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Reviews of Nick Cheesman, Opposing the Rule of Law: How Myanmar’s Courts Make Law and Order (Cambridge Studies in Law and Society, Cambridge University Press, 2015) Scholarly journals 1. Lynette Chua, Sojourn, 32.2, 2017, 419-23 2. Melissa Crouch, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 37.2, 2015, 305-07 3. Bruce Matthews, Pacific Affairs, 89.3, 2016, 719-21 4. Keally McBride, Law, Culture and the Humanities, 14.3, 2018, 542-46 5. Mahdev Mohan, Asian Journal of Comparative Law, 10.2, 2015, 383-86 6. Maria Popova, Perspectives on Politics, 14.3, 2016, 902-04 7. Susanne Prager-Nyein, Journal of Contemporary Asia, 47.3, 2017, 484-86 8. Jothie Rajah, Law & Society Review, 50.4, 2016, 1046-48 9. Robert H. Taylor, Asian Studies Review, 40.4, 2016, 649-50 10. Gerry van Klinken, Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, 172.4, 2016, 552-53 Online 11. Reshmi Banerjee, Tea Circle, 15 March 2016 မန္မာစာနယ္ဇင္း 12. ဒါက္တာဆူဇန္နာပရာဂါၿငိမ္း၊ ဒါက္တာထြန္းေကာ္ၿငိမ္း (ဘာသာျပန္ )13. The Sun Rays, 1 & 8 October 2016 14. စာၾကမ္းပိုး၊ The Voice, 6 August 2015
44

Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

May 14, 2023

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Page 1: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Reviews of Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Cambridge Studies in Law and Society Cambridge University Press 2015)

Scholarly journals

1 Lynette Chua Sojourn 322 2017 419-23

2 Melissa Crouch Contemporary Southeast Asia 372 2015 305-07

3 Bruce Matthews Pacific Affairs 893 2016 719-21

4 Keally McBride Law Culture and the Humanities 143 2018 542-46

5 Mahdev Mohan Asian Journal of Comparative Law 102 2015 383-86

6 Maria Popova Perspectives on Politics 143 2016 902-04

7 Susanne Prager-Nyein Journal of Contemporary Asia 473 2017 484-86

8 Jothie Rajah Law amp Society Review 504 2016 1046-48

9 Robert H Taylor Asian Studies Review 404 2016 649-50

10 Gerry van Klinken Bijdragen tot de taal- land- en volkenkunde 1724 2016 552-53

Online

11 Reshmi Banerjee Tea Circle 15 March 2016

ျမနမာစာနယဇငး

12 ေဒါကတာဆဇနနာပရာဂါၿငမး ေဒါကတာထြနးေကာၿငမး (ဘာသာျပန)

13 The Sun Rays 1 amp 8 October 2016

14 စာၾကမးပး The Voice 6 August 2015

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and

Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Lynette J Chua

Sojourn Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia Volume 32 Number 2July 2017 pp 419-423 (Review)

Published by ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (4 Aug 2017 1824 GMT)

httpsmusejhueduarticle665619

Book Reviews 419

and development are addressed and discussed from varied angles and are informed by different theoretical frameworks and diverse methodologies The concepts of quality and equity are not only explored in concrete terms but also in complex terms that offer readers space to come up with their own understanding assessment and engagement with Cambodia Decades have passed much work KDVEHHQGRQHPDQUHVRXUFHVKDYHEHHQGHGLFDWHGWRampDPERGLDparaVeducation and yet issues of quality and equity still seem to be a huge concern

ampORVLQJWKHERRNiquestQGPVHOIPRUHFXULRXVDERXWKRZHGXFDWLRQreforms in Cambodia could move forward in the coming years given the profound multilayered challenges and problems that are present The volume has succeeded in laying out this multifaceted scenario while also having left readers with recommendations and VROXWLRQV FRQFHUQLQJ WKH REVWDFOHV DQG GLIiquestFXOWLHV LGHQWLiquestHG DQGdiscussed by the authors For those familiar with Cambodia those new to Cambodia studies those interested in area studies and those ZDQWLQJ WR OHDUQ DERXW D VSHFLiquestF HGXFDWLRQDO QDWLRQDO FRQWH[W WKLVYROXPHLVDJRRGUHIHUHQFHQRWKHUZRUGVLWKDVWUDYHOOHGEHRQGthe sphere of education and development A thoroughly good read

Phan Le HaHSDUWPHQW RI (GXFDWLRQDO )RXQGDWLRQV ampROOHJH RI (GXFDWLRQ 8QLYHUVLW RI +DZDLދL DW0DQRD8QLYHUVLW$YHQXH+RQROXOX+86$HPDLOKDOHSKDQKDZDLLHGX

DOI 101355sj32-2j

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 338 pp

Opposing the Rule of Law is an empirically rich and thoughtfully ZULWWHQ ERRN W LV KLJKO UHOHYDQW WR VFKRODUV DQG SUDFWLWLRQHUVLQWHUHVWHGLQWKHSDVWDQGSUHVHQWRI0DQPDUZKHUHHWKQLFFRQAgraveLFWland grabs corruption police abuse of power and other rule-of-law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 419 27617 300 PM

420 Book Reviews

FRQFHUQVFRQWLQXH WR WURXEOHSHRSOHparaVGDLO OLYHV W LVDOVRUHOHYDQWto scholars and policymakers not necessarily focused on Myanmar but nonetheless interested in the rule of law democratization and legal reform

Cheesman draws from the records of 393 criminal cases in eighty-six courts at various levels across Myanmar and on other published and unpublished sources to interrogate the meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo in the country from the era of British Burma XS WR WKH SUHVHQW GD+HiquestQGV WKDW WKH UXOH RI ODZ LV QRW D UHFHQWconcept one associated exclusively with Aung San Suu Kyi and the elected government that she leads Rather it ldquohas long been a part of the Burmese political lexicon common to the language of democrats and dictators alikerdquo (p 4) Furthermore he argues the UXOHRIODZKDVEHFRPHFRQAgraveDWHGZLWKsup3ODZDQGRUGHUacuteS7KHlatter represents a political ideal that is diametrically opposed to the IRUPHU EHFDXVH LW MXVWLiquestHV WKHXVHRI WKH VWDWHparaV FRHUFLYHSRZHU WRachieve order without adherence to legal limitations

The book is divided into a short introduction nine chapters and an appendix concerned with the sources of data employed Chapter 1 H[SODLQV DQG MXVWLiquestHV WKH ERRNparaV DSSURDFK sup2 WR LQWHUURJDWH WKHmeaning of the rule of law by studying an oppositional concept law and order This second concept has its own normative contents W LQKDELWV WKH VSDFH YDFDWHG E WKH FRQFHSW RI WKH UXOH RI ODZ LQMyanmar Chapters 2 and 3 trace the ways in which the concepts of the rule of law and of law and order took on certain meanings from the British colonial period to the decades of military rule in 0DQPDUampKDSWHUVWRIRFXVRQSDUWLFXODUIHDWXUHVRI0DQPDUparaVcourts and their production of law and order the prosecution of public enemies the use of judicial torture to extract confessions corruption DQGEULEHUDQGWKHVWDWHparaVUHVSRQVHWRWKHDQWLJRYHUQPHQWSURWHVWVof 2007 Chapter 8 turns towards citizens who mobilize a rule-of-law ideal that does not share the same normative contents as the prevalent concept of law and order Chapter 9 returns to discussion of opposing concepts and calls for empirical study of the rule of law that situates the concept in local political struggles and thus attends to shifts in its normative contents

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 420 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 421

2QH RI WKH ERRNparaV VWUHQJWKV LV LWV LPSUHVVLYH XVH RI HPSLULFDOsources that researchers on Myanmar have for the most part not

considered The records of 393 criminal cases consist of primary

PDWHULDOV VXFK DV SROLFH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH FLWL]HQVpara OHWWHUV RIFRPSODLQWiquestUVWLQIRUPDWLRQUHSRUWVRQDOOHJHGRIIHQFHVVHDUFKDQGseizure forms arrest and charge sheets court diaries courtroom

testimonies verdicts and appeal submissions To supplement these

materials Cheesman also draws from interviews with and notes

from lawyers journalists and activists as well as media reports and

other published and unpublished materials in English and Burmese

As Cheesman notes in the appendix he has sought to break away

from the usual body of primary sources and secondary literature on

which scholars of Myanmar have habitually relied This aspect of

the book makes it an important contribution to a new generation

of studies on the country

7KLV iquestUVW VWUHQJWK RIOpposing the Rule of Law is related to a

second one its empirical approach to the study of the rule of law

The book speaks to calls from scholars such as Martin Krygier whose

work the book cites for more empirically informed theorizing of

the rule of law The concept is an elastic one on to which scholars

activists and policymakers have seemingly latched as rule-of-law

programmes have proliferated However we should not assume

that everyone has ldquoapproximately the same thingrdquo (p 6) in mind

when applying the concept to a range of different contexts The

meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo has been the topic of endless debate

Q WKLV FRQWH[W ampKHHVPDQparaV DQDOVLV RI WKH ZD WKDW WKH FRQFHSWis claimed and contested on the ground contributes to a growing

body of scholarship that treats the rule of law not as a question for

normative debate but as an empirical one

The third strength of the book lies with its contribution to the

study of law and courts in Myanmar particularly given its use

of documentary sources other than reported judgments The book

thus also speaks to the burgeoning law and courts literature on the

judiciary in non-liberal non-Western states Like these other studies

Opposing the Rule of Law demonstrates that even under the most

repressive conditions courts become meaningful sites of political

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 421 27617 300 PM

422 Book Reviews

struggle and that police judges other state actors and ordinary citizens participate in the production of meanings of law

2QHPLJKWZRQGHUZKHWKHUWKHFRQFHSWVRIODZDQGRUGHUDQGRIthe rule of law are necessarily opposed to each other whether the values that they embody are always irreconcilable While there will from time to time surely be tension between the two it is perhaps possible to imagine a society in which the rule of law might in practice occasionally overlap in meaning with law and order For instance Cheesman highlights the pursuit of ldquotruthrdquo in Burmese courts under the military-led socialist regime of the 1962ndash88 period He argues that such a pursuit is antithetical to the rule of law for LWIUXVWUDWHVFRXUWVparaFROODWHUDOSXUSRVHRISURWHFWLQJLQGLYLGXDOVIURPthe abuse of power Yet one could imagine situations in which courts seek factual truth to achieve legal justice for individuals who have suffered from the abuse of power However insofar as these DUJXPHQWV RI WKH ERRN DUH EDVHG RQ GDWD DQDOVLV RI 0DQPDUparaVFRXUWV WKH DUH SHUVXDVLYH UDLVH WKHVH SRLQWV QRW LQ WKH IRUP RIcriticism They are in fact consistent with the larger issue emphasized LQ WKH ERRNparaV iquestQDO FKDSWHU 7KDW LV WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQWHQWV RI WKHrule of law mdash and arguably those of law and order by extension mdash merit empirical investigation because they shift across time and across contexts They depend on the ways in which state actors and citizens mobilize the rule of law and other competing ideals

DQDOVLQJ0DQPDU FLWL]HQVpara DSSHDOV WR DYLVLRQRI WKH UXOHRI ODZGLIIHUHQW IURP WKHRQH WKDW WKH VWDWHKDV FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZDQG RUGHU WKH ERRNparaV ODVW HPSLULFDO FKDSWHU FKDSWHU WULJJHUV Dseries of questions Why do ordinary citizens nevertheless appeal to a vision of the rule of law under repressive conditions that prevent realization of that vision How have they come to imagine the rule of law as they do How do they imagine the rule of law in areas beyond the criminal cases on which this book focuses What do RUGLQDU FLWL]HQVpara LPDJLQLQJV DERXW WKH UXOH RI ODZ WHOO XV DERXWWKH FRQFHSW DQG KRZ GR WKH FRPSDUHZLWK WKH YHUVLRQ FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZ DQG RUGHU Q VXP Opposing the Rule of Law makes important contributions to the study of Myanmar the rule of law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 422 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

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5)+67A9B 536C3

13

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amp)0)121313)++

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6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 2: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and

Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Lynette J Chua

Sojourn Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia Volume 32 Number 2July 2017 pp 419-423 (Review)

Published by ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (4 Aug 2017 1824 GMT)

httpsmusejhueduarticle665619

Book Reviews 419

and development are addressed and discussed from varied angles and are informed by different theoretical frameworks and diverse methodologies The concepts of quality and equity are not only explored in concrete terms but also in complex terms that offer readers space to come up with their own understanding assessment and engagement with Cambodia Decades have passed much work KDVEHHQGRQHPDQUHVRXUFHVKDYHEHHQGHGLFDWHGWRampDPERGLDparaVeducation and yet issues of quality and equity still seem to be a huge concern

ampORVLQJWKHERRNiquestQGPVHOIPRUHFXULRXVDERXWKRZHGXFDWLRQreforms in Cambodia could move forward in the coming years given the profound multilayered challenges and problems that are present The volume has succeeded in laying out this multifaceted scenario while also having left readers with recommendations and VROXWLRQV FRQFHUQLQJ WKH REVWDFOHV DQG GLIiquestFXOWLHV LGHQWLiquestHG DQGdiscussed by the authors For those familiar with Cambodia those new to Cambodia studies those interested in area studies and those ZDQWLQJ WR OHDUQ DERXW D VSHFLiquestF HGXFDWLRQDO QDWLRQDO FRQWH[W WKLVYROXPHLVDJRRGUHIHUHQFHQRWKHUZRUGVLWKDVWUDYHOOHGEHRQGthe sphere of education and development A thoroughly good read

Phan Le HaHSDUWPHQW RI (GXFDWLRQDO )RXQGDWLRQV ampROOHJH RI (GXFDWLRQ 8QLYHUVLW RI +DZDLދL DW0DQRD8QLYHUVLW$YHQXH+RQROXOX+86$HPDLOKDOHSKDQKDZDLLHGX

DOI 101355sj32-2j

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 338 pp

Opposing the Rule of Law is an empirically rich and thoughtfully ZULWWHQ ERRN W LV KLJKO UHOHYDQW WR VFKRODUV DQG SUDFWLWLRQHUVLQWHUHVWHGLQWKHSDVWDQGSUHVHQWRI0DQPDUZKHUHHWKQLFFRQAgraveLFWland grabs corruption police abuse of power and other rule-of-law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 419 27617 300 PM

420 Book Reviews

FRQFHUQVFRQWLQXH WR WURXEOHSHRSOHparaVGDLO OLYHV W LVDOVRUHOHYDQWto scholars and policymakers not necessarily focused on Myanmar but nonetheless interested in the rule of law democratization and legal reform

Cheesman draws from the records of 393 criminal cases in eighty-six courts at various levels across Myanmar and on other published and unpublished sources to interrogate the meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo in the country from the era of British Burma XS WR WKH SUHVHQW GD+HiquestQGV WKDW WKH UXOH RI ODZ LV QRW D UHFHQWconcept one associated exclusively with Aung San Suu Kyi and the elected government that she leads Rather it ldquohas long been a part of the Burmese political lexicon common to the language of democrats and dictators alikerdquo (p 4) Furthermore he argues the UXOHRIODZKDVEHFRPHFRQAgraveDWHGZLWKsup3ODZDQGRUGHUacuteS7KHlatter represents a political ideal that is diametrically opposed to the IRUPHU EHFDXVH LW MXVWLiquestHV WKHXVHRI WKH VWDWHparaV FRHUFLYHSRZHU WRachieve order without adherence to legal limitations

