CHAPTER III REVIEW OF LITERATURE 3.1 Overview 3.2 Theoretical Background of the Study 3.2.1 Pre-classical Beginnings 3.2.2 Classical Economics 3.2.3 The Neo-classical Interlude 3.2.4 Dynamic Analysis 3.2.5 Keynesian Growth Theory 3.2.6 Development Economics 3.2.6.1 The Linear Stages Theories 3.2.6.1.1 Rostow’s Stages of Growth 3.2.6.1.2 The Harrod-Domar Growth Model 3.2.6.2 Theories and Patterns of Structural Change 3.2.6.2.1 W. Arthur Lewis’ Two-Sector Surplus Model 3.2.6.2.2 Hollis Chenery’s Patterns of Development Approach 3.2.6.3 The International Dependence Revolution 3.2.6.3.1 The Neo-colonial Dependence Model 3.2.6.3.2 The False-Paradigm Model 3.2.6.3.3 The Dualistic-Development Thesis 3.2.6.4 The Neo-classical Counter Revolution: Market Fundamentalism. 3.2.6.4.1 Free Market Analysis 3.2.6.4.2 Public-Choice Theory or New Political Economy Approach 3.2.6.4.3 The Market- Friendly Approach 3.2.7 Recent Developments 3.3 A Journey through UNDP Reports 3.3.1 Concept and Measurement of Human Development (HDR, 1990) 3.3.2 Financing Human Development (HDR, 1991) 3.3.3 Global Dimensions of Human Development (HDR, 1992), 3.3.4 People’s Participation (HDR, 1993) 3.3.5 New Dimensions of Human Security (HDR, 1994), 3.3.6 Gender and Human Development (HDR, 1995), 3.3.7 Economic Growth and Human Development (HDR, 1996), 3.3.8 Human Development to Eradicate Poverty (HDR, 1997), 3.3.9 Consumption for Human Development (Changing Today’s Consumption Patterns - for Tomorrow’s Human Development- HDR, 1998), 3.3.10 Globalization with a Human Face (HDR, 1999), 3.3.11 Human Rights and Human Development (HDR, 2000), 3.3.12 Making New Technologies Work for Human Development (HDR, 2001), 3.3.13 Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World (HDR, 2002), 3.3.14 Millennium Development Goals: A Compact among Nations to End Human Poverty (HDR, 2003), 3.3.15 Cultural Liberty in Today’s Diverse World (HDR, 2004), 3.3.16 International Co-operation at a Crossroads: Aid, Trade and Security in an Unequal World (HDR, 2005), 3.3.17 Beyond Scarcity: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis (HDR, 2006), 3.3.18 Fighting Climate Change: Human Solidarity in a Divided World (HDR, 2007/2008), 3.3.19 Overcoming Barriers: Human Mobility and Development (HDR, 2009),
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CHAPTER III
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
3.1 Overview 3.2 Theoretical Background of the Study
3.2.1 Pre-classical Beginnings 3.2.2 Classical Economics 3.2.3 The Neo-classical Interlude 3.2.4 Dynamic Analysis 3.2.5 Keynesian Growth Theory 3.2.6 Development Economics
3.2.6.1 The Linear Stages Theories 3.2.6.1.1 Rostow’s Stages of Growth 3.2.6.1.2 The Harrod-Domar Growth Model
3.2.6.2 Theories and Patterns of Structural Change 3.2.6.2.1 W. Arthur Lewis’ Two-Sector Surplus Model 3.2.6.2.2 Hollis Chenery’s Patterns of Development Approach
3.2.6.3 The International Dependence Revolution 3.2.6.3.1 The Neo-colonial Dependence Model 3.2.6.3.2 The False-Paradigm Model 3.2.6.3.3 The Dualistic-Development Thesis
3.2.6.4 The Neo-classical Counter Revolution: Market Fundamentalism. 3.2.6.4.1 Free Market Analysis 3.2.6.4.2 Public-Choice Theory or New Political Economy
Approach 3.2.6.4.3 The Market- Friendly Approach
3.2.7 Recent Developments 3.3 A Journey through UNDP Reports
3.3.1 Concept and Measurement of Human Development (HDR, 1990) 3.3.2 Financing Human Development (HDR, 1991) 3.3.3 Global Dimensions of Human Development (HDR, 1992), 3.3.4 People’s Participation (HDR, 1993) 3.3.5 New Dimensions of Human Security (HDR, 1994), 3.3.6 Gender and Human Development (HDR, 1995), 3.3.7 Economic Growth and Human Development (HDR, 1996), 3.3.8 Human Development to Eradicate Poverty (HDR, 1997), 3.3.9 Consumption for Human Development (Changing Today’s Consumption
Patterns - for Tomorrow’s Human Development- HDR, 1998), 3.3.10 Globalization with a Human Face (HDR, 1999), 3.3.11 Human Rights and Human Development (HDR, 2000), 3.3.12 Making New Technologies Work for Human Development (HDR,
2001), 3.3.13 Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World (HDR, 2002), 3.3.14 Millennium Development Goals: A Compact among Nations to End
Human Poverty (HDR, 2003), 3.3.15 Cultural Liberty in Today’s Diverse World (HDR, 2004), 3.3.16 International Co-operation at a Crossroads: Aid, Trade and Security in
an Unequal World (HDR, 2005), 3.3.17 Beyond Scarcity: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis (HDR,
2006), 3.3.18 Fighting Climate Change: Human Solidarity in a Divided World (HDR,
2007/2008), 3.3.19 Overcoming Barriers: Human Mobility and Development (HDR, 2009),
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3.3.20 The Real Wealth of Nations: Pathways to Human Development (HDR, 2010),
3.3.21 Sustainability and Equity: A Better Future for All (HDR, 2011). 3.4 Pieterse’ Summary 3.5 Previous Studies
3.5.1 Church, Society, and Labor Resources: An Intra-Denominational Comparison
3.5.2 The Church and Social Change in Latin America. 3.5.3 Evaluation as a Development in Religious Research 3.5.4 Political Cohesion in Churches 3.5.5 Direct Democracy and the Puritan Theory of Membership 3.5.6 The Social Teaching of the Church 3.5.7 Providing Culturally Relevant Mental Health Services: Collaboration
between Psychology and the African American Church. 3.5.8 Right Relation Revisited: Implications of Right Relation in the Practice
of Church and Christian Perceptions of God 3.5.9 Africa's Churches Wake Up to Oil's Problems & Possibilities 3.5.10 Rural Development as a Frame Analytic Challenge for Religious
Communities: The Case of Rural Parishes of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland.
