1995b, 206), or to settler culture in relation to
the old imperialcenter (Brewster 1995, 208). It seems to me that it
is not so much an either/or here but rather that the question o
postcolonialism in Australia is pre-cisely this problem, this
ambivalence over the multiple layers and relations oAboriginal,
settler and imperial center.
I the Australian, antipodal, location provides a first
distinctive eel topostcolonial discourse, then the Bible
constitutes a second. Apart rom thediscussion generated by Edward
Said surrounding uses o the Exodus in colo-nial discourse (Said
1988; see ch. 4) and Homi Bhabha’s reflections on theambiguous
appropriation o the “Word” in India (1994, 102–22; see ch. 6),
theBible has by and large been absent rom postcolonial theory and
criticism. Iwill let the argument o the book attempt to redress
this somewhat. Tus, thesecond chapter deals with some o the
theoretical questions o postcolonial-ism in relation to biblical
studies. It is concerned with the relations betweenpostcolonialism,
postmodernism and globalization through the oil o Dan 4,suggesting
that globalization is by no means a new way o thinking about
the
w orld. With chapter 3 I go on to consider movements that
unsettle patterns odomination and identity. Here I ocus on the way
explorers made use o theBible in the way they saw Australia and
attempted to understand it. Chapter4 moves on to consider the use
and constructions o the biblical motis oexodus, exile and nomadism
in postcolonial theory. Chapter 5 picks up thequestions o
essentialism and identity, both in regard to the nervousness inthe
Hebrew Bible over the identity o Israelites (Josh 9) and the
difficultieso Aboriginal/European identity. Here I oreground some
other postcolonialhistories—Serbian-Aboriginal—outside the
conventional ones. Finally, in
chapter 6 I turn to another category in which identity and
travel appear in adifferent guise—a critical engagement with the
translation o the Bible intoAustralian Aboriginal languages.
Te sequence o chapters also ollows a trajectory o the colonial
critic,rom initial theorizing in a study or corner, in a orlorn
shack that turns itsback to the Antarctic gales, to viewing and
attempting to understand thecritical landscape, traveling over it,
engaging with the indigenes and thenseeking to translate into their
tongues. At each step, however, this trajectory
is undermined, ruptured and broken.
8. “Aboriginal people do not produce narratives o
post-coloniality or even decoloni-
zation” (Brewster 1995, 20).
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10 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
a country that at times lays claim to be a classless
society—should not beorgotten. Maniestations o cultural cringe are
ound with those who place
themselves in the upper middle class o Australian society,
although evenhere jingoistic nationalism has made strong inroads.
Further, there are thosewho either visit or migrate to Australia
rom the decayed colonial centerso Europe, arriving with an assumed
superiority o European culture overagainst the derived colonial
culture o Australia. All o this is then reinorcedby the popularity
o the crassest o Australian television programs, particu-larly soap
operas like “Home and Away” in the late 1980s and 1990s, in
theplace termed “home” (England) by the majority o an older
generation owhite settlers. Te very shoddiness o the programs
reinorces the sense ocultural superiority that is assumed rom the
European side. Another groupor whom cultural cringe has been a
determining orce is o course the intel-lectuals who by and large
arrived in Australia rom Europe or a shorter orlonger term (on
this, see below). Te intellectual dimensions o culturalcringe
remain very strong even or contemporary “home grown”
intellectu-als, since the prestige o publication at a press in
Europe or the U.S.A. aroutweighs that o an Australian press (where
one exists), and the participa-tion at conerences based in the
northern hemisphere is ar more desirable
than those in the Australian region. I must coness my own
somewhatunavoidable guilt in expressions o cultural cringe,
particularly when theol-ogy or biblical studies in Australia lays
claim to a nationalistic or patrioticagenda, but I will return to
this.
Te “tyranny o distance”—a “cliché o Australian pop
historiography”(Morris 1988, 165)—is a phrase still encountered at
times in the 1990s inAustralia. Coined by Geoffrey Blainey in 1966
(see Blainey 1983), the termcontinues to designate the absence o
Europe (and more recently NorthAmerica) on the visible landscape.
Yet it has a double reerence: “tyranny o
distance” reerred not only to the relation between Europe and
the coastalcities o Australia, but between those coastal cities and
the arid interior,that is, the phrase reerred to the size o a
largely desert land itsel. All thesame, today it is usually dredged
up in order to be thrown back into thepast as a state which no
longer holds due to the wonders o travel and com-munications
technology. Tis maneuver ofen evokes mixed images andemotions: o
recoil at crude and tough conditions at a pioneer station atthe
edge o the world (last stop, apart rom New Zealand perhaps, on
the
way to the Antarctica), o nostalgia or a time o braver men, o
thankul-ness or Australia’s belated incorporation into media
society. For biblical(and other) scholars such a tyranny basically
reerred to the three monthsor more it took or passage by boat rom
Australia to England, Scotland orWales—the commercial run which
ensured Australia’s place in the British
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INRODUCION 11
Empire.9Tis meant, o course, that or any scholar traveling
“home” in asabbatical year hal o the time was spent in transit.
