Page 1 of 30 Risk Factors for Infant Mortality Edmond Shenassa, Sc.D., MA Dane De Silva, MPH Department of Family Science School of Public Health University of Maryland April 1, 2019 DRAFT
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Risk Factors for Infant Mortality Edmond Shenassa, Sc.D., MA
Dane De Silva, MPH
Department of Family Science School of Public Health University of Maryland
April 1, 2019
DRAFT
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The following review has been completed for the Maryland Health Care Commission (MHCC),
pursuant to legislation (2018 Md. Laws, Chap. 83), requiring the Commission to conduct a
literature review to find appropriate national data on “factors, beyond the known factors of low
birth weight, teen pregnancy, poor nutrition, and lack of prenatal care, affecting the mortality of
African American infants and infants in rural areas in the United States and in the State” (2018
Md. Laws, Chap. 83, §1(b)(1)). This work will complement work being done by MHCC and
Maryland Department of Health staff on state data related to infant mortality. This literature and
the data analytics findings will be incorporated in the final report.
INTRODUCTION
In 2017, Maryland’s infant mortality rate of 6.4 per 1,000 births ranked 33rd among US states.
Since 2014, Maryland’s infant mortality rate (IMR) has remained fairly stable and about one
percentage point above the national average. This IMR translated to 1,908 preventable deaths
between 2014 and 2017. Maryland remains short of Healthy People 2020 benchmark rate of 6.4
deaths per 1,000 live births. This burden of infant mortality is borne disproportionately by people
of color. In particular, non-Hispanic black infants have the highest risk of death during the first
year of life. In the US, infant mortality rates for non-Hispanic black infants have remained 2.3
times higher than the risk for non-Hispanic white infants. While this racial disparity in IMR is
somewhat less pronounced in Maryland, the IMR among infants born to non-Hispanic black
women in Maryland (10.5) remains over twice larger than IMR among infants born to non-
Hispanic white women residing in the state. Moreover, this disparity in the risk of mortality
between black and white infants has increased recently as black infants are yet to experience the
declines in infant mortality rates that have been observed among white infants over the last
decade. According to the Maryland Department of Health, the infant mortality rate increased by
7% between 2016 and 2017 among black infants. Moreover, while the absolute burden of IMR is
highest in urban counties in Maryland, data from 2016 reveals a higher IMR among black infants
born in rural Maryland. Overall, the high risk of infant mortality, particularly among African
Americans remains a pressing public health concern in Maryland.
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On behest of Maryland Health Care Commission, we have conducted a systematic scoping
review of the literature on risk factors for IMR, with an emphasis beyond the known factors of
low birthweight, teen pregnancy, poor nutrition, and lack of prenatal care, affecting the mortality
of African American infants and infants in rural areas in the United States and in the State.
Recognizing the similarities and overlap between risk factors of the known causes of infant
mortality (birth defects, preterm birth, pregnancy complications, sudden infant death syndrome,
injuries)1 and the more down-stream risk factors, this review also includes a discussion of the
risk factors for the known causes.
Following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA)
guidelines,2 this review was informed by the eco-social model (Figure 1). This model was
adapted from the social science by social epidemiologists in recognition of the dynamic
interrelations among various personal and environmental factors that drive most non-infectious
health outcomes.3 The utility of this ecologic approach is further underscored when we consider
that as much as 40% of poor maternal and child health (MCH) outcome occur among people
with no identifiable risk factors. Application of the social-ecological model in the last two
decades to a hoist of MCH issues, including infant mortality, has proven to have been quite
fruitful in explicating the structural determinants of maternal and child health. The structural
determinants of health, also referred to as underlying causes of disease, refer to the social and
economic conditions that influence individuals access to health promoting resources in one's
living and working conditions (e.g., distribution of income, wealth, influence, and power). As
such, the initial focus is on sociologic factors rather than individual-level risk behavior or genetic
predispositions. Below we review this evidence, first focusing on structural determinants of
health and then on its mediators.
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Figure 1 ‐ Eco‐social model of health
METHODS
Scoping review criteria
This scoping literature review followed a systematic approach to identify risk factors of infant
mortality or its causes (e.g., preterm birth, low birthweight, sudden infant death syndrome, safe
sleep) among our population of interest of African American women and rural women.
Specifically, we focused on ecologic and policy-level risk factors narrowing down to individual-
level risk factors of infant mortality within African American and rural populations. In
consultation with the University of Maryland’s Public Health librarian, and informed by
PRISMA guidelines, we developed a process for identifying, selecting, and reviewing articles.
Search terms and selection strategy
We searched PubMed and Embase from January 1, 2008 to December 31, 2018, using
combinations of Medical Subject Heading (MeSH) terms and subject headings to identify articles
and systematic reviews on risk factors for infant mortality. Given the project’s scope and
timeline, we recognize that this may not capture all possible articles in the published literature.
The following search terms were used in consultation with the authors of the complementary
review on programmatic interventions to prevent infant mortality: “population, rural”,
“communities, rural”, “African Americans”, “black*”, “risk”, “risk factor”, “characteristics,
social”, “determinant, mortality”, “social determinants of health”, “health disparit*”, “social
determinant*”, “infant mortality”, and “infant death”. Studies yielded from the searches were
then screened by titles to exclude any non-English and non-U.S. based studies. Duplicates were
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further excluded and the remaining studies were included for abstract review in the secondary
stage of screening.
