Reubicación residencial en la cuenca Matanza Riachuelo bajo el mandato judicial del caso Mendoza

Programa de Pasantías InternacionalesBuenos Aires - Argentina

Observatorio Cuenca Matanza – Riachuelo

“Reubicación residencial en la cuenca Matanza Riachuelo bajo el mandato judicial del caso

Mendoza”

Director de GPIA de The New School UniversityMichael CohenCoordinador Académico del Programa de Pasantías en Bs. As. Alberto MinujinPasantes del programa 2012 en ACUMAR Lacy DavisBarbara De LaleuAlison Ross

2012

Residential Relocation in the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin Under the Judicial Mandate of the Mendoza Case

Liberated Camino de Sirga, C.A.B.A.

The New School International Field ProgramBuenos Aires 2012

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Director of GPIA at the New SchoolMichael Cohen

Academic Coordinator of the IFP Buenos Aires ProgramAlberto Minujin

Interns of the IFP Buenos Aires 2012 ACUMAR CPCLacy DavisBarbara De LaleuAlison Ross

AcknowledgementsThe interns of the IFP Buenos Aires New School 2012 Group who enjoyed the privilege of working with the Coordinacion Promoción Comunitaria division in ACUMAR this summer wish to express our thanks to everyone who received us and who supported our work during our recent internship in Buenos Aires. This document could not have been developed without their invaluable contributions. First and foremost, we would like to thank Director Liliana Baronello, head of the Dirección de Abordaje Territorial in ACUMAR, and her extraordinary team in the Coordinacion Promocion Comunitaria unit, Lorena Tassi, Marcelo Bello, Sergio Las Palmas, Juliet Cajide, and Eugenia Massone. Their guidance, encouragement and generous donation of their time greatly facilitated our own research and assisted our understanding of the relocation process. We would also like to thank Dr. Emir Norte and his team at the Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC) in C.A.B.A. who made themselves available to us on several occasions. Our thanks to Sr. Juan Enríquez of La Matanza’s Unidad Ejecutora Programa Federal de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos Precarios, and his wonderful and dedicated staff, especially Mariana Pintos and Janet Segovia, for sharing their invaluable access and inspiring perspectives on all aspects of the program in La Matanza. We are indebted to Alberto Croce from Fundacion SES, for his impressive insights on environmental issues, and most especially to Nahuel Gieco, for sharing his hometown, his encyclopedic knowledge on all things Argentinian, particularly mate, and whose great support helped make our work possible throughout this internship. Our thanks too, to Gabriela Sorda, a great resource who gave us a primer on Argentina’s overall national and provincial housing policy. And our heartfelt thanks go out to our local coordinator Monica Broda, for taking such good care of us - our “big sister”, entertainment and language adviser. Last, but by no means least, we would like to especially thank our Faculty Coordinator and fearless leader Alberto Minujin, for his wise counsel, gracious hospitality and endless patience.

Thank you all for your time, attention, support and resources. Buenos Aires, July 2012

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements............................................................... 1

Introduction …………………………………………………………………….... 3

I. Overview and Objectives ………………………………………………... 4

II. Methodology ……………………………………………………………….... 8

III. Profile: Municipio – C.A.B.A. ………………………………………….. 10

IV. Profile: Municipio - La Matanza ………………………………….... 19

V. Comparative Analysis between C.A.B.A. and La Matanza.. 28

VI. Final Comments ……………………………………………………………... 34

Bibliography ….......................................................................... 40

Annex

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Residential Relocation in the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin Under the Judicial Mandate of the Mendoza Case

Introduction:

This document was prepared in the framework of the International Field

Program BUENOS AIRES 2012. The International Field Program is part of the Graduate

Program in International Affairs (GPIA) of the New School University, and provides

practical field experience through working with a state agency, non-government

organization or community based organization on a development related project for a

two-month period outside of the United States. We were fortunate to experience and

participate in an internship in Buenos Aires, with ACUMAR, the Matanza Riachuelo River

Basin Authority, an inter-jurisdictional agency charged with overseeing all aspects of the

implementation of a court ordered mandate for the restoration of the Matanza

Riachuelo River Basin.