Even i the travel seems
to have been two-way, in terms o resources or academic
appointmentsthe flow was overwhelmingly rom the “old country” to
Australian institu-tions. o be sure, a ew journeyed in reverse,
invariably not to return as theybecame comortable expatriates. Yet
the long colonial tradition o academicreproduction in Australia lay
in the expectation that boats would continuedisgorging scholars,
while rom the English side a placement in a colony likeAustralia or
Canada might all into an acceptable academic career pattern.Not
that these were all second-rate or even useless, but by and large
thebetter scholars did not choose the colonies, except perhaps some
youngerscholars out or quick advancement and the chance or some
publicationsbeore returning home in triumph. In those areas where
biblical scholarswere required—the training institutes o the
various churches—the assump-tion until the 1960s (and beyond in
some cases) was that selection/searchcommittees invariably looked
“home” or replacements.
Nevertheless, the imperial legacy was neither resolutely
negative nor werebiblical scholars always shown the greatest
hospitality. In all o the colonialperiod perhaps the marker o a
deeper ambivalence was a predilection or
heresy trials against the occasional English and Scottish
biblical scholar. Notonly was the “churchman” Charles Strong
accused o heresy—his Melbournecongregation lef the Presbyterians
and ormed an independent church—butin the 1930s the reasonably
well-published New estament scholar SamuelAngus was accused o
heresy, although never finally convicted. His sin wasthe advocacy o
classical Christian liberalism. In a huge time warp that fitsbetter
in a science fiction novel, a heresy charge was upheld in 1992
againstanother New estament scholar who came rom Scotland in 1990
to becomethe head o St. Andrews College at Sydney University.
Although it seemed to
be the undamentalist rump o a continuing Presbyterian Church
charging aconventionally liberal Peter Cameron, the language o
anti-colonialism ranstrongly in the whole procedure.
A number o other actors influence the ideological makeup o
academicsin Australia, apart rom (yet structurally related to)
those which are integralto their situation in regard to class
(relations o production) and politicaleconomics (mode o
production). Among the ormer should be included arelative absence o
intellectual stimulus and lack o academic resources (both
closely tied in with tyrannical distance), the relatively small
number o aca-
9. he subversive note to all o this is that or the sizeable
Catholic population, mostly
Irish, the academic center was the “Greg” in Rome.
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12 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
demics as a whole (especially biblical scholars among whom
potential jobmovements are ofen known well in advance), a wide
antiintellectualism in
Australian society in response to which intellectuals preer to
travel incog-nito in transit rom one sae house to another, and a
virtual absence o thepressure to publish, particularly within the
seminary or college system. Whatthe peripheral status o Australian
scholarship produces is a simultaneousreedom rom the extraordinary
expectations o the academic systems o theAtlantic and a
claustrophobia that closes down the possibilities o scholar-ship, a
blinkering into a cowered state. However, what is interesting to
notehere is a patchwork proessionalization and “Americanization” o
academiclie (to borrow a term rom Ahmad in regard to India [Ahmad,
278–81]),in which the pressure or higher degrees, conerence hunting
and proes-sional publication is beginning to make inroads into
biblical and theologicalstudies, although there are plenty o
academics who hold onto the older tradi-tion o being o service to
the church beore being intellectuals and scholars.Tese elements
should be related to the nature o institutional lie, in whichthe
various churches and the state have ofen arranged compromise deals
inboth unding and control (most recently the state unded Australian
CatholicUniversity, but also state allowances or students at the
various theological
colleges) and where the universities have overwhelmingly been
run by thestate, flirting occasionally with the old “queen,”
theology, and more recentlyreligious studies. Yet even in the newer
religious studies programs which clingto the edge o existence
biblical scholars struggle to find a place, except per-haps under
cover, researching in biblical studies while teaching in other
areaso religious studies.
I cultural hierarchy, cultural cringe and the tyranny o distance
go someway towards characterizing the ideological context or
biblical scholarshipin Australia, then I want to suggest that there
have been, until and into the
postmodern/postcolonial era, three major possibilities or the
pursuit o bib-lical studies—emulation, nationalism and positive
unoriginality. For (biblical)scholars in places outside the super
states the dominant option in the pasthas been emulation o the work
done in the metropolitan centers rom whichthose scholars inevitably
came (or Australia this was or so long Englandand Scotland,
although replaced by Dublin or Roman Catholic scholars),much like
the classic colonial gentleman who imitates the colonial center.
Teintensity o the drive to emulate metropolitan scholarship seems
inversely
related to the distance rom the metropolitan centers: emulation
seemed to bethe appropriate response to the tyranny o distance.
Tose disgorged by theboats mentioned earlier worked hard to emulate
the scholarship and teach-ing o their own source, thereby
attempting to erase their colonial presencein any teaching or
writing they might undertake. Part o this o course was
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14 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
ing those values which were the hallmark o emulation o the
metropolitancenters. One final twist here is that the issues o
scholarly value ofen oper-
ate with the canonical, metropolitan assumptions o the
metropolitan centersthemselves: thus, success depends upon showing
such centers that somethinggood can in act come out o Australia,
despite contrary expectations.