Abstracts were independently screened by two reviewers (Co-I: Dane A De Silva, RA: Anne-
Olive Nono), using Rayyan (rayyan.qcri.com), a web-based application specifically developed to
facilitate systematic reviews. During abstract review, studies included by both reviewers were
advanced to full-text review, while studies with discordant results were resolved by consensus or
by reviewing the full-text review together. If consensus was still not reached, differences were
resolved by the PI (Edmond D Shenassa). Studies were excluded if infant mortality was not the
outcome or its known causes, were focused on maternal and infant medical conditions, or were
case studies. As we were specifically interested in the risk factors among African American and
rural populations, we also excluded studies that explored race as an exposure or covariate.
Descriptive studies that only reported on infant mortality rates were also not included.
Data extraction
The included list of studies went on to full-text review, where information on study aspects were
extracted by one of three reviewers (Co-I: Dane A De Silva, RA: Anne-Olive Nono, Arrey
Takor). Relevant study aspects were scrutinized for study design, population, comparison
groups, sample size, measurement of exposure(s) and outcome(s), and main findings (including
summary measures, such as odds ratios and relative risks). Any studies that were deemed not
relevant in the full-text review were excluded. Weekly meetings were convened to go over the
extraction process to ensure agreement.
RESULTS AND SUMMARY OF RISK FACTORS
Our search from PubMed and Embase resulted in 322 articles that were included for abstract
review after initial screen of title for non-US studies and removal of duplicates. Independent
abstract review resulted in a 64 articles being included for full-text review and abstraction. Upon
abstraction a further 24 studies were excluded, resulting in a total of 40 articles extracted for this
review (Figure 2).
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Table 1 presents a summary of empirical studies and meta-analyses organized according to
various levels of risk factors. A summary of these risk factors of infant mortality are presented
below by level starting with the ecologic level and concluding with individual-level risks. These
articles were specific to the African American population whereby studies presented race-
stratified results (unless otherwise specified). There were few studies on rural populations
captured in our search. Many of these studies used large population-based datasets that were
weighted to be representative of the national population. Where appropriate, we reported on
Figure 2. Schematic of studies included in the systematic review of risk factors of infant mortality.
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adjusted odds ratios, relative risks, or beta coefficients unless otherwise specified. Review
articles and qualitative studies are not included in the table but are summarized in the text below
in support of certain risk factors.
a. Ecologic/Policy-level
Income inequality
Income inequality is a key structural feature of communities and has been identified as a robust
determinant of health. In fact, it has been persuasively argued that the evidence linking income
inequality and poor health meets epidemiologic criteria for causality. This notion is further
supported by experimental evidence that health outcomes can be improved through manipulation
of levels of income inequality in communities.
In one study among 44 states (with IMR > 10) and the District of Columbia (DC), IMR (2007-
2009) was positively associated with state Gini level and state poverty level (R=0.397, p=.004
and R=0.543 p<.001, respectively).4 In stratified analyses, the association of the state Gini
coefficient with IMR became statistically non-significant.4 In the case of White IMR, although
the association with Gini was not significant, the pattern of association remained similar to that
of overall IMR versus Gini.4 This was not the case with Black IMR which was not correlated
with the Gini.4
Another study among 43 US states (with IMR > 10) reverse association between income
inequality and IMR (1992-2007) was observed.5 In this study’s follow-up, race-specific analysis
found a reverse association between income inequality and white IMR but no association
between income inequality and black IMR. Further analyses revealed a significant two-year
lagged negative effect of income inequality (particularly for blacks), with higher income
inequality associated with lower racial white IMR.6 In a further mixed-methods study on the
black infant mortality rate, increased racial income inequality was associated with an increased
black infant mortality rate.7
Racial Segregation
Several studies in our search looked at racial segregation in relation to the infant mortality rate or
preterm birth, including a meta-analysis and a systematic review.8–12 In one study among black
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infants (N=677,777) residing in 64 cities with a population of at least 250,000 residents (2000–
2002), the extent to which blacks were surrounded by other blacks was associated with elevated
infant mortality.8 High segregation, as measured by the Isolation index (dichotomized at .6), was
associated with a statistically insignificant 1.12 excess IMR and a statistically among black
infants. Segregation did not predict excess neo-natal deaths either.
Another study found that abolition of Jim Crow laws was followed by marked improvement in
several health indicators among African Americans, including infant mortality.9 However, Jim
Crow laws that espoused legal segregation in the South are distinct from the equally insidious
mechanisms that maintain a segregated society today.9 Findings from this paper do not readily
generalize beyond its time and place.
One study looking at black-white segregation as measured by either Theil’s Entropy Index, a
measure of evenness within a census tract, or xPx measures of isolation (the probability of two
randomly chosen people within a census tract being of the same race) in order to explain
variations in preterm birth rates less than 32 weeks.10 Areas with a higher isolation score was
associated with an increased rate of preterm birth <32 weeks, while areas with increased
evenness was associated with a decreased rate of preterm birth rate <32 weeks.10
In a meta-analysis, forty-two studies examined associations between segregation and adverse
birth outcomes among Black and White mothers separately. Meta-analyses revealed that among
Black mothers, segregation, as measured by either evenness, clustering, concentration,
centralization, or racial composition, was associated with increased risk of preterm birth, and low
birth weight.11 Black racial composition was associated with increased risk of preterm birth,
among those living in most- compared to least-segregated neighborhoods.11 Few studies were
conducted among White mothers and only exposure was associated with increased risk of
preterm birth and low birth weight.