3.5.11 Taking the Sanctuary to the Streets: Religion, Race, and Community Development in Columbus, Ohio
3.5.12 The Black Church as a Social Welfare Institution: Union United Church and the Development of Montreal’s Black Community, 1907-1940
3.5.13 Transformational Development on the Western Pacific Agenda? Aspects of Church, State and the Colonial Legacy in Papua New Guinea
3.5.14 The Role of the Roman Catholic Church in the Service Provision of Education in Slovenia and Hungary
3.5.15 Are Church and State Substitutes? Evidence from the 1996 Welfare Reform
3.5.16 Churches and Social Development: A South African Perspective 3.5.17 Catholic and Non-Catholic NGOs Fighting HIV/AIDS in Sub Saharan
Africa: Issue Framing and Collaboration 3.5.18 Rural Development as a Frame Analytic Challenge for Religious
Communities: The Case of Rural Parishes of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland.
3.5.19 Money, Sex and Religion: The Case of the Church of Scotland 3.5.20 The Role of Protestantism in Democratic Consolidation among
Transitional States 3.5.21 Churches as a Stock of Social Capital for Promoting Social
Development in Western Cape Communities. 3.5.22 Poverty and Morality: Religious and Secular Perspectives 3.5.23 Religion, Community and Development. 3.5.24 Some Other Important Studies.
3.6 Importance of the Study 3.7 Summing up
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3.1 Overview
“It is impossible for a man to step into the same river twice.1” (Heraclitus)
These words indicate the changeful nature of everything. Nothing is static in this
universe. Everything is dynamic. No idea is static, no theory is static.
“Knowledge is cumulative.” Knowledge is part of culture2. The development
theory have also changed lot and travelled through different paradigms. In the
first part of this chapter the researcher tries to identify the major development
theories, which is a discussion about economic theories stemming from the
classical tradition of Adam Smith and David Ricardo, outlined in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, continued in nineteenth century Neo-
classical (marginalist) economics, modified by twentieth century. Jan Nederveen
Pieterse3, Michael P. Todaro4 and Richard Peet5 were surveying, questioning and
reviewing the history of development economics and its different aspects. The
researcher followed the convention of dividing mainstream economic theory into
historical periods such as pre-classical, classical, Neo-classical, Keynesian and
development economics.
Since 1990 UNDP has been publishing enough materials in relation with
development discussions through its annual reports. On the basis of these reports
the researcher presents a summary of these reports, in the second part of this
chapter. It will throw light on the recent trends in development discussions.
In the third part of this chapter the researcher concentrates on a sufficient
number of previous studies which directly involved Churches in the development
programs at universal, national state and local levels.
3.2 Theoretical Background of the Study
3.2.1 Pre-classical Beginnings
Knowledge is cumulative. Any new knowledge has close relationship with
its previous ideas. The French post-structuralist philosopher Michel Foucault
(1972)6 called the historical recovery of the ideas as ‘archaeology’. Richard Peet is
of the view that in the case of economic theory, many of the concepts of classical
economics were continuations of earlier preoccupations (Peet & Hartwick, 2005).
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Medieval theorists always combined religion with economy and found God active
in all worldly processes. Medieval (Catholic) Christianity emphasized duty to God
rather than the rights of the individual; this duty entailed moral limitations on the
economic actor. According to the medieval doctrine of ‘just price7’, the medieval
thinkers like Albertus Magnus (c 1200-1280) or Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274),
prices were matters of justice and law had a duty to fix them and punish individuals
who exceeded the just price. (Haney 1949: 95-100)
The belief that communal economic justice reflected God’s will began to
erode with urbanization, monetization, secularization, and the Protestant
Reformation, that is, with the onset of modernity, with its central belief that
humans create their own destiny8. Classical economics derives from the new,
Protestant attitudes toward labor, wealth, and productive life9.
Classical economics has developed in a conflictual relation with
mercantilism. Right from the fifteenth century to the nineteenth century,
mercantilism was regarded as a total system of ideas on politics, institutions, and
economic practices. Mercantilist political policy aimed at increasing national
power, symbolized by the political might of the state. According to mercantilist
ideology, a country was considered prosperous when it had a favorable balance of
trade, specifically an increased inflow of bullion (gold and silver)10. Sir William
Petty thought that government should take responsibility for maintaining
employment and relieving poverty by fiscal and monetary policies and through
public works.
