In a world where change is a constant thing, different views on
different things undeniably arise. Despite the differences in
perspectives, in culture, in gender, in administration and even in
the environment any modification or alteration in the society a
certain group of individuals still manage to share simmilarities
and similar, if not identical, views regarding certain aspects of
society. Those individuals who have the same belief form groups to
prmote3 and advocate the beliefs and ideals they deem relevant and
necessary for society. May it be for gender, political affiliation
or religious affiliation, these group of people sought to find
their rightful place in the society where they can freely express
their ideas and protect their people as well as the people in the
community. However, forming groups to talk about their beliefs and
leave things to inetellectual conversations did not seem that
appealing to those individuals who are hungry for change and
reformation. And that is where they start to mobilize their groups
ande turn them into movements, social movements, that would bring
forth the change thart they look for.Social movements push for a
set of preference of social change within a population. According
to the American Journal of Sociology, a social movement is a set of
opinions and beliefs in a population which represents preferences
for changing some elements of the social structure and/or reward
distribution of a society. And as social movements grow, they face
dilemmas that trigger their organization. That is the focus of this
paper the mobilization of social movements.Using the Resource
Mobilization Theory (RMT), this paper will examine the variety of
resources that each organization mobilizes, the relationship of
such social movements with other organizations, their dependence
among external support for success, and the interference of the
authority or the government in controlling or incorporating such
movements. Also, the paper will focus on the variety and sources of
the social movements resources and if necessary, the movements
connection or relationship to the media. Is the organization a
member of a bigger organization? Does the organization depend upon
external support for success? Does the government use tactics to
control or incorporate their movement? RMT also involves adherents,
constituents and bystanders. As a key analytical issue of the
theory, this paper will also focus on how social movements turn
bystanders into adherents and adherents into constituents and
ultimately mobilize constiuents to active participation and their
continued involvement in the movement. How do organizations turn
non- adherents into adherents and maintain the support of their
constituents? This paper will also see why such social movements
succeed or fail. What are the reasons behind the success of such
organizations?
The world is entailed of different social movements that live
with their own encompassing ideologies and beliefs with regards to
the current situation of the society and have their particular
means of achieving their goals. Social movement refers to a
deliberate, voluntary effort to organize individuals to act in
concert to achieve enough group influence to make or block changes
and it includes a power-oriented groups rather than
participation-oriented movements, meaning that the group actions of
social movements are not necessarily of primary benefit to
individual members, but instead serve the groups larger goals.
[footnoteRef:1]Traditionally, it argues that social movements form
from the personal grievances that arise from structural and social
change, members are trying to change the status quo in any means
regarding of their beliefs and stand. These kind of organizations
have relationship with distinct institutions in the society like
the media and religion, its relationship with the people, with
this, sociologists study the participation, connection and ties of
these on the various social movements. There are two types of
members belonging to social movement organizations: conscience
constituents and beneficiary constituents and social movements
often needs and get resources from conscience constituents which
refer to individuals or groups outside of the social movement who
have a moral alliance with the social movements cause, goal, or
mission. Past analysis of social movements and social movement
organizations has normally assumed a close link between the
frustrations or grievances of a collectively of actors and the
growth and decline of movement activity. [footnoteRef:2] As
multifactorial model of social movement has been improved and the
diversion of focus from the reasons why people participate to the
increase grievances of individuals, social movement was analysed,
being advanced and the use of resources, mobilizing it is one of
the things that can explain why social movements are formed and
continue to grow or the other way around, a theory that seeks these
explanations is what commonly called the Resource Mobilization
Theory (RMT). It is included in the different interdisciplinary
history of social movement theory that includes six main areas of
study: resource mobilization theory, mass society theory, relative
deprivation theory, structural-strain theory, value added theory,
and new social movement theory. The RMT started on the late 1960s
in McCarthy and Zalds work in their theory of entrepreneurial
mobilization which critically assessed the interpretation of social
movements in this years together with the relevance of the Olson
theory where collective action was specified. This theory is used
as the theoretical framework of social movement and utilized by
sociologist to explain the characteristics and outcomes of the
social movement that examines the structural factors, availability
of resources and the stand of every group on socio-political issues
in order to analyse the success and failure of a social movement.