Our project centered on residential relocation in the Matanza Riachuelo Basin,

with a specific focus on two contrasting municipalities under the judicial mandate, the

Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.) and La Matanza. Our team was based in

the Coordinacion Promocion Comunitaria division of ACUMAR, and our hands on field

research included observations and interview sessions with relocated residents, carried

out with the cooperation and under the supervision of a representative from each

municipality and from ACUMAR.

4

I. Overview and Objectives

The historic judgment handed down by the Supreme Court of Justice of the

Nation in favor of the plaintiffs in the Mendoza Case (La Causa Mendoza) in 2008

mandated the Federal Government, the City of Buenos Aires and the Province of Buenos

Aires to develop and implement a comprehensive plan for the restoration of the

Matanza Riachuelo river basin. The Integrated Environmental Cleaning-Up Plan (Plan

Integrado de Saneamiento Ambiental, PISA) a comprehensive document updated

periodically to reflect the progress made, established a series of detailed action

programs to deal with the restoration and future preservation of the Matanza Riachuelo

River Basin.

An integral component of the PISA is the Urbanization Plan for Villas and

Informal Settlements at High Environmental Risk in the Matanza Riachuelo Basin (Plan

de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos Precarios en Alto Riesgo Ambiental en la

Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo). The desired objectives are improving the lives and health

of the communities living in the region by removing them from the contaminated areas

– toxic land, polluted water and noxious air – while at the same time preventing further

degradation. The absence of sewer lines and adequate garbage disposal facilities meant

that organic and inorganic wastes from these communities were being discharged

directly into the river, making them an additional source of contamination.

In September 2010 the National State, the City of Buenos Aires, the Province

of Buenos Aires and the fourteen municipalities that encompass the Matanza Riachuelo

5

Basin signed an Agreement (Convenio Marco) to cover the second and final phase of the

Urbanization Plan for Villas and Informal Settlements at High Environmental Risk.

The 2010 census of all the communities affected identified 17, 771 families

living in conditions of high environmental risk, requiring assistance with housing

solutions. In December 2010, as stipulated in the September Agreement, the mayors of

the eight municipalities bordering the Riachuelo, along with the City of Buenos Aires,

signed off on the numbers of residents in each affected location within their

municipality, and a timetable for implementing the relocation policy, which included the

construction of the new homes.

According to ACUMAR, the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin Authority

(Autoridad Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo), a total of 13,150 families had been relocated

through August 2011; the goal is that by the end of 2013 all the families currently

situated on the banks of the Riachuelo will have been relocated to new housing,

equipped with the basic infrastructure necessary to maintain a decent standard of living.

The priority is the clearance (liberación) of the camino de sirga, expressed in the

Argentine civil code as a maximum 35m boundary beyond the riverbank.

The Federal Government funds the relocation program through the Ministry

of Federal Planning, Public Investment and Services (Ministerio de Planificación Federal,

Inversión Pública y Servicios). The funds are administered and disbursed to the

municipalities through the Secretary of the Ministry of Public Works (Ministerio de

Obras Públicas) and the Sub Secretary for the Ministry of Urban Development and

Housing (Desarrollo Urbano y Vivienda). At the signing of the Agreement, a budget of

6

ARP$3.173.413.321 was allocated to fund the relocation.

ACUMAR is charged with monitoring and evaluating the progress of the municipalities,

to ensure compliance with the timetable established by the federal judge in Quilmes, Sr.

Luis Armella, which was in turn based on the proposals submitted by the municipalities.

The agency also has the power to recommend that fines be levied on recalcitrant

municipalities, but to date has not yet found it necessary to do so.

The politics of housing in Argentina, and particularly in the City of Buenos

Aires, is a highly contested issue. Until the 1990s Argentina’s housing policy was driven

almost entirely by the national government, which constructed and provided the same

housing modules to all the provinces, with little or no regard for the differences in

climate and geography across the country. The federal government would also contract

companies in Buenos Aires to develop housing projects in the provinces, depriving local

companies of revenues, and ensuring that none of the money allocated to housing

remained in the provinces.

This began to change under the period of neo-liberalization, where power was

decentralized to the provinces, and the federal government began giving block grants to

provincial housing institutions that in turn would give the money to the municipalities to

implement their respective policies. A major constraint was the lack of training in

urban and environmental planning within the provinces, particularly those furthest from

the capital city. There remains a great demand for building the technical capacity

required to implement a local housing agenda within each province.