During the seventeenth century, particularly in Britain, it has developed
much more definite ideas about a free market economy11. The political
philosophers of seventeenth and eighteenth century Britain especially Thomas
Hobbes, John Locke and David Hume, have played important roles to the origin
of capitalism from the path of mercantilism, especially important in forming the
philosophical basis of classical economic theory.
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3.2.2 Classical Economics
Classical economics covers a period of thought stretching from Adam
smith’s “The Wealth of Nations” (1776) to John Stuart Mill’s “Principles of
Political Economy” (1848). During this time economics was part of a broader
system of political economy embedded in an even more general moral
philosophy.
Smith’s famous Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, elaborated such
notions of moral philosophy in to a theory of economic behavior. Smith argued
that “all humans shared certain characteristics, whether innate or resulting from
the faculties of reason and speech, which he described as certain prosperity to
“truck, barter and exchange one thing for another” (Smith, 1937 ed.)
Smith’s economics tried to explain why some nations prospered, became
wealthy or, in contemporary parlance, experienced economic growth. He found
the immediate answer in the division of labor. According to Smith, by
specializing the various tasks involved in production, dexterity could be
increased, time saved and labor-saving machinery invented by persons familiar
with minute tasks. The products so made were exchanged through trade. And the
division of labor was limited only by the extent of the market. With
improvements in transport, the market increased in size, labor became more
specialized, money replaced barter, and productivity increased.
3.2.3 The Neo-classical Interlude
In the last third of the nineteenth century economics changed from
political economy, part of a moral philosophy critically involved with social
issues, to a specialized scientific discipline fascinated by calculus, algebra, and
plane geometry, and increasingly removed from social concerns. The central
theme of economics changed from growth of the national wealth to the role of the
margin in the efficient allocation of resources.
Neo-classical economic theory asserted that, under conditions of perfect
competition, price-making markets yielded a long-run set of prices that balanced,
or equilibrated, the supplies and demands for each commodity in production and
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consumption. Given certain conditions, such as the preferences of consumers,
productive techniques, and the mobility of productive factors, market forces of
supply and demand allocated resources efficiently, in the sense of minimizing
costs, and maximized consumer utilities, in the long run. And finally, all the
participants in production received income that commensurate with their efforts.
Capitalism was therefore the best of all possible economic worlds. It was the
context in which Thorstein Veblen and others challenged the Neo-classical
economic thought12.
3.2.4 Dynamic Analysis
There were other traditions in economics that oppose the Neo-classical
consensus. In Germany the historical school of economics had long been critical
of the abstract nature of both Ricardian and marginalist economics. The historical
school was influenced by the German philosophical traditions of idealism and
romanticism. The historical school’s main themes were the unity of social and
economic life, the plurality of human motives, and the relativity of history-all
regarded from an organicist or holistic viewpoint. The German historical school
was empirical and it tended to be more critical of capitalism than Neo-classical
economics.
Joseph Schumpeter combined methods and theories (German historical
school, Marxian, marginalist, and equilibrium) from all approaches within an
overall perspective derived from advanced natural science. “…Schumpeter
thought further that creativity could not be predicted from previous facts:
creativity shaped the course of future events, yet itself was an enigma. Even so,
economics had to deal with psychology and human motivation at a different level
than everyday utilitarianism (Peet & Hartwick, 2005).
Innovative investment was financed not by savings but by credit, with
interest paid from the profits generated by innovation. Rather than causing
deviations in a kind of dynamic equilibrium, Schumpeter saw the development
initiated by innovation as uneven, discontinuous, and taking the form of business
cycles. These cycles could be short term, medium term and long term (Kuznets,
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1953), which Schumpeter conceptualized as epochs with different values and
civilization characteristics. For all his praise of the entrepreneur, Schumpeter also
thought that an economy satiated with capital and rationalized by entrepreneurial
minds would eventually become socialist (Schumpeter, 1961).
3.2.5 Keynesian Growth Theory
Keynes’s General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936)
argued that the creation of demand by supply could occur at any level of
employment or income, so that full employment was but one of many economic
possibilities. The particular level of employment, Keynes thought, was
determined by aggregate demand for goods and services in the entire economy.
Assuming that the government had a neutral effect, two groups influenced
aggregate demand: consumers buying consumption goods and investors buying
production equipment. Consumers increased their spending as their incomes rose,
although by a smaller production: however, this was not the key variable in
explaining the overall level of employment, for consumption depended on
income, which depended on something else (Keynes, 1936).
In the Keynesian system, real investment was the crucial variable:
changes in real investment fed into other areas of an economy. Investment
resulted from decisions made by entrepreneurs under conditions of risk. Here the
key variable was “expectation “or, more generally, the degree of investor
confidence. Keynes explained the interest rate not in terms of savers postponing
consumption, but in terms of speculation about future stock prices, which in turn
determined interest rates, as savings moved from one fund to another.
Keynes doubted that merely changing interest rates would be sufficient to
significantly alter business confidence and thus investment. He viewed that the
manipulation of interest rates and the government spending. When capital was
scarce, saving was beneficial to an economy. When unemployment rose,
however, thrift impeded economic growth. Keynes thus assaulted a basic tenet of
Puritan (and Smithian) economics, the identification of thrift with virtue
(Lekachman, 1966). Keynes also proved theoretically what depression had long
70
shown in practice, that free markets did not spontaneously maximize human well-
being.
These ideas became the basis of economic growth theory and helped the
emergence of development economics as an independent discipline.
3.2.6 Development Economics
The development economics that emerged in the 1950s was different from
Neo-classical and Keynesian economics because of their specific focus on
developing countries and their greater practicality in terms of a more immediate
policy orientation.