Yet the increasing assertion o a national identity is part o the
dynamico globalization itsel: the desire to be distinct is
generated in response to theinexorable drive to economic and
cultural uniormity. And then in the veryresponse to globalization,
at the point where one eels a genuine oppositionalmove has been
made, globalization shows through even more strongly. I amthinking
here o the way particular ethnic, local and national quirks
becomethe stuff o global ashion and interest—Australian accents and
films, Aborig-inal art and literature, to name a ew more notable
examples. Te key termhere that is closely related to the national
but generates its own logic is the“exotic,” a term redolent with
older colonial associations. Te attraction isthat there is
something distinctly South East Asian or South Pacific
aboutAustralia and its location, yet its dominant culture is
western and languageEnglish—something both amiliar and strange.
(Tis “exotic” status operatesa little like certain orms o global
tourism which may be defined by the inter-
nally contradictory need to avoid being touristy by seeking
precisely thoseareas not requented by [too many] tourists.) Tus,
biblical studies in Aus-tralia may be said to be truly “national”
when it digs deep into that whichis distinct or exotic about the
place itsel. As a colonial construct, the exoticappeal is what drew
at least some scholars to Australian appointments in thefirst
place, and then kept them there or a lietime o work. And it seems
thatAustralia’s exotic status may pay some postcolonial dividends,
with its verydistance and poverty o intellectual lie being that
which attracts those whohave traditionally had a sureit o
accessibility and intellectual stimulus. All
o this points finally to the deeply conflicted yet relentless
logic o a global-ization which inevitably absorbs the very
particularities o a local situation:one by one the local quirks and
oddities are put on public display where theyquickly lose their
exotic status and become humdrum.
A third option—positive unoriginality—has played an ambiguous
role inbiblical scholarship in this part o the world.11 In
using the phrase “positiveunoriginality” I want to designate the
troubled place o modernism (as both aterm within biblical
scholarship and as a designation o a cultural period) on
11. here are close connections with mimicry and mockery:
colonial discourse seeks
to produce compliant subjects who mimic the colonial source, yet
mockery is never ar
away (see Ashcrot, Griiths, and iin 1998, 13).
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INRODUCION 15
the Australian scene. As Meaghan Morris has argued (1990,
10–11), modern-ism in Australia, at least in the realms o
architecture and cultural theory, has
rarely been driven by slogans o the novum—innovation,
originality, uture,rupture, unknown, and so on. Whatever was
“modern” was understood “as aknown history , something which
has already happened elsewhere, and whichis to be reproduced,
mechanically or otherwise, with a local content” (Morris1990, 11).
Te introduction o modernism, then, was more a case o catchingup
with metropolitan centers in a perpetual time lag, and by the time
theyarrived there was a distinctly archaic eel to modernist
cultural artiacts. Andbiblical studies shows this up in a rather
remarkable ashion, modernist orliberal methods o biblical study
arriving late and with considerable suspicionin the person o Samuel
Angus, Proessor o New estament at the Presbyte-rian Teological Hall
at Sydney University in the earlier part o the twentiethcentury.
Vilified and idolized in his lietime, the near martyr status
grantedAngus afer his death ensured that the modernist currents o
biblical andtheological scholarship rom the turn o the century that
he embodied carriedon within sections o the Protestant churches
well into the 1960s and 1970s.But this is not the only use o
“positive unoriginality’: here my debts are to astudy o the film
Crocodile Dundee by Meaghan Morris. Te film is or Morris
“a post-colonial comedy o survival” (Morris 1988,
244), enabled by a cleverpositioning in relation to the American
film market and Hollywood itsel.Neither original nor mere copy, the
film pursues a “positive unoriginality,” aprocess o copying which
persistently alters the “original” so that it comes outthe worse or
the imitation (e.g., Davy Crockett is the worse or the
compari-son). But the activity is reciprocal, since the various
items o Australia’s ownideological makeup undergo a similar process
o belittlement—the bushman,Aboriginality, the outback, mateship,
larrikinism, masculinism.
he most appealing dimension o this sort o positive
unoriginality
(Bhabha would call it mimicry) lies in the disavowal o the need
to takethe international currents o biblical scholarship with
complete serious-ness. What counts in the end are a good beer and a
ew jokes, and anyonewho takes things too seriously is either a nerd
or a dag. Such a posi-tive unoriginality means not only a process o
what Marxists would calldemystification—the need continually to
call the bluff on reactionary andconservative ideological ormations
(in other words, crap detection)—butalso an appropriation o
whatever methodological means are provided on
the global theoretical market (this is the “unoriginal” bit) and
the use o suchmethods or more intense studies o biblical texts in
conjunction with localtextual artiacts (this is the “positive”
bit). Te models I would suggest hereare those o Sreten Bozic and
Mudrooroo Narogin (see ch. 5). Both haveslippery and uncertain
identities (most debate has in act ocused, not unex-
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16 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
pectedly, on questions o authenticity and identity). Mudrooroo,
AricanAmerican and Nyoongah Aboriginal, brings about a conjunction
between
Aboriginal orms and content and those o European and Indian
background(Mudrooroo Narogin Nyoongah 1979; 1983; 1987; 1991; 1992;
1993). SretenBozic, a Serbian immigrant, amateur anthropological
ield worker, andwriter o an astounding series o poems, short
stories and novels,—especiallythe “nuclear trilogy” o
Walg (1986), Karan (1986), and Gabo
Djara (1988)—writes as the Aboriginal, Banumbir Wongar, at
times as a woman. Not only iseach novel is a “site o contestation
between European and Aboriginal narra-tives” (Connor and Matthews
1989, 719) and between genders, but each onealso problematizes the
status o such distinctions. What appeals to me abouttheir work is a
certain antipodality: instead o the mimicry o colonial mas-ters by
the indigenes, here we have alternative migrants—Arican Americanand
Serbian, mimicking the natives.