The resource mobilization theory of social movements holds that a
social movement arises from long-term changes in a groups
organization, available resources, and opportunities for group
action. Resource mobilization theory has five main principles
(Jenkins, 1983): [1: Simone I. Fynn] [2: John McCarthy and Mayer N.
Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory,
The American Journal of Sociology, vol. 82, no. 26 (May, 1997) :
1212 1218.]
1. The actions of social movements members and participants are
rational.2. A social movements actions are strongly influenced by
institutionalized power imbalances and conflicts of interest.3.
These power imbalances and conflicts of interest are sufficient to
generate grievances that lead to the mobilization of social
movements intent on changing the distribution of resources and
organization.4. Centralized and formally structured social
movements more effectively mobilize resources and achieve goals of
change than decentralized and informal social movements.5. The
success of social movements is heavily influenced by group strategy
and the political climate.As Klandermans, in the year 1984 wrote
social movements is a rational behaviour, based on an individuals
conclusions about the costs and benefits of participation, rather
than one born of a psychological predisposition to marginality and
discontent. Resource mobilization theory views social movements as
normal, rational, institutionally rooted political challenges by
aggrieved groups. The border between conventional politics and
social movements thus becomes blurred, but does not disappear
altogether. [footnoteRef:3] [3: M. Manosmita, et al., Beyond
Resource Mobilization Theory: Dynamic Paradigm of Chengara
Struggle, Department of Sociology (Pondicherry University, India,
2012), 29 35.]
McCarthy and Zald summarize the emerging perspective by
contrasting resource mobilization theory with the traditional one
as follows;1. Support baseA. Traditional. Social movements are
based upon aggrieved populations which provide the necessary
resources and labour. Al-though case studies may mention external
supports, they are not incorporated as central analytic
components.B. Resource mobilization. Social movements may or may
not be based upon the grievances of the presumed beneficiaries.
Con-science constituents, individual and organizational, may
provide major sources of support. And in some cases
supporters-those who provide money, facilities, and even labour-may
have no commitment to the values that underlie specific
movements.
2. Strategy and tactics A. Traditional. Social movement leaders
use bargaining, persuasion, or violence to influence authorities to
change. Choices of tactics depend upon prior history of relations
with authorities, relative success of previous encounters, and
ideology. Tactics are also influenced by the oligarchization and
institutionalization of organizational life.
B. Resource mobilization. The concern with interaction between
movements and authorities is accepted, but it is also noted that
social movement organizations have a number of strategic tasks.
These include mobilizing supporters, neutralizing and/or
transforming mass and elite publics into sympathizers, achieving
change in targets. Dilemmas occur in the choice of tactics, since
what may achieve one aim may conflict with behaviour aimed at
achieving another. Moreover, tactics are influenced by
inter-organizational competition and cooperation.
3. Relation to larger society A. Traditional. Case studies have
emphasized the effects of the environment upon movement
organizations, especially with respect to goal change, but have
ignored, for the most part, ways in which such movement
organizations can utilize the environment for their own purposes
(see Perrow 1972). This has probably been largely result of the
lack of comparative organizational focus inherent in case studies.
In analytical studies emphasis is upon the extent of hostility or
toleration in the larger society. Society and culture are treated
as descriptive, historical context. B. Resource mobilization.
Society provides the infrastructure which social movement
industries and other industries utilize. The aspects utilized
include communication media and expense, levels of affluence,
degree of access to institutional centres, pre-existing networks,
and occupational structure and growth.
Fynn acknowledged in his writing about the Resource Mobilization
Theory where it argues that social movements succeed through the
effective mobilization of resources and the development of
political opportunities for members. Social movements can mobilize
both material and non-material resources, material resources are
money, organization, man power, technology, communication, and mass
media while non-material resources includes, legitimacy, loyalty,
social relationship, networks, personal connection, public
attention, authority, moral commitment and solidarity. It is
believed that social movements that have lesser resources need to
connect to its external environment for support and funding. Human
resource is also one of the most important source for social
movements and in fact one primary goal of RMT is to convert
adherents to constituents and maintain these constituent
involvement in the group. Adherents is defined as the individuals
that believed on the social movements goal and belief while
constituents are the people that provide the resources. There are
also individuals and groups who are part of the appropriate social
movement but do not stand to benefit directly from social movement
organization goal accomplishment which are known as the conscience
adherents and the conscience constituents which are the direct
supporters who do not stand to benefit directly from its success.