With the advent of democracy the emphasis had also begun to change from

7

eradication of existing housing stock to home improvement, renovation and land

tenure, a lengthy and often complicated process. There are also plots where tenure is

not legally feasible, e.g. if the land is contaminated or subject to flooding, as is often the

case in the Matanza Riachuelo.

It is important to note that the relocation program for residents under the

judicial mandate (la manda judicial) operates outside of the national and provincial

housing policy framework. The simple criterion under the judicial mandate is that all

residences that lie within the camino de sirga must be removed. Those who fall under

this relocation program may not necessarily be those in most dire need of housing,

although in many cases the housing is indeed precarious, and lacking basic amenities.

However, particularly in the villas, there are also solidly constructed, three and four

story homes that must be removed, and the families relocated. Families must, however,

be provided with alternative housing which meets the basic criteria of a decent standard

of living, and the family must give their consent to the new housing (un consenso) and

this is where the confrontation with the prevailing housing policies may occur. Clashes

have taken place, particularly in C.A.B.A., where the demand for housing is greatest and

the space required for constructing new units is at a premium.

This paper examines the residential relocation process being implemented

under the judicial mandate in two distinct municipalities (municipios) within the

Matanza Riachuelo Basin, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.), located in the

Lower Basin (Cuenca Baja), and La Matanza, located in the Middle Basin (Cuenca

Media).

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We compare and contrast how the program operates in each municipality,

and document the impact of the relocation on the residents in each location. We

conclude with a discussion of the implications for riverside communities in general, and

in particular for the residents of the Matanza Riachuelo.

II. Methodology

This paper is based on primary and secondary research carried out in Buenos

Aires over the period June 6 through July 16, 2012. We focused our research on two

municipalities, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.) and La Matanza, because

of the contrasts they presented in terms of their general profile. The C.A.B.A.

administration’s Chief of Government Mauricio Macri supports the Propuesta

Republicana (PRO), whereas the La Matanza administration’s Mayor Fernando Espinoza

supports the Partido Justicialista (PJ); C.A.B.A. is urban, and La Matanza more rural;

C.A.B.A. has almost double the population and half the unemployment rate of La

Matanza.

We selected two indicators to use as the focus for our research. The first was

the process of relocation; the second was the change in the life of the residents.

Our primary research consisted of interviews with the senior representative in

charge of implementing the relocation program under the judicial mandate in each of

municipalities, and on-site interviews with select residents who had been relocated

from the camino de sirga to new homes in their respective municipalities. We

interviewed four families in La Matanza, and three in C.A.B.A.. These interviews were all

9

arranged by ACUMAR, with the cooperation of the municipalities. We prepared a

questionnaire for each set of interviews, and recorded the responses.

On June 22 and June 28 respectively we interviewed the following

municipality representatives at their offices in C.A.B.A. and La Matanza:

Dr. Emir Norte - C.A.B.A.

Unidad de Proyectos Especiales: Erradicación y Urbanización Villas y Asentamientos de

la Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo, Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC)

Sr. Juan Enriquez - La Matanza

La Unidad Ejecutora Programa Federal de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos

Precarios

The interviews with the residents took place on July 4 at Obra La Bastilla in La

Matanza, and on July 17 at Castañares y General Paz in C.A.B.A.. The head of the

ACUMAR division Coordinacion de Promocion Comunitaria, Lorena Tassi, along with the

coordinators assigned to each of the municipalities, Marcelo Bello for La Matanza and

Sergio Palma for C.A.B.A., proved to be invaluable resources.

We also interviewed Gabriela Sorda, a faculty member of the Department of

Architecture, Design and Urbanism at the University of Buenos Aires, for an overview of

the national housing policy, with particular reference to the city and the province of

Buenos Aires. Ms. Sorda has worked extensively in the field of urban housing and

design, and co-authored an Urbanism Manual for communities.

Our fieldwork included a tour of the camino de sirga in C.A.B.A., along with an

observation of a relocation in each municipality, visiting first the site of the original

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homes and then moving on to the new residences. On June 26 we observed the

relocation of La Matanza residents from the informal settlement El Mosquito to the new

housing complex at Obra La Bastilla. On July 17 we observed the relocation of C.A.B.A.

residents from Magaldi to the new apartment complex at Castañares y General Paz.