Yet it would seem that the distinct nature o any area, or o any
local tra-dition, mode o interpretation or group o scholars is
enabled by the meansmade available internationally by the
globalization o academic lie. Tus,or instance, Meaghan Morris,
Australia’s oremost cultural critic, deals withAustralian popular
culture in terms o French and American theories o
culture which are no longer particularly French or American but
transna-tional. From biblical and theological studies comes the
example o Freedomand Entrapment , a collection o essays on
Australian eminism and theol-ogy edited by the Melbourne New
estament scholar Dorothy Lee, as wellas Maryanne Conoy and Joan
Nowotny, but with a oreword by ElisabethSchüssler Fiorenza. Te
tension I have been pursuing comes out most sharplyin the paper,
“Not Yet iddas,” by Anne Pattel-Gray, an Aboriginal activ-ist and
religious thinker about whom the Romanian born Fiorenza writesin
proper postcolonial orm. For Schüssler Fiorenza, an Aboriginal
woman
writing on theology rom Australia is precisely where the uture
or biblicalstudies, the academy, and the church lies. Yet in order
to make her inter-
vention in the relatively small scene o Australian
religious and theologicaleminism, Pattel-Gray makes use o the
developments in womanist work inNorth America, appropriating in her
turn its racial and class dimensions oran Australian situation.
Indeed, it would be possible to push the seeds o this
contradiction backinto colonialism proper, when many o the
trajectories, such as Christianity
itsel, were set on their way to end up in the distinctive
cultural, theologi-cal and biblical contributions rom places
outside the ormer metropolitancenters (see the Asian examples in
Sugirtharajah 1993, 58–63) For biblicalstudies all o this means not
merely an appropriation by a relentlessly glo-balizing scholarship
but also the chance to adapt to a “critical regionalism”
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INRODUCION 17
(the phrase is rom architecture; see Frampton) the tools o
postmodern andpostcolonial discourse in order to provide
interpretations rom the local sit-
uation which begin, homeopathically, to resist and undermine the
logic othose instruments.
A, G
Gramsci has now become an alibi or not being Marxist. (Spivak
1990, 142)
What Marxism really has to oer is global systems. I think that
the mostpowerul thing Marxism in the hird World can oer is crisis
theory (Spivak1990, 138).
Tus ar I have been guilty o an elision all too common in
postcolonialcriticism, namely, the elision o the global and the
local, taking a particularsituation (in my case biblical studies in
Australia) as in some way paradig-matic or the global condition
(again, o biblical studies). Te binary is lessthan helpul here, or
the two poles are o course inseparably connected with,indeed
constitutive o (as I will argue in chapter 2), each other, but in
ways
that need to be rethought. I have made a start in this by
attempting to situ-ate Australian biblical studies—a curiously
hybrid and minimal exercise, withnothing much to show or
itsel—within the global, colonial and postcolonialstructures o
biblical studies. Further, it seems to me that the particular
issueso the Bible in (post)colonial Australia have distinct
resonances with and turnaround some o the same questions as those
that appear elsewhere. But this isthen a mark o chronically global
nature o all those minor, local concerns weelt, or perhaps hoped,
were distinct.
So, it seems to me that a consideration o biblical studies in
Australia,
a distinctly local concern in many ways, is able to provide a
particular per-spective on the global practice o biblical studies.
In order to do so I wantto invoke a term with a long and somewhat
checkered history—antipodal-ity. A term rom classical Greece, used
through the Middle Ages and thenreappearing with more derogatory
associations during the period o capital-ist imperialism, the
Antipodes reers literally to those lands—Australia, orerra
Australis, the Southern Land, New Zealand, the Pacific Islands and
soon—where the inhabitants have their eet opposite to Europeans,
where theywalk upside-down, contrary to correct way o walking and
then o being itsel(see urther Ryan 1996, 105–12). Tis antithetical
way o characterizing theother side o the globe carried through in
the first descriptions o Australia,its flora, auna and people, by
Europeans. Platypi, kangaroos, marsupial dogs,eucalyptus trees that
regenerated rom their roots rather than seeds, even
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the seasons themselves—all o them making European category
mistakes—became objects that reinorced the antipodality o the
country.