Several analyst had provided significant resources that should be
in the frontline of attention just like Rogers (1974) has
distinguished instrumental resources used in actual influence
attempts from infra-resources that condition the use of
instrumental resources. Jenkins also identified power resources as
the means for controlling the actions of targets from mobilizing
resources such as facilities. As Jenkins articulated;The problem is
that most resources have multiple uses. Any scheme that ignores the
intrinsic features of resources is therefore of limited value. In
response, most analysts have simply listed the assets that are
frequently mobilized by movement like the examples of McCarthy and
Zald, the money, facilities, labour, and legitimacy or Tillys like
land, capital and technical. Freeman also offered a more useful
scheme, distinguishing tangible assets such as money, facilities
and means of communication from the intangible or human assets that
form the central basis for movements. Example of intangible assets
are both specialized resources such as organizing r legal skills,
and the unspecialized labour of supporters.
The most distinctive contribution of resource mobilization
theory has been to emphasize the significance of outside
contribution and the co-optation of institutional resources by
contemporary social movements. [footnoteRef:4] External supports
especially in the financial assistance to the social movement
organizations are as important as its human resource, an
organization would hardly attain its goals without the manpower and
of course the fund that are needed in every activities in relation
to their goals and to what they are trying to pursue. [4: J. Craig
Jenkins, Resource Mobilization theory and the Study of Social
Movements ( Columbia, 1983), 528-532.]
With all the resources, both material and nonmaterial, RMT
focuses on how to access these resources as well as the different
mechanisms in mobilizing all of these present sources, as provided,
self-production, aggregation, co-optation, and
patronage.[footnoteRef:5] Edwards and Gillman recognized
self-production as the fundamental mechanism in which resources are
extracted from themselves or through existing organizations,
activists, or participants. They can produce something that can
symbolize their stands and beliefs on issues like producing
T-Shirts that have printed statement on what the organization is
trying to achieve or give to the public. As commonly social
movements are trying to reach every individual and influence them
with what they believe in, in this way, organizations can be more
creative and initiative to catch the interest and attention of
others and later persuade them to be part of them. Just like civil
human right movements, they can have activities in different
institutions in the society and educate them how people suffer from
inequalities. Aggregation on the other hand is a method where they
can get resources from dispersed individuals like from the
beneficiary and conscience constituents and co-optation is
utilizing their connections with other organizations that have the
same belief with them. When a prominent individual provides support
to the social movement organizations, it is called patronage, where
this individual can be a politician for example that supports and
provides resources like financial and manpower but in return,
decisions and activities of the organization are being influenced
by this individual. [5: Bob Edwards and Patrick Gillman, Resource
Mobilization Theory, ed. David A. Snow, et al. (Blackwell
Publishing Ltd, 2013), 2-5.]
While, RMT gains popularity in the 1960s 1980s, it was later on
criticize and faults were being acknowledged by sociologist. One of
this is that the said theory just focused on the centralized social
movement organizations and ignores the decentralized one as it
disregard the importance of collective behaviour and considers the
opposite of Olsons theory of collective action. Because RMT focuses
only on mobilizing all forms of resources, it lacks to recognize
collective identity and characters and as to why individuals join
this kind of organizations. Another thing with regards of the
theory is its claim that all social movements are an extension of
institutional actions. In putting all the ideas on what, how and
why resource mobilization theories is connected to the idea of
success of the different social movements in the society, it is
evident that the theory focuses only on the institutional changes
that happens, the mechanisms to adapt with these changes and on how
social movement organizations can customize the available resources
in attaining their main goals and making their way to every
individuals and successfully influence them.