Structural Racism
In our search, two studies looked at structural racism in relation to infant mortality. In one
specific study among the 50 US states, structural racism was measured by the ratio of black to
white population values in various domains of: prison incarceration and juvenile custody rates;
educational attainment; unemployment; prevalence of managerial positions; and median
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household income. In stratified analysis among African Americans, only unemployment within
the state's black population was positively associated with black infant mortality.13 None of the
structural racism measures were significantly associated with infant mortality among whites.
Another study among the 50 US states (1990-2004) found that state-level unemployment rates
depended on the time period.14 Among blacks, an increase in state unemployment rate was
associated with a decline in infant mortality, though this relationship weakened over time.14 This
relationship was not observed among whites. Authors posit that this decline in infant mortality
when unemployment rates rise is driven by declines of deaths due to preterm birth and low
birthweight.
State-level Medicaid spending
Two studies explored state-level Medicaid spending in relation to the infant mortality rate or
infant deaths due to congenital anomalies.15,16 Among 34 US states, funding of State Offices of
Minority Health (OMH) was associated with a decrease in Black IMR (1980–2007)
independently of other political and policy variables. The association between funding of OMH
is more pronounced during times of relatively lower Medicaid funding.15 Among the 50 US
states, states lacking Medicaid funding for pregnancy termination of fetuses with congenital
anomalies experience higher IMR attributed to congenital anomalies (2003-2007) relative to
states with such funding.16 This difference is most pronounced among black women on
Medicaid.16 Authors posit that lack of Medicaid funding for termination of anomalous fetuses
may be contributing to the black–white disparity in anomaly-related infant death.16
b. Community-level
Access to healthy food
Only one mixed-methods study looked at access to healthy foods in relation to the black infant
mortality rate among 100 MSAs in the US. They found that limited access to healthy foods,
defined as living in proximity to a grocery store, was associated with an increased infant
mortality rate.7
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County-level racism
One study looked at county-level racism in relation to preterm birth and low birthweight, two
leading causes of infant mortality. Both explicit and implicit prejudice were found to be
associated with an increased risk of preterm birth and low birthweight.17
Ethnic density of neighborhood
Another aspect of racial segregation is density of people from the same ethnic group. It is
proposed that a dense ethnic group provides advantages of shared culture, social networks, and
social capital that can be protective of health outcomes, including IMR, despite such areas
tending to be more socioeconomically deprived. This theory is based on consistent observations
of Hispanic paradox. Among black (N=581,151, living across 2,215 counties) mother-infant
dyads, levels of same-ethnic density were not associated with risk of infant mortality.18 In
contrast, higher density of Hispanics was associated with lower risk of infant mortality among
both Hispanic and black infants.19
Pollutants
Two studies looked at pollution in relation to infant mortality. One study explored possible
reasons for a 35% increase in black infant mortality after a nuclear plant became operational in
Port Gibson, Mississippi.20 This study is not relevant to Maryland residents. Another mixed-
methods study looked found an increased black infant mortality in areas with increased air
pollution.7
Rurality
Two studies looked at rurality in relation to neonatal mortality, postneonatal mortality, and
preterm birth <32 weeks among blacks. In one study, rural counties not next to a metropolitan
county was found to increase both neonatal and postneonatal mortality rates. This relationship
decreased when non-metropolitan counties were next to metropolitan counties with cities less
than 10,000 residents.21
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c. Organizational-level
Hospital characteristics
In our search, one study looked at hospital characteristics in relation to neonatal mortality due to
very low birthweight (<1500g) in New York City.22 Authors found that Black women delivered
in hospitals with higher mortality rates overall on average compared to non-Hispanic white
women. Hospitals with a high volume of very low birthweight infants with NICU capacities was
associated with a lower risk of neonatal mortality. Authors concluded that if African American
women delivered in hospitals with lower neonatal mortality rates (as non-Hispanic white
women), the disparity in infant mortality due to very low birthweight would decrease by
34.5%.22 Therefore, hospitals with high infant mortality may benefit from improved neonatal
care services to reduce infant mortality disparities.
d. Interpersonal-level
Inter-partner conflict/stress
Inter-partner stress was not examined in relation to infant mortality, but was examined in relation
to safe sleep practices. One study found that partner-associated stress in the previous 12 months
prior to delivery was associated with an increased risk of bed-sharing among African-American
women in WI.23 However, the reasons for this are not clearly understood, and authors did not
comment further. More research is warranted to ascertain the association between partner-
associated stress and safe sleep practices.
Paternal acknowledgement
Despite partner-associated stress, no paternal acknowledgement was found to have an increased
risk of infants not sleeping in supine position among African American women.24 Further studies
have also found that absent fathers have an increased risk of infant death, and its causes,
including preterm birth, low birthweight, compared to white women with fathers present.25,26
Consistent results were seen among teenage mothers specifically.27
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e. Individual-level factors
Assistance programs
Only one study found an association with use of assistance programs (WIC) and safe sleep
practices, specifically bed-sharing among African American women.28 Another review found
that receipt of welfare was associated with increased risk of preterm birth among African
American women.29 Further discussion and research about why assistance programs are
associated with increased bed-sharing or preterm birth is warranted.
Infant characteristics
The same study also found that an infant age <4 months was associated with an increased risk of
bed-sharing among African American women.28 This finding is important given the high risk of
infant mortality associated with this age range.