According to Michael P Todaro, the post-Second World War literature on
economic development has been dominated by four major schools of thought: (1)
the linear-stages-0f-growth model, (2) theories and patterns of structural change,
(3) the international- dependence revolution, and (4) the Neo-classical, free-
market Counter-revolution.
Theorists of the 1950s and early 1960s viewed the process of
development as a series of economic growth through which all countries must
pass. It was primarily an economic theory of development in which the right
quantity and mixture of saving, investment, and foreign aid were all that was
necessary to enable developing nations to proceed along an economic growth
path that historically had been followed by the more developed countries.
Development thus became synonymous with rapid, aggregate economic growth.
3.2.6.1 The Linear Stages Theories
There are two important theories under the linear stages theories. They are
Rostow’s Stages of economic growth and the Harrod-Domar growth model.
3.2.6.1.1 Rostow’s Stages of Growth
An early theory of development economics, the linear-stages-of-growth
model was first formulated in the 1950s by W.W. Rostow in ‘The Stages of
Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto’. This theory modifies Marx's stages
theory of development and focuses on the accelerated accumulation of capital,
71
through the utilization of both domestic and international savings as a means of
spurring investment, as the primary means of promoting economic growth and,
thus, development. The linear-stages-of-growth model posits that there are a
series of five consecutive stages of development which all countries must go
through during the process of development. These stages are “the traditional
society, the pre-conditions for take-off, the take-off, the drive to maturity, and the
age of high mass-consumption (Rostow, 1960)
The advanced countries had all passed the stage of “take-off into self-
sustaining growth,” and the underdeveloped countries that were still in either the
traditional society or the “preconditions” stage had only to follow a certain set of
rules of development to take off in their turn into self-sustaining economic
growth.
3.2.6.1.2 The Harrod-Domar Growth Model
In the Harrod-Domar model, increasing economic growth basically
involved increasing the savings rate, in some cases through the state budget.
Development policies based on the Harrod-Domar model were used in left-
leaning countries in the 1950s-for example, in India’s First Five Year Plan.
Simple versions of the Harrod-Domar Model provide a mathematical illustration
of the argument that improved capital investment leads to greater economic
growth.
Michael Todaro presents it as follows:
Every economy must save a certain proportion of its national income, if
only to replace worn-out or impaired capital goods. However, in order to
grow, new investments representing net additions to the capital stock are
necessary. If we assume that there is some direct economic relationship
between the size of the total capital stock and total GNP. It follows that
any net additions to the capital stock in the form of new investment will
bring about corresponding increases in the flow of national output, GNP
(Todaro, 1993).
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In 1970s, this linear stage theory was replaced by theories and patterns of
structural change and the international dependence revolution.
3.2.6.2 Theories and Patterns of Structural Change
Structural-change theory deals with policies focused on changing the
economic structures of developing countries from being composed primarily of
subsistence agricultural practices to being a “more modern, more urbanized, and
more industrially diverse manufacturing and service economy.” There are two
major forms of structural-change theory;
3.2.6.2.1 W. Arthur Lewis’ Two-Sector Surplus Model
The two-sector model of economic growth developed by William Arthur
Lewis is a classical economic model, as opposed to the Neo-classical one. Lewis
believed that Neo-classical economics does not accurately describe the condition
of economically less-developed countries (LDCs) because it assumes that labor is
in short supply. Lewis's model posited two sectors in the economy of an LDC: the
modern and the traditional.
An increase in the amount of capital in the modern sector would increase
the marginal product of labor in the modern sector and thereby increase total
output there-whereas it would not affect the traditional sector at all. Thus, he
argued, capital accumulation in the modern sector is the method for growing a
less developed economy without doing any real damage to the traditional sector.
According to this model, capital accumulation in the modern sector will lead to
rising incomes as well as rising income inequality-signs of economic growth and
development. At some point in time, there will be enough capital accumulation
that the marginal product of labor in the modern sector will equal the marginal
product of labor in the traditional sector at the traditional-sector wage rate. From
that point on, the two sectors become integrated, marginal product of labor begins
to determine the wage rate-as in Neo-classical economic theory-and the LDC
becomes a more economically developed country. (http://voices.yahoo.com/
1990> Post development Authoritarian, engineering, disaster.
101
He also presents a map of the main contours of development thinking in
different periods. He places them in the context of the pattern of hegemony in
international relations and the structures of explanation prevalent at the time.
Table 3:2 Development theories and global hegemony
Development Thinking
Historical context Hegemony Explanation
Progress Evolutionism
19th century British empire Colonial anthropology. Social Darwinism
Classical Development
1890-1930s Latecomers colonialism
Classical political economy.
Modernization Post-war boom U S hegemony Growth theory, structural functionalism
Dependency Decolonization Third world Nationalism
Neomarxism
Neoliberalism 1980s> Globlization monetarism
Neo-classical economics, Finance and corporate capital
Human development
1980s> Rise of Asian and Pacific Rim, big emerging markets
Capabilities,
developmental state
Though he has explained the meaning of development only up to 1990s it is
relevant to the present period. As Pieterse opined the researcher would like to
conclude that:
‘There are several ways of making sense of the shift of meanings of
development overtime. One is to view this kind of archaeology of
development discourse as a deconstruction of development, i.e. as part of a
development critique. Another is to treat it as [art of historical context: it is
quite sensible for development of change meaning in relation to changing
circumstances and sensibilities. ‘Development’ then serves as a mirror of
changing economic and social capacities, priorities and choices. A third
option is to recombine these different views as dimensions of development
102
i.e., to fit them all together as part of a development mosaic and thus to
reconstruct development as synthesis of components’ (Pieterse, 2001).