The book is divided into a short introduction nine chapters and an appendix concerned with the sources of data employed Chapter 1 H[SODLQV DQG MXVWLiquestHV WKH ERRNparaV DSSURDFK sup2 WR LQWHUURJDWH WKHmeaning of the rule of law by studying an oppositional concept law and order This second concept has its own normative contents W LQKDELWV WKH VSDFH YDFDWHG E WKH FRQFHSW RI WKH UXOH RI ODZ LQMyanmar Chapters 2 and 3 trace the ways in which the concepts of the rule of law and of law and order took on certain meanings from the British colonial period to the decades of military rule in 0DQPDUampKDSWHUVWRIRFXVRQSDUWLFXODUIHDWXUHVRI0DQPDUparaVcourts and their production of law and order the prosecution of public enemies the use of judicial torture to extract confessions corruption DQGEULEHUDQGWKHVWDWHparaVUHVSRQVHWRWKHDQWLJRYHUQPHQWSURWHVWVof 2007 Chapter 8 turns towards citizens who mobilize a rule-of-law ideal that does not share the same normative contents as the prevalent concept of law and order Chapter 9 returns to discussion of opposing concepts and calls for empirical study of the rule of law that situates the concept in local political struggles and thus attends to shifts in its normative contents

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 420 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 421

2QH RI WKH ERRNparaV VWUHQJWKV LV LWV LPSUHVVLYH XVH RI HPSLULFDOsources that researchers on Myanmar have for the most part not

considered The records of 393 criminal cases consist of primary

PDWHULDOV VXFK DV SROLFH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH FLWL]HQVpara OHWWHUV RIFRPSODLQWiquestUVWLQIRUPDWLRQUHSRUWVRQDOOHJHGRIIHQFHVVHDUFKDQGseizure forms arrest and charge sheets court diaries courtroom

testimonies verdicts and appeal submissions To supplement these

materials Cheesman also draws from interviews with and notes

from lawyers journalists and activists as well as media reports and

other published and unpublished materials in English and Burmese

As Cheesman notes in the appendix he has sought to break away

from the usual body of primary sources and secondary literature on

which scholars of Myanmar have habitually relied This aspect of

the book makes it an important contribution to a new generation

of studies on the country

7KLV iquestUVW VWUHQJWK RIOpposing the Rule of Law is related to a

second one its empirical approach to the study of the rule of law

The book speaks to calls from scholars such as Martin Krygier whose

work the book cites for more empirically informed theorizing of

the rule of law The concept is an elastic one on to which scholars

activists and policymakers have seemingly latched as rule-of-law

programmes have proliferated However we should not assume

that everyone has ldquoapproximately the same thingrdquo (p 6) in mind

when applying the concept to a range of different contexts The

meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo has been the topic of endless debate

Q WKLV FRQWH[W ampKHHVPDQparaV DQDOVLV RI WKH ZD WKDW WKH FRQFHSWis claimed and contested on the ground contributes to a growing

body of scholarship that treats the rule of law not as a question for

normative debate but as an empirical one

The third strength of the book lies with its contribution to the

study of law and courts in Myanmar particularly given its use

of documentary sources other than reported judgments The book

thus also speaks to the burgeoning law and courts literature on the

judiciary in non-liberal non-Western states Like these other studies

Opposing the Rule of Law demonstrates that even under the most

repressive conditions courts become meaningful sites of political

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 421 27617 300 PM

422 Book Reviews

struggle and that police judges other state actors and ordinary citizens participate in the production of meanings of law

2QHPLJKWZRQGHUZKHWKHUWKHFRQFHSWVRIODZDQGRUGHUDQGRIthe rule of law are necessarily opposed to each other whether the values that they embody are always irreconcilable While there will from time to time surely be tension between the two it is perhaps possible to imagine a society in which the rule of law might in practice occasionally overlap in meaning with law and order For instance Cheesman highlights the pursuit of ldquotruthrdquo in Burmese courts under the military-led socialist regime of the 1962ndash88 period He argues that such a pursuit is antithetical to the rule of law for LWIUXVWUDWHVFRXUWVparaFROODWHUDOSXUSRVHRISURWHFWLQJLQGLYLGXDOVIURPthe abuse of power Yet one could imagine situations in which courts seek factual truth to achieve legal justice for individuals who have suffered from the abuse of power However insofar as these DUJXPHQWV RI WKH ERRN DUH EDVHG RQ GDWD DQDOVLV RI 0DQPDUparaVFRXUWV WKH DUH SHUVXDVLYH UDLVH WKHVH SRLQWV QRW LQ WKH IRUP RIcriticism They are in fact consistent with the larger issue emphasized LQ WKH ERRNparaV iquestQDO FKDSWHU 7KDW LV WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQWHQWV RI WKHrule of law mdash and arguably those of law and order by extension mdash merit empirical investigation because they shift across time and across contexts They depend on the ways in which state actors and citizens mobilize the rule of law and other competing ideals

DQDOVLQJ0DQPDU FLWL]HQVpara DSSHDOV WR DYLVLRQRI WKH UXOHRI ODZGLIIHUHQW IURP WKHRQH WKDW WKH VWDWHKDV FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZDQG RUGHU WKH ERRNparaV ODVW HPSLULFDO FKDSWHU FKDSWHU WULJJHUV Dseries of questions Why do ordinary citizens nevertheless appeal to a vision of the rule of law under repressive conditions that prevent realization of that vision How have they come to imagine the rule of law as they do How do they imagine the rule of law in areas beyond the criminal cases on which this book focuses What do RUGLQDU FLWL]HQVpara LPDJLQLQJV DERXW WKH UXOH RI ODZ WHOO XV DERXWWKH FRQFHSW DQG KRZ GR WKH FRPSDUHZLWK WKH YHUVLRQ FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZ DQG RUGHU Q VXP Opposing the Rule of Law makes important contributions to the study of Myanmar the rule of law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 422 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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122

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2016

02

274

3

Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

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13

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 3: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Book Reviews 419

and development are addressed and discussed from varied angles and are informed by different theoretical frameworks and diverse methodologies The concepts of quality and equity are not only explored in concrete terms but also in complex terms that offer readers space to come up with their own understanding assessment and engagement with Cambodia Decades have passed much work KDVEHHQGRQHPDQUHVRXUFHVKDYHEHHQGHGLFDWHGWRampDPERGLDparaVeducation and yet issues of quality and equity still seem to be a huge concern

ampORVLQJWKHERRNiquestQGPVHOIPRUHFXULRXVDERXWKRZHGXFDWLRQreforms in Cambodia could move forward in the coming years given the profound multilayered challenges and problems that are present The volume has succeeded in laying out this multifaceted scenario while also having left readers with recommendations and VROXWLRQV FRQFHUQLQJ WKH REVWDFOHV DQG GLIiquestFXOWLHV LGHQWLiquestHG DQGdiscussed by the authors For those familiar with Cambodia those new to Cambodia studies those interested in area studies and those ZDQWLQJ WR OHDUQ DERXW D VSHFLiquestF HGXFDWLRQDO QDWLRQDO FRQWH[W WKLVYROXPHLVDJRRGUHIHUHQFHQRWKHUZRUGVLWKDVWUDYHOOHGEHRQGthe sphere of education and development A thoroughly good read

Phan Le HaHSDUWPHQW RI (GXFDWLRQDO )RXQGDWLRQV ampROOHJH RI (GXFDWLRQ 8QLYHUVLW RI +DZDLދL DW0DQRD8QLYHUVLW$YHQXH+RQROXOX+86$HPDLOKDOHSKDQKDZDLLHGX

DOI 101355sj32-2j

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 338 pp

Opposing the Rule of Law is an empirically rich and thoughtfully ZULWWHQ ERRN W LV KLJKO UHOHYDQW WR VFKRODUV DQG SUDFWLWLRQHUVLQWHUHVWHGLQWKHSDVWDQGSUHVHQWRI0DQPDUZKHUHHWKQLFFRQAgraveLFWland grabs corruption police abuse of power and other rule-of-law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 419 27617 300 PM

420 Book Reviews

FRQFHUQVFRQWLQXH WR WURXEOHSHRSOHparaVGDLO OLYHV W LVDOVRUHOHYDQWto scholars and policymakers not necessarily focused on Myanmar but nonetheless interested in the rule of law democratization and legal reform

Cheesman draws from the records of 393 criminal cases in eighty-six courts at various levels across Myanmar and on other published and unpublished sources to interrogate the meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo in the country from the era of British Burma XS WR WKH SUHVHQW GD+HiquestQGV WKDW WKH UXOH RI ODZ LV QRW D UHFHQWconcept one associated exclusively with Aung San Suu Kyi and the elected government that she leads Rather it ldquohas long been a part of the Burmese political lexicon common to the language of democrats and dictators alikerdquo (p 4) Furthermore he argues the UXOHRIODZKDVEHFRPHFRQAgraveDWHGZLWKsup3ODZDQGRUGHUacuteS7KHlatter represents a political ideal that is diametrically opposed to the IRUPHU EHFDXVH LW MXVWLiquestHV WKHXVHRI WKH VWDWHparaV FRHUFLYHSRZHU WRachieve order without adherence to legal limitations

The book is divided into a short introduction nine chapters and an appendix concerned with the sources of data employed Chapter 1 H[SODLQV DQG MXVWLiquestHV WKH ERRNparaV DSSURDFK sup2 WR LQWHUURJDWH WKHmeaning of the rule of law by studying an oppositional concept law and order This second concept has its own normative contents W LQKDELWV WKH VSDFH YDFDWHG E WKH FRQFHSW RI WKH UXOH RI ODZ LQMyanmar Chapters 2 and 3 trace the ways in which the concepts of the rule of law and of law and order took on certain meanings from the British colonial period to the decades of military rule in 0DQPDUampKDSWHUVWRIRFXVRQSDUWLFXODUIHDWXUHVRI0DQPDUparaVcourts and their production of law and order the prosecution of public enemies the use of judicial torture to extract confessions corruption DQGEULEHUDQGWKHVWDWHparaVUHVSRQVHWRWKHDQWLJRYHUQPHQWSURWHVWVof 2007 Chapter 8 turns towards citizens who mobilize a rule-of-law ideal that does not share the same normative contents as the prevalent concept of law and order Chapter 9 returns to discussion of opposing concepts and calls for empirical study of the rule of law that situates the concept in local political struggles and thus attends to shifts in its normative contents

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 420 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 421

2QH RI WKH ERRNparaV VWUHQJWKV LV LWV LPSUHVVLYH XVH RI HPSLULFDOsources that researchers on Myanmar have for the most part not

considered The records of 393 criminal cases consist of primary

PDWHULDOV VXFK DV SROLFH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH FLWL]HQVpara OHWWHUV RIFRPSODLQWiquestUVWLQIRUPDWLRQUHSRUWVRQDOOHJHGRIIHQFHVVHDUFKDQGseizure forms arrest and charge sheets court diaries courtroom

testimonies verdicts and appeal submissions To supplement these

materials Cheesman also draws from interviews with and notes

from lawyers journalists and activists as well as media reports and

other published and unpublished materials in English and Burmese

As Cheesman notes in the appendix he has sought to break away

from the usual body of primary sources and secondary literature on

which scholars of Myanmar have habitually relied This aspect of

the book makes it an important contribution to a new generation

of studies on the country

7KLV iquestUVW VWUHQJWK RIOpposing the Rule of Law is related to a

second one its empirical approach to the study of the rule of law

The book speaks to calls from scholars such as Martin Krygier whose

work the book cites for more empirically informed theorizing of

the rule of law The concept is an elastic one on to which scholars

activists and policymakers have seemingly latched as rule-of-law

programmes have proliferated However we should not assume

that everyone has ldquoapproximately the same thingrdquo (p 6) in mind

when applying the concept to a range of different contexts The

meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo has been the topic of endless debate

Q WKLV FRQWH[W ampKHHVPDQparaV DQDOVLV RI WKH ZD WKDW WKH FRQFHSWis claimed and contested on the ground contributes to a growing

body of scholarship that treats the rule of law not as a question for

normative debate but as an empirical one

The third strength of the book lies with its contribution to the

study of law and courts in Myanmar particularly given its use

of documentary sources other than reported judgments The book

thus also speaks to the burgeoning law and courts literature on the

judiciary in non-liberal non-Western states Like these other studies

Opposing the Rule of Law demonstrates that even under the most

repressive conditions courts become meaningful sites of political

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 421 27617 300 PM

422 Book Reviews

struggle and that police judges other state actors and ordinary citizens participate in the production of meanings of law

2QHPLJKWZRQGHUZKHWKHUWKHFRQFHSWVRIODZDQGRUGHUDQGRIthe rule of law are necessarily opposed to each other whether the values that they embody are always irreconcilable While there will from time to time surely be tension between the two it is perhaps possible to imagine a society in which the rule of law might in practice occasionally overlap in meaning with law and order For instance Cheesman highlights the pursuit of ldquotruthrdquo in Burmese courts under the military-led socialist regime of the 1962ndash88 period He argues that such a pursuit is antithetical to the rule of law for LWIUXVWUDWHVFRXUWVparaFROODWHUDOSXUSRVHRISURWHFWLQJLQGLYLGXDOVIURPthe abuse of power Yet one could imagine situations in which courts seek factual truth to achieve legal justice for individuals who have suffered from the abuse of power However insofar as these DUJXPHQWV RI WKH ERRN DUH EDVHG RQ GDWD DQDOVLV RI 0DQPDUparaVFRXUWV WKH DUH SHUVXDVLYH UDLVH WKHVH SRLQWV QRW LQ WKH IRUP RIcriticism They are in fact consistent with the larger issue emphasized LQ WKH ERRNparaV iquestQDO FKDSWHU 7KDW LV WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQWHQWV RI WKHrule of law mdash and arguably those of law and order by extension mdash merit empirical investigation because they shift across time and across contexts They depend on the ways in which state actors and citizens mobilize the rule of law and other competing ideals

DQDOVLQJ0DQPDU FLWL]HQVpara DSSHDOV WR DYLVLRQRI WKH UXOHRI ODZGLIIHUHQW IURP WKHRQH WKDW WKH VWDWHKDV FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZDQG RUGHU WKH ERRNparaV ODVW HPSLULFDO FKDSWHU FKDSWHU WULJJHUV Dseries of questions Why do ordinary citizens nevertheless appeal to a vision of the rule of law under repressive conditions that prevent realization of that vision How have they come to imagine the rule of law as they do How do they imagine the rule of law in areas beyond the criminal cases on which this book focuses What do RUGLQDU FLWL]HQVpara LPDJLQLQJV DERXW WKH UXOH RI ODZ WHOO XV DERXWWKH FRQFHSW DQG KRZ GR WKH FRPSDUHZLWK WKH YHUVLRQ FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZ DQG RUGHU Q VXP Opposing the Rule of Law makes important contributions to the study of Myanmar the rule of law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 422 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

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Author Author Matthews Bruce

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Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

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13

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 4: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

420 Book Reviews

FRQFHUQVFRQWLQXH WR WURXEOHSHRSOHparaVGDLO OLYHV W LVDOVRUHOHYDQWto scholars and policymakers not necessarily focused on Myanmar but nonetheless interested in the rule of law democratization and legal reform

Cheesman draws from the records of 393 criminal cases in eighty-six courts at various levels across Myanmar and on other published and unpublished sources to interrogate the meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo in the country from the era of British Burma XS WR WKH SUHVHQW GD+HiquestQGV WKDW WKH UXOH RI ODZ LV QRW D UHFHQWconcept one associated exclusively with Aung San Suu Kyi and the elected government that she leads Rather it ldquohas long been a part of the Burmese political lexicon common to the language of democrats and dictators alikerdquo (p 4) Furthermore he argues the UXOHRIODZKDVEHFRPHFRQAgraveDWHGZLWKsup3ODZDQGRUGHUacuteS7KHlatter represents a political ideal that is diametrically opposed to the IRUPHU EHFDXVH LW MXVWLiquestHV WKHXVHRI WKH VWDWHparaV FRHUFLYHSRZHU WRachieve order without adherence to legal limitations