Antipodality has o course been used in a range o other ways, not
leasto which is the appropriation o the term to signiy a more
positive differenceand distinctness. My use here, however, has a
distinctly political bent thattrades on the opposition o the term
itsel. Given that the imperialism whichled to the European invasion
and settlement o Australia—as a prison, it mustbe remembered
(indeed convicts were sent to Australia or almost one hun-dred
years, rom 1787 to 1868 [Hughes 1996])—was part o the expansiono
capitalism and the subsequent competition between European states
orglobal dominance, then the political antipodality in which I am
interested isa distinctly Marxist one. Tis is not to say that
Australia should be cast as aw orker’s paradise (see Buckley
and Wheelwright 1988), nor that communismhas had huge successes
here (even though Fred Paterson was elected twice tothe Queensland
Parliament rom the Red North [Fitzgerald 1997]), nor thatthe
prospects or socialism are any better in Australia than elsewhere;
rather,I am suggesting that antipodality may give an Australian
inflection to Marx-ism itsel, particularly in the light o the
global reality o capitalism at theturn o the millennium. Further,
it seems to me that any discussion o post-
colonialism without a serious engagement with Marxist thought
and practicewill remain awash in the terms and categories o
liberalism, the ideological
justification o capitalism.But how might this be realized
in biblical studies? Biblical studies is
itsel a subset o religion, which belongs to the superstructure o
the totalityo society, sharing that space with art, culture,
philosophy, politics, and ide-ology (although this latter term is
all-encompassing); it is then dependentupon the economic orms and
social relations o that society, yet it may alsoanticipate possible
uture orms o social and economic organization. Bibli-
cal studies has an ambiguous role in all o this, since the Bible
has playeda constitutive role in the development o “western”
culture, which itselhas moved through the Roman Empire and eudal
Europe into capitalism,where Christianity seems to have oundered
and taken on a more marginal-ized status.
With this model in mind, there are, it seems to me, two
possibilities orthe ways postcolonial biblical studies may disrupt
conventional or metropol-itan ways o studying the Bible. Te first
owes its debts to the important work
o Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, Hegemony and Socialist
Strategy . Intheir efforts to think through the political
implications o poststructuralismand a more encompassing
postmodernism, they theorize concerning theprooundly postmodern
development o a host o small political pressuregroups, normally
designated with the term “micropolitics” and engaging in
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political practices that no longer ollow older class lines.
Mouffe and Laclaualso want to reshape Gramsci’s notion o hegemony,
and they do so by devel-
oping an anti-essentialist ideological ramework or this new
micropolitics,whose various groups will eventually move into
alliances based on theirdrive or a radical equality. Although there
are some problems in losing theMarxist base or such equality—the
universalization o wage labor and othe commodity orm (see Jameson
1991, 319)—it seems to me that there issome initial promise or the
possibilities o postcolonial biblical studies. Ocourse, I would
like to recover the role o class which begins to disappear inthe
work o Mouffe and Laclau, since the danger o much reflection
aboutthe new social movements relies on the idea that the older
class politics havedissipated in the new dispensation (rather, the
older configurations o classand politics have been redistributed
with the new global reorganization ocapital and its technologies).
Yet, as Jameson reminds the persevering reader,all o these groups o
the micro-political arena, including those newly iden-tified, owe
their “ultimate systemic condition o possibility” (1991, 325)
tolate capitalism. It is within this context that any alternative
possibilities orpostcolonial orms o biblical criticism must situate
themselves, although Iam sufficiently a Marxist to hold that the
very possibility o overturning a
dominant system comes in part rom the logic o that system itsel.
I write“in part,” since not all the processes o breakdown are the
result o inter-nal contradictions; some oppositional currents may
come rom “outside” theeconomic system and threaten to disrupt its
desire or business as usual. Tisseems particularly pertinent to
micro-groups within postcolonialism, whoremain both constitutive o
postmodern capitalism as such and yet comerom “beyond” to challenge
such an economic system. Tis may be the placeor Aboriginal
contributions to biblical studies, or indigenous possibilitiesin
other parts o the globe, although I want to avoid the dangers o
both
“idealization” and “appropriation” that David Spurr has
identified as basic tothe colonial agenda (see especially Spurr
1993, 28–42, 125–40). In the end Iam not sure that anything can
come any longer rom “outside” late capital-ism, so that any orms o
resistance, in which indigenous people are sure toplay a part, need
to come rom elsewhere. Biblical critics may be identifiedas yet
another political and social grouping in the micro-political
territory olate capitalism, yet an oppositional stand rom biblical
critics in postcolonialsituations would seem to be possible only
within the dynamic o capitalism
itsel.However, even the suggestions o Mouffe and Laclau do not
seem tome to go ar enough, particularly with the peculiarly
ineffectual nature omuch small group politics—insoar as one’s
desire is or permanent radicalchange. It seems to me that a better
direction is charted in the work o Aijaz
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20 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
Ahmad,12 who articulates a distinct place or a Marxist
postcolonial praxis. Itis not so much the devastating critique o
third-worldism, or the three worlds
theory as such, nor his clarifications o Marx’s writings on
India or the ques-tion o Indian literature, or his problematic
critical engagements with thew ork o Fredric Jameson, Edward
Said (on this conflict see Moore-Gilbert1997, 14–20; George 1996,
106–7), and Salman Rushdie, that I want to ocuson here, but rather
the argument that the only viable orm o political andsocial
opposition in this present world comes rom socialism. Tis o
courseidentifies Aijaz as a relatively orthodox Marxist, but it
also signals some-thing about India itsel that is ofen orgotten in
the heavily European ocuso much Marxist work, namely, the long
experience o Marxist governmentwithin a secular, democratic state.