This is the theoretical frame work within which the researcher is presenting this
thesis and the underlying principle of the thesis.
3.5 Previous Studies
Previous studies were helpful and conducive to the researcher to understand
the different aspects of the topic theoretically and practically. The researcher has
tried to incorporate into this study some of the earlier researches regarding
development involvement of the Churches at different levels. These studies are
presented in a more or less satisfactory chronological pattern. The review of the
previous studies has enabled the researcher to understand the novelty and
uniqueness of the present topic. It can undoubtedly be said that the present study
clearly differs from all the previous studies conducted on the theme ‘Church and
development’.
3.5.1 Church, Society, and Labor Resources: An Intra-Denominational Comparison
This paper, a comparative analysis of two Latter-day Saint bodies, deals
with the independent role of the external situation on social system structure and
functioning. The Mormons and the Reorganites, closely similar in value
orientations and beliefs but historically involved in widely different situations, have
established contrasting solutions to the strategic missionary manpower problem.
Significant intra-Church consequences flow from these differences. In the Mormon
case the historical situation created the conditions for the full institutionalization of
both the mission role and volunteer labor. In the second case situational
imperatives required the Reorganization to postpone collective goal action and
there-by decreased the organization's need to channel religious loyalties into labor
resources (Vallier, 1962).
3.5.2 The Church and Social Change in Latin America.
This book consists a collection of writings is an outgrowth of Cornell
University's celebration of Latin American Year in 1965-1966. It includes a
103
number of papers presented as part of that program and several others written
expressly for this volume. The book is divided into four parts.
Part I includes a brief introduction by the editor and a rather lengthy
analysis by Ivan Vallier of the sociological bases of Church influence, the
strategies of influence used in the past, the changing patterns that are emerging, and
the relation of these patterns to the problems of secular modernization.
Part II is historical in content. Renato Poblete, S.J., summarizes the
principal developments in the history of the Church beginning with colonial times.
Fredrick Pike illustrates the multiple character of Latin American Catholicism in
his study of the divergent results of interplay between political and spiritual forces
in Argentina, Chile, and Peru during the present century. Henry Landsberger
focuses attention on the role of the hierarchy and elite groups in the formulation
and implementation of social doctrine in Chile since the 1880's.
Part III deals with the effects of Vatican Council II on Church doctrine and
social change. Archbishop Marco McGrath of Panama stresses the religious
function of the Church in fostering social initiative and a sense of community in the
approach to basic problems. Abbot Francois Houtart examines the changes that are
taking place in ecclesiastical institutions (parishes, dioceses, religious
congregations, Catholic Action groups) and in the roles and attitudes of workers
within those institutions. Richard Shaull compares two forms of Catholic lay
activism: Christian Democracy in Chile and the New Christian Left in Brazil. He
attributes the diminishing appeal of the former to its attempt to reshape society
through the imposition of a preconceived order. Similarly, he contends that
Marxism is also being repudiated in many areas precisely because it, too, is a
priori. Brazilian radicalism suffers from neither of these handicaps. By rejecting
ecclesiastical affiliation and by assuming a secular, pragmatic posture, it offers an
attractive alternative to Marxism as an instrument of social revolution.
Part IV concentrates on specialized sectors and internal structures. John
Kennedy surveys the legal status of the Church in Latin America and comments on
the meaning of the Vatican accords of 1964 and 1966 with Venezuela and
104
Argentina. Cecilio de Lora Soria outlines the aims and activities of the Latin
American Episcopal Council (CELAM) in promoting international integration and
development. In the concluding essay Emanuel de Kadt traces the rise of Catholic
radicalism in Brazil, with major emphasis on the Catholic University Youth
Movement (JUC) and Popular Action (AP). It is worth noting that both of these
groups considered emancipation from Episcopal control a requisite condition of
effective action. This should have meaning for members of the hierarchy in other
countries (Landsberger, 1970).
5.3.3 Evaluation as a Development in Religious Research
The development of religious research, as this has occurred in home
missions departments of major denominations, is traced through a sample of
Church research documents. The early phase (from the 1920s to 1950) was
characterized by an interest in describing the Church as a social institution. An
implicit need of the researcher seemed to be the development of his stature within
the social science community. The development phase (1950s) was one in which
Church research needs were dictated by an institutional development philosophy
within denominations. An action research phase (1960s) was characterized by
increasing questioning of the effectiveness of programs and a need for a rational
basis for allocating resources. Implications of evaluative research for the Church
may include attempts at specific goal and objective setting for programs; a closer
working relationship between program developers, researchers, and clients, and
some efforts at interdisciplinary or interagency research work (Johnson, 1972).
3.5.4 Political Cohesion in Churches
The political cohesiveness of religious groups varies widely. Some
Churches develop an all-most complete identity with a political party or tendency
while others exhibit a high degree of political pluralism. This paper explores some
of the mechanisms that might account for the variability in political solidarity from
one Church to the next. On the basis of data from a survey of Protestant
congregations, we find that cohesiveness around the norm of moral conservatism is
associated with the same distinctive syndrome of traits that Dean Kelley has linked
105
to Church growth and vitality. "Strong" Churches, defined by a combination of
theology, social practices, and demographic characteristics, apparently possess the
necessary resources to promote attitudinal conformity on some political issues
(Wald, Owen, & Hill, 1990).