The book is divided into a short introduction nine chapters and an appendix concerned with the sources of data employed Chapter 1 H[SODLQV DQG MXVWLiquestHV WKH ERRNparaV DSSURDFK sup2 WR LQWHUURJDWH WKHmeaning of the rule of law by studying an oppositional concept law and order This second concept has its own normative contents W LQKDELWV WKH VSDFH YDFDWHG E WKH FRQFHSW RI WKH UXOH RI ODZ LQMyanmar Chapters 2 and 3 trace the ways in which the concepts of the rule of law and of law and order took on certain meanings from the British colonial period to the decades of military rule in 0DQPDUampKDSWHUVWRIRFXVRQSDUWLFXODUIHDWXUHVRI0DQPDUparaVcourts and their production of law and order the prosecution of public enemies the use of judicial torture to extract confessions corruption DQGEULEHUDQGWKHVWDWHparaVUHVSRQVHWRWKHDQWLJRYHUQPHQWSURWHVWVof 2007 Chapter 8 turns towards citizens who mobilize a rule-of-law ideal that does not share the same normative contents as the prevalent concept of law and order Chapter 9 returns to discussion of opposing concepts and calls for empirical study of the rule of law that situates the concept in local political struggles and thus attends to shifts in its normative contents

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 420 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 421

2QH RI WKH ERRNparaV VWUHQJWKV LV LWV LPSUHVVLYH XVH RI HPSLULFDOsources that researchers on Myanmar have for the most part not

considered The records of 393 criminal cases consist of primary

PDWHULDOV VXFK DV SROLFH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH FLWL]HQVpara OHWWHUV RIFRPSODLQWiquestUVWLQIRUPDWLRQUHSRUWVRQDOOHJHGRIIHQFHVVHDUFKDQGseizure forms arrest and charge sheets court diaries courtroom

testimonies verdicts and appeal submissions To supplement these

materials Cheesman also draws from interviews with and notes

from lawyers journalists and activists as well as media reports and

other published and unpublished materials in English and Burmese

As Cheesman notes in the appendix he has sought to break away

from the usual body of primary sources and secondary literature on

which scholars of Myanmar have habitually relied This aspect of

the book makes it an important contribution to a new generation

of studies on the country

7KLV iquestUVW VWUHQJWK RIOpposing the Rule of Law is related to a

second one its empirical approach to the study of the rule of law

The book speaks to calls from scholars such as Martin Krygier whose

work the book cites for more empirically informed theorizing of

the rule of law The concept is an elastic one on to which scholars

activists and policymakers have seemingly latched as rule-of-law

programmes have proliferated However we should not assume

that everyone has ldquoapproximately the same thingrdquo (p 6) in mind

when applying the concept to a range of different contexts The

meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo has been the topic of endless debate

Q WKLV FRQWH[W ampKHHVPDQparaV DQDOVLV RI WKH ZD WKDW WKH FRQFHSWis claimed and contested on the ground contributes to a growing

body of scholarship that treats the rule of law not as a question for

normative debate but as an empirical one

The third strength of the book lies with its contribution to the

study of law and courts in Myanmar particularly given its use

of documentary sources other than reported judgments The book

thus also speaks to the burgeoning law and courts literature on the

judiciary in non-liberal non-Western states Like these other studies

Opposing the Rule of Law demonstrates that even under the most

repressive conditions courts become meaningful sites of political

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 421 27617 300 PM

422 Book Reviews

struggle and that police judges other state actors and ordinary citizens participate in the production of meanings of law

2QHPLJKWZRQGHUZKHWKHUWKHFRQFHSWVRIODZDQGRUGHUDQGRIthe rule of law are necessarily opposed to each other whether the values that they embody are always irreconcilable While there will from time to time surely be tension between the two it is perhaps possible to imagine a society in which the rule of law might in practice occasionally overlap in meaning with law and order For instance Cheesman highlights the pursuit of ldquotruthrdquo in Burmese courts under the military-led socialist regime of the 1962ndash88 period He argues that such a pursuit is antithetical to the rule of law for LWIUXVWUDWHVFRXUWVparaFROODWHUDOSXUSRVHRISURWHFWLQJLQGLYLGXDOVIURPthe abuse of power Yet one could imagine situations in which courts seek factual truth to achieve legal justice for individuals who have suffered from the abuse of power However insofar as these DUJXPHQWV RI WKH ERRN DUH EDVHG RQ GDWD DQDOVLV RI 0DQPDUparaVFRXUWV WKH DUH SHUVXDVLYH UDLVH WKHVH SRLQWV QRW LQ WKH IRUP RIcriticism They are in fact consistent with the larger issue emphasized LQ WKH ERRNparaV iquestQDO FKDSWHU 7KDW LV WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQWHQWV RI WKHrule of law mdash and arguably those of law and order by extension mdash merit empirical investigation because they shift across time and across contexts They depend on the ways in which state actors and citizens mobilize the rule of law and other competing ideals

DQDOVLQJ0DQPDU FLWL]HQVpara DSSHDOV WR DYLVLRQRI WKH UXOHRI ODZGLIIHUHQW IURP WKHRQH WKDW WKH VWDWHKDV FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZDQG RUGHU WKH ERRNparaV ODVW HPSLULFDO FKDSWHU FKDSWHU WULJJHUV Dseries of questions Why do ordinary citizens nevertheless appeal to a vision of the rule of law under repressive conditions that prevent realization of that vision How have they come to imagine the rule of law as they do How do they imagine the rule of law in areas beyond the criminal cases on which this book focuses What do RUGLQDU FLWL]HQVpara LPDJLQLQJV DERXW WKH UXOH RI ODZ WHOO XV DERXWWKH FRQFHSW DQG KRZ GR WKH FRPSDUHZLWK WKH YHUVLRQ FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZ DQG RUGHU Q VXP Opposing the Rule of Law makes important contributions to the study of Myanmar the rule of law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 422 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

Cop

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274

3

Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

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6

7

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8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 5: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Book Reviews 421

2QH RI WKH ERRNparaV VWUHQJWKV LV LWV LPSUHVVLYH XVH RI HPSLULFDOsources that researchers on Myanmar have for the most part not

considered The records of 393 criminal cases consist of primary

PDWHULDOV VXFK DV SROLFH FRUUHVSRQGHQFH FLWL]HQVpara OHWWHUV RIFRPSODLQWiquestUVWLQIRUPDWLRQUHSRUWVRQDOOHJHGRIIHQFHVVHDUFKDQGseizure forms arrest and charge sheets court diaries courtroom

testimonies verdicts and appeal submissions To supplement these

materials Cheesman also draws from interviews with and notes

from lawyers journalists and activists as well as media reports and

other published and unpublished materials in English and Burmese

As Cheesman notes in the appendix he has sought to break away

from the usual body of primary sources and secondary literature on

which scholars of Myanmar have habitually relied This aspect of

the book makes it an important contribution to a new generation

of studies on the country

7KLV iquestUVW VWUHQJWK RIOpposing the Rule of Law is related to a

second one its empirical approach to the study of the rule of law

The book speaks to calls from scholars such as Martin Krygier whose

work the book cites for more empirically informed theorizing of

the rule of law The concept is an elastic one on to which scholars

activists and policymakers have seemingly latched as rule-of-law

programmes have proliferated However we should not assume

that everyone has ldquoapproximately the same thingrdquo (p 6) in mind

when applying the concept to a range of different contexts The

meaning of the ldquorule of lawrdquo has been the topic of endless debate

Q WKLV FRQWH[W ampKHHVPDQparaV DQDOVLV RI WKH ZD WKDW WKH FRQFHSWis claimed and contested on the ground contributes to a growing

body of scholarship that treats the rule of law not as a question for

normative debate but as an empirical one

The third strength of the book lies with its contribution to the

study of law and courts in Myanmar particularly given its use

of documentary sources other than reported judgments The book

thus also speaks to the burgeoning law and courts literature on the

judiciary in non-liberal non-Western states Like these other studies

Opposing the Rule of Law demonstrates that even under the most

repressive conditions courts become meaningful sites of political

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 421 27617 300 PM

422 Book Reviews

struggle and that police judges other state actors and ordinary citizens participate in the production of meanings of law

2QHPLJKWZRQGHUZKHWKHUWKHFRQFHSWVRIODZDQGRUGHUDQGRIthe rule of law are necessarily opposed to each other whether the values that they embody are always irreconcilable While there will from time to time surely be tension between the two it is perhaps possible to imagine a society in which the rule of law might in practice occasionally overlap in meaning with law and order For instance Cheesman highlights the pursuit of ldquotruthrdquo in Burmese courts under the military-led socialist regime of the 1962ndash88 period He argues that such a pursuit is antithetical to the rule of law for LWIUXVWUDWHVFRXUWVparaFROODWHUDOSXUSRVHRISURWHFWLQJLQGLYLGXDOVIURPthe abuse of power Yet one could imagine situations in which courts seek factual truth to achieve legal justice for individuals who have suffered from the abuse of power However insofar as these DUJXPHQWV RI WKH ERRN DUH EDVHG RQ GDWD DQDOVLV RI 0DQPDUparaVFRXUWV WKH DUH SHUVXDVLYH UDLVH WKHVH SRLQWV QRW LQ WKH IRUP RIcriticism They are in fact consistent with the larger issue emphasized LQ WKH ERRNparaV iquestQDO FKDSWHU 7KDW LV WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQWHQWV RI WKHrule of law mdash and arguably those of law and order by extension mdash merit empirical investigation because they shift across time and across contexts They depend on the ways in which state actors and citizens mobilize the rule of law and other competing ideals

DQDOVLQJ0DQPDU FLWL]HQVpara DSSHDOV WR DYLVLRQRI WKH UXOHRI ODZGLIIHUHQW IURP WKHRQH WKDW WKH VWDWHKDV FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZDQG RUGHU WKH ERRNparaV ODVW HPSLULFDO FKDSWHU FKDSWHU WULJJHUV Dseries of questions Why do ordinary citizens nevertheless appeal to a vision of the rule of law under repressive conditions that prevent realization of that vision How have they come to imagine the rule of law as they do How do they imagine the rule of law in areas beyond the criminal cases on which this book focuses What do RUGLQDU FLWL]HQVpara LPDJLQLQJV DERXW WKH UXOH RI ODZ WHOO XV DERXWWKH FRQFHSW DQG KRZ GR WKH FRPSDUHZLWK WKH YHUVLRQ FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZ DQG RUGHU Q VXP Opposing the Rule of Law makes important contributions to the study of Myanmar the rule of law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 422 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

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6

7

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 6: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

422 Book Reviews

struggle and that police judges other state actors and ordinary citizens participate in the production of meanings of law

2QHPLJKWZRQGHUZKHWKHUWKHFRQFHSWVRIODZDQGRUGHUDQGRIthe rule of law are necessarily opposed to each other whether the values that they embody are always irreconcilable While there will from time to time surely be tension between the two it is perhaps possible to imagine a society in which the rule of law might in practice occasionally overlap in meaning with law and order For instance Cheesman highlights the pursuit of ldquotruthrdquo in Burmese courts under the military-led socialist regime of the 1962ndash88 period He argues that such a pursuit is antithetical to the rule of law for LWIUXVWUDWHVFRXUWVparaFROODWHUDOSXUSRVHRISURWHFWLQJLQGLYLGXDOVIURPthe abuse of power Yet one could imagine situations in which courts seek factual truth to achieve legal justice for individuals who have suffered from the abuse of power However insofar as these DUJXPHQWV RI WKH ERRN DUH EDVHG RQ GDWD DQDOVLV RI 0DQPDUparaVFRXUWV WKH DUH SHUVXDVLYH UDLVH WKHVH SRLQWV QRW LQ WKH IRUP RIcriticism They are in fact consistent with the larger issue emphasized LQ WKH ERRNparaV iquestQDO FKDSWHU 7KDW LV WKH QRUPDWLYH FRQWHQWV RI WKHrule of law mdash and arguably those of law and order by extension mdash merit empirical investigation because they shift across time and across contexts They depend on the ways in which state actors and citizens mobilize the rule of law and other competing ideals

DQDOVLQJ0DQPDU FLWL]HQVpara DSSHDOV WR DYLVLRQRI WKH UXOHRI ODZGLIIHUHQW IURP WKHRQH WKDW WKH VWDWHKDV FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZDQG RUGHU WKH ERRNparaV ODVW HPSLULFDO FKDSWHU FKDSWHU WULJJHUV Dseries of questions Why do ordinary citizens nevertheless appeal to a vision of the rule of law under repressive conditions that prevent realization of that vision How have they come to imagine the rule of law as they do How do they imagine the rule of law in areas beyond the criminal cases on which this book focuses What do RUGLQDU FLWL]HQVpara LPDJLQLQJV DERXW WKH UXOH RI ODZ WHOO XV DERXWWKH FRQFHSW DQG KRZ GR WKH FRPSDUHZLWK WKH YHUVLRQ FRQAgraveDWHGZLWK ODZ DQG RUGHU Q VXP Opposing the Rule of Law makes important contributions to the study of Myanmar the rule of law

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 422 27617 300 PM

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

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Publication date September 1 2016

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Cop

yrig

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Affa

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Inge

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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122

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2016

02

274

3

Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

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13

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 7: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Book Reviews 423

and courts and it inspires exciting empirical questions about these issues and more

Lynette J ChuaFaculty of Law National University of Singapore 469G Bukit Timah Road Eu Tong Sen Building Singapore 259776 e-mail lynettechuanusedusg

DOI 101355sj32-2k

Blood Dreams and Gold The Changing Face of Burma By Richard Cockett New Haven Yale University Press 2015 xvii+263 pp

Blood Dreams and Gold sets out the historical political and cultural foundations of some of the problems that confronted Myanmar during the democratic reform process of 2011ndash15 The book is organized thematically Chapter 1 traces a number of the distinctive physical and demographic features of the three cities Yangon (formerly Rangoon) Mawlamyine (Moulmein) and Sittwe (Akyab) back to colonial LPPLJUDWLRQSROLFLHVZKLFKUHVXOWHGLQDQLQAgraveX[RIsup2PRVWOQGLDQand Chinese mdash foreign residents Chapter 2 focuses on the growing feeling of marginalization among members of the majority Bamar population as a result of these colonial policies This feeling provided the basis both for the rise of the Bamar nationalist movement and for the deteriorating and disastrous inter-ethnic relations of the late FRORQLDO SHULRG DQG WKH 6HFRQGRUOGDU QGHSHQGHQW XUPDparaVmilitary regime took hostile measures against the descendants of LPPLJUDQWV RQ D ODUJH VFDOH LQ WKH V W QDWLRQDOL]HG SURSHUWand businesses owned by foreign immigrants particularly Chinese DQGQGLDQVDQGDGRSWHGDYDULHWRIRIiquestFLDOGLVFULPLQDWRUSROLFLHVaimed at them

ampKDSWHU WKH ORQJHVW LQ WKHERRN WDNHVXS WZR WKHPHV WiquestUVWexplores the historical foundations and deadly consequences of the hostile and discriminatory actions against minority ethnic groups and Muslims mdash particularly Rohingyas of northern Rakhine state mdash on WKH SDUW RI WKH0DQPDU PLOLWDU W DOVR IRFXVHV RQ WKH PHWKRGV

17-J02138 SOJOURN 06indd 423 27617 300 PM

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

Articles that cite this article

Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

DownloadDownload (PDF 609 kb)

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Publication date September 1 2016

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Cop

yrig

ht (c

) Pac

ific

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irs A

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

Cop

yrig

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ific

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

Cop

yrig

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ific

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

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5)+67A9B 536C3

13

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amp)0)121313)++

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6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

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Author archive March 15 2016

Page 8: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts MakeLaw and Order by Nick Cheesman (review)

Melissa Crouch

Contemporary Southeast Asia A Journal of International and StrategicAffairs Volume 37 Number 2 August 2015 pp 305-307 (Review)

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Australian National University (10 Sep 2015 0939 GMT)

httpmusejhuedujournalscsasummaryv037372crouchhtml

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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122

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2 on

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2016

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274

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

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amp)0)121313)++

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BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 9: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

305

Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol 37 No 2 (2015) pp 305ndash7 DOI 101355cs37-2fcopy 2015 ISEASndashYusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print ISSN 1793-284X electronic