The History of the Kabataan PartylistThe Kabataan Partylist
before was named as the Anak ng Bayan Partylist. During that
organizations such as the College Editors Guild of the Philippines
CEGP, National Union of Students in the Philippines (NUSP), League
of Filipino Students (LFS), Anakbayan, Student Christian Movement
(SCM) and Karatula, a new mass organization was formed, thus named
the Kabataan Partylist. The said mass organizations served as
founding organizations of the Kabataan Partylist. Kabataan
Partylist was formed at the early 2003 and expanded its scope to
different areas in the country, including Eastern Visayas. There
are two chapters in the area one of them located in Capoocan and
the other one in Northern Samar. The Kabataan Partylist is a member
of the MAKABAYAN block along with other mass organizations such as
the Anak Pawis Partylist, Ticson Partylist, Migrante Partylist, and
Bayan Muna Partylist which aims to represent the youth and push for
bills that would show the capacity and level of competence of the
youth. It claims to be the only the party that represents the youth
in the Congress. They have made specific actions regarding policies
that affects and would affect the youth in the future.. Some of
these actions were the partylists filing of impeachment complaint
against the Aquino administration when the issue on pork barell
came out. According to the Kabataan Partylist, President Aquino
should be impeached because of the continued tuition increase
during his reign as the president that wrings the necks of young
souls interested in changing their future and killing them, both
figuratively and literally. The partylist also had some
achievements including the passing of the Anti No- Permit- No- Exam
Policy, where students will be allowed to take exams even if they
failed to pay the necessary fees and the Campus Press Freedom Bill.
Organizational- Entrepreneural Tributary of Kabataan PartylistHow
does the Kabataan Partylist turn bystanders into adherents and how
do they maintain the involvement of constituents in their
organization? Bystanders in this case are those people who watch
from the sideline. While adherents refer to individuals who share
social change preferences or believe in the goals of the movement,
constituents, on the other hand, refer to those who contribute
resources of various kinds to help the movement mobilize. Majority
of the movements in the country have their own strategy to
incorporate bystander individuals to their organization and
maintain the support of the constituents in order to keep the
movement going. According to the Regional Coordinator of the
partylist, they offer a one on one discussion or group discussion
about the different issues to the bystanders. For example, one of
the most recent issue that the partylist seeks to address is the
slipper factory that got burned. Through group discussion, they dig
deep on what really happened and who are to be blamed for the said
incident and how the said culprit will be punished. Another is the
peoples initiative to abolish the pork barell movement where the
partylist invites bystanders to join their movement and enlighten
them what pork barell is and reasons why it needs to be abolished.
Sometimes, when the organization has an activity they would
coordinate with university professors to require the students to
attend their event. But sometimes, they would conduct talks in the
class to impart knowledge about the said issue so that students
will be enlightened and would have a valid reason to attend the
said event and not just because they are required. Regarding the
relationship of Kabataan Partylist to other organizations, Kuya
Jugs, the Regional Coordinator, claimed that they have always been
in good terms with their partner organizations since they share the
same goal and stand. And never, according to Kuya Jug, has there
been, in any way, an internal conflict that occured between them
and the other organizations. However, when the Kabataan Partlist
associates with other organizations who have different ideology
than that of the partylist, the said partylist still manages to
establish a smooth relations with them. When asked how it was
possible for their parties to collaborate and work together despite
the difference in their views and beliefs, Jugs answered, Basta mg
seset ka lang ng common point na [for example] ano ba yung goal mo,
ano yung goal namin. Kung magmemeet tayo dun sa goal na yun, sige
ipush. Pero yung sa pamamaraan, meron kaming sariling pamamaraan,
meron din siyang sariling pamamaraan.
Types of ResourcesAccording to McCarthy and Zald, there are five
types of resources that social movements, organizatons, and groups
mobilize:1. Moral resourcesMoral resources include legitimacy,
integrity, solidarity support, sympathetic support, and celebrity.
Celebrity endorsements of an issue campaign can increase media
coverage, generate public attention, and open doors to policymakers
and resource providers alike. Some organizations use the charisma
of leaders or even celebrities to help promote their organization
and generate support from the external environment. According to
the Regional Coordinator of the partylist, Monique Wilson, a
proponent of the Gabriela Youth and a celebrity, endorses their
partylist when conducting talks in differenet places for various
occassions. This is because Gabriela Youth and Kabataan Partylist
practically share the same beliefs. Tedy Casio, a politician, also
endorses the partylist and the partylist, in return, supports Tedy
during campaigns. When asked on why they support Tedy, Kuya Jugs
answered, Kasi alam namin na isa talaga siya sa mga senador na
makakatulong sa mga mamamayan, magpapasa ng mga batas na
makakatulong sa mga mamamayan.In the local unit, some polticians
also bring with them the name of the partylist when campaigning
during elections. And some progressive writers,who are connections
of their founding organizations also serve as endorsers of kabataan
Partylist.