Our secondary research sources included a variety of documents from the

ACUMAR website, the websites for both La Matanza and C.A.B.A., and the government

statistical office site INDEC, where the 2010 Census information was available.

Newspaper articles from several Argentine newspapers, and articles from Environment

and Urbanization magazine complemented the information provided by the official

sources.

III. Municipio - C.A.B.A.

Municipality Profile

The municipality of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, C.A.B.A., has a

population of around 3 million and is the Federal Capital of Argentina. C.A.B.A. is located

in the Cuenca Baja of the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin. The natural borders of Buenos

Aires are the Rio de la Plata on the East, the Matanza Riachuelo on the south/southwest

and the large avenue, Avenida General Paz, for the northern border. There are 48

neighborhood communities within C.A.B.A. that are divided into 15 distinct districts

(comunas). The current chief of the government (jefe del gobierno) in C.A.B.A. is

Mauricio Macri, elected in December 2007.

On February 17, 2011 the City Housing Institution (Instituto de Vivienda de la

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Ciudad, IVC), the organization in charge of housing development within C.A.B.A.,

presented a revised proposal to ACUMAR under the judicial mandate governing the

Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo. Under this revision they promised to relocate the

communities living in the Camino de Sirga along the Matanza Riachuelo within C.A.B.A.

city limits. The contract stated that the families living in El Pueblito and Luján would be

given the option to relocate to already existing communities along Av. Castañares and

Portela. According to article 11226-IVC-2010 dated November 23, 2010 presented by

the IVC to the authority (ACUMAR), houses would be assigned to the families inhabiting

Villa La Manzana 7 by November 1, 2014. The aforementioned settlements were also to

be relocated in Castañares, General Paz, and in the Barrio Los Piletones which is

currently under construction.

The first set of problems for the municipality arose in the beginning of March

2011, when two weeks into the scheduled relocation process, the original beneficiaries

of the housing seized the new houses on the property of Av. Castañares and Portela.

This revealed the one-sidedness in the political decision making of the housing projects

that would change the fate of everyone living within C.A.B.A. and the political problems

that exist.

The Relocation Process

The responsibility for the relocation of families living in the camino de sirga

falls under the general management of Sr. Alejo Maxit, under the direction of President

Sr. Emilio Basavilbaso. Within the Ministry of Urban Development, the implementation

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of the relocation policy is carried out by the IVC (Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad). Dr.

Emir Norte is the head of the division within the IVC appointed to oversee the

relocation of the families living within the camino de sirga in C.A.B.A.. He works under

the judicial mandate passed down from the Supreme Court with oversight from the

territorial relocation department within ACUMAR. The IVC is an autarchic entity created

by law in connection with the Ministry of Urban Development and by the Secretary of

Housing and Urban Development to reduce the housing deficit and provide housing

solutions for the city.

There are 15 employees below Dr. Emir in the IVC office and they focus on the

relocation of five villas and settlements housing over two thousand families. The staff is

divided into the administrative and social teams in order to be able to address both

sides. The social team’s role is very important because it focuses on establishing new

residential housing for the families to be relocated. The other team is in constant

contact with the judge as to the logistical time frame of when and where the new

housing structures should be constructed. After the census carried out in 2010, it was

determined that 1,820 families were living in the Camino de Sirga and needed to be

relocated according to the judicial mandate. The numbers have changed over the last

couple of years due to families moving in or out of the neighborhoods but the number

of 1,820 families was the last recorded account.

Upon interviewing Dr. Norte he advised that the C.A.B.A. administration’s two

main objectives were to ensure the health and stability of the new settlements for the

families being relocated. He viewed the health rights of the families as the most

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important issue and stated that the families living along the camino de sirga were

actually living outside of their health rights by being exposed to the contamination. The

second important objective was securing the sanitation and sewage infrastructure of the

new settlements for the families. The prior settlements/villas along the river did not

have proper infrastructure in place to guarantee their personal safety and hygiene and

also that of the environment. More than anything they are focusing on the health and

safety of women (especially pregnant women) and children who are more at risk due to

the pollution. The idea is to inform families that have children with exacerbated

asthmatic problems due to contamination issues to suggest controls in the Buenos Aires

coverage health and social work.