3.5.5 Direct Democracy and the Puritan Theory of Membership
This essay explores the political implications of seventeenth century
American Congregationalism. The essay describes the Puritan theory of Church
membership and relates it to contemporary liberal and democratic notions of
citizenship. While the relationship of American Puritanism with liberalism has
been previously examined, few commentators have discussed the Puritan
connection with direct democracy. Here the author argues that he distinguishes
between the political theories of democracy and liberalism, and discovers that the
Puritans were "proto-democrats" in their advocacy of small, highly autonomous
participatory communities. The Puritan theory of covenanted Church membership
reveals the nature of citizenship in a direct democracy. "Universal membership" is
more characteristic of the large nation than it is of the small democratic community
because the latter places more power and responsibility in the hands of the voters,
and because a democracy is identified with its citizens rather than with its leaders
or agents (Miller, 1991)
3.5.6 The Social Teaching of the Church
John Desrochers’ “The Social Teaching of the Church” presents in a
comprehensive whole most of the social teachings of the Church: the papal
encyclicals from Leo XIII to John Paul II, the main statements of the World
Council of Churches from the Amsterdam Assembly to the post-Nairobi period and
the key reflections of the Vatican Council, the Pontifical Commission Justice and
Peace, the Catholic Episcopal Conferences of Latin America, Asia and India. With
his understanding, but critical approach, the author situates these documents in
their historical setting, lets them speak for themselves, and shows their deep and
manifold evolution. In a thought-provoking conclusion, he offers an overview of
the major insights already acquired, highlights the new developments and
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directions urgently needed, and tackles the burning issue of relevant action. This
book illustrates how the Christian faith can be meaningfully lived in today’s
pluralistic world and challenges all men and women of good will to build a more
just, participatory, fraternal and human world. (Desrochers, 1992)
3.5.7 Providing Culturally Relevant Mental Health Services: Collaboration between Psychology and the African American Church.
John E. Queener, Juanita K. Martin elaborately describes the role of Church
in the promotion of culturally relevant mental health services in their study
“Providing Culturally Relevant Mental Health Services: Collaboration between
Psychology and the African American Church”. Many African American
psychologists are concerned about the delivery of culturally relevant mental health
services to their community. Recognizing the limitations of traditional
psychotherapies and traditional mental health delivery systems, psychologists have
developed African-centered models of therapy that Emphasize spiritual
development. Using African-centered therapies as a conceptual framework, the
African American Counseling Team (AACT) was formed to overcome the
limitations of traditional mental health systems. AACT provides mental health
services to African Americans by integrating clinical assistance into a support
system (the African American Church) that, historically, African Americans have
trusted, embraced, and used for a variety of personal, social, and spiritual needs.
Specifically, AACT provides individual, group, and couples counseling. It offers
life skills workshops and consults with mental health and other organizations to
enhance the delivery of culturally relevant services by these organizations. The first
section presents the connection between African psychology and religion. The next
sections focus on barriers to and strategies for collaboration between psychologists
and the African American Church. The final section describes a model of
collaboration between psychologists and the African American Church. (Queener
& Martin, 2001)
3.5.8 Right Relation Revisited: Implications of Right Relation in the Practice of Church and Christian Perceptions of God
One of the famous feminist theologians Anne Spalding critically evaluates
some practices of Church in her article “Right Relation' Revisited: Implications of
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Right Relation in the practice of Church and Christian Perceptions of God”. The
idea of right relation embodies mutuality and personal autonomy. Disagreement,
anger, chaos, pain and helplessness are openly recognized within the community
rather than suppressed in order to maintain what is held in common. Right relation
has both personal and political benefits, and enables the promotion of love and
justice in Church and society. Sadly, right relation has often been far from the
practice of Church and, as a result, many Christian feminists have preferred to
build right relation outside the Church based on ideas of sisterhood and friendship.
This paper explores the possibilities for personal and political relationships both
within and beyond the Church. Since the practice of Church is inevitably connected
to our understanding of the divine, the paper also explores how the divine is being
art of right relation. (Spalding, 2001)
3.5.9 Africa's Churches Wake Up to Oil's Problems & Possibilities
Ian Gary critically evaluates the role of Catholic Church in Cameroon in
connection with the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline project in the article, “Africa's
Churches Wake Up to Oil's Problems & Possibilities”. Fr. Patrick Lafon, Secretary
General of the Catholic Church of Cameroon, argue that the Church would stick to
preach and minister its flock as a powerful social, political as well as a religious
institution in the country. But the Catholic Church in Cameroon, like sister
Catholic and Christian Churches in many countries across Africa, is not 'minding
its own business' when it comes to sometimes harmful impacts that oil exploitation
and development can have on African citizens. Indeed, it is speaking out in bold
new ways on the problems and possibilities of oil exploitation and the paradox of
pervasive poverty amidst massive mineral wealth. Fr. Lafon says that our advocacy
on the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Project is part and parcel of preaching the gospel
of Jesus Christ (Gray, 2002).
3.5.10 Rural Development as a Frame Analytic Challenge for Religious Communities: The Case of Rural Parishes of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland.
Lori A Fox opines that the field of career guidance and development is
beginning to integrate individuals’ religion and spiritual beliefs and it seems the
Church as a source of career assistance. “Role of the Church in Career Guidance
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and Development: A Review of the Literature 1960-Early 2000s” review
professional literature, from 1960-early 2000s, is an essay regarding the role of the
Church in the United States in career guidance and development. The focus is on
vocational themes in relation to the Church, Church involvement in career
guidance and development programs, and recommendations for the role of the
Church in career guidance and development. The author came in to a conclusion
that over the past 40 years, the professional literature on this topic has declined.