2. Cultural resourcesCultural resources involve artifacts and
cultural products such as conceptual tools and specialized
knowledge that have become widely known. These include tacit
knowledge about how to accomplish tasks like enacting a protest
event, holding a news conference, running a meeting, forming an
organization, initiating a festival, or utilizing new social media.
Cultural resources of the Kabataan Partylist includes jingles.
Example is the jingle used by PULSO which was originally used by
the Kabataan Partylist during their campaign in 2008. Jingles help
attracts non- adherents and adds more life to the organization.
Also, jingle is one creative way of expressing the organizations
goals. They also make mugs and tshirts especially during election
periods to promote their partylist.In the modern world where
technology encompases all activities of people, and social media is
the new diary, most of the mass organizations, social movements and
organizations provide pages in the worldwide web where individuals
could visit their page and advocate the stands and goals that they
believe in. The Kabataan Partylist also provide a facebook page
where bystanders, or individuals who merely witness political
activities, could view and be educated about the different current
issues. According to the Regional Coordinator of the Kabataan
Partylist, facebook has helped in the promotion of the partylist:
kapag ang issue ay madaling maipapakalat [katulad nung kay Mary
Jane Veloso], marami kang taong mamumulat na may ganito palang
nangyayari sa lipunan at naeenganyo mo silang sumali sa kabataan
partylist.
3. Human resourcesHuman resources are both more tangible and
easier to appreciate than the other types of resources. This
includes resources like labor, experience, skill, expertise, and
leadership. But not all organizations have members that posseses a
mixture of capabilities. So , other organizations require expertise
and have access to lawyers, web designers, social media
consultants, dynamic speakers, organizers, or outside experts when
the needed. When Kabataan Partylists hold events or talks, they
invite the head speakers of their founding organizations to speak
in behalf of them. Since the Kabataan Partylist is the only body
that represents the youth inside the Congress, some head speakers
of the organizations collaborate with the politicians to defend the
bills that the partylist advocates. The process of membership
involves three processes only: 1. completing an application form,
2. an orientation that includes the introduction of the partylists
constitution and by laws, and 3. The pledging of alligence to the
flag of the Kabataan Partylist. The membership process, because of
its easy steps, could serve as an asset for the organization.
Considering how the young people of today prefer involving
themselves in activities that would keep them from straneous
activities and exerting too much effort, the process then becomes
an inviting factor for non adherents to join the partylist. Beacuse
the process practically assures the absence hassile, more youth
will be wanting to join the organization. 4. Material
resourcesMaterial resource combines what economists would call
financial and physical capital including monetary resources,
property, office space, equipment, and supplies. The Kabataan Party
List, in order to produce funds, use a system of butaw wherein
members of the party the constituents or the adherents would give
10 pesos monthly to serve as the organizations fund. This monthly
due of the organizations is used to help the organization live.
With regards to the physical capital of the partylist, the
partylist has no office available in the city due to the small
number of members here in Eastern Visayas. So when there are
meetings, the regional coordinator must travel to either Capoocan
or Eastern samar to attend meetings.
Mechanisms of Resource AccessIn a world where resources are
limited, organizations have difficulties in evenly distributing
their resources. Resource mobilization theory (RMT) becomes a
partial theory of overcoming inequality. The following are some
mechanisms of how organizations access resources:1. Self-
production Self- production refers to those resources produced by
the organization through the agency of existing organizations,
activists, and participants. The Kabataan Partylist do not produce
or engage in an Income Generated Project (IGP) in order to produce
funds for the organization. What they do is give out solicitations
to the alumni members of the organization. 2.
AggregationAggregation refers to the ways a movement converts
resources held by dispersed individuals into collective resources
that can be allocated by movement actors. In Kabataan Partylist,
some alumni of the organization give financial assistance to
theorganization. This is obtained by the solicitation that the
partylist gave out to the almunus who still pledge. 3. Co- optation
or AppropriationSocial movements often utilize relationships they
have with existing organizations and groups to access resources
previously produced or aggregated by those other organizations. In
one of the activities of the partylist, they collaborated with Sto.
Nio Church to make possible their event. The partylist and the
church had an agreement as to which party would provide the
specific materials (including the venue, the papers needed) for the
event.
4. PatronagePatronage refers to the provision of resources to
the organization by an individual or organization that often
specializes in patronage.The Kabataan Partylist, as of now, does
not have a patron. All activities and fundings are from the
organization itself, from their founding organizations, and other
organizations who share the same goal.