Marital status
Only one study reported on the association between marital status and infant mortality
(specifically due to preterm birth and low birthweight) among African American women.30 This
study reported an increased likelihood of infant mortality if a woman reported not being married.
Marital status may act as another proxy for paternal acknowledgement given its association with
infant mortality, as previously mentioned.
Maternal age
The risk of infant mortality follows a U-shaped association with maternal age, with an increased
risk among adolescent and older mothers.3 Three studies reported on associations with maternal
age in African-American women;23,30,31 however, results were dependent on the type of infant
mortality. One study reporting on infant mortality due to accidental suffocation and strangulation
found that maternal age <20 years was at an increased risk.31 Kitsantas et al. looked at infant
mortality due to congenital anomalies or preterm birth and low birthweight. They found that
African American mothers older than 35 years were at an increased risk of infant mortality due
to congenital mortality; however, mothers younger than 20 had a decreased risk of infant
mortality due to preterm birth.30 Other age categories were not found to be significant in their
sample. With regards to safe sleep practices, one study found maternal age (treated as a
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continuous variable) to be protective.23 In other words, there was a decreased risk of bed-sharing
with increasing maternal age.
Maternal & pregnancy health
Six studies highlighted the importance of maternal and pregnancy health on poor birth
outcomes.24,28,30,32–35 These include factors such as maternal morbidities and pregnancy
complications. One study examined depression during pregnancy or postpartum as a risk factor
of bed-sharing in African-American women in Florida.24 The authors found a strong risk
between maternal depression and bed-sharing. However, this result contrasts with another study,
which found a non-significant association with depressive symptoms.23
Other studies have also found associations between pregnancy history and complications and
infant death or stillbirth, such as having a previous small-for-gestational age infant or a previous
infant death or stillbirth.32–34 Complications such as hydramnios (excess amniotic fluid) and
oligohydramnios (too little amniotic fluid) was also associated with an increased risk of infant
mortality. 32
One study also examined previous birth outcomes of the mother as an infant, providing support
for the life course perspective, whereby birth outcomes are the product of the life course of the
mother and any early events that may have occurred, such as her own birth outcome. In this
study by Masho et al.,35 they found that if a mother was born preterm (<37 weeks) or low
birthweight (<2500g), they were at increased risk of having an infant death in their pregnancy.
These findings suggest that the full life course of the mother in addition to pregnancy and
postpartum health factors are important to reduce infant mortality.
Maternal education
Maternal education usually serves as a protective factor across races;3 however, among African
American women, education had no difference or carried an increased risk, and this was
dependent on the type of outcome. One study exploring accidental suffocation and strangulation
in bed found that all education levels were associated with an increased risk of the outcome
among African American women.31 Another study looking at postneonatal mortality found that
less than high school was associated with an increased risk.36 Lastly, one study found that having
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an education beyond high school carried an increased risk of bed-sharing among African
American women, although the reasons are unclear.23 Thus, depending on the type of outcome,
education may carry different risks among African Americans. These mixed findings also
suggest that there may be more factors beyond education that may be affecting this population.3
Maternal smoking
There is evidence that maternal smoking during pregnancy and in the infant’s environment is
associated with an increased risk of infant mortality.3 In our search, three studies examined
smoking in relation to infant mortality due to various reasons, and results were unequivocal and
consistent with the general body of knowledge.3,31,32,36
Maternal weight
Like age, maternal weight has been found to also have a U-shaped association with infant
mortality.3 In one review, findings were mixed. In general they found that women who were
overweight or obese were at increased risk of experiencing an infant death.3 However, they also
found one study that reported being underweight was associated with a decreased risk of infant
mortality.3 In our search, we found one study that treated pre-pregnancy BMI as a mediator to
explain the racial disparities among African Americans.37 They found that a BMI ≥ 30 kg/m2
explained 10% of the association between race and stillbirth or infant death. When looking at
severe obesity (BMI ≥ 35 kg/m2), it explained about 5% of the association.37
The review highlighted that this issue is complicated by gestational weight gain during
pregnancy.3 Women who do not gain an adequate amount of weight as per the Institute of
Medicine guidelines were at increased risk of death; however, excess pregnancy weight gain
appeared to have mixed results.3
Parity
Parity, or the number of times a woman has given birth, was indicated as a risk factor for infant
mortality, but the results were mixed and depended on the cause of infant mortality.30,31 One
study looking at accidental suffocation and strangulation in bed found that an African American
woman who has given birth to two ore more children was at an increased risk.31 Another study,
which looked at infant death due to congenital anomalies and preterm birth or low birthweight
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found differing results. For infant mortality due to congenital anomalies, parity did not appear to
be a significant risk factor.30 However, for infant mortality due to preterm birth or low
birthweight, African American women who had never given birth were at an increased risk of
infant mortality, whereas having given birth more than four times was at an non-significant
increased risk, likely due to a small sample size.30
Perhaps another related factor among parous women is the interpregnancy interval, or the
spacing between previous birth and the conception of the subsequent pregnancy.3 An
interpregnancy interval less than 18 months has been found to have an increased risk of neonatal
and postneonatal mortality.3 Such a finding emphasizes the importance of interpregnancy and
preconception health in meeting optimal birth spacing guidelines. However, factors such as
desirability and barriers to various forms of contraception remain important, particularly among
African American women.3
Pregnancy intention
Pregnancy intention was examined in relation to safe sleep practices. Only one study found an
association between pregnancy intention and the risk of bed-sharing.28 In that study, authors
found that African American women who got pregnancy later than intended were at increased
risk of bed-sharing than women who were pregnancy at the right time.28
Prenatal care
Receipt of adequate prenatal care has been known to have a lower risk of infant mortality.3,30,36,38
However, timing of when prenatal care is sought may also be important among African
Americans.24,31,32 One study found that seeking prenatal care in the second trimester or later was
associated with an increased risk of bed-sharing.24 Two other studies found that seeking no
prenatal care compared to having sought prenatal care in other trimesters was associated with an
increased risk of infant death.31,32 Qualitative studies among African American women have
indicated that structural barriers such as transportation and insurance, perceived poor quality of
care, and overt and covert racism from providers prevent them from seeking care.12,39,40
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Safe sleep
The importance of safe sleep has been important to prevent Sudden Infant Death Syndrome
(SIDS), as unsafe sleep practices is associated with an increased risk of SIDS. One study looked
at various infant sleep behaviors and risk factors among African American women.41 Authors
found bed-sharing, soft sleeping surfaces, bed sharing with smoking or previously smoking
mothers, bed-sharing without a pacifier, and bed-sharing among infants who were not breastfed
were at an increased risk of SIDS.41 Furthermore, qualitative studies have indicated that African
American women are skeptical about sleep position and SIDS, despite current recommendations
and interventions that promote infants sleeping in the supine position.3 Thus, there may be
specific cultural barriers that may not be addressed by current interventions among African
American women.