The execution of the program is more complicated than that of La Matanza

because of the political arena, the fact that there are more villas and not settlements,

and the lack of land within the city to construct new housing projects for the families.

“We are not focused on only the 35 km but also in the surrounding areas. The Camino

de Sirga is the beginning of the contamination but it does not stop there.” (Dr. Emir

Norte)

There are five specific settlements and villas that are under the judicial

mandate along the Camino de Sirga and they include; Luján, Villa 26, El Pueblito, Villas

21-24 and Magaldi. In the Luján settlement 25 families were relocated to Osvaldo Cruz

y Portela. In Villa 26 there are 215 projected families that need to be relocated to the

new neighborhoods of Proyecto Lacarra 2049 (ex. P. Chutro), Proyecto Luzuriaga 837

and Proyecto San Antonio 721 (ex. Goncalvez Diaz). From the El Pueblito settlement 130

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families were relocated to La Fuente, Castañares and Portela. Villas 21-24 are the most

densely populated within C.A.B.A., and there are 1,334 families that need to be

relocated along the Camino de Sirga. In the Magaldi settlement 116 families need to be

relocated; 41 families have already been relocated to La Fuente, Castañares and Portela.

The remaining 75 will be relocated to Av. Gral Paz, Castañares, Los Piletones and Villa

Soldati.

The financing of these and other urban development projects under the

judicial mandate was guaranteed through an agreement on January 24,2011 between

the Ministry of Economy and Public Finance and the Ministry of Federal Planning, Public

Investment and Services, through the Ministry of Public works for the projected amount

of $3,173,413,321. Under this agreement, the basin authority, ACUMAR, is monitoring

the deadlines for removing the precarious villas and settlements located along the

Riachuelo in the Camino de Sirga in order to improve the quality of life of the residents

of the basin.

The Relocation of Villa Magaldi to Castañares y General Paz

On July 18 we witnessed the relocation of the second group of residents

(vecinos) with six families in the group from the villa Magaldi on the banks of the

Riachuelo to their new homes in Castañares y General Paz. The clearance area from the

river here was 35m as required by law. The location was the original site for 116

families; the first group of 41 families had already been moved to another settlement,

Portela. On the day that we visited the site, around 60 families of the second group (of

the remaining 76 families) were scheduled for relocation this day and the days

15

surrounding it. The third group is still waiting to be relocated to another location,

Soldati, at a later date set within the year. There were six families scheduled for

relocation on this day, and when we arrived to Magaldi at around 12h00 the families

had already been transferred to the new location.

Having already been on a site visit (recorrido) a few weeks earlier the

difference between the before and after of the move was astounding. Some families had

chosen to remain behind to be in the third group, therefore there was a mix of

demolished buildings next to standing inhabited structures. Officers from the police

force were there, along with a number of municipality and ACUMAR representatives

who had been working with the families throughout the process and especially on this

day of the move. Unlike the observed relocation in La Matanza, there was not a chance

to see how they physically moved the families’ personal belongings or how the families

and their belongings were transported to the new location. The owners of the homes,

before the move to the new location, removed the materials of the dwellings that could

be recycled or saved. There was also a bulldozer parked in the center of villa Magaldi

and the residences that were not attached to inhabited homes were demolished after

the families had moved all of their belongings out in preparation to move to the new

location, Castañares.

The new complex at Castañares, was located approximately 25 kilometers

from villa Magaldi. The complex itself is located on a vast plot of land on which many

different villas are being relocated, not just those under the judicial mandate. The basic

infrastructure in terms of gas, electricity, sewers and running water is all in place. There

16

are 3 building complexes that are already completed and two more that are currently

under construction, with each apartment complex housing around 80-100 families.

When completed the whole complex will house around 800 families total. The

apartment buildings have 5 stories; the ground floor (planta baja) and 4 more levels

above, with mostly 2 or 3 bedrooms, 1 bathroom with a big kitchen and shared living

space. There are 4 apartments on each floor and after talking with some of the

inhabitants it was discovered that they tried to keep families and relatives living side by

side on the same floor. Each apartment comes with a new kitchen with plenty of

counter space, a hot water tank and a heater. Each apartment has tiled floors

throughout, big windows and a buzzer to each individual home. There was also a space

left for an elevator in each building for at a later date; should the tenants decide to get

together and create a building fund they could have an elevator constructed in their

building. The most attractive thing about the new Castañares complex was the

children’s playground area in the middle of the complex. No central canteen eating

areas (comedores) have been constructed to date but with time and organization of the

apartment complex there would be one on the premises. The apartment complex

appeared to be a safe and inviting place for families and children to be able to interact

and grow to become a community in their new-shared space.