I am thinking here o the viability o theMarxist governments o
Kerala and West Bengal that have provided a patterno economic and
social reorm that has ensured them a firm electoral baseo ver
many years. Te difference, in comparison to western Europe,
NorthAmerica, and countries such as Australia, is that the
experience o electedgovernment has provided a practical political
base or significant theoreticalreflection.
It is rom this context that Aijaz sounds most strongly the old
Marxist
argument that in the present historical conjunction—global
capitalism—theonly coherent alternative remains socialism. Moving
rom the point that thegreat majority o ormer colonial countries
cannot make the transition to a ully fledged capitalism o the
European type, since they have no external,imperial, resources to
exploit, he argues:
his structural inability o capitalism to provide or the vast
majority o thepopulations which it has sucked into its own dominion
constitutes the basic,incurable law in the system as a whole.…
Negation o this contradiction
can come only rom outside the terms o this system as such,
because thebackwardness o the backward capitalist countries, hence
the poverty othe majority o the world’s population, cannot be
undone except througha complete redistribution o wealth and an
altogether dierent structuringo productions and consumptions on a
global scale, among classes, regions,countries and continents o the
world. Socialism is the determinate nameor this negation o
capitalism’s undamental, systemic contradictions andcruelties.
(316)
12. By comparison, San Juan’s work, while admirable or its
polemic and advocacy o
Marxist insurrection, too quickly treats all postcolonial theory
as imperialist, trenchantly
opposing it on political grounds.
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INRODUCION 21
And the primary object o socialist resistance is precisely those
back-ward economic ormations that have been colonized and are now
belatedly
included in ull-blown capitalism only to be denied inclusion.
Tis is where, itseems to me, the oppositional dimensions o
postcolonialism may be ound.It is also a viable way o answering
Dirlik’s challenge that “postcolonial” dis-course effectively
blocks out and erases, through its periodizing logic andrewriting o
history, the revolutionary pasts o the many places rom whichit
emerges and about which it speaks (Dirlik 1997, 163–85). However, i
weollow Dirlik and name the “postcolonial” as also
“postrevolutionary” then itindicates an urgent need to recover the
viability o such revolutionary pasts.
All the same, I am not sure that Ahmad or Dirlik have tracked
Marx’s logicto its conclusion, or Marx argued that the greatest
contradictions o capitalismare to be ound in its most advanced (and
thereore decayed) centers. Tus,while the oppositional, antipodal,
possibilities o postcolonial spaces must bedeveloped to the ull,
any lasting change must be enacted not merely in theperipheral
bungalows but also in the glistening, marble rooms, sof
leatherchairs and plate glass views o power.13 In the end, or
course, there is nothingoutside capitalism, so that any opposition
must be generated out o the contra-dictions inherent within it.
Dussell identifies three contradictions, or, what he
terms “limits’: the chewing up o a global ecology; superfluous
human labor,the destruction o living labor and the attendant
poverty; and the impossibilityo completely subsuming those on the
periphery (Dussell 1998, 19–21). Indeed,Dussell locates the
possibilities o an end o capitalism in this periphery.
Yet what is remarkable about this essay is the way it replaces a
Eurocen-tric discourse (Europe as the center rom which modernity
spread orth) intoa planetary one: that is, beore the rise o
capitalism and modernity Europewas distinctly peripheral and the
imaginary, ideological center o the globewas toward India. Tus,
travelers and “explorers” set out eastward towards
India, whether Vasco da Gama or Columbus rom Europe, or the
Chinesein a westward direction. It is only with colonization and
capitalism, uelledby the money o the “new world” that Spain and
then Holland effect a slowshif o the center to Europe. Or, to put
it in oceanic terms, the flow was romthe Indian Ocean to the
Atlantic, which now, in the postmodern momentincludes North
America. With Japan, China and the west coast o NorthAmerica now
rivaling cross Atlantic trade, it may be the Pacific that claimsthe
next dominance. And it is precisely these places, these global
centers, in
13. Leslie Sklair is more skeptical about the possibilities o
global organization and
opposition (1998), although she cites only the labor movement
and uses word-o-mouth
inormation without any discussion o examples and situations.
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22 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
which any viable change beyond capitalism will take place. For,
in the sameway that the dominance o the imperial centers was
established and continues
to be maintained by drawing in the best global talent rom
outside, suckingthe greatest minds, artists, musicians, sports
people and finance experts intoa vast vortex, so also the
oppositional possibilities Ahmad envisages need tobe exploited to
the ull in the overdeveloped places o Europe, North Amer-ica and
Japan. In other words, the local, postcolonial struggles unction as
aprecursor, a model, or global opposition: “Tis is a period in
which the coun-terpart to multinational capitalism and its
organization o global relations hasto be, on the part o the lef and
a progressive culture, an internationalizationas well” (Jameson and
Paik 1996, 367).