Other factors
One review found further risk factors that were not captured in our search. Breastfeeding for any
duration decreased the odds of SIDS.3 The authors also found two studies that found an increased
risk of death with non-prescription drug use.3 Furthermore, a change in employment status
between pregnancies was also found to increase the risk of infant death.3 It should be noted that
these factors were not necessarily among African American women only, but were relevant in its
association with infant death.
Conclusions
We conducted the above scoping literature review of literature that used national data to
investigate infant mortality of African American infants and infants in rural areas in the United
States and in the State for the Maryland Health Care Commission, pursuant to legislation (2018
Md. Laws, Chap. 83). We focused on risk factors “beyond the known factors of low birth weight,
teen pregnancy, poor nutrition, and lack of prenatal care.” In recognition of the overlap between
risk factors of the known causes of infant mortality as determined by the CDC (birth defects,
preterm birth, pregnancy complications, sudden infant death syndrome, injuries)1 and the other
risk factors, we also reviewed the literature on risk factors for the known causes. The social
ecologic model provided the framework for this review. We found 40 manuscripts in 24
categories across five levels.
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The majority of the literature focused on individual and interpersonal risk factors, the second
largest group of manuscripts focused on structural and community level factors, the literature on
organizational variables was relatively sparse and there was a dearth of literature examining
interactions across the five levels of influence. Practically all the literature focused on a few
variables and provided robust estimates for the effect of each of these chosen variables, but this
was achieved at the expense of accurately capturing the complexity of the syndrome of infant
mortality and the interactions between individual-level and social determinants that cause the
racial disparities in infant mortality in the US and the State.
In line with a vast body of literature from earlier decades, our review confirmed the continuing
relevance of classic individual-level factors that have been known for some time. The persistence
of disparities in infant mortality implicates etiologic factors beyond the individual and beyond
those that can be assessed during an office visit. In short, determining why infants die, does not
address why more black infants die than white infants. Thus, when considering individual-
level determinant of infant mortality among black populations in Maryland and beyond, we
would be wise to bear in mind that in the US well-educated and high-income black women do
not realize the same-level of protections against risk of infant mortality that is conferred to white
women with similar levels of education, income.e.g.,42 This phenomenon is perhaps most
pronounced in case of age where the u-shaped association between maternal age and pregnancy
outcomes, including infant mortality, that is observed among the general population, instead
approaches a linear association among black women.43 Another example regards income, white
women who transcend their parents’ low socio-economic status as adults, experience a
significant decrease in their risk of giving birth to a low birth weight baby but upwardly mobile
Black women do not realize the same reductions in risk.44 This focuses our attention on the
relatively sparse literature that highlights the importance of the lived experience of African
Americans both in terms of individual-level stressors and access to social resources that promote
health. An association between experience of racism and low birth weight is fairly well
established.45
At the structural level, we found race-specific association between IMR and protective effect of
income inequality among white Americans. These findings are in accord with an emerging body
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of work that suggest the health effects of some structural determinants of health, such as
income inequality, are race-specific in the US. This literature explains this counter intuitive
finding in terms of racial segregation of African Americans and persistent structural racism that
mediates the effects of income inequality by limiting access to health promoting resources.
Economic stratification related to income inequality often leads to concentration of poverty in
relatively small and well defined areas. These economically marginalized areas then experience
disinvestment in economic, social, educational, and physical resources that maintain and promote
health. Thus, the link between income inequality and health is mediated through access to health-
related resources. And it is noteworthy that evidence suggests that these structurally driven
disparities can become biologically encoded through subsequent generations.46 These
mechanisms operate perhaps more strongly among residents of rural areas; in particular, African
American residents of rural area.
This review should be considered in the context of its key imitation. Scoping reviews provide a
broad and accurate picture of the breadth of work conducted during a specified period of
timeframe but they do not allow for inclusion of seminal work outside of this timeframe and they
do not allow assess methodologic quality of the included studies.