The Church has made grassroots efforts at providing career guidance, but only
through improved communications of idea and program results will the Church
provide effective career programming on a larger scale. (Fox, 2003)
3.5.11 Taking the Sanctuary to the Streets: Religion, Race, and Community Development in Columbus, Ohio
This study,” Taking the Sanctuary to the Streets: Religion, Race, and
Community Development in Columbus, Ohio”, focuses on how institutional,
organizational, and political contexts construct the involvement of black Churches
in the politics of local community development. It is used a contextual theory of
politics to analyze how black urban Churches get involved in community
development issues and the specific contributions that such involvement makes.
Overall, contextual factors in Columbus presented an environment of exclusion, in
which blacks were locked out of mainstream avenues of participation and
representation. The study shows that despite a general context of exclusion from
Columbus mainstream politics, a group of black Baptist ministers have created a
strong organizational association used to share information, resources, and
expertise necessary to participate collectively in housing, welfare, and community
banking issues. The results of this study demonstrate the continuing relevance of
the black urban Church in helping to ameliorate inner-city problems associated
with community development. (Alex-Assensoh, 2004)23
3.5.12 The Black Church as a Social Welfare Institution: Union United Church and the Development of Montreal’s Black Community, 1907-1940
This article, The Black Church as a Social Welfare Institution: Union
United Church and the Development of Montreal’s Black Community, 1907-
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1940”, examines the role that Union United Church, the oldest Black Church in
Montreal, Quebec, played as a social welfare institution from 1907 to 1940 during
the establishment of the city’s Black community. The Union Church and its
affiliated Church groups played a significant role in the Black community. As a
social welfare institution, it provided the community members with basic
necessities, particularly during a downturn in the economy. Social, recreational,
and educational activities were organized through the Church to promote a sense of
community. Through its ministers, community members battled against the “Color
Line” that excluded members of the community from equitable employment and
educational opportunities. (Este, 2004)
3.5.13 Transformational Development on the Western Pacific Agenda? Aspects of Church, State and the Colonial Legacy in Papua New Guinea
In this article, the writer outlines the problems that face PNG, how various
aspects of Church, state and the former colonial power impact on its present and
future, and what an important role there is for the Church in PNG if only it were
able to disentangle itself from more than a century of paternalism and racism.
The failure of the patron cultures of the Australian political administration
and the mission societies to accept responsibility for the dependency culture they
have created, permeates much present thinking on their part, and has a major
influence on the development policy within both the donor state and the mission
societies.
The resultant new agenda is represented in two major ways. The first,
which is the basis for future aid relations between the Australian administration and
PNG, is the Enhanced Co-operation Package (ECP) described above.
The second is an AusAid initiative, the PNG Church Partnership Program
(PNGCPP). This program reflects the view that aid directed through Churches
produces far more cost effective outcomes than aid directed through beneficiary
governments. (Malone, 2005)
In this article the author emphatically proves that the Church is a stronger
agent of development than government.
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3.5.14 The Role of the Roman Catholic Church in the Service Provision of Education in Slovenia and Hungary
The author presents a comparative analysis of the development of the
countries, Slovenia and Hungary in this study “The Role of the Roman Catholic
Church in the Service Provision of Education in Slovenia and Hungary “. The
analysis shows that there are important differences between the countries in the
education policies as they relate to denominational educational institutions, and
how these institutions are embedded in the education system. This is manifested in
different models of the relations between government and denominational
educational institutions.
The article examines the development of the role of the Roman Catholic
Church as a service provider in education in Slovenia and Hungary during the first
decade of the transition period from 1990 until 2000. In European countries,
different state policies towards denominational educational institutions exist, and
post-socialist states are no exception. Therefore, the approach will describe and
attempt to explain both the similarities and differences between the countries
relating to the following questions: What kind of government policy developed
around this set of institutions? What is the current role of denominational
educational institutions in the education system? How extensive was the
development of denominational educational institutions? (Rakar, 2005)
3.5.15 Are Church and State Substitutes? Evidence from the 1996 Welfare Reform
Churches provide community services similar to those provided by the
governments, but there has been no convincing analysis of the extent to which
Church activity can substitute for government activity. To address this important
issue, this paper uses a new panel data set of Presbyterian Church (USA)
congregations to regress both Church –member donations and a Church’s
community spending on a number of variables, including government welfare
expenditure. A provision of the 1996 welfare law that decreased the availability
and use of welfare services by non-citizens serves as an instrument to identify the
causal effect of government spending on Church activity. The results show that
Church activities substitute. (Hungeman, 2005).
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3.5.16 Churches and Social Development: A South African Perspective
‘Religious institutions do much more than connect people to God – they
connect people to one another24.’
The advantages offered by social development compared with material aid
to deal with the hardships of poverty have been highlighted. The inference is that
the actions taken by Churches concerning social development present positive
signals for changing mindsets towards new ways of helping poor and needy
communities. The article, “Churches and social development: A South African
perspective”, has tried to show the approaches necessary for participants in social
development to become significant players in the transformation process in the
country. This can be achieved by harnessing resources, including the dogma of
caring, inherent in most Faith Based Organizations ( FBOs). Churches and FBOs in
South Africa face the inescapable responsibility and challenge to undertake
substantive and sustainable social development programs25. (Nieman, 2006)
3.5.17 Catholic and Non-Catholic NGOs Fighting HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa: Issue Framing and Collaboration
According to Lisa L. Ferrari, in her study “Catholic and Non-Catholic
NGOs Fighting HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa: Issue Framing and
Collaboration”, governments in sub-Saharan Africa work to provide in-country
relief for the HIV/AIDS crisis, much health care and infrastructure comes from
local or international non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The literature on
NGOs suggests that collaboration increases their efficacy. Many non-Catholic
NGOs do not work collaboratively with Catholic NGOs on HIV/ AIDS, though the
Catholic Church has rich and varied resources at its disposal for relief work.