After the families had their belongings moved into their homes, the municipal

representative completed the paperwork required. Each head of household signed an

“Acta de Entrega de la Vivienda” stating that they had taken occupancy of the house,

and keys and congratulations were handed over. Each family is given a grace period of

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one year, after which payment schedules are established. Once another survey has been

taken, it determines each family’s employment status, income and ability to pay in

installments (cuotas).

Impact of the Relocation on New Residents of Obra La Bastilla

On July 18 we interviewed three residents who had recently moved into the

Castañares apartment complex. Each family varied in size, nationality, time spent living

in villa Magaldi and date of the move into the new housing complex, Castañares.

The first family that was interviewed had moved in that very same day with 6

other families. The family consisted of 6 people total that had moved into two

apartments side by side on the 4th floor. One apartment consisted of two adults and

two children and the other apartment was the brother of the other family who lived

with their mother. They were advised of the move in October of the year before but did

not have the chance to view the apartment before the move. The son that lived with his

mother had been born in Magaldi and lived there for his entire life, over 30 years. They

were all smiles and joy to be living in their new situation and had nothing but great

things to say about their experience with the move in general.

The second family that was interviewed had moved just a few days earlier on

July 12th and lived on the 1st floor. The family consisted of 8 people total that had

moved into apartments side by side as well with 2 adults and 2 children in each of the

apartments. They were advised in October of the year before as well and were able to

visit the apartment before the move. This family was from Paraguay and was very

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content with their new home and the security they felt within the complex. The move

was a bit more complicated for this family because they were not able to all move at the

same time and had to do it in shifts, which put a strain on them. The head of the

household, who has worked in construction his whole life, also stated that the material

used for the construction was new to him but he was learning how to use it and thought

that it was a very beautifully constructed house and building.

The third family that was interviewed consisted of 2 adults and a teenage

daughter living on the lower level. The head of the household told us that he had other

daughters and family living in the complex but they did not live on the same floor. They

were also advised the previous year and were able to come and see the apartment

before the move. This family was also from Paraguay and very content with the move.

His family had been living in Magaldi for 6 years before the move to Castañares and the

biggest thing that had changed for this man and his family was the amount of privacy

they now have. They no longer had to live on top of each other in contaminated and

cramped space; he said it was a great life change (cambio de vida).

The three families from Magaldi were unanimous in their belief that the

relocation offered a better quality of life for them and their children, in terms of an

improved standard of living with the basic infrastructure provided in the location,

heating and hot water, gas and electricity. The families were also unanimous on their

increased level of security within the complex due to the locked door that closed off the

whole complex on the lower level and then the reinforced front door to each individual

apartment. They each stressed the importance of creating a new neighborhood watch

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association and hosting a community town hall meeting seemed to be the first thing on

the agenda once everyone was settled in to their new homes. While all three families

affirmed that the move had improved their quality of life, they also talked about their

access to transportation to jobs and/or school for their children remained the same if

not increased the distance than it had previously. It would have been helpful to speak

with additional residents but due to timing and relative newness of the move (as with

the first family who had moved in that day), but there was only time to speak to those

available.

IV. Municipio - La Matanza

Municipality Profile

The municipality of La Matanza covers an area of 325,71 sq km, and is located

in the middle section (Cuenca Media) of the Matanza Riachuelo river basin. According to

the 2010 census it is the most highly populated administrative area (partido) in the

Province of Buenos Aires, with a population of 1,775,816. It is also the fastest growing,

with an increase of 41,5%, more than 520,528 residents, over the ten-year period since

the last census was taken in 2001.

Just under 10% (171,682) of the population is foreign born. This reflects a higher

percentage that the overall demographic composition of the province of Buenos Aires

Province (pop. 15,625,084), of which just 6% of the population is foreign born (941,941).