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Table 1. Data abstraction table of risk factors of infant mortality or its antecedents, stratified by level of organization Risk factor Reference Sample
Size Study Setting
Study Period
Type of study/design
DV IV Effect (95% confidence interval or p‐value)
Ecologic/Policy‐level Markers of population health
Wallace 2017 100 MSAs
US 2010‐2013
Mixed‐Methods
Infant mortality rate Smoking prevalence among adults aRR 1.20 (1.13, 1.27)
Obesity prevalence among adults aRR 1.16 (1.10, 1.22)
Medicaid spending Patton D 2014 918 34 states
1980‐2007
Quasi‐experimental
Infant mortality rate
Medicaid spending b= ‐3.3 (p<0.01)
Hutcheon 2014 11.5 million
US 1983‐2004
Ecologic Infant deaths due to congenital anomalies
No state Medicaid funding for pregnancy termination (1983)
aOR 1.01 (0.96, 1.06)
No state Medicaid funding for pregnancy termination (2004)
aOR 1.23 (1.17, 1.30)
No state Medicaid funding for pregnancy termination (Black women on Medicaid)
aOR 1.94 (1.52, 2.36)
Presence of Office of Minority Health
Patton D 2014 918 34 states
1980‐2007
Quasi‐experimental
Infant mortality rate Presence of OMH b= ‐0.75 (p<0.05)
State educational attainment
Wallace M 2017
NS US 2010‐2013
Ecologic Infant death Black educational attainment aRR 0.85 (0.78, 0.93)
Ratio of Black to white educational attainment
aRR 0.92 (0.85, 0.99)
State imprisonment rate
Wallace M 2017
NS US 2010‐2013
Ecologic Infant death Prison incarceration rate aRR 1.06 (0.96, 1.16)
Black imprisonment rate aRR 1.02 (0.96, 1.08)
State managerial position
Wallace M 2017
NS US 2010‐2013
Ecologic Infant death Higher levels of managerial employment aRR 0.91 (0.85, 0.99)
State median household
Wallace M 2017
NS US 2010‐2013
Ecologic Infant death Black median aRR 0.86 (0.77, 0.98)
State poverty Kershenbaum 2014
NS US 2007‐2009
Ecologic Overall infant mortality
Income inequality (Gini coefficient) R = 0.397 (p=0.004)
Black Infant mortality
Income inequality (Gini coefficient) R = 0.152 (p=0.324) State black poverty level R = 0.360 (p=0.018)
Siddiqi 2016 NS 43 states
1992‐2007
Ecologic Infant mortality rate Income inequality (Gini coefficient) b= ‐0.100 (p=0.155) Lagged income inequality by 2 years (Gini coefficient)
b= ‐0.131 (p=0.043)
Wallace 2017 100 MSAs
US 2010‐2013
Mixed‐Methods
Infant mortality rate Racial income inequality aRR 1.08 (1.01, 1.16)
State racial discrimination
Krieger 2013 NS US 1965‐2004
Ecologic Infant death Jim Crow polity states (by cohort)
1965‐1969 aRR 0.89 (0.79, 1.00)
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2000‐2004 aRR 1.21 (1.07, 1.36)
State unemployment Wallace M 2017
NS US 2010‐2013
Ecologic Infant death Black unemployment aRR 1.06 (1.00, 1.12)
Ratio of black to white unemployment aRR 1.05 (1.01, 1.10)
Orsini 2015 NS US 1980‐2004
Ecologic Infant mortality rate Unemployment by cohort
1980‐1989 b= ‐1.8701 (p<0.01)
1990‐2004 b= ‐0.6960 (p>0.10)
1980‐2004 b= ‐1.6336 (p<0.05)
Community‐level Access to healthy foods
Wallace 2017 100 MSAs
US 2010‐2013
Mixed‐Methods
Infant mortality rate Limited access to healthy foods aRR 1.09 (1.01, 1.19)
County‐level racism Orchard 2017 31.5 million
US 2002‐2012
Ecologic Preterm birth Explicit prejudice b=9.36 (p<0.01)
Preterm birth Implicit prejudice b=7.81 (p<0.01)
Low birthweight Explicit prejudice b=6.04 (p<0.01)
Low birthweight Implicit prejudice b=4.94 (p<0.01)
Ethnic density of neighborhood
Shaw RJ 2013 581,151 US 2000 Cross‐sectional/ Ecologic
Infant death Hispanic density of neighborhood
1‐4.99% aOR 0.96 (0.88, 1.03)
5‐14.99% aOR 0.86 (0.77, 0.96)
15‐49.9% aOR 0.66 (0.55, 0.79)
≥50% aOR 1.09 (0.34, 3.55)
Shaw RJ 2010 581,151 US 2000 Cross‐sectional/ Ecologic
Infant death Same ethnic density of county
1‐4.99% aOR 1.03 (0.67, 1.57)
5‐14.99% aOR 1.14 (0.76, 1.72)
15‐49.9% aOR 1.18 (0.79, 1.78)
≥50% aOR 1.18 (0.77, 1.79)
Pollutants Mangano JJ 2008
5 counties
MS, LA 1981‐1984
Quasi‐experimental
Infant mortality Proximity to nuclear plant (overall) SMR 1.45 (1.11, 1.79)
Proximity to nuclear plant (Blacks) SMR 1.35 (0.35, 1.75)
Wallace 2017 100 MSAs
US 2010‐2013
Mixed‐methods
Infant mortality Air pollution aRR 1.11 (1.03, 1.19)
Rurality Sparks 2009 2,934 counties
US 1998‐2002