BOOK REVIEWS

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 Hardback 317pp

Every now and then a book comes along that offers a fresh take on a topic that has become commonplace The rule of law is a ubiquitous theme running through the law and development landscape and the way we think about law reform in this era The empire that has become the rule of law has few limits and is bolstered by endless programmes videos fact sheets checklists reports measures and metrics Yet a new book by Nick Cheesman Opposing the Rule of Law challenges current conceptions of the political and legal ideal of the rule of law and takes the conversation in an entirely new direction This is a book of ldquofirstsrdquo in many respects not least because it is the first major study of courts in Myanmar and the first to do so drawing primarily on Burmese language documentation Given the centrality of Myanmar to the current global rule of law project the contribution and timing of Cheesmanrsquos study on the rule of law in Myanmar is fitting

The rule of law literature is daunting both due to its sheer size and the complexity of the debates which range from the theoretical to the practical Tackling this literature by going beyond the tired conceptions of the rule of law Cheesman instead chooses to approach the rule of law through the notion of opposing ideas as a way of illuminating the elements of a concept (pp 7ndash8) This theoretical orientation is then supported and reinforced with a methodology that is impressive in its empirical breadth and depth encompassing a wide range of primary and secondary legal materials from the colonial period to the present The appendix provides an

06a BookReviewsindd 305 4815 512 pm

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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2 on

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274

3

Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 10: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

306 Book Reviews

exemplary model of a rigorous socio-legal approach fitting for this Cambridge Studies in Law and Society series

Throughout Cheesmanrsquos primary argument is that ldquolaw and orderrdquo as a concept is opposed to the rule of law and yet these two ideas have become conflated He associates the rule of law with the central role of the judiciary and the transparency and predictability of law On the other hand the notion of ldquolaw and orderrdquo is associated with arbitrary executive action and therefore stands in contrast to the ideal of the rule of law His argument is that not only have global ideas of the rule of law become confused with the concept of law and order but that in Myanmar the two terms are semantically confused and conflated This leads to the situation today where the rule of law in Myanmar has been hollowed out by the government to simply mean law and order

Further in this age of the global Cheesmanrsquos book is a challenge to take the local seriously He insists that ldquothe rule of law does everywhere become embedded in local ideas language and practices and takes on meanings that adhere to those settingsrdquo (p 260) The book therefore is an implicit warning to cultural outsiders involved in rule of law projects to slow down put their rule of law tools aside for a moment and spend time understanding the local context

Legal systems in Southeast Asia and other developing contexts are often too easily dismissed because they fail to meet international standards However Cheesman is clear that his purpose is not to show that Myanmar does not have the rule of law but rather to take the study of the politics of courts in Myanmar seriously Cheesman demonstrates that law has been a core part of the tool kit of successive regimes despite the fact that English language scholarship has largely ignored the legal system until recently

Chapter 1 sets out the conceptual arguments on the rule of law as opposed to law and order and gets to the heart of the linguistic distinction in Myanmar Chapter 2 provides a careful rethink of the colonial legal apparatus and the legacy of criminal law in British India Cheesmanrsquos characterization of Benthamrsquos influence on criminal law is an approach that resonates with the work of the late Professor Andrew Huxley Chapter 3 turns to the post-independence era and considers the creeping use of policy and how courts became fused with the executive particularly during the socialist regime Chapter 4 advances three ways in which the rule of law as an idea became equated with law and order after 1988 This includes the draining of meaning from legal principles the mutual equivalence

06a BookReviewsindd 306 4815 512 pm

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

Articles that cite this article

Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

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Publication date September 1 2016

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Cop

yrig

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) Pac

ific

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

Cop

yrig

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ific

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

Cop

yrig

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) Pac

ific

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

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5)+67A9B 536C3

13

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amp)0)121313)++

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6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 11: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Book Reviews 307

of all forms of laws and rules and the predominance of executive administration over the legal system Chapter 5 deals with the power of the sovereign and focuses on the police and their use of ldquojudicial torturerdquo The three final chapters deal with particular elements of this ldquolaw and orderrdquo paradigm the routinized and orderly nature of corruption in courts (Chapter 6) executive and judicial responses to unauthorized public assembly (Chapter 7) and the way those rendered powerless before the military regime of law and order have used complaints against government to advocate for the rule of law (Chapter 8)

Cheesman concludes this exploration of one opposing concept to the rule of law mdash law and order mdash still holding on tight to the rule of law itself and affirming its value as a political ideal In a similar way that Benedict Anderson offered a new understanding of the concept of nationalism with reference to Southeast Asia in his seminal book Imagined Communities in the same way Cheesman has enhanced our understanding of a core political ideal of our age mdash the rule of law mdash through a close and careful study of the Myanmar legal context

This book will appeal to scholars from a wide range of disciplines in the social sciences but legal scholars and practitioners working in the global ldquoindustryrdquo of the rule of law need to read this book in particular It is a call to put aside the trumpets announcing the rule of law and instead put our ear to the ground to understand the rule of law currents that already exist in local contexts and importantly the ideas that may run counter to the rule of law Cheesmanrsquos book is an invaluable and lasting contribution to scholarship on the rule of law and an exemplary reminder of how the study of Southeast Asia can illuminate our understanding of the key political ideals of our time

MELISSA CROUCH is a Lecturer at the Law Faculty University of New South Wales Postal address Law Faculty Building F8 Union Rd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 Australia email melissacrouchunsweduau

06a BookReviewsindd 307 4815 512 pm

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

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Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

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274

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

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794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

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13

$amp()amp(+13+--

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6

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 12: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

9316 1029 PMOpposing the Rule of Law How Myanmars Courts Make Law and Order Ingenta Connect

Page 1 of 1httpwwwingentaconnectcomcontentonepaafpaaf20160000008900000003art00054

Home Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3

UA-1313315-28Cookie Policy

Author Author Matthews Bruce

SourceSource Pacific Affairs Volume 89 Number 3 September 2016 pp 719-721(3)

Publisher Publisher Pacific Affairs a division of the University of British Columbia

Articles that cite this article

Opposing the Rule of Law HowMyanmars Courts Make Law andOrder Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety By Nick Cheesman

DownloadDownload (PDF 609 kb)

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ADD TO FAVOURITESlt previous article | view table of contents | next article gt hearts

Document TypeDocument Type Book Review

Publication date September 1 2016

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Cop

yrig

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) Pac

ific

Affa

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

Cop

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

Cop

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

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5)+67A9B 536C3

13

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amp)0)121313)++

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6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 13: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

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Book Reviews

719

When discussing Myanmar child soldiering the author sometimes cites non-Myanmar works without geographic disclosure For instance he references Christine Ryanrsquos book on Sudanese child soldiers to support his point on negative consequences to China (32) The reader deserves to weigh human nature vs culturalregional differences

We recommend you read this compact volume The author successfully organizes disparate information enhancing our understanding of a little-studied complex region and thus encouraging the reader to care academically about Myanmar and child soldiering This is a preview of a future book advancing the field in multiple disciplines

Independent Scholar Racine WI USA Franklin Mark OsankaGeorge Washington University Washington DC USA Jeffrey Franklin Osanka

OPPOSING THE RULE OF LAW How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Cambridge Studies in Law and Society By Nick Cheesman Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp US$9900 cloth ISBN 978-1-107-08318-9

Nick Cheesman a research fellow in the Australian National Universityrsquos Department of Political and Social Change provides an excellent study of a complex issue of particular interest to students of Myanmarrsquos modern history and its prospects for the future Reflecting years of research and multiple visits his work includes a review of a vast documentation in both Burmese and English of law reports from colonial times to the present Facilitated by access to Myanmar legal experts he has studied hundreds of criminal cases from courts at various levels The book consists of an introduction nine chapters an appendix glossary bibliography (fascinating by itself) and index Chapter 1 sets down the key dichotomy between ldquorule of lawrdquo and ldquolaw and orderrdquo Here the rule of law (taya ubade somoye) is linked to the ancient theme of dharma or universal law roughly described as ldquowhat ought to berdquo as apart from law and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) essentially a political ideal associated with commands and directives that seek ldquostillnessrdquo the opposite of anarchy These concepts are ldquointertwined in history as well as in current usagerdquo (27) so that in Burmese jurisprudence today they are often used synonymously Chapter 2 reviews the legal legacy of the British colonial period (1824ndash1948) the ongoing remnants in Myanmar of the Indian Penal Code of 1865 and 1898 and how rule of law and law and order were seen to be competing ideas long before independence The discussion in chapter 3 on ldquore-ordering lawrdquo in the contemporary era provides a cogent historical synopsis of government in Myanmar up to 1988 An initial chaotic

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Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

Cop

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2 on

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274

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

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794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 14: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

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3

Pacific Affairs Volume 89 No 3 ndash September 2016

720

period led directly to Gen Ne Winrsquos 1962 coup the introduction of a ldquomass party designed to suit the armyrsquos purposerdquo and a ldquosliding decline in the rule of lawrdquo (77) The appointment of Maung Maung as chief justice ensured that law and order and the socialist claim to a monopoly on truth became the central focus of what passed for the legal system a development which ironically kept intact many colonial laws and structure adapted to suit the juntarsquos purposes A fourth chapter continues the saga of military rule from the uprising in 1988 to the present The new governmentrsquos nomenclature as the State Law and Order Restoration Council was unambiguous and although ldquolegal principlesrdquo were still part of the ldquoofficial languagerdquo they were rendered entirely subordinate to administrative aims including the total reconfiguration of citizenship and its rights Cheesman addresses the concept of Burmese ldquosovereign cetanardquo a legal notion which gained added prominence in the Ne Win era A traditional Pali term for volition (and thus loaded with Buddhist implications) its usage has been redirected to reflect the ldquopositive mental process of someone in authorityrdquo (109) Thus the ldquopublic enemyrdquo is the one from whom ldquosovereign cetanardquo has been withdrawn This can refer to ordinary criminals but as early as 1964 it became the basis for rendering hundreds of thousands of non-Bamar people stateless a practice reinforced with Myanmarrsquos 1982 citizenship law that currently discriminates against the indigenous Rohingya The chapter further reflects on the innate authority of the policeman ldquowho physically represents the rule of law and order far more powerfully than the judgerdquo (124) Chapter 5 expands on the whole question of so-called judicial torture which in general is not aimed at obtaining information ldquobut at exercising power to have someone admit guiltrdquo (148) A sixth chapter turns to the issue of corruption apparent at all levels in the present legal system Judicial protocol is the stated objective but ldquoevery official involved in a criminal case has at least a small amount of control that he can use to get a paymentrdquo (176) Thus Aung San Suu Kyi speaking as head of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Commission in 2013 could testify that the legal system is completely broken and not trusted by 99 percent of the population Chapter 7 gives an account of the three recent large-scale uprisings against the military government (1974 1988 2007) and the state vilification of protestors as criminals In chapter 8 more recent instances of speaking up for the rule of law are reviewed including a National Human Rights Commission and permission for people to demonstrate (but with the proviso to avoid ldquoinstitutional criticismrdquo) A final chapter returns to the question of definition with the rule of law (universally not just Myanmar) described as ldquoa rich plurality of political ideals bound to the historical cultural and political conditions from which it emergedrdquo and the conclusion that its role in ensuring effective government is limited unless it is based ldquoon the reciprocal granting of liberties among members of a political communityrdquo (265) In both theoretical analyses and concrete examples of these crucial

Cop

yrig

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

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5)+67A9B 536C3

13

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amp)0)121313)++

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6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

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Author archive March 15 2016

Page 15: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

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Book Reviews

721

legal terms in Myanmarrsquos history and present circumstances Cheesmanrsquos book makes a vital and welcome contribution to modern Burmese historical and legal studies

Acadia University Wolfville Canada Bruce Matthews

GROWING UP FEMALE IN MULTI-ETHNIC MALAYSIA ASAA Women in Asia Series By Cynthia Joseph London New York Routledge 2014 x 212 pp (Illustrations) US$15500 cloth ISBN 978-0-415-62922-5

This is a persuasive and compelling book It tells the commonplace story of ordinary young women and their experiences with schooling But it becomes less ordinary when we learn that they actually have to micro-navigate a grand agenda of the nation through their daily lives The grand agenda is Malaysiarsquos affirmative action program or the New Economic Policy (NEP) The NEPrsquos purpose is to reverse the historical misfortunes of racial placements narrow ethnic socio-economic inequality and create the ideal Malaysian citizenship where only loyalty to the nation-state matters Although not explicit in their consciousness the female students who were the respondents in Josephrsquos study seemed to have embraced accommodated negotiated but also circumvented the NEP

The study is notable as it is a longitudinal ethnography which captures changes among the authorrsquos respondents over a period of seven years The first phase of the study was conducted in 2000 and the second phase was in 20062007The book is also compelling because its subject of study is young women in their formative years transiting from school to work to courtship and to marital life By locating her study within this frame of reference one is persuaded to engage with many theoretical and conceptual puzzles about the construction of subjectivity or of the complex self the gendered ethnicized nationalized globalized and classified self

The NEPrsquos implementation started in 1972 Josephrsquos study of schoolgirls in a premier all-girlsrsquo high school in Malaysiarsquos second largest city Penang was conducted some thirty years after this Her conclusion seems unequivocal the NEP has not only not succeeded in removing the identification of race with economic status it may have even widened the differential socio-economic gap between ethnic groups

Joseph classified her twenty-five or so respondents into various identifiable archetypes such as being ldquosuper achieving kiasu global womenrdquo to the ldquotraditional young Malaysian womenrdquo But they were mainly regarded as belonging to one or the other the academically high-achieving girls or the academically low-achieving girls In all this Joseph explains how these young females circumnavigate the social economic and political spaces that are

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 16: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

542 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

by the Malabo Protocol to the ACHPR which restricted its (or any future regional court under the AUrsquos auspices) from trying sitting heads of state As the International Court of Justicersquos decision in Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (2002) implies that sovereign immunity is not a barrier to prosecution for international crimes the Malabo Protocol seems to fly in the face of accepted customary international law

The AU is generally reluctant to interfere in the domestic affairs of member states an inheritance from its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) As an organi-zation the OAU protected the sovereignty of newly independent African states to such an extent that it defended organizational inaction in response to systemic human rights abuses taking place within member countries In Chapter 10 Kebreab Weldsellasiersquos dis-cussion of the pre-colonial and colonial context of criminal justice in Africa provides some welcome background on the evolution of criminal law in the region but it does not analyse differing assumptions about sovereignty These assumptions are addressed by Jalloh in Chapter 12 who notes ldquoideas of self-determination were central to the struggle by the people of the continent for their fundamental freedomsrdquo (297) Given this history the approach of regional bodies to supranational institutions was always likely to be cau-tious In the introduction to the book Jalloh and Bantekas flag this wariness as a vital issue noting that one of the core demands of the decolonization movement was in addi-tion to the establishment of independent nation states the expectation that those states would have a say in international rule-making In this context the difficulties that the ICC has faced in relation to some of its African cases seem all the more understandable This point is important for understanding the Kenyan and Sudanese cases outlined in earlier chapters in the book Unfortunately it is only really explored by Jalloh in Chapter 12

One criticism of the book is that it is not divided into thematic sections exploring individual issues such as the Kenyan case or head of state immunity This makes it dif-ficult to read as a whole volume and in places leads to an overlap of subject matter between chapters Nevertheless this is an important collection of scholarly work with a level of detail that is highly informative and some chapters will almost certainly continue to be an important source of reference as the ICC enters its next phase

Frederick CowellBirkbeck University of London

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and OrderBy Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 $2999 (paper) ISBN 978-1-107-44376-1How to Do Things with International LawBy Ian Hurd Princeton NJ Princeton University Press 2017 $2995 (paper) ISBN 978-0-691-17011-4

Readers of this journal have worked hard to overcome a predominant conception of law succinctly described by Judith Shklar and quoted in Ian Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law ldquoLaw is endowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values which are treated as hellip sealed off from general social