Paraguayans represent almost half (45%) of the foreign born residents of La Matanza,

(77,807). However, according to municipality officials, within many informal settlements

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(asentamientos) Paraguayans comprise the majority of those born outside the country.

It is a fairly rural municipality, with a largely agricultural economy based on

cattle, sheep and dairy farms and estates. A series of meat processing plants were

established in La Tablada in the 1930s, and the Ramos Mejia municipality developed

into an important industrial center for textiles in the 1940s. The advent of rail service,

which provided a direct link to the Federal Capital, spurred industrial growth and

facilitated the transport of goods and merchandise. In the first quarter of 2012,

unemployment for the partidos comprising Greater Buenos Aires, which includes the

municipality of La Matanza, was 8.7%, more than double that of the City of Buenos Aires

at 4.1%. An overview of the breakdown of private housing and households in the

municipality, by type of dwelling is given below.

Partido

(Admin. Area)

Total Type of Housing

Casa

(House)

Rancho

(Ranch)

Casilla

(Shack

)

Departameno

(Apartment)

Pieza/s en

inquilinato

(Room/s in

tenement)

Pieza/s en

hotel o pension

(Rooms in hotel or

boarding house)

Local no

construido para

habitación

Vivienda móvil

(Mobile

housing)

La Matanza

Viviendas

(Housing) 405,338 329,735 3,941 13,849 53,879 2,891 149 848 46

Hogares

(H/Holds) 484,909 392,986 5,624 19,929 60,486 4,651 228 958 47

Población

Population

1,771,2

61

1,459,53

5 25,304 91,349 176,039 15,425 736 2,737 136

Source: Cuadro V2-P. Provincia de Buenos Aires. Viviendas particulares habitadas, hogares y población censada por tipo de vivienda, según partido. Censo Año 2010

21

The municipality is divided into 15 localities (localidades), and the capital city

and administrative center is San Justo, where the Municipal offices are located. The

Mayor of La Matanza, Ferdinand Espinoza, assumed office in 2005, and was most

recently reelected for another four-year term in October 2011. He is a strong supporter

of the governing party and President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.

In the Acuerdos Generales signed in December 2010 by the mayors of the

municipalities under the judicial mandate governing the Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo, the

number of families living in high risk environmental locations in La Matanza was

recorded at 6,150, a number established by area surveys carried out in 2010 and 2011 in

the affected territories. These high-risk areas were then classified according to which

families would have to be relocated, the priority being those whose residences lay

directly within the boundary of the camino de sirga; and which would undergo the

process of urbanization.

The urbanization process allows residents to remain in their homes, and

focuses on providing basic infrastructural services to the neighborhood locations, to

improve sanitation, eliminate waste products being emptied directly into the Riachuelo,

and raise the overall quality of life of the residents. This entails constructing the

infrastructure required to support the installation of potable water, gas, electricity,

sewer mains; instituting reliable and timely garbage collection and recycling; facilitating

access to health providers, educational facilities, and other social services. It may also

entail relocation to allow for the construction of roads or other infrastructural needs.

22

The Relocation Process

The responsibility for the relocation of families living in the camino de sirga falls

under the Ministry of Public Works (Secretaria de Obras y Servicios Públicas), under the

direction of Secretario Herminio Bayón. Within this ministry, the implementation of the

policy is carried out by the Unidad Ejecutora Programa Federal de Urbanización de Villas

y Asentamientos Precarios, headed by Juan Enriquez, a community leader with a strong

history of effective social activism in his local barrio El Palito. He led a highly successful

movement for urbanisation in El Palito, and is committed to sharing this success with

other neighborhoods in the municipality. His staff of seven, all from El Palito, are

charged with implementing the relocation and urbanization programs throughout the

municipality. One coordinator is assigned primarily to the relocation of settlements

that fall under the judicial mandate and are subject to oversight by ACUMAR.

Within the 15 localities of La Matanza, based on area surveys completed,

residents of five informal settlements located in the camino de sirga of the Riachuelo

were targeted for relocation -- La Saladita, Don Juan and El Mosquito in Gregorio de la

Ferrere; Mi Esperanza in Isidro Casanova, y Los Ceibos Sur in Gonzales Catan. To date,

the relocation of families in La Saladita, Mi Esperanza, Don Juan and El Mosquito have

been completed; the relocation of families in Los Ceibos Sur is scheduled for completion

by July 30, 2012.