Factors Affecting the mobilization process of Kabataan
PartylistMcCarthy and Zald indicated that the potential of social
movements to mobilize resources is also affected by authorities and
other agents of social control (e.g. police and the government).
Their actions affect the readiness of the bystanders, adherents,
and constituents to alter their own status and commitment.Some of
the actions of government towards the Kabataan Partylist can also
be applied to other mass organizations in the country. First is the
militarization of the government, for instance, the Samahan ng
Lipunan ng mga Parag- Uma who fights against the government. The
reason as to why the government militarize such organizations is to
threaten them and prevent them from going against the state.
However, instead of repressing the movement and discouraging them
from joining forces in order to act against the unjust systems of
the government, it united them and fueled their burning passion to
raise arms and fight for what they stand for, their beliefs, and
their rights. As Kuya Jugs puts it, imbis na matakot yung mga tao
mas lalong umaalab ang kanilang mga puso para lumaban.For school
based mass organizations, the social control agent implements
unjust policies. For example the Straw Bill where the school
administrator is given full authority over the different school
organizations. Also, a restriction is given to mass organizations
on where they would conduct their activities. This is one of the
actions of the government that the Kabataan Partylist sees as a
hindrance to the mobilization of their resources because it
deprives them a place to convene and work on the necessary
materials that they need for activities (e.g. placards, banners,
and etc.).Another factor is the loss or inactiveness of human
resources. During elections, many non- adherents were turned into
adherents by the organization. But after the election period, many
chapters dismantled and died. According to Kuya Jugs, marami ang na
rerecruit na members ng organization kasi syempre mainit. Pero
after ng election, namamatay yung mga chapter na nabubuo kasi
naiiwan. Pero ngayon trinatry pagbalik ng mga chapters. Binibigyan
ng edukasyon educational discussion, when asked as to how they
retrieve the said dead chapters.
Kabataan Partylists view: why some movements succeed and why
some failLubog kami doon sa sitwasyon ng karamihan. Sa sitwasyon ng
mga mamamayan...Kami, dahil nga nakalubog kami, alam namin kung ano
ang nararamdaman ng ibang tao at alam namin ang tamang stand sa mga
issue. Kaya habang tumatagal, dumarami ng dumarami ang mga members.
Habang tumatagal nasa Kongreso parin kami.
League of Filipino StudentsHistory of LFSThe mass organization
named League of Filipino Students (LFS) is rooted from the
Kabataang Makabayan organization under the Communist Party of the
Philippines (CCP) during 1977, the reign of Marcos administration
where there was an unstoppable increase of tuition, the
organization was the one that acts as the alliance against the
abuse given by the administration. In the year 1982, the alliance
was declared as a National Democratic mass organization to fully
address the issues of the masses and continue to achieve the
national democratic aspirations of everyone. The naming of the mass
organization was critical, there were suggestions but it should
take into account that it should project peaceful reform, but still
had a radical appeal, so it resulted into an English name which was
given a veneer of temperance and discipline. A tricky part was
deciding on the first word, the contenders were: association,
society, union, alliance, organization, and league. League was
chosen because of its novelty, restraint, and subtle militancy.
Furthermore, league was chosen because of its not so vague
association with Rizals reformist group, Liga Filipina. Being
associated with Liga Filipina, someone suggested, would somehow
enable the LFS to lull the senses of the military and the school
administrations. At the end of the discussion, Standing Group for
Youth and Students (SGYS) expressed its desire to consult its lower
units first regarding the proposed name, before it was finalized in
another meeting. But everyone thought this was just a formality.
The LFS is one of the founding members of the Kabataan Partylist,
which is the first and only youth party list in Philippine
Congress. It is a member of the New Patriotic Alliance (Bagong
Alyansang Makabayan BAYAN) and Kalikasan-Peoples Network for the
Environment (Kalikasan-PNE) and also a member of the Asia Pacific
Youth and Students Association, the International League of Peoples
Struggle and the Philippines-Cuba Friendship Association. This
organization is considered as the largest student organization,
where its members come from universities and high schools, it has
its chapter also in the San Francisco State University in America.