Ecologic Neonatal mortality Rurality (not next to a metropolitan county, no town of 2,500 residents)
b=0.742 (p<0.01)
Non‐metropolitan county (next to large metropolitan county, no city with 10,000 residents)
b=0.649 (p<0.05)
Non‐metropolitan county (next to small metropolitan county, contains city with 10,000 residents)
b=0.653 (p<0.001)
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Non‐metropolitan county (next to metropolitan county, no city with 10,000 residents)
b=0.384 (p<0.01)
Postneonatal mortality
Rurality (not next to a metropolitan county, no town of 2,500 residents)
b=1.31 (p<0.001)
Non‐metropolitan county (next to large metropolitan county, no city with 10,000 residents)
b=0.397 (p<0.01)
Non‐metropolitan county (next to small metropolitan county, contains city with 10,000 residents)
b=0.319 (p<0.001)
Non‐metropolitan county (next to metropolitan county, no city with 10,000 residents)
b=0.613 (p<0.001)
Kramer 2008 311 MSAs
US 2002‐2004
Ecologic Preterm birth <32 weeks
Metropolitan area R2 = 0.26
Segregation Hearst 2008 677,777 US 2000‐2002
Ecologic Infant death Segregation (isolation index) RD 1.12 (‐0.51, 2.74)
Kramer 2008 311 MSAs
US 2002‐2004
Ecologic Preterm birth <32 weeks
Theil's index
Isolation b= 2.7 (p<0.01)
Evenness b= ‐2.0 (p<0.05)
Wallace 2017 100 MSAs
US 2010‐2013
Mixed‐methods
Infant mortality Residential segregation (isolation) aRR 1.10 (1.05, 1.15)
Mehra 2017 42 articles
US articles to 2017
Meta‐analysis Preterm birth Segregation OR 1.17 (1.10, 1.26)
Low birthweight Segregation OR 1.13 (1.06, 1.21)
Preterm birth Black racial composition OR 1.20 (1.05, 1.37)
Organizational‐level Hospital characteristics
Howell 2008 11,781 NYC 1996‐2001
Retrospective cohort
Overall neonatal mortality due to very low birthweight
Hospitals with high volume of VLBW aOR 0.77 (0.60, 1.00)
Interpersonal‐level Inter‐partner conflict/stress
Salm Ward TC, 2015
806 WI 2007‐2010
Cross‐sectional
Bed‐sharing Partner‐associated stress in the 12 months prior to delivery
aOR 1.79 (1.22, 2.63)
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Paternal acknowledgement
Broussard 2012 1344 FL 2004‐2005
Cross‐sectional
Infrequent back‐sleeping
No paternal acknowledgement aOR 2.13 (1.52, 2.97)
Alio 2010 1.4 million
FL 1998‐2005
Cross‐sectional
Very low birthweight (<1500 g)
Father absent aOR 4.85 (4.56, 5.15)
Low birthweight (<2500)
Father absent aOR 2.73 (2.65, 2.82)
Preterm birth (<37 wks)
Father absent aOR 2.03 (1.98, 2.09)
Very preterm birth (<33 wks)
Father absent aOR 4.38 (4.14, 4.64)
Small for gestational age
Father absent aOR 2.35 (2.29, 2.42)
Alio 2010 1.4 million
FL 1998‐2005
Cross‐sectional
Infant death Father absent aOR 6.74 (6.22, 7.31)
Father present aOR 2.02 (1.89, 2.16)
Individual‐level Assistance programs
Salm Ward TC 2016
3,528 GA 2004‐2011
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
WIC aOR 1.6 (1.11, 2.3)
Infant characteristics
Salm Ward TC 2016
3,528 GA 2004‐2011
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Age <4 months aOR 2.4 (1.6, 3.7)
Marital status Kisantas 2008 234,535 NC 1989‐1997
Cross‐sectional
Infant mortality due to preterm birth/low birthweight
Not married aOR 1.34 (1.22, 1.61)
Maternal age
Salm Ward TC 2015
806 WI 2007‐2010
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Maternal age aOR 0.96 (0.93, 0.99)
Carlberg MM 2012
1,7 million
US 2000‐2002
Cross‐sectional
Accidental suffocation/strangulation in Bed (ASSB)
Maternal age <20 aOR 2.12 (1.42, 3.16)
Kisantas 2008 234,535 NC 1989‐1997
Cross‐sectional
Infant mortality due to congenital anomalies
Maternal age ≥35 aOR 1.65 (1.21, 2.27)
Kisantas 2008 234,535 NC 1989‐1997
Cross‐sectional
Infant mortality due to preterm birth/low birthweight
Maternal age <20 aOR 0.78 (0.65, 0.93)
Maternal & pregnancy health
Zhang 2011 141,426 MS 1996‐2003
Cross‐sectional
Infant death Hydramnios/Oligohydramnios aOR 5.6 (4.0, 7.7)
Zhang 2011 141,426 MS 1996‐2003
Cross‐sectional
Infant death Previous small infant aOR 2.9 (2.2, 3.8)
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August EM, 2011
44,871 MO 1989‐2005
Retrospective cohort
Stillbirth Previous infant death aHR 4.28 (2.61, 6.99)
Salihu MH 2011 45,398 MO 1989‐2005
Retrospective cohort
Infant death Previous stillbirth aHR 2.68 (1.41, 5.09)