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

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4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

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8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 17: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Book Reviews 543

history from general social theory from politics from moralityrdquo (qtd in Hurd 135) Hurdrsquos book challenges this conception at the international level Nick Cheesmanrsquos book Opposing the Rule of Law challenges this conception as well but at the national level In fact in vastly divergent political contexts these two books offer similar accounts of the complex operation of something understood as ldquothe rule of lawrdquo In addition both Hurd and Cheesman make considerable contributions to the study of law by describing not simply unmasking how the rule of law works to reinforce ndash and even accelerate ndash inequalities of power

Given all the publicity surrounding the slaughter and persecution of the Rohingya many readers might think that Myanmar lacks a cohesive legal system Cheesman com-bines archival research contemporary case studies and interviews with different figures to illuminate how the law works in Myanmar Cheesman does not want to present Myanmar as simply lacking what scholars and policy makers in the West would consider ldquothe rule of lawrdquo Nor does he want to suggest a normative judgment of Myanmar Instead he wants to offer a detailed description of the operation of law Cheesman believes legality is illuminated when it is examined in different contexts Despite the fact that Myanmar adopted many Indian penal codes Cheesman proves that Myanmar pro-vides a unique context for the study of legal institutions

Cheesmanrsquos knowledge of Burmese helps structure Opposing the Rule of Lawrsquos argu-ment Unlike the English language in Burmese there are two distinct terms that distin-guish two different aspects of law The first taya-ubade-somoye is the equivalent to our understanding of the rule of law as a principle of justice that animates legal proceedings (though is not necessarily confined to them) The second ngyeinwut-pibyaye Cheesman describes as ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos general activity to ensure that they remain decent and inoffensive quiet and unassumingrdquo (30) In the lexicon of the United States this kind of order is associated with the phrase ldquolaw and orderrdquo Burmese Courts make it clear that their primary goal is ngyeinwut-pibyaye and their decisions often refer to the imperative for order

Cheesman begins by arguing that not only are taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye distinct from one another they are fundamentally opposed Hence even though Myanmarrsquos courts follow routine procedures and written codes and largely appear as instruments of the rule of law to the extent that they are guided by ngyein-wut-pibyaye according to Cheesman they actually oppose the rule of law Cheesman makes it clear that he is not trying to say that Myanmarrsquos courts are somehow less developed than say European court systems Instead he claims ldquoPartisans of law and order are not the occupants of low rungs on a ladder to the rule of law they are climb-ing a different ladder altogetherrdquo (259)

The primary focus of legality in Myanmar is order and the performance of orderli-ness What this means among other things is that judges take bribes in order to keep cases moving through the system Cheesman explains that ldquothe court in Myanmar functions as a marketplace where participants buy and sell case outcomes not because judges are underpaid and greedy ndash or not only for these reasons ndash but because the logic of law and order makes it possible and to an extent mandates itrdquo (162) Whatever increases the efficiency of courts serves law and order and bribes do accelerate the efficiency of the courts

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

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794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 18: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

544 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

The emphasis upon maintaining order and perhaps more accurately the appearance of order also means that the courts cannot acknowledge the torture behind confessions as to acknowledge such a thing would bring an element of chaos into the proceedings Like judges whose corruption slows the machinery of the courts rather than accelerating it policemen that make it difficult to hide torture are a problem for the system Police torture is not formally legal Cheesman explains so the courts work to erase it from the records However if interrogation techniques become ldquoso egregious or incompetent as to threaten the semblance of orderlinessrdquo a judge may instead sanction the officer or offic-ers involved (138)

Through detailed accounts of the use of police torture medical records court proce-dures and land seizures Cheesman points out that the courts in Myanmar do everything possible to deny the agency of those who move through them This observation makes even more powerful perhaps the most surprising aspect of Cheesmanrsquos book which is the fact that villagers in Myanmar who have found no justice in the courts and are acutely aware of the fact that the law is designed to serve the statersquos interest still invoke ngyein-wut-pibyaye the rule of law To read the descriptions of peasants arguing against an authoritarian regime using this language makes it clear why Cheesman wants to maintain the distinction between the two concepts of taya-ubade-somoye and ngyeinwut-pibyaye The fact that the rule of law lurks as a possibility even when formal institutions serve law and order is a central mystery for anyone who studies law Pointing out that rule of law language provides the terms with which people can articulate a meaningful form of citizenship Cheesman terms this phenomenon ldquorightful resistancerdquo

Cheesmanrsquos account of Myanmarrsquos courts makes it clear that we should figure out ways to acknowledge degrees of agency within the court of law instead of simply dis-missing these courts as somehow deficient Indeed reading Opposing the Rule of Law made me question anew what legal subjectivity really means and how limited our under-standing of it is when we limit ourselves to European and North American legal contexts Legal subjectivity is a complex issue as Althusserians and Foucauldians demonstrate when they argue that legal subjectivity is anything but agentic This is why it might be particularly important for legal theorists to spend time with Cheesman dwelling in a vastly different legal context than the European and North American ones

While one might think that Myanmarrsquos system would provide one of the bleakest cases for legal scholars Hurdrsquos book How to Do Things with International Law is ultimately less optimistic than Cheesmanrsquos This is probably because Hurd is operating in an Anglo-European context where law and order frequently dresses itself up as the rule of law so he does not maintain a division between law and order and the rule of law Hurd investigates the rule of law (broadly speaking now) as it operates in the international system and finds that it does not provide a meaningful check on the activities of states International law is ineffective even though it seems to be a hegem-onic concept ndash even Putin and Duterte profess to believe in the rule of law after all Hurdrsquos book persuasively demonstrates that ldquothe hegemony of the international rule of law is not manifest in compliance It is manifest in the universality of law as a source of justification and contestationrdquo (133) Just as order is the goal of the legal perfor-mance in Myanmar so adherence to legalism is the goal of the legal performance in the international system

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

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)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 19: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Book Reviews 545

The book is designed as an intervention in International Relations theory Liberal theorists see the ascent of international law as indicative of the spread of norms and the (generally) effective restraint of sovereign power Realists dismiss the law as window dressing Hurd adopts a constructivist approach saying that powerrsquos exercise is shaped and presented according to law Unlike realists he thinks the presence of law matters unlike liberals he believes power is not constrained by law

There are many fascinating twists in Hurdrsquos analysis including the persistence of ter-ritorial gaps and different rights for states in what is presumably an egalitarian interna-tional legal system For example Hurd discusses how the exact same act killing a whale in the Southern Ocean is regarded differently depending on whether the whaler is asso-ciated with Australia Turkey or Iceland This short book packs a conceptual punch pointing out that our existing theories of legality and sovereignty are belied by the com-plexities of practice ldquo[O]ne must ask what the law is for a given state and perhaps even in relation to a specific other state and then find the answer in the treaties protocols and rules of custom that apply to that staterdquo he advises (33)

States are able to depoliticize their actions by invoking the rule of law The rule of law framework presumes a separation from power By framing their behavior in the language of legalism states can assert not only their compliance with international law but they can also claim normative grounds for what they are doing Hurd argues ldquoCompliance with the law becomes the marker for acceptable policy masking the sub-stantive politics of the situation and the law itselfrdquo (3) One might take the position that this is some sort of victory a demonstration of Weberrsquos legal-bureaucratic authority winning in the international sphere Where there is no clear sovereign the bureaucrats have come to reign Hurd prefers us to understand that the cloak of bureaucracy obscures the persistence of brute force

His chapter ldquoTorturerdquo is a particularly stark discussion of how legalism shapes and often sanitizes what is presumably outlawed by the Geneva Convention The United States does not abstain from torture because it is illegal According to Hurd instead ldquoThe law gave protorture officials some tools with which to construct a legal space for torture within or alongside the antitorture regimerdquo (125) In other words legal maneu-vers helped shape the practices of torture They also worked to sanitize these practices because the government went to pains to explain how it was always in compliance with the rule of law Hurd argues that this is not a sign of the weakness of legalism internation-ally as many have concluded but a sign of its strength

Though Hurd begins his book with a discussion of the rule of law as the volume draws to a close he uses the language of legalism more This makes me think that even though Hurd does not expressly distinguish between rule of law and law and order he instinctively draws on a distinction between them One of the more refreshing aspects of Hurdrsquos book is that he questions the hegemony of legalism He says that ldquoit is easy to appreciate the importance of legalism as a normative and political structure when com-pared to those that donrsquot obtain in the world as it isrdquo but he suggests ldquoRather than legal-ism humanitarianism for instance might govern the international systemrdquo (132) If humanitarianism governed the international system protection of the vulnerable might be the yardstick by which compliance with the international order might be measured This move by Hurd suggests a path forward and an alternative to the unfulfilled promises

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 20: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

546 Law Culture and the Humanities 14(3)

of legalism But state actors could twist an alternative framing mechanism in exactly the same way they twist existing ones Look at what is done in the name of humanitarian intervention today

In the end it is because we have so much faith that there can be some principle that stands outside of power relations that we are repeatedly disappointed by the rule of law This brings us back to Shklarrsquos observation that we conceive of law as separate from history and social context The important case studies provided by both of these books show this conception of law to be false Many legal scholars myself included spend much time demonstrating exactly how bound laws are to their context Why then do we remain so devoted to the idea that law is ldquoendowed with its own discrete integral history its own lsquosciencersquo and its own values helliprdquo No matter how thoroughly we demonstrate the unreality of this idea there is some aspect of law that suggests an appealing potential This possibility lurks within both volumes even as they provide sobering accounts of legal uses and abuses of the rule of law

Keally McBrideUniversity of San Francisco

Ranciegravere and LawEdited by Monica Lopez Lerma and Julen Etxabe New York Routledge 2018 210 pp $140 (hardcover) ISBN 978-1-138-95513-4

This book is a rare find The last ten years has seen a proliferation of English-language publications on the work of Jacques Ranciegravere yet many rush to pigeon-hole his work misunderstanding his reworking of what seem to be familiar ideas missing the novelty and doubling flattening the playfulness and failing to comprehend the radicality of what he has to say Ranciegravere and Law contains a detailed and careful exposition of Ranciegraverersquos work At the same time the energy and spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work is carried through every page making it a readable yet rigorous contribution to the fields of both political thought and legal studies Furthermore it is rare to read an edited volume that has been so care-fully compiled It provides a consistent narrative into which each and every chapter makes a valuable and innovative intervention such that overall the book succeeds in making a distinctive and singularly coherent contribution to academic debate Ranciegravere and Law is an active spirited intervention not just in legal theory but in wider social theory It presents new work on the applications of Ranciegraverersquos writings for all aspects of our lives today work that suggests how Ranciegraverersquos writings can be used to question norms unsettle our thinking undermine notions of permanence and certainty and reveal disjunctures that could be exploited for emancipatory purposes

The opening introductory essay provides an approachable synthesis of Ranciegraverersquos broad corpus Useful for scholars students and other interested readers it makes Ranciegraverersquos at times playfully obtuse style accessible to all without compromising the spirit of Ranciegraverersquos work Acknowledging that Ranciegraverersquos work has by now been illumi-nated ldquofrom almost every anglerdquo it points out that this is not the case with regards to ldquothe wider implications of Ranciegravere for law and socio-legal studiesrdquo (1) However seeking to avoid falling into the explication mode of traditional pedagogical models the editors

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 21: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

institutional designs so as to either inform optimal choice or frame an institutional structure forsuperior governance Economic analysis in particular which has already prompted importantdiscussions about the role of legal families in promoting strong capital markets and out of whichthe law and finance school developed might prove a useful vehicle for comparing other aspects oflegal families

Overall this book offers a number of important insights into some of the processes by whichreasoning and intellectual discovery occur A more structured framework may be built upon thesemethodological developments

reviewed by Wei SHENShanghai Jiao Tong University Law School

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Orderby Nick CHEESMANCambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 xlvii + 317 pp Hardback USD 9900doi101017asjcl201519

In 2004 in a seminal treatise on Asian discourses scholars characterized ASEAN countries astypifying ldquocompeting conceptionsrdquo of the rule of law1 Aside from communist Vietnam and LaosASEAN countries were classified by those scholars into two categories ndash countries that areauthoritarian soft-authoritarian or with limited democracy (Myanmar Singapore Malaysia andBrunei) and countries that feature constitutionalism and transitional justice (Cambodia PhilippinesThailand and Indonesia) Both categories were compared and contrasted with mature democracies inother parts of the world primarily in Northern America and Western Europe2

In Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order Nick Cheesmanexamines the doctrine of the rule of law as it is understood and applied in Myanmar It beginssomewhat paradoxically by setting out the political and cultural obstacles to the doctrinersquos existenceand implementation in Myanmar By doing so he underscores the core tension underlying a lsquothickrsquodescription of the concept inMyanmar Cheesman purports to ldquobring opposing ideas to the rule of lawback to the study of politics to challenge the monism dominating contemporary literature on theconcept by reintroducing one of the rule of lawrsquos opposites to the debaterdquo (p 7)

He ably attempts to situate Myanmarrsquos courts amidst its politics as the book draws from a widerange of primary sources that other authors writing in the English language might overlook Inparticular he draws our attention to four categories of unpublished sources both in the Burmese andEnglish languages which he has reviewed (1) officially compiled files (2) court records other than anycontained in officially compiled files (3) letters submitted to government officials other than anycontained in court records and (4) other documentation

At the outset the book delves into a historical narrative of Myanmar detailing the tumultuouspost-colonial events that set the stage for the political racial and religious conflicts that have occurredin Myanmar over the last few decades Indeed the book documents the evolutionary changes in theapplication of the rule of law in the country Thus in each chapter the historical context is first set out

1 See generally Randall PEERENBOOM ed Asian Discourses of Rule of Law Theories andImplementation of Rule of Law in Twelve Asian Countries France and the US (London and NewYork Routledge Curzon 2004)

2 Ibid

book reviews 383

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

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5)+67A9B 536C3

13

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amp)0)121313)++

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6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 22: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

before a legal analysis is carried out ndash which serves as an indication to readers that it is cruciallyimportant to understand the underlying politico-cultural context inMyanmar before embarking on ananalysis of the countryrsquos rule of law scorecard

The book expands upon the idea of rule of law taking into account the cultural context ofMyanmar It challenges the orthodoxy that the rule of law is synonymous with the concept of ldquolaw andorderrdquo The author states that ldquorule of law relies on general rules to maintain order whereas lsquolaw andorderrsquo rests on particularistic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo (p 34) In thisregard Cheesman explains that institutions in Myanmar which wish to protect law and order at allcost might ultimately serve to oppose the rule of law

The next two chapters describe how the rule of law has evolved during the British colonial rule topost-colonial rule in particular the ldquodissonances that the ambiguity of British law created abroadthrough study of the ideas that animated courts in colonial Burmardquo (p 38) This narrative isinterspersed with political events that influenced the Myanmar courtsrsquo jurisprudence one way oranother including when ldquo[t]he fledging political elite fell into disarray after gunmen assassinatedGeneral Aung San the putative leader of independent Burma along with five members of his cabinet inJuly 1947rdquo (p 65) Particularly after the 1962 coup in which began military rule in Myanmar theauthor notes how the ldquorule of law lost salience in public narratives in state practicesrdquo (p 95)

Analysing the concept of sovereign centana ndash a principle of law and order used in Myanmar toqualify delimit and withdraw citizensrsquo rights in response to policy imperatives during the rule of themilitary junta after 1988 ndash the author sets out excerpts of interrogations of citizens by the police forcersquosSpecial Branch These excerpts help the reader envision the manner in which investigations andinterrogations were conducted at that time which indicates problems such as ldquothe gap between thedate of arrest and the police opened the case in court to the patent lack of evidencerdquo (p 123) Thereader is also able to visualize through these excerpts the ldquogreatest incongruence between officialaction and declared rulerdquo (p 129)