As stated on their official webpage, League of Filipino Students
stands proudly with their basic principles that they believe and
trying to inject these set of principles to the people in the
society, it is The LFS is a national democratic mass organization
with a socialist perspective. It believes in these basic
truths:Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal and the
Filipino people is plagued by three evils imperialism, feudalism
and bureaucrat-capitalism.The Philippine education system, being
colonial, commercialized and reactionary, needs to be replaced by a
nationalist, scientific and mass-oriented education.The historical
role of the youth and students is to arouse, mobilize and organize
the broadest number of youth for the national democratic struggle
of the people.The youth and the students need to unite with the
basic masses, the peasants and the workers, in its struggle for
genuine social change, through genuine agrarian reform and national
industrialization.
The obligations of the members and the tasks they need to ensure
that their stands and beliefs reached the society, like preparing
forums, seminars, intellectual discussion, and other the same
activities. They release statements and sides on the current
socio-political issues, with these activities the organization are
trying to touch everyone, which concerns the situations. The LFS
have their journals and Praxis, have a Facebook page and own
webpage to grasp the modern way of easy communication especially on
the youths. In the aspect of fostering cultural development, LFS
have and conduct films, plays and other cultural production. Every
member should arouse the youth and masses because of the status quo
where there is only few who lives in the normal life while most
suffers from the day-to-day situations of life. Members should
organize the whole population to achieve collective action and
members should mobilize the youth and masses because only militant
action can give meaning to the principles and the organized force
of the people.League of Filipino Students continues to fight for
the oppressed and bravely disagree on the states decision that will
harm the public and provide interest only to those who are in power
for almost forty years and is always willing to assess critically
the present status quo. The organization will remain to be one of
the essential players on the unsettled Philippine insurgency.
Organizational- Entrepreneural Tributary of the League of
Filipino StudentsLike the Kabataan Partylist, the League of
Filipino Students also conduct group discussions and educational
discussions to enlighten bystanders about the specific issues in
the community. Sometimes, they would invite friends to join their
organization. Also, they conduct forums that targets the students.
To engage the students in the said activity, LFS would coordinate
with the teachers to require the students to attend their event.
LFS makes sure that students will be properly educated during the
event. LFS also makes sure that adherents of the organization would
always have the feeling of belongingness by regularly engaging them
into open discussions to integrae new knowledge to the minds of
adherents and allow them to express there ideas or opininions
regarding the issue. Through this, the adherent will have the
feeling that he or she belongs and he contributes something to the
organization. Regarding the relationship of the League of Filipino
Students to other organizations, Sharmaine Enales, the president on
paper of LFS, claimed that they have a good relationship with other
organizations. They have this so- called inter cropping inside
their educational discussion wherein one issue of an organization
encompass the scope of the other organizations.
Types of Resources1. Moral resourcesUnlike the Kabataan
Partylist, LFS has no specific celebrity or political endorser.
They depend on the mass organizations inside the MAKABAYAN block
for support. 2. Cultural resourcesLFS also indulge in using the
social media to promote their organization. In their facebook page,
pub mats are released as well as research or infographs to raise
awareness to the society. With the goal of raising social awareness
to the society and engaging students to intellectual discourse, LFS
posts issues in their page rather than photos of each members. To
cultivate the artistic side of LFS, the organization produces
jingles that would help them promote the advocacies of their
organization. As Sharmaine Enales puts it, Kailangan [mo]maging
creative ngan innovative pero [of course] embedded la gihap an,
diri guin cocompromise an substance han organization.During events,
LFS would tap their allied organizations, for instance, Gabriela
Youth, to help in the organization and preparation of the event.
They rely more on self- knowledge on how to conduct the activity.
3. Human resourcesLFS is an organization where members posses
diverse skills. These skills are used by the organization during
rallies where they make placards or invitations for the society.
Sometimes, the organization incorporates members of the other
organization. 4. Material resourcesUnlike the Kabataan Partylist,
LFS is provided an office inside University of the Philippines
Tacloban College. Mass organizations inside the university share
office space in the Child Minding Center (CMC). Half of the CMC is
used as a daycare center where the children of the UP staff could
leave their children while working and the other half is shared by
all mass organizations inside the university.