As or biblical studies in all o this, I want to pick up Fredric
Jameson’ssuggestion that culture—o which biblical studies is a part
(and in the con-struction o “western” culture it has played a
constitutive role)—may also beanticipatory as well as
determined by economic ormations, that the super-structure may
provide a glimpse o better possibilities. What is required thenis
the development and improvement o a Marxist or socialist culture, o
thediscussion, debate and reflection on Marxism within the context
o capital-ism itsel (o which Marxism remains the most potent
interpreter), as well
as the production o art, literature, film, music and so on that
is properlyoppositional, and a ull Marxist criticism that may
interpret all that has gonebeore. And that anticipatory culture
needs very much to be an internationalone, alongside a reinvented
global socialism, a rethought global class con-sciousness, a global
network o intellectuals, and so on. It is to the
ongoingconstruction o such a culture that biblical criticism may
contribute, so thatit may be a vital part o the cultural and
ideological arrangement o whateverit is that will ollow the demise
o capitalism. It seems to me that the most (orshould I say “the
only’?) viable mode o destabilizing, disrupting and finally
replacing hegemonic, imperial, biblical scholarship is one that
seeks to be parto the construction o a culture that anticipates the
end o the capitalist socialand economic organization that is part
and parcel o such a hegemony.
Tis is, then, what I mean by “gatecrashing thanksgiving,” since
Marxalways argued that any lasting socialism or communism would
arise out othe most advanced capitalist places. A vast east o
consumption, it is an itemideologically crucial to capitalism itsel
(through the use o a myth o precapi-talist origins). A
religious/civil east, derived rom harvest celebrations and
a reconstructed tradition o the first pilgrims with their
biblical ocus and v ision o their move to North America,
but now a crucial item in the ideo-logical sel-perception—amily,
simplicity and especially consumption—othe most developed, purest,
and thereore most decayed and rancid, capitalistcenter in the
world, it is an appropriate east to gatecrash.
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M, P, B
I have requently had the eeling that I am one o the ew Marxists
let.(Jameson 1988, 347)
My argument is relatively straightorward: the almost complete
absenceo Marxism in biblical postcolonial criticism is a legacy o
the wider zoneo postcolonial theory itsel that has been all too
keen to dump Marx. ButI also want to show how the gradual orgetting
o Marx in postcolonialismand postcolonial theory has distinct
ramifications or the engagements with
postcolonial theory by biblical critics. So, afer outlining the
way postcolonialtheory has orgotten its own history, a history in
which Marxism was the keyactor, I select two biblical critics
working with postcolonial theory in ordernot only to make the
obvious point about the absence o Marx, but also toindicate some o
the shortalls such an absence generates. Finally, I pick upthe work
o Ernst Bloch in order to locate a more political version o
Bakhtin’swidely influential dialogic criticism.
L O: M P
Postcolonial theory, understood as a particular method that
arose in the late1980s and is employed in academic circles or
interpreting cultural products,especially those o the era o
European colonialism, seems to have orgot-ten two crucial
dimensions o the possibility o its existence: history
andMarxism.1 One might grant that Marxism has somehow slipped
out o thepicture, but history? Is not postcolonial theory very much
concerned withrereading the history, art, texts, and practices o
European colonialism and its
1. he irst part o the argument that ollows is an expanded
version o one that I irstdeveloped in the introduction to a
Semeia volume on postcolonial theory (Boer 2001b).
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24 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
afermath? Postcolonial theory’s concern is thereore
postcolonialism itsel,whether we hyphenate the word in a more
periodizing rame o mind or not.
However, this is not the history that concerns me here: I write
o the historyo the theory itsel, o postcolonial theory.
Te rapid emergence o postcolonial theory with the work o
EdwardSaid, Gayatri Spivak, and Homi Bhabha has effaced the long
path that ledto this theory. It seems to me that this obliteration
has taken place not somuch through a willul neglect on the part o
this triumvirate and their vari-ous ollowers, as through the
process o reinterpreting the older theorists, theprecursors to
postcolonial theory. Tus, Bhabha gives extensive attention toFrantz
Fanon, and Spivak identifies Marx as one o her inspirations.
Othershave allen by the wayside, such as W. E. B. DuBois and Sol
Plaatje at the turno the century, although the ormer has been taken
up by Arican Americancritics such as Cornell West. Bart
Moore-Gilbert (1997) useully reminds uso this longer critical
history by distinguishing between postcolonial theory—that which we
have now afer Said, Spivak, and Bhabha—and
postcolonialcriticism—the longer history o the critique o
colonialism. In act, as I willargue in a moment, we need to go back
to Marx and Lenin or the origins othis kind o criticism. Te catch
with Moore-Gilbert’s distinction, however,
is that the very notion o a tradition o post colonial
criticism relies upon themore recent development o a postcolonial
theory. Tat is to say, the idea oa history o this intellectual and
political project seems to be enabled by thesubsequent theory,
which generates its own history. In this case the
historyitsel—which happened without a distinct identifier such as
“postcolonial”—does seem to vanish beore the other history o
postcolonial theory, whichboils down to a version o creatio ex
nihilo. What is needed, then, is a strategyor recovering this
alternative history that simultaneously deals with the his-torical
constructions o postcolonial theory.
o state what is in many respects the obvious: Marx and then
Leninfirst developed a critical approach to what they variously
called colonialismand imperialism. I Marx traced the way capitalism
or its very survival hadto expand, to “grow” (still very much the
benchmark o economic success)beyond the confines o Europe and
conquer ever new colonial spaces, Lenin,especially in Imperialism,
the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1950), developed ananalysis o
imperialism, or imperial capitalism, as the most advanced stage
ocapitalism up until that point. From a Leninist perspective, both
“world wars”
were conflicts between the European imperial powers, vying or
global domi-nance, the struggle coming to head in the competition
or the conquest oe ver more territories throughout the globe.