Kitsantas 2008 234,535 NC 1989‐1997
Cross‐sectional
Infant death due to congenital anomalies
Previous infant death aOR 2.19 (1.43, 3.35)
Broussard 2012 1344 FL 2004‐2005
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Depression during pregnancy or postpartum aOR 7.50 (4.16, 13.53)
Salm Ward TC 2016
3,528 GA 2004‐2011
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Depressive symptoms aOR 1.05 (0.70, 1.57)
Masho 2011 742 VA 1997‐2007
Case‐Control Infant death Mother born preterm (<37 wks) aOR 2.81 (1.22, 6.48)
Mother born low birthweight (<2500g)
aOR 2.91 (1.19, 7.11)
Maternal education Salm Ward TC, 2015
806 WI 2007‐2010
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Education >13 years aOR 1.90 (1.16, 3.42)
Carlberg MM 2012
1.7 million
US 2000‐2002
Cross‐sectional
Accidental suffocation/strangulation in Bed (ASSB)
Education
<12 years aOR 2.99 (1.52, 5.84)
High School aOR 2.26 (1.17, 4.37)
Less than college aOR 2.08 (1.05, 4.11)
Kitsantas 2010 264,268 NC 1999‐2007
Cross‐sectional
Postneonatal mortality
Education <9 years
<9 years aOR 1.86 (1.26, 2.77)
9‐11 aOR 1.38 (1.14, 1.68)
Maternal smoking Carlberg MM 1.7 million
US 2000‐2002
Cross‐sectional
Accidental suffocation/strangulation in Bed (ASSB)
Any smoking aOR 2.63 (2.04, 3.39)
Zhang 2011 141,426 MS 1996‐2003
Cross‐sectional
Infant death Heavy smoking (≥10 cig/day) aOR 1.6 (1.3, 1.9)
Kitsantas 2010 264,268 NC 1999‐2007
Cross‐sectional
Postneonatal mortality
Any smoking aOR 1.65 (1.39, 1.94)
Maternal weight Lemon 2016 179,939 PA 2006‐2011
Cross‐sectional
Stillbirth Obesity (≥30 kg/m2) 10.6% explained (mediation)*
Infant death Obesity (≥30 kg/m2) 9.8% explained
Stillbirth Severe Obesity (≥35 kg/m2) 4.7% explained
Infant death Severe Obesity (≥35 kg/m2) 5.9% explained
Parity Carlberg MM US Parity
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1.7 million
2000‐2002
Cross‐sectional
Accidental suffocation/strangulation in Bed (ASSB)
2 aOR 1.96 (1.42, 2.72)
3 aOR 2.72 (1.89, 3.94)
4+ aOR 4.43 (3.03, 6.50)
Kisantas 2008 234,535 NC 1989‐1997
Cross‐sectional
Infant mortality due to congenital anomalies
Nulliparous aOR 0.98 (0.80, 1.22)
4+ aOR 1.44 (0.97, 2.12)
Infant mortality due to preterm birth/low birthweight
Nulliparous aOR 1.47 (1.30, 1.67)
4+ aOR 1.45 (0.97, 2.17)
Pregnancy intention
Salm Ward TC 2016
3,528 GA 2004‐2011
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Later than intended aOR 2.2 (1.4, 3.5)
Prenatal care Broussard 2012 1344 FL 2004‐2005
Cross‐sectional
Safe sleep (Bed‐sharing)
Prenatal care (2nd trimester or later) aOR 3.78 (2.24, 6.39)
Carlberg MM 1.7 million
US 2000‐2002
Cross‐sectional
Accidental suffocation/strangulation in Bed (ASSB)
Timing of prenatal care: none aOR 1.70 (1.08, 2.68)
Zhang 2011 141,426 MS 1996‐2003
Cross‐sectional
Infant death Timing of prenatal care: none aOR 3.3 (2.6,4.2)
Cox 2009 300,710 MS 1996‐2003
Retrospective Cohort
Infant mortality Intensive prenatal care aOR 2.1 (1.9‐2.3)
Intermediate prenatal care aOR 1.3 (1.1‐1.5)
Inadequate prenatal care aOR 1.5 (1.3‐1.7)
No prenatal care aOR 5.4 (4.2, 7.0)
Kitsantas 2010 264,268 NC 1999‐2007
Cross‐sectional
Neonatal mortality Inadequate prenatal care aOR 1.35 (1.17, 1.56)
Kisantas 2008 234,535 NC 1989‐1997
Cross‐sectional
Infant mortality due to congenital anomalies
Inadequate prenatal care aOR 1.23 (1.10, 1.49)
Safe Sleep Fu 2010 390 IL (Chicago)
1993‐1996
Case‐Control SIDS Bed sharing aOR 2.0 (1.2, 3.4)
Bed sharing while using a pillow aOR 4.1 (1.4, 11.5)
Soft sleep surface aOR 8.8 (3.5, 21.7)
Bed sharing with smoking mothers aOR 6.0 (2.7, 13.4)
Bed sharing with previous smoking mothers aOR 8.0 (3.4, 18.5)
Bed sharing with infants <1 month aOR 7.1 (1.2, 42.1
Bed sharing without a pacifier aOR 2.1 (1.1, 3.9)
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Bed sharing among infants who were not breastfed
aOR 1.9 (1.1, 3.4)
aOR (adjusted odds ratio), aHR (adjusted hazard ratio), aRR (adjusted relative risk), b (beta coefficient), MSA (metropolitan statistical areas), NS (not specified), RD (risk difference), SMR (standard mortality rate), SIDS (sudden infant death syndrome), WIC (Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children) *p‐values not presented