While the most prominent feature of Myanmarrsquos legal system is the fact that it was under prolongedmilitary rule the author explores the conjoined ldquosibling relationshiprdquo (p 133) between the militaryand the police In particular he examines ldquothe essentially political quality of the policeman through studyof torture to extract confessionrdquo (p 132) While the role of the policeman in Myanmar has beensubordinated over the years to military interests he still ldquosurpasses the personnel of otherjuridical institutions His ability to decide on the specific admixture of violence in that moment iswhat makes his presence generally compellingrdquo (pp 158-159) Having said that the police in Myanmarhave a duty tomaintain ldquothe semblance of orderliness onwhichMyanmarrsquos juridical institutions dependrdquo(p 160) The professional responsibilities of public officials are important to Cheesman and are exploredin subsequent chapters They are rightly seen as being paramount in Myanmarrsquos conception of therule of law

The phrase ldquorule of lawrdquo itself is a contribution of English jurist Andrew Venn Dicey whoseseminal Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution describes the rule of law as aldquofeaturerdquo of the political institutions of England one apprehensible in two different ways ldquo[T]hat noman is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a distinct breach of lawestablished in the ordinary legal manner before ordinary courts of the landrdquo3 and ldquothat every manwhatever his rank or condition is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to thejurisdiction of the ordinary tribunalsrdquo4 In this regard Cheesman addresses corruption by publicofficials in Myanmar He notes that strikingly ldquoat least half of all judicial officers were receivinggratuitiesrdquo (p 163) in 1940 He then takes the reader through the varying degrees of corruption thathave thwarted the fair administration of justice in Myanmar Myanmar public officials are required togo through a ldquopolitics of pretencerdquo (p 168) The book also goes into great detail as to how inMyanmar every official may knowingly or unwittingly participate in corruption

3 AV DICEY Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 10th ed (London Macmillan1915) at 1934 Ibid at 193

384 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

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BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 23: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

Cheesman observes that creating an illusion of a clean system is paramount in MyanmarCheesman observes that in parts of neighbouring Bangladesh a country that shares aninstitutional and statutory legacy with Myanmar the ldquobusiness of criminal justicerdquo (p 191) isconducted in markedly similar ways despite varied post-colonial trajectories He also unpacks theidea of ldquopublic assembliesrdquo and examines the extent to which they are allowed in Myanmar Heexamines the change in how the authorities have dealt with public assemblies following threeevents of large-scale protest in 1974 1988 and 2007 He also considers a related topic ie theambiguous criminalisation of persons who have participated in these ldquopublic assembliesrdquo incontravention of the law In particular Cheesman notes that ldquo[t]he juridical response to events inMyanmar during 2007 represented courtsrsquo farthest departure from the methods of theirprogenitorsrdquo (p223) in that the courts read ldquothe narrative in each case of an accuseddemonstrator or instigatorhellipThe imperative to maintain law and order sufficed for everyoneinvolvedrdquo (p 223) Whether this response was connected to the impending end of military rule in2011 could have been explored by the author

Given Myanmarrsquos prolonged military rule and weak democracy one might imagine that theavailable complaints mechanisms for its citizens would be less than robust Cheesman devotes achapter to outlining the problems faced by international organizations such as the InternationalLabour Organisation in setting up a workable complaints mechanism as ldquothe internationalorganisation represented principles associated with the rule of law that were absent from domesticinstitutionsrdquo (p 228) While the chapter alludes to the newly-formed Myanmar Human RightsCommission (MHRC) little is said about it An analysis as to why and how the MHRC wasestablished its intended role and whether it can be an effective grievance mechanism for theMyanmarcitizenry would have been welcomed by readers and are areas worth exploring

Among other things Cheesman could have described the role of National Human RightsInstitutions (NHRIs) in other Asian countries which have pro-actively dealt with complaints that havetaken place in Myanmar One example is the Thai NHRI which has heard cases from villagers inMyanmar relating to projects in the Dawei Special Economic Zone for human rights abuses that havebeen carried out by Thai companies

The final chapter of the book contains among other things a comparison of the concepts of rule oflaw and law and order between Myanmar and Thailand This comparison is an apt one given thatThailand is no stranger to military rule having had a military coup in 2006 and again in 2014 Theauthor posits that ldquoany serious study about rule-of-law ideas and practices in Thailand would have totake khwam sa-ngop riap roi into accountrdquo (p 260) Khwam sa-ngop riap roi translates loosely tolsquopeace and orderrsquo and is an analogous expression to ngyeinwut-pibyaye the Burmese expression forlsquolaw and orderrsquo The author could have conducted further comparative analysis of the similarities anddifferences between the two ASEAN states which had both undergone periods of military rule Afterall the ASEANCharter has codified adherence to the rule of law ndash and its now familiar linkage to goodgovernance and democracy ndash as a core ASEAN purpose and principle which all ASEANmember stateshave pledged to uphold5

Nevertheless the authorrsquos work in exploring ldquoMyanmar as a complex and paradigmatic case of theasymmetrical relations between the rule of law and an opposing concept law and order to take whatanimates its courts seriouslyrdquo (p 258) is timely and important and will no doubt inspire furtherscholarly work Myanmarrsquos leading opposition party the National League for Democracy achieved alandslide victory in the general election on 8November 2015 and its leader Ms Aung San Suu Kyi isslated to lead the new government Daw Suu has shown strong leadership wisely conveying themessage that the rule of law is the most important principle This message has been a comfort to themilitary with which she has developed relationships over the last few years knowing she would needtheir backing in Parliament Like many social scientific phenomena rule of law entrenchment andreform are measurable in a number of quite different dimensions It remains to be seen what roleMyanmarrsquos courts through their decisions will play as interlocutors and whether going forward the

5 See Charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 20 November 2007 c 1 art 2(1)(h)

book reviews 385

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

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ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 24: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

rule of law in Myanmar will have to be analysed by reference to its opposites as Cheesman haspurported to do or by its paragons

reviewed by Mahdev MOHANSingapore Management University

Law Society and Transition in Myanmaredited by Melissa CROUCH and Tim LINDSEYOxford and Portland Oregon Hart Publishing 2014 xvi +422 pp Hardcover pound6000doi101017asjcl201520

In Law Society and Transition in Myanmar the authors and editors tackle a broad range of politico-socio-legal issues in Myanmar Editors Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey divide the book into sectionson Myanmarrsquos legal system its courts constitutionalism economic political and business reformslaw enforcement and Myanmar law in regional and comparative perspective They begin by statingthat the book is an attempt to build a ldquomore informed scholarly analysis on the legal system ofMyanmar not least by scholars from Myanmarrdquo (p 3) and that ldquoany attempt to understand thecurrent transition process and the future of Myanmarrsquos legal system must be grounded in its socialpolitical and cultural context past and presentrdquo (p 5)

The book is fit for purpose It analyses Myanmarrsquos legal system in its current state offlux and considers possibilities which have since come to pass ndash Aung San Suu Kyirsquos NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) party had won 77 percent of seats in Myanmarrsquos landmark pollsin November 2015 ending half a century of dominance by the military in Parliament Thisbook will be a useful companion to those who seek to understand the implications of thisresult

The bookrsquos first chapter is a research guide to Myanmarrsquos legal system and suggests whereone might find a compilation of Myanmarrsquos statutes cases and other primary and secondary sourcesThis provides scholars ldquosignposts to legal materials for future researchrdquo (p 21) and remains true tothe intent of the book which is to ldquonothellipbe definitive or exhaustiverdquo (p 5) To lend context toeach chapter each author provides a historical overview of the topic in question before movingon to discuss changes that have occurred over the years and possible reforms which ought totake place

The editors and authors candidly acknowledge where further research can be conducted if theavailable research material at the time of publication is thin and difficult to access in the country Asthey rightly note

[a]ccessing libraries in Myanmar had until recently required negotiating skills andconnections Although changing conditions give cause for optimism that previously off-limits collections in the country will become more openhellipthe most accessible librarycollections of legal materials on Myanmar are currently abroad (p 29)

Similarly in the chapter analysing the cases in Myanmarrsquos Supreme Court Docket from 2007 to2011 Dominic J Nardi and Lwin Moe candidly acknowledge that ldquo[w]e simply lack the baselineresearch to know what to expect in the Courtrsquos docketrdquo (p 111) The authors also ldquourge otherBurmese government agencies to follow the Supreme Courtrsquos lead and post digitally readable copies oflegal texts on their websitesrdquo (p 111) True to the objective of the book the authors conclude with thehope that their work will ldquostimulate more research by Burmese and foreign scholars into (the) use ofBurmese legal language in theMyanmar LawReportsrdquo (p 111) The chapter thus recognizes that thereis much to be done but provides a useful starting point through its statistical analysis of the types of

386 as i an journal of comparat i ve law

13((($13)$( 13(((amp$ $ 1313$amp$amp$

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

794

)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 25: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

revealed when it is assumed that there is no qualitativedistinction among Chinese Confucianism IndonesianIslam and Thai Buddhism as long as they all buttressa strong state or virtuous political leadership

This is not to say that to think about modern Asia asa political concept reflecting its increasingly sharedpolitical practices and governance styles is impossible orunimportant My point is that Gilley could have madehis core argument which connects political culture togovernance style more effectively and convincingly evenif he did not take the dangerous path of OrientalismDespite this quibble with the bookrsquos methodologicalstrategy and basic assumptions I find it full of interestingobservations and compelling qualitative analyses This isa must-read for anyone interested in Asian politicsespecially those who are struggling with Asiarsquos nonliberalpath toward political changes social reforms and eco-nomic development

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes Edited by TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser New York Cambridge University Press2013 282p $10500 cloth $3999 paper

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos CourtsMake Law and Order by Nick Cheesman New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2015 338p $9900 cloth $2999 paperdoi101017S1537592716002450

mdash Maria Popova McGill University

Why do many authoritarian leaders adopt constitutionsand publicly profess their commitment to the rule of lawif they regularly abrogate rights and disregard theconstitution Is authoritarian constitutionalism an oxy-moron Tom Ginsburg and Alberto Simpserrsquos Constitu-tions in Authoritarian Regimes and Nick CheesemanrsquosOpposing the Rule of Law examine authoritarian regimesacross geographic regions and historical eras and providesome complementary and some contradictory answers tothese questions Both books make significant contribu-tions to the subfields of comparative judicial politicscomparative authoritarianism and law and society studiesand will be essential additions to any graduate syllabus onthese subjects

Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes is a theoreticallysophisticated and empirically sweeping work Editors TomGinsburg and Alberto Simpser outline a research agendathat explores the varied roles that constitutions can play inauthoritarian regimes Anyone who wants to pursueresearch on the subject will have to engage with thisvolumersquos arguments The bookrsquos contributors move be-yond the conventional wisdom perception of authoritarianconstitutions as mere window dressingmdashan attempt tofool domestic andor international audiences into believ-ing that the autocratrsquos behavior would be constrained byconstitutional provisions Instead they claim that some

authoritarian constitutions serve as operating manuals andldquodescribe actual political practicerdquo (p 6) Adam Przeworskidiscusses the decision by some Communist parties toenshrine their leading political role in the Constitution andLaw and Mila Versteeg point to Saudi Arabiarsquos ldquoweakconstitutionrdquo which accurately outlines the limited civiland political rights that Saudi citizens have Authoritarianconstitutions could also resemble blueprints that can signalthe leaderrsquos policy goals and intentions Stilt describes howEgyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak used constitutionalamendments to target his opponents from Muslim Broth-erhood even as he framed the changes in such a way as tofool international audiences into perceiving them asdemocratizing Gabriel Negretto argues that Latin Amer-ican military dictators who ldquoseek broad transformations inthe political social and economic orderrdquo (p 83) are morelikely to adopt constitutions Authoritarian constitutionscan coordinate the relationships among key elites withinan authoritarian governing coalition by affecting bothformal institutions and ldquoinformal political arrangementsrdquo(p 9)The coordination argument receives the most attention

in the book The gist of the claim is that a constitution isuseful to an autocrat because it provides a self-enforcingmechanism that increases regime stability More specifi-cally Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue thatconstitutions allow ldquopolitical groups and organizationsother than the dictator [to] codify their rights and interests[ thus] fostering loyalty and trust between the dictatorand his launching organizationrdquo (p 57) David Law andMila Versteeg hypothesize that both the structural provi-sions in a constitution and the rights provisions cancoordinate behavior among political and social actors byallocating power among themmdashthus enhancing regimestability (p 173) And Ghandi argues that the constitu-tional definition of presidential powers allows the oppo-sition to unite behind a single candidate in authoritarianelections because they know by what rules the winnerwould govern (p 205)The limitation of the coordination argument in my

view is the self-enforcement assumption ie that con-stitutional provisions become meaningful commitmentmechanisms just for being written down and without theneed for an external guarantor In the absence of anindependent judiciary however why should elites trustthe autocrat not to renege on the commitments he hasmade in the constitution Authoritarian regimes (likedemocracies) vary on the level of independence accordedto their judiciaries so maybe independent courts con-tribute to regime stability The cross-national empiricaltesting of the coordination argument would be stronger ifit controlled for the level of judicial independenceMoreover there is tension between the findings thatauthoritarian constitutions are less specific (as TomGinsburg Zachary Elkins and James Melton argue)

902 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

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amp)0)121313)++

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BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

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Author archive March 15 2016

Page 26: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

and more likely to be sham documents that promise morethan they deliver (as Law and Versteegrsquos analysis demon-strates) and the coordination logic The coordination logicrequires authoritarian elites to believe that they can use theconstitution to protect their interests from encroachmentfrom the autocrat but why should they if the constitutionis vague and promises things the autocrat does not intendto deliver Only the chapter by Henry Hale addresses thelack of external enforcement and demonstrates howconstitutional provisions about the structure of the exec-utive can affect authoritarian regime dynamics Usingexamples from post-Communist patronal regimes heshows convincingly that the constitution alters elitebehavior informally even if it is not formally followed byincumbents or enforced by an independent ConstitutionalCourt It would be interesting to see the coordinationargument further developed to understand how rightsprovisions might affect actorsrsquo behavior even in theabsence of guarantees that they will be applied in practiceby an independent judiciaryThe volume contains many important empirical con-

tributions based on varied data sources and methodolo-gies On the basis of data from Latin Americandictatorships in the 1950ndash2002 period Albertus andMenaldo argue that new autocrats are more likely to adopta constitution in order to cement the support of theirlaunching organization and that those who do will havegreater chances of regime survival On the basis of theirComparative Constitutions Projectrsquos database of 846constitutions adopted since 1789 Ginsburg Elkins andMelton argue that constitutions vary more by region andby era than by regime type Law and Versteeg argue thatmilitary and monarchic authoritarian regimes are moreconstitutionally honest than civilian authoritarian regimesie they are less likely to promise rights that they do notintent to uphold Using a focused comparison ofUkraine Kyrgyzstan and Moldova Hale argues thatdivided-executive constitutions have a democratizingeffect while presidential constitutions facilitate author-itarian consolidationIronically the volumersquos main contributionmdashthe careful

search for the meaning and impact of authoritarianconstitutionsmdashis also likely to provoke criticism that theauthors look too hard For example Przeworski imputessubtle constitutional arguments behind Polandrsquos decisionnot to enshrine the Communist partyrsquos leading role in itsConstitution and suggests that this omission might havecontributed to the regimersquos vulnerability and collapse Butthe Polish regimersquos weakness relative to other Soviet Blocregimes has been attributed to historical geopoliticalsocial and demographic structural reasons that couldexplain both its constitutional modesty and its eventualcollapse After all Poland bucked other Soviet-imposedtrends as well such as the mandates to collectivizeagriculture and outlaw religion Mark Tushnetrsquos chapter

which sets out to define authoritarian constitutionalismalso overreaches It attempts to reconcile the arbitrary useof unchallenged power that defines authoritarian regimeswith the predictability and rights protection that comewith constitutionalism The six characteristics of author-itarian constitutional regimes (pp 45ndash46) which envisionfree and fair elections ldquoreasonablerdquo openness to politicaldissent and criticism and sensitivity to public opinionblur the distinction between an authoritarian regime anda democracy with one really popular dominant party thatkeeps winning elections and uses the incumbency advan-tage to make sure its opponents remain weak Readingthem I am reminded of Hungary under Orban ratherthan Russia under Putin And Putinrsquos authoritarian regimeis not a brutal one historically speaking Finally anyoneinterested in informal politics will be disappointed sincemost of the chapters emphasize the mere existence and theformal provisions of a constitution and set aside theinformal ways in which authoritarian constitutions arecircumvented hollowed out or on occasion respected