Observers often characterize the incompatibility of Catholic and non-Catholic
NGOs as tactical, especially with regard to condom use. However, divergent issue
framing is a critical and more fundamental distinction between the two groups.
Contrasting the Catholic Church’s unique spiritual frame with the scientific frame
of many non-Catholic NGOs highlights the epistemological and teleological
differences between the two. Reconciling these differing approaches, or finding
ways to cooperate despite them, is a key element of promoting broader NGO
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collaboration on HIV/AIDS relief work. This theoretical analysis suggests
directions for future empirical research. (Ferrari, 2006)
3.5.18 Rural Development as a Frame Analytic Challenge for Religious Communities: The Case of Rural Parishes of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland.
This article examines how the congregational employees deal with the
potential tension and view the role of parishes, on one hand, as rural actors, and, on
the other, as religious actors. (Pesonen & Vesala, 2007). In many parts of the
European countryside religious communities are facing serious challenges caused
by changing social structures. This is also the case with the Finnish Evangelical
Lutheran parishes that are in many ways affected by migration from the
countryside to city areas. This development has increased pressures on the Church
and its parishes to take a stand in favor of rural development policies and to
contribute to the attempts to maintain and enhance the capability of rural areas.
This kind of involvement is by no means self-evident because the Church has
traditionally occupied a neutral and guarded position in relation to political
questions.
3.5.19 Money, Sex and Religion: The Case of the Church of Scotland
This empirical study addresses whether the gender of a minister has any
effect on remuneration in the Church of Scotland in 2004. The data set merges
three cross-sectional sources, namely denominational data, Church census
information and local geographic characteristics. We find that male ministers are
more likely to be matched to affluent Churches permitted to pay a voluntary
stipend premium all else equal. Moreover, conditional on eligibility, there is
evidence that male clergy are more likely to receive this bonus. The data are unable
to discriminate between demand and supply side explanations of these findings
(Smith, Sawkins, & Mochrie, 2007).
3.5.20 The Role of Protestantism in Democratic Consolidation among Transitional States
Rollin F. Tusalem, in his study, “the role of Protestantism in democratic
consolidation among transitional states”, argued that, historically, Protestantism has
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also been linked to generating a political culture that promotes individualism,
tolerance, the pluralism of ideas, and civic associationalism. Recent empirical
evidence also shows how Protestant countries are more likely to be democratic
compared to largely Islamic and Catholic states. Drawing from established cultural
theories, the author empirically tests the argument whether or not transitional states
with larger Protestant populations are more likely to strengthen their democracies.
Findings indicate that transitional states that have higher Protestant populations are
more likely to have higher levels of voice and accountability, political stability,
citizenship empowerment, and civil society pluralism. The author contends that
transitional states with higher Protestant populations are more likely to consolidate
their democracies. In other words, Protestantism in transitional states has facilitated
higher levels of mass public support and commitment to democracy both in
principle and in practice. He indicated some previous studies which have
examined the causal link between Protestantism and democratization, primarily in
shaping a nation-state’s cultural ethos and its tendency to affect the outcome of
democratic politics. (Tusalem, 2009)
3.5.21 Churches as a Stock of Social Capital for Promoting Social Development in Western Cape Communities
This article present a perspective on the manner and extent to which
Churches may be considered as an important stock of social capital for promoting
social development outcomes in selected communities in the Western Cape, South
Africa. Taking the recently presented policy outline on social capital formation in
this province as the contextual framework for analysis and reflection, the results of
recently executed demographic and socio-empirical research are utilized in
particular to advance a perspective on Churches. It is argued in conclusion that
Churches and other faith-based organizations in the researched communities have
an important strategic significance for a social capital formation agenda, despite
their apparent lack of progressive social praxis. Their comparative advantage over
other institutions, the considerable levels of trust invested in them and the manner
in which they inspire activities of voluntary outreach, caring and social service are
highlighted as special features of the Churches (Swart, Churches as a Stock of
Social Capital for Promoting Social Development in Western Cape Communities.)
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3.5.22 Poverty and Morality: Religious and Secular Perspectives
This book explores how ‘great moral traditions, secular and religious,
Western and non-Western, wrestle with basic questions about poverty and the
poor’ based on an assumption that ‘addressing poverty across – not just within –
national boundaries requires a better understanding of the variegated intellectual
and religious traditions that have shaped our global civilization’ (p. 14). The
introductory chapter provides a comprehensively referenced introduction to the
‘foundational issues’, including conceptions of self and society, human nature and
the good life; moral obligations to individuals and groups; distinctions between the
deserving and undeserving poor; the links between gender and poverty; whether
poverty is regarded as a moral challenge that must be addressed; the status of
human rights; and the responsibilities of governments. They stress that the
contributions discuss ethical or normative theories and ‘provide a sense of the
contemporary status and the historical development of ethical and moral
approaches to poverty and the poor’ to enable both comparison between and an
appreciation of differences within traditions.
The first chapter, by Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, who was Director of the UNDP’s
program for producing the annual Human Development Report between 1995 and
2004, is empirical: it provides an overview of contemporary trends and issues in
global poverty and unequal development. It is followed by 11 chapters on
particular ethical, moral, religious and philosophical traditions: Buddhism,