Afer Lenin the systematic theori-zation and critique o capitalist
expansion, including colonialism, took placein the Marxist
tradition. Key figures o earlier postcolonial criticism, ollow-
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MARX, POSCOLONIALISM, AND HE BIBLE 25
ing Moore-Gilbert’s classification, such as Frantz Fanon, W. E.
B. DuBois andC. L. R. James were all Marxist critics o colonialism.
Apart rom the analysis
o colonialism, there were two other vital parts o their work:
the study oliterature and other cultural products rom their own
locations and a dis-tinct level o political involvement. For
instance, C. L. R. James was not onlyintensely interested in the
role o cricket as both a colonial and anticolonialcultural orce,
but he was also a central figure in the process towards
indepen-dence in the West Indies.
Given this history, which I have sketched ar too briefly and
haphaz-ardly, why is it that the Marxist dimension o postcolonial
theory has beenlost? Trough a simultaneous process o transormation
that systematicallydetached various key aspects o Marxist theory
rom Marxism itsel and thennegated their political potential. Te
process began with Edward Said’s use oAntonio Gramsci’s notion o
hegemony.
wo-edged, the theory speaks both o the necessary combination
oconsent and orce, and the complex patterns whereby a dominant
ideologi-cal position is maintained and overthrown (see Gramsci
1971, 268, 328, 348,365, 370, 376). As ar as the necessary link
between consent and orce is con-cerned, Gramsci argues that a
dominant hegemony works by articulating and
spreading a specific set o cultural assumptions, belies, ways o
living andso on that are assumed to be “normal,” accepted by people
as the universally valid way o living. Here intellectuals, the
“organizers” o ideology, culture,philosophy, religion, law and
politics are central to the idea and operation ohegemony. Hegemony
runs deeply through any social and political orma-tion, or the
structures o knowledge and values, the filters through whichsociety
acquires orm and meaning, are precisely those that are
constructedand maintained by the leading class or party.
But hegemony is both a tool o analysis and o revolution. Tis
means
that any orce or change must brook no rivals, no possibilities o
oppo-sitional hegemony in the construction o the new state. Consent
must beat one with the use o orce, the two sides o hegemony.
Religion therebyorms a crucial component o consent, alling under
the rubric o intellec-tual and moral leadership (direzione).
Domination or coercion (dominio),especially over against
antagonistic groups, is the inescapable obverse. Bycontrast, those
with which the leading group in is alliance and associationwork
together by consent: “Te supremacy o a social group is
maniested
in two ways: as “domination” and as “intellectual and moral
leadership.” Asocial group is dominant over those antagonistic
groups it wants to “liqui-date” or to subdue even with armed orce,
and it is leading with respect tothose groups that are associated
or allied with it” (Gramsci, quoted in Fon-tana 1993, 141).
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26 LAS SOP BEFORE ANARCICA
In the period o colonialism such hegemony involved wholesale
ideo-logical work, ranging rom racial theory, through military
action and the
production o belie in the superiority o the imperial center to
Said’s well-known “orientalism” (Said 1978). But Said linked this
in problematic ashionto Foucault’s work on power, specifically the
dispersed, capillary orms opower that never reside in the named and
expected seats o power. One cansee the connection—dispersed power
and a threatened hegemony—but Fou-cault was not a Marxist, despite
being a student o Althusser and a politicalactivist. Te absence o
other categories crucial to hegemony, such as class,class conflict
and the central role o political economics,2 meant that
thenotion o hegemony was orphaned, drifing away rom the conceptual
con-text in which it made sense. So the first step in watering down
the Marxistheritage in postcolonial theory was made.
Even though Gayatri Spivak claims Marxism as part o her
owntheoretical and political position, it was her translation o
Derrida’s OfGrammatology (1980), and especially the long
and difficult introduction thatshe wrote, which brought
deconstruction into the mix o what was becom-ing postcolonial
theory. Te subsequent appearance o In Other Worlds (1988)
reinorced the prominence o Derridean deconstruction, along with
Gramsci and Foucault via Said, as one o the theoretical strands
availableor critics wanting to orge a new approach. In its
much-vaunted reusal omethod, in the careul attention to the details
o the text in question, in theperpetual discovery o the way texts
ace an incoherence that both subvertsand structures the text itsel,
deconstruction became a useul tool in read-ing or the other voices,
those excluded and marginalized by the dominantdiscourses o the
European colonial powers. But a Derridean Marx—takingor a moment
Spivak’s eort to combine deconstruction, Marxism andeminism
seriously—is a strange Marx indeed, looking more like a
slightly
lef-o-center liberal, as Derrida’s own Specters of
Marx (1994) showed onlytoo well.
he inal step in the banishment o Marx rom postcolonial
theorycame with Homi Bhabha’s work, especially Te Location of
Culture (1994),
2. How long has it been since the economy was itsel a political
domain? At irstglance, it seems that economics is precisely the
domain o politics. Do not the various
governments and political parties in the so-called “democracies”
vie with each other orthe best means to acilitate economic growth,
generate jobs and maintain consumer coni-dence? But there is never
a question