Scholars of informal politics would be more interestedin Nick Cheesmanrsquos Opposing the Rule of Law Chees-manrsquos study of Myanmarrsquos judiciary throughout thecountryrsquos history from British colony to socialist militarydictatorship and beyond tracks the gap between a pur-ported commitment to the rule of law and a criminaladjudication process that is anything but conforming tothe ideal In his words the rule of law in Myanmar isldquolexically present but semantically absentrdquo Despite regu-larly invoking the rule of law Myanmarrsquos politicalsovereign operates under another legal doctrine thatCheesman calls law and order Moreover in Cheesmanrsquosview law and order and the rule of law are profoundopposites ldquoThe rule of law relies on general rules tomaintain order whereas law and order rests on particu-laristic commands and directives in response to exigenciesrdquo(p 34) Cheesman bills the conceptual opposition be-tween the two ideals as one of his studyrsquos main contribu-tions He argues against using the other concept that isoften juxtaposed to the rule of lawmdashrule by law Theproblem he argues stems from the fact that rule by law isnot well-defined on its own terms but is simply a residualcategory for what the rule of law is not In my opinion thisconceptual discussion is not the most useful part of thebook Cheesman opts not to define rule of law because ofthe huge pre-existing literature on the concept Howeverthroughout the empirical chapters runs an implicit defi-nition of the rule of law as the meaningful protection ofa set of substantive rights (for eg on p 73 and p 95)While such a definition of the concept is reasonableenough it would have been more useful to contrast itexplicitly with both law and order and rule by law Thedistinction between law and order and rule by law is not asclear as Cheesman hopes it to be At various times hedescribes both concepts as the instrumental use of the law

September 2016 | Vol 14No 3 903

ampamp$13)$ ampamp))) $$$amp$amp($amp+ampampampamp $$amp$ (ampampamp))) $$$amp$

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

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amp)0)121313)++

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)7

()

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 27: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

by rulers who are unbound by it Perhaps the distinction isthat law and order implies a commitment to a specific idealmdashthe maintenance of ordermdashwhereas rule by law mayencompass any instrumental use of the law by thesovereign This distinction does not seem substantialenough but suggests that law and order is simply a guidingprinciple in criminal law subsumed into a broader rule bylaw doctrine

For me the bookrsquos main contribution is the originalconceptually and empirically rich discussion of criminaljustice in Myanmar Despite focusing on one country thebook should be of great interest to anyone who studieslegal culture and practice in authoritarian settings Asa scholar of Soviet and post-Soviet authoritarianism Ifound insightful discussion of several analogous phenom-ena which I had thought might be typically (post)-SovietCheesman discusses the exercise of ldquosovereign cetanardquo theability of the sovereign to ldquoqualify delimit and withdrawcitizenrsquos rights in response to policy imperativesrdquo (p 99)and its corollarymdashthe identification of public enemies whoare perceived as ldquohigher in the hierarchy of threats to lawand order than other personsrdquo (p 99) These conceptsprovide a generalizable framework through which wecould understand why Russiarsquos criminal justice systemoverreacted to an obscure punk rock bandrsquos profanity-laced performance by jailing the singers for 2ndash3 yearsUsing Cheesmanrsquos conceptual framework we could seethat by insulting Putin and Putinism the Pussy Riot punkrockers had transformed themselves into public enemieswhich is why they were dealt with much more harshly bythe courts Cheesmanrsquos discussion of presidential pardonsin Myanmar (pp 127ndash129) could be used word for wordto understand Putinrsquos 2014 pardon of Russiarsquos mostfamous political prisoner former oil tycoon MikhailKhodorkovsky As Cheesman argues the pardon perfectsthe exercise of sovereign cetana by ldquomagically restoringsomething arbitrarily withdrawn not by correcting thewrongs done to the person but through dogged insistencethat no wrongs have been committed at allmdashother than bythe person pardonedrdquo (p 128) The discussion of thesecrecy shrouding politically sensitive trials the use ofhired thugs alongside regular security forces to intimidateprotestors extra-legally the tales of the mechanisms ofjudicial corruption and the use of courts for reprisalsagainst complainants and protestors is insightful andilluminating of many similar post-Soviet practices

I would have liked to see more discussion of politicalfactors and variables though to be fair the focus on socialvariables is logical given that the book is part of theCambridge Studies in Law and Society series Still itwould have been interesting to see Cheesmanrsquos take onthe politics of democratization during the last few years aspolitical competition seems to be slowly returning toMyanmar For example he asserts that there has beena change towards openness to investigative journalism and

even bona fide legislative investigations into judicialcorruption since 2011 (p 244) but we do not knowwhich political actors initiated these changes and whyEven though this is not one of Cheesmanrsquos goals his

study contributes to the research agenda on authoritarianconstitutionalism that motivates Ginsburg and Simpserrsquosvolume In my interpretation Cheesman offers a comple-mentary answer to the question of why authoritarianleaders would bother to provide rights on paper if theydo not intend to respect them in practice The sovereigncetana principle suggests that one of the roles of rightscodification is to differentiate between those citizens onwhom the regime magnanimously bestows some of theserights some of the time and the public enemies whoserights are swiftly withdrawn or delimited With the pre-tense of the existence of rights the act of abrogating themassumes greater meaning and visibility

Nations Under God How Churches Use Moral Authorityto Influence Policy By Anna Grzymala-Busse Princeton NJUniversity Press 2015 440p $9500 cloth $2995 paperdoi101017S1537592716002462

mdash Jonathan Fox Bar Ilan University

Nations Under God examines the extent and nature of thepolitical influence of churches on national policy Itscentral argument is that rather than influencing policythrough electoral politics or the use of public pressurechurches are most influential through backroom politicsand institutional access In fact churches are most success-ful at influencing policy when they meet two criteria Thefirst is appearing to be above politics ldquoChurches gain theirgreatest political advantage when they can appear to beabove petty politicsmdashexerting their influence through thesecret meetings and back rooms of parliament rather thanthrough public pressure and partisanshiprdquo (p 2) Thesecond is that they are considered by politicians and societyto have moral authority which according to Grzymala-Busse is best gained through a historical record ofdefending the nation These factors explain significantvariance in success at influencing policies in countries thathave otherwise similar patterns of religious belief belong-ing and attendanceInstitutional access is also the most reliable means for

influencing policy Public advocacy especially when onbehalf of narrow church interests can underminea churchrsquos moral authority in society Alliances withpolitical parties can be short lived and these parties canhave other priorities Voters even in religious countriesdo not always agree fully with church views and may votebased on their economic interests rather than theirreligious views Thus if done quietly the use of in-stitutional access and backroom politics can be the mosteffective and long lasting means to pursue a churchrsquospolitical agenda

904 Perspectives on Politics

Book Reviews | Comparative Politics

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BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 28: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

lt=)77)76)00)70708gt8)87

5)+67A9B 536C3

13

$$$ ampamp(()))+((-

amp)0)121313)++

4amp1313 $amp$( ))+-01233244

43amp00)5)13001233244

6)13

678

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)7

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BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 29: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

BOOK REVIEW

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order NickCheesman (Cambridge Cambridge University Press Cambridge Studies in Law andSociety 2015)

Rule of law is understood as a pillar of good governance and ubiquitous in the politicaldiscourse worldwide But rule of law is also an elusive contested and poorly defined conceptthat allows other ideas such as law and order or rule by law to be traded under the samelabel Our understanding of rule of law is mostly informed by studies from countries whereit is well ingrained Nick Cheesman therefore suggests in his book that much can be learnedfrom a country like BurmaMyanmar where over decades of military rule the concept hasbeen rhetorically present but in reality absent Not so much interested in the gap betweenrhetoric and reality per se he rather wonders what is there when rule of law is not there asldquo[t]he absence of rule of law is not a vacuum It is not a negative not un-rule of law It is aspace that competing ideas about political organization occupyrdquo (8) And what these ideasare and how they invigorate the judicial and political practices in Myanmar constitute thestarting point of a remarkably original study

The book is organised in an introduction and nine chapters including a comprehensiveappendix on the sources In the first chapter the author engages with the relevant theoreticalliterature to establish a core argument namely that rule of law should be studied throughasymmetrically opposed concepts With reference to the rightist legal theorist Carl Schmitthe argues that asymmetrical opposites of rule of law are not just its negative but entirelydifferent political ideas Schmittrsquos staunch anti-liberalism proves useful in this context as helike no other modern thinker conceptualised the legitimacy of an authoritarian state ForSchmitt existential decisions concerning war or the state of exception required a state-sovereign unfettered by norms as only such a state could guarantee normalcy ndash quiet peaceand order ndash in society and the applicability of laws in the first place Cheesman applies thefindings of a compelling theoretical discussion to the political context of Myanmar andidentifies in the notion of law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye (literally be stillquietpeaceful ndashbeing demure) an asymmetrical opposite to rule of law taya ubade somoye (literallyuniversal lawinstruction ndash rule)

Following the conceptual argument the book traces in the second and third chapters therule of law and law and order ideals chronologically from pre-colonial to post-colonialBurma First it quashes the persistent myth that rule of law was a colonial legacy Theauthor states that the normative legal framework bequeathed on the country by the Britishwas inherently ambiguous and had built-in contradictions It encompassed law and order aswell as universalising rule of law ideas Routinised legal procedures provided the populationsome space ldquoto talk backrdquo (56) but the Penal Code was clearly specific to a repressivepolitical system that emphasised the maintenance of order and legal inequality of colonisersand colonised

In post-colonial democratic Burma rule of law ideals held their ground and evenexpanded in spite of the ambiguity of the inherited legal framework and formidablechallenges The author observed that in the 1950s a ldquonascent body of substantive rightshelliphad emerged under the rule of law banner after colonial rulerdquo (75) before it was destroyedby Ne Winrsquos military regime The findings debunk common assertions about a lack of rightsand legitimacy of the democratic era often brought forward in Western academic accounts

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 2016

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 30: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

It is also both abhorrent and fascinating to read how courts and rule of law institutions weresystematically dismantled after the military took over power in 1962 The subordination oflaw and citizens to what was labelled ldquosocialistrdquo ideology and policy the hollowing out ofrule of law procedures that stripped citizens of the most basic rights reshaped the relation-ship between the state and citizen ldquocorresponding with the ideal of law and orderrdquo (95) Thebookrsquos meticulous description reveals the totalitarian traits and intentions of a politicalregime that is still understudied and too often trivialised and whitewashed in academicliterature In fact it is the first systematic analysis of the judicial system of the Ne Win eraand this in and of itself makes the book outstanding

With the fourth chapter ends the chronological discourse and begins the empirical partBased on an impressive amount of data including first-hand accounts court proceedingspolice documentations reports and records of hundreds of criminal cases from courts at alllevels the book investigates the political ideas that underlie court practices and criminalcases during military rule after 1988 As Cheesman shows this marks a distinctly new era inwhich the military junta ruled by decree solely based on sovereign decision just as Schmittconceptualised sovereignty and emergency powers In the official discourse rule of law wasconflated with and practically subsumed to law and order Seemingly free of an officialideology and without a larger vision for society the regime maintained ldquoits specific orderunder the rubric of the rule of lawrdquo (129)

Over the course of several chapters the book describes distinct features of the ldquolaw-subsumed-to-orderrdquo system For instance it investigates the concept of ldquosovereign cetanardquo(official pardon) and how it is reflected in the conditional and limited citizenship rightswhich can be bestowed and withdrawn any time depending on the personrsquos compliancewith the existing order It discusses the ideas underlying the handling of the ldquopublic enemyrdquowho after 2000 could get charged under any law and with evidence unrelated to the caseadministered through records that did not include what had really happened and adjudi-cated in ldquoenclosed courtsrdquo that were already integrated in the prison One chapter is solelydevoted to the widespread practice of judicial torture which is not as the author explainsabout gaining information but ldquoa strategy used in the procedural gamerdquo (135) reinforcingthe ldquoproper relation of law and order between sovereign and subjectrdquo (149) Another featureof the politics of ldquorule of law as law and orderrdquo is the endemic money-making business atcourts which increased during military rule The intriguing analysis captures the complexparallel reality of a practice with its own language codes and rules that one has to know inorder to be able to navigate the judicial system

Interesting is also the interpretation of the response to the monksrsquo uprising of 2007Cheesman draws on Giorgio Agambenrsquos philosophical reflections on Schmittrsquos ldquostate ofexceptionrdquo to explain the events The military junta gave up any remaining pretense ofadhering to rules or judicial procedures and showed raw will to protect its interests Itused civilian thugs Swunashin to round up demonstrators and detained people inlocations that the author calls ldquozones of anomierdquo that lay outside of any judicial frame-work In the end the author makes a rather surprising claim that Myanmar had relativelylow numbers of incidents of extrajudicial killings because the power of the (police-)sovereign was not absolute but bound by ldquoarrangements associated with the law andorder in Myanmarrdquo (225) It would be interesting to know what exactly these ldquoarrange-mentsrdquo were

The empirical part concludes with the eighth chapter and on a positive note Cheesmananalyses complaint letters and protests during military rule and after the civilianisedmilitary government was established in 2011 He highlights how people are speaking backto power and ndash in spite of the conflation of rule of law with law and order ndash are holding avery clear notion of the rule of law ideal By making rights-based demands such as legalequality they reclaim rule of law taya ubade somoye and challenge not only the existing

2 BOOK REVIEW

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 31: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

laws and judicial practices of ngyeinwut-pibyaye but also redefine their relation to the stateas citizens

The book is remarkable in several respects The author skillfully crafts his narrative toconvey the analysis of a rather dry subject in a compelling prose By tracing the concepts ofrule of law and law and order in BurmaMyanmarrsquos political and legal history since colonialtime the book sheds light on a completely understudied subject Based on vast empiricaldata it also provides a first in-depth study of the political and legal practices of courts inmilitary ruled Myanmar and thus contributes to a better understanding of the inner work-ings of military rule Furthermore the theoretical approach to study the rule of law throughopposing concepts proves sophisticated and useful It shifts the focus towards the actualpolitical ideas underlying judicial practices in a country instead of merely recording a deficitof rule of law

The findings are important and show that the legal practices in military-ruled Myanmarare not just a deviation from the rule of law ideal but are founded on ideas that belong to acompletely different world view This has indeed practical implications regarding thepromotion of rule of law as the author concludes because better legal training alone willbarely suffice The book is also bringing to the fore the fallacy of a common assumption thatMyanmarrsquos military dictatorship was just a pragmatic albeit despotic regime withoutideology In fact it is a major achievement of the book that the law and order ideasngyeinwut-pibyaye are discussed within a broader theoretical framework includingSchmittrsquos anti-liberalism By doing so it opened up a much needed comparative perspectivein the study of Myanmarrsquos politics and authoritarianism beyond arcane cultural explana-tions that are still all too common

The book is a must-read for all interested in Burma and contemporary Myanmar

Susanne Prager-NyeinYangon Myanmar

susannepragernyeingmailcom

copy 2016 Susanne Prager-Nyeinhttpdxdoiorg1010800047233620161217556

JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA 3

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 32: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

2010 Perhaps the similarities and differences between these twobooks are a testament to the remarkably esteemed status that Gins-burg has attained in both the rarefied world of elite law as well asamong the populus that is subject to it

Reference

Carmon Irin amp Shana Knizhnik (2015) Notorious RBG The Life and Times of Ruth BaderGinsburg New York Harper Collins