Mechanisms of Resource Access1. Self- production In order to
provide more funds for the utilization of the organization, LFS
engage in income generating projects or IGP. According to the
interviewee, LFS would, from time to time, sell souvenir t-shirts
with their current events theme. 2. AggregationFor Aggregation, LFS
coordinates with other organizations that share their stand and
beliefs in order to utilize the other organizations resources to
continue their activities or projects. An example would be during
the One Billion Rising of the Gabriella youth. Technically, it was
Gabriella who served as the main proponent of the event and they
were the ones who coordinated with the LFS in order to make use of
their resources, however, the relationship that took place during
that time could be an example of aggregation and just as Gabriella
had made use of their resources, LFS expects to receive the same
accomodation from the said social movement.
3. Co- optation or AppropriationLFS also adopts the co-op or
appropriation mechanism of resource access in their efforts to
achieve their goals. They collaborate with schools and other
socialo institutions, where they would tap on the shoulders of
individuals who are either associated to the organization itself or
to one of the members. An example would be one of the events that
LFS held in the past wherein they joined forces with St. Pauls
School of Business and Law (SPSBL). According to Shermaine Enales,
they had one UP alumnus who worked there as a faculty and had
his/her students participate in the said event.
4. PatronageLFS, like the Kabataan Partylist, do not have any
patron. They neither have an individual or a group that would serve
as their patron(s) that would be more than willing to finance their
activities. They rely on their allied oraganizations and personal
efforts for the completion of their activities.
Factors Affecting the mobilization process of League of Filipino
Students First factor that affects the organizations mobilization
is human resource. LFS admits that they lack man power and they
have difficulties in recruiting individuals to join their
organization beacuse of malicious tagging and wrong notion that the
society associates with mass organizations. Malicious tagging,
according to LFS, is the association of the society that all
members of the organization are NPAs. On the other hand, a wrong
notion, according to LFS, refers to the misconception of the
parents of students that all members are activists and that long
engagement in the organization will turn you into one. Another
factor affecting the mobilization of LFS is the funding for their
activities. Because considering the fact that most of the members
of the said organization are students, whose financial capabilities
are limited and highly dependent on their parents, it is imperative
that they would have to look for other means of looking for
monetary resources that would serve as their fund, aside from
shelling out money from their own pockets. It is a challenge3
becuase of the disparity of the compatibility of their schedules
and available time.LFS view on why some movements succeed and why
some failIt importante manggud na component hn usa na organization
is an members. Kasi dida ha ira nagtitikang it mobilization ha
fund, ha pagpapadamo, so kun diri mabaskog ba an members ngan diri
nira mamamaintain an certain level of commitment nganhin feeling of
belongingness diba. More likely diri mg susucceed talaga kay dba
tanan magbuburublag. Pero once nga tanan kamo nga aada hn
organization inlined, usa niyo nga gn kikita nga objective tas
paprehas kamo hn perspective, mag- uurusa kamo tas kmo na tanan
mamomoblize niyo
ConclusionIn congregation of all the information from a mass
organization which is the League of Filipino Students and partylist
which is the Kabataan Partylist, both coming from the same block
which is the MAKABAYAN BLOCK, the paper is able to identify on how
these two interrelated groups gather together its different
resources, the means that help them on how they can sustain its own
needs for it to continue to live with its principles and conduct
activities. It is identified that institutions have something to do
also in the mobilization process and that actions of these group
somehow link on what is the current political situation of the
society. For instance during campaigns, they can endorse specific
candidates that have the same ideologies like them for different
positions and vice versa. More support they collect are from the
organizations that are also included on the same block and that
they tried to communicate each other and help in initiating
activities of every organization in the believe that their stand
and what they are trying to fight are interrelated, like for the
Kabataan Partylist they want to represent the youth and League of
Filipino Students main goal is to include the participation of
youth and increase their social awareness. Another finding is that
both of the group have all the resource types, the moral, human,
cultural, material, socio organizational resources but the
mechanisms they use in acquiring these will only depend on what way
they decide to accumulate those, as both group stated, they dont
use patronage as a means of obtaining resources, so it means that
they are independent from any politician for example or any
prominent individual. Both organization also indicated the great
importance of human resource in attaining their goals, while their
funds are both come from their own which they called butaw and
solicitations. Aside from suitable mobilization of the resources,
another reason for Kabataan Partylist why their organization still
exist in the society is that they really know what they are
fighting and know where they are going in their goals, LFS on the
other hand recognize the importance of good relationship with the
members because they believe that everything starts on the
manpower.
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Sulong Kabataan: Students and Youth on Resource Mobilization
Angelica M. DocenaShameem Marie G. LacabaJessa C. Turalba