Opposing the Rule of Law How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law andOrder By Nick Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge UniversityPress 2015 338 pp $9900 hardback

Reviewed by Jothie Rajah American Bar Foundation

Opposing the Rule of Law enters the complexities of law politics andthe social in Myanmar through a study of criminal courts Drawingon Nonet and Selznick (1978) Cheesman explains this point ofentry ldquoIn a politically repressive setting criminal cases are the rep-resentative mode of legal authority In the exercise of control overthe body of the accused we find the basic elements for the exerciseof control over the body politicrdquo (p 11)

Cheesman explores Myanmarrsquos criminal courts not as con-tained and simplistic arenas of adjudication but as sites ofldquointeraction tell[ing] a story of policemen prosecutors lawyerscomplainants and defendants a study of courtsrsquo personae ofcourtsrsquo representations of a larger political order and of courts asspaces for political language and practicerdquo (p 10) The meaningsactors and institutions relating to two opposing concepts ndash law andorder and rule of law ndash are carefully traced From British colonialrule (Chapter 2) through the subsequent postcolonial regimes(Chapters 3ndash8) the book details both repressive modes of legalauthority and the remarkable human resistance and resilience thatinform the story of how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order

Opposing the Rule of Law makes a significant twofold contributionto scholarship This book ldquoconstitutes the first serious attempt forhalf a century to situate Myanmarrsquos courts in its politicsrdquo (p 12) Inthe process Cheesman documents much that has previously notbeen documented and often much that has not even been knownbeyond small circles even within Myanmar The value of rendering

1046 Book Reviews

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 33: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

legible that which has been lost obscured or inaccessible to a wideraudience because of our lack of literacy in Burmese cannot beunderstated Perceived through the lens of recent scholarship onthe relationship between law and record ndash Cornelia Vismannrsquos Files(2008) and Renisa Mawanirsquos theorizing on law as archive (2012) forexample ndash this bookrsquos rich ethnographic documenting of historiespolitics and interactions will surely reverberate in many ways wellinto the future

A second major contribution lies in Cheesmanrsquos theorizing onthe contested category of ldquorule of lawrdquo Rather than reproduce thebinary linear thinking inherent to terms like rule by law Cheesmanexposes ndash and repairs ndash a troubling conceptual weakness in rule oflaw scholarship Where rule of law is impoverished and character-ized as rule of man or rule by law he explains there is a reproduc-tion of conceptual symmetry to rule of law because these termslocated on a continuum with rule of law refer to rule of law for theircontent Whichever way you look at it rule of man and rule by laware conceived of as rule of law inadequacy As a consequence of thisconceptual weakness scholarly analysis typically ldquoreduces rule-of-law questions to empirical accounts of how law serves instrumentalends By contrast law and order is a political ideal opposed to therule of law It has its own contents which are asymmetrical to therule of law Its asymmetry makes it a useful concept for study of therule of law through juxtapositionrdquo (p 17)

Some of the most compelling content of this monograph is itsdetailing of the ways in which ordinary people ndash often already mar-ginalized rural populations ndash remake the meaning of citizenship byspeaking to and for the rights-based claims of rule of law (Chapter8) For these populations rule of law is ldquonot a conservative doctrinebut a radical one a doctrine going to the root of political power fundamental[ly] challeng[ing] how power has been and contin-ues to be exercisedrdquo (p 263)

In Chapter 8 for example Cheesman enters these stories ofrule of law radicalism by following the thread that is ldquopractices ofcomplaint against government officials because complaints of thissort are the most revealing politicallyrdquo (p 227) The complaintsreveal ldquoa lexicon through which people advocate for the rule of lawa lexicon of the citizen as bearer and wielder of rightsrdquo (p 231) Anappreciation of context augments our appreciation of the radicalismat work Cheesman explains ldquoIn a small town or village state agen-cies have effective control over practically every part of a personrsquoslife Officials get to know one another professionally and personallyand they do one another favors Pushing complaints too hard inone place can cause push-back from another Officials usethe coercive instruments of the state at the local level to wear downa complainant who cannot afford financially or emotionally for along timerdquo (p 239)

Book Reviews 1047

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 34: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

This is by no means a linear trajectory of hope optimism andempowered citizens There are also sobering accounts of the rangeof ways in which local authorities collaborate deploy coercion andfile counter-complaints ndash often in the form of criminal charges ndash topunish and deter complainants There are also accounts of shockingbrutality alongside the bureaucracy and politics of complaint

Alongside the brutality the book documents ndash and it is such animportant thing that it does place on record judicial torture deten-tion without trial in quite horrific conditions and the brutalizing ofpeaceful demonstrators ndash the book also tracks and highlights aston-ishing stories of people standing up for themselves and their com-munities resisting the law and order paradigm of conditionalprivileges to assert rights and claim justice

In taking what animates Myanmarrsquos criminal courts seriously it isnot just that we learn about Myanmar as a complex and paradigmaticcase of the asymmetrical relations between opposing concepts we arealso supplied with a robust intellectual scaffolding through which wemight (hopefully) spot some conceptual blind spots informing analy-sis of sociolegal ideals and categories in our own projects

Opposing Rule of Law is beautifully written The aesthetic sensi-tivity of the writing becomes a worthy platform for the acute andcompelling analysis the rigorous engagements with critical theoryand the thorough appreciation of context and relational dynamicsgrounded in ethnography This important monograph will beinvaluable to scholars in a range of fields including law authoritari-anism postcoloniality military regimes Southeast Asia and ethnog-raphies on rule of law

References

Mawani Renisa (2012) ldquoLawrsquos Archiverdquo 86 Annual Rev of Law and Social Science 337ndash65Nonet Phillipe amp Philip Selznick (1978) Law and Society in Transition Toward Responsive

Law New Brunswick and London Transaction PublishersVismann Cornelia (2008) Files Law and Media Technology [translated by Geoffrey Win-

throp-Young] Stanford CA Stanford Univ Press

Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change ByPaul M Collins Jr and Lori A Ringhand New York CambridgeUniversity Press 2013 296 pp $3299 paperback

Reviewed by Sara C Benesh Department of Political Science Uni-versity of Wisconsin ndash Milwaukee

1048 Book Reviews

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 35: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

13922 2270lt79=

5132gt6+ 5-A+()

13

$amp()amp(+13+--

(()ampamp0-11313

23+4

4-amp-13 $amp ()+ ((-(012341341-

41amp-225212341341-

6

7

)+ 3

8

8 9amp

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 36: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

ASIAN STUDIES REVIEW 649

and local Lanna past which paradoxically is more developed civilised and prosperous than alternative visions advanced by either Bangkok or the West

A final substantive chapter closely analyses debates among planning professionals over pro-jects to restore urban local identity and prosperity through revitalisation of local architectural aesthetics public squares urban temple systems and taboos in building craft In a brief con-clusion Johnson summarises his argument about the parallel logics and function of possessing spirits and cultural heritage as privileged but alternative fulcrums ldquothrough which the potential of the past is actualised into khwam charoenrdquo (progress) (p 156)

The most convincing parts of Johnsonrsquos argument emerge out of his discussion of city plan-ners architects and artists His ethnographic data in these chapters is detailed varied and exten-sive particularly his extended discussion of the creation reception and use of the Royal Floral Exposition in Chiang Mai in 2006 In these chapters Johnson does a fine job of teasing out the complications arising when religious aesthetics ritual and the built environment are reconfig-ured into forms of regionalised cultural heritage as well as when sites and objects of reinvented cultural heritage become in turn objects of religious pilgrimage His analysis is particularly effective in pointing out how empty the rhetoric of ldquoThainessrdquo or ldquoLanna-nessrdquo often actually is when employed as a marker of authentic localism in contrast to the threatening cultural foreign otherness of the West or Bangkok

Johnsonrsquos ethnographic materials on spirit mediums and possession in Chiang Mai are more partial fragmented and de-contextualised Extended descriptions and analysis of ritual events in their full performative complexity are absent as is a discussion of the place of spirit mediums within the total urban ritual economy of Chiang Mai How the voices and activities of spirit mediums are uniquely suited to address the urban misfortunes of Chiang Mai is less clear as a result especially since spirit mediums in rural settings throughout Thailand also utilise the same mythologies and ritual forms that Johnson describes

At the foundation of Johnsonrsquos argument that spirit mediums and city planners and architects are privileged parallel vehicles through which the material and spiritual potential of Chiang Mai can be actualised are several iconoclastic claims One is that phatthana (development) refers to superficial material qualities while charoen refers to an objectrsquos hidden unseen qualities and that charoen is a key index of spiritual advancement and cosmological status A second is the frequent suggestion that cities themselves and not just the spiritually potent objects located within them possess magical charisma (barami) Further research is required to validate these assertions

Erick WhiteCornell Universitycopy 2016 Erick White

httpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161148540

Opposing the rule of law how Myanmarrsquos courts make law and order by Nicholas Cheesman Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2015 317 pp pound6500 (hardback amp kindle)

Opposing the Rule of Law is a significant contribution to the study of politics and society in Myanmar both contemporaneously and historically Dr Cheesman has done what no one has previously studied the practice of Myanmarrsquos courts and judicial system in detail discussing how state operatives use the law to limit the exercise of rights theoretically guaranteed to all

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 37: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

650 BOOK REVIEWS

who fall within its jurisdiction The author approaches the question from a legal perspective those from other disciplines can see the issue differently All would agree at least on what is injustice even if few can adequately define justice Since 2011 and the introduction of the third constitution of Myanmar since independence and particularly following the election of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the national legislature discussion of the necessity of establishing the rule of law has been central to political discourse in Myanmar

Scholars and others have often discussed and occasionally analysed corruption in the Myanmar legal system In recent years this topic and the way in which various governments especially those dominated by the army have used the law to control the population and limit the ability of people to express their political views is often touched on but rarely documented as thoroughly as it is in Opposing the Rule of Law Cheesman demonstrates mastery of his subject in nine substantive chapters an extensive appendix discussing his methodology and an extraordinarily useful bibliography of both English and Burmese texts and judicial reports He has definitively demonstrated what most scholars believe to be the case without taking the effort to demonstrate in a coherent and exhaustive manner

In his first chapter the author argues that the concept of law and order is in opposition to the rule of law The concept of the rule of law contains a normative content and thus politicians often aspire to endorse it but the two concepts of law and order Cheesman argues are political and by implication a-normative Cheesmanrsquos argument is entirely persuasive Yet it begs the question how can the rule of law prevail if there is no order As Thomas Hobbes notes law comes from the sovereign whether that be a king or a legislature and here lies the contradiction between the rule of law and the concept of law and order the law cannot limit the sovereign because he makes it

Cheesman fruitfully delves into the meaning of these concepts in Burmese and into what he calls the withdrawal of sovereign cetana [will or goodwill] He argues that when the state withdraws sovereign cetana the individual falls out of the protection of the law This status became increasingly frequent especially after the military took over the government between 1988 and 2010 When General Saw Maung said words to the effect that he was the law he was merely expressing the Hobbesian idea that the law can only exist and be used with the sovereignrsquos consent Ultimately the law is a political artefact

Like most legal scholars Cheesman largely ignores the politics that have surrounded both the concepts of the rule of law and law and order in Myanmarrsquos tortured history His contribution nonetheless is a significant step in coming to think clearly about the rule of law in Myanmar As the implications become clearer many find the rule of law less desirable than it is in the abstract For those with power and wealth the law can often be a tool used to preserve those advantages as some of Cheesmanrsquos legal cases make clear

The volume concludes with a call for the end of ldquoquietuderdquo what Cheesman infers from the Burmese term translated as law and order ngyeinwut-pibyaye He contends that this implies ldquoa condition where the statersquos forces bind peoplersquos activity to ensure they remain decent and inoffensiverdquo (p 30) Perhaps his desire will be achieved but not with the result he wishes for The barrister Sir Robert Norman says at the end of Terrence Rattiganrsquos The Winslow Boy a play about a trial that ends with an ambivalent conclusion as to the justice of the decision he won ldquoit is easy to do justice and it is difficult to do rightrdquo In contrast Cheesman convincingly argues that it is not easy to do justice but he does not explain how justice can guarantee right

Robert H TaylorInstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (Singapore)

copy 2016 Robert H Taylorhttpdxdoiorg1010801035782320161178095

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 38: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 1 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

Tea Circle

An Oxford Forum for New research On BurmaMyanmar

Book Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order by NickCheesman Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2015 317 Pages

The lsquorule of lawrsquo is the new buzzword which seems to have taken precedence over the discourse onhuman rights Tension between the need for maintaining law and order along with an imperativeconcern for the rule of law is clearly palpable Nick Cheesman delves into this fascinating area ofresearch in his book on Myanmar where the rule of law in his own words is lsquolexically present butsemantically absentrsquo By utilizing rich empirical research of court room politics and perspectives ofcommon people public officials police lawyers and judges his book brings alive the intricate butwell coordinated functioning of the massive law and order machinery in opposition to the idealsof the rule of law

Cheesman begins by stating that the rule of law has been a part of the Burmese political lexicon fora long time with politicians bureaucrats and soldiers all professing their concern for upholding itThe concept seemed to convey different things to different audiences in different contexts Thecontested meaning of the concept is interestingly examined by the author by not only looking athow it is embodied in action but also by analyzing how opposite ideals are likewise embodiedThus the rule of law (taya-ubade-somoye) is studied by examining its opposite in Myanmar which islaw and order (ngyeinwut-pibyaye) Those interested in history and gender studies will find thesaga of the endurance of colonial criminal laws and the existence of gendered differentiation inlaw utterly fascinating

The book discusses various paradoxical facets of legal institutions and their functioning in postcolonial Burma The manner in which the concepts of public enemy enclosed courts and judicialpardon are defined and used in everyday life gives us an idea of the power of sovereign authorityalong with the importance of maintaining secrecy and order Judicial torture for gainingconfessions money making and bribery (helped by the politics of disguise and pretense) expectedstandards of behaviour and innumerable ways of breaking rules are some of the issues raisedwhich the readers will find extremely captivating Cheesman also touches on the critical andcurrent aspect of lsquovoicesrsquo in favour of the rule of law with complainants approaching the mediaoutlets (both visual and print) calling press conferences and using blogs and Face-book pages toposthost accounts of wrongdoings by officials

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 39: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"

27072016 344 pmBook Review Opposing the Rule of Law-How Myanmarrsquos Courts Make Law and Order (Nick Cheesman 2015) ndash Tea Circle

Page 2 of 2httpsteacircleoxfordcom20160315book-review-opposing-thhellipanmars-courts-make-law-and-order-nick-cheesman-2015more-461

The book is very well researched with records pertaining to 393 criminal cases in 86 courts at alllevels from across Myanmar and is a lsquomust readrsquo Law Reports Supreme Court Gazettes LegalJournals Police Manuals private citizensrsquo (letters of complaint) FIRrsquos about alleged offensessearch and seizure forms arrest and charge sheets court daily diaries courtroom testimoniesverdicts and appeal submissions have been meticulously studied It successfully holds theattention of the reader through its easy language and flowing rendition of an otherwise difficultand complex subject of law and justice

reshmioxford

Dr Reshmi Banerjee is currently an Academic Visitor in the Asian Studies Centre in St AntonyrsquosCollege University of Oxford She was previously a research associate in the Centre of SoutheastAsian Studies (CSEAS) in SOAS University of London where she worked on land conflicts inMyanmar and on the political economy of the Indo-Myanmar frontier She has been a postdoctoral fellow in the department of international relations in the University of Indonesia (UI) andwas a researcher in the Economic Research Center Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) inJakartaShe is a political scientist with specialization in food security and agricultural policies andhas an MPhil and PhD in the subject from the Centre for Political Studies (CPS) JawaharlalNehru University New Delhi

Post

Book Review law and order rule of law transition

COMMENTS ARE CLOSED

BLOG AT WORDPRESSCOM | THE BASKERVILLE THEME

UP uarruarr

Author archive March 15 2016

Page 40: Reviews of \"Opposing the rule of law\"