Families from La Saladita, Don Juan, El Mosquito, Mi Esperanza have been

relocated to a new complex, Obra La Bastilla, located in Rafael Castillo. There are

currently 112 families who have been moved into the complex.

23

The Ministry of Social Development and the Ministry of Public Works work

closely together on the resettlement of the residents, but they are separate

bureaucracies and coordination may not always be optimum. Immediately following the

move-in, families are visited by a social worker, to take stock of their needs, advise them

of programs for which they qualify and the facilities available to them. Both the

provincial and the municipal governments offer a variety of social welfare programs,

such as Plan Mas Vida, which provides subsidized milk for mothers and children. A

permanent office staffed by representatives from the Social Development Ministry is

planned for the complex. A series of workshops and talks are also scheduled for

residents, covering issues such as living together with one’s neighbors, caring for pets,

and starting a market garden (huerta). Residents attending the garden workshop are

provided with two trees per household, but to date not many families appear to have

taken advantage of the offer, for reasons that may include a lack of information about

the program or inability to attend the workshops.

The Relocation of Asentamiento El Mosquito to Obra La Bastilla

On June 26 we witnessed the relocation of the last three families from the

informal settlement El Mosquito on the banks of the Riachuelo to their new homes in

Obra La Bastilla. The clearance area from the river here was 50m, 35m as required by

law, and an additional 15m for the passage of a road. The location was the original site

for 16 families, 9 of whom had already been moved, and one who had relocated on their

own account to another site. The remaining six families were scheduled for relocation

on this day, and when we arrived at around 11h00 three families had already been

24

transferred to the new location.

The residents awaiting the final transfer had already packed up all their

personal belongings and situated them outside the residence, in preparation for the

move. Clothing was packed in large plastic bags; mattresses, large appliances and

furniture were stacked without any protective covering. Family pets were secured, dogs

tied to the trees, cats in plastic lattice containers with the lids held down by bricks.

Connections, illegal or otherwise, to the electric lines serving the neighborhood located

immediately beyond the boundary delineating the camino de sirga were severed.

Officers from the police force were there, along with a number of municipality

representatives who had been working with the families throughout the process, to

verify the identity of the head of the household and each family member. Members

from a local cooperative in another barrio, El Palito, were on hand to assist the residents

in loading their personal belongings onto an open backed truck, which would transport

them in a caravan to the new location. A bulldozer was parked nearby, as the residences

would be demolished before the families left the site. The residences had already been

stripped of all their saleable assets: roofs, windows and doors were removed, leaving

just the building shell. The building materials varied considerably; one lean-to was

constructed basically of wooden sticks and poles; one was made of sheets of thin

plywood; and one was constructed of adobe bricks and cement. Neighbors recovered

bricks from the site of the last demolished unit, a recycling process.

We noted two small structures still standing, about 200m from the demolished

25

houses, and perhaps 20m from the river, and were advised that these had been erected

after the survey had been taken. They will in due course be reported to the judge, who

will advise on what action the municipality may take. The municipality is relying on

public education programs, public meetings and outreach, along with an increased

police presence via daily patrols to maintain the cleared area and prohibit any further

construction.

The new complex, Obra La Bastilla, was located approximately six kilometers

from the El Mosquito settlement. The complex itself is located on the site of a reclaimed

area, formerly used as a garbage dump by neighboring barrios. The basic infrastructure

in terms of sewers, electricity, gas and running water are in place; most roads are yet to

be paved and gardens have yet to be planted. The houses are laid out on a square grid

pattern on large plots of land, with mostly two-story, 3 or 4 bedroom, 1 ½ bathroom

units. One-story corner units comprise the two bedroom houses. Each unit comes with

a new kitchen, a hot water tank, a water storage tank, and heater. The pastel color

scheme separates the various housing blocks – green, yellow and blue – and a fence will

be erected around each plot.

The moving crews unloaded the family belongings, while the municipal

representative completed the paperwork required. Each head of household signed an

“Acta de Entrega de la Vivienda” stating that they had taken occupancy of the house,

and keys and congratulations were handed over in a photo-op. Payment schedules are

established at a later date, once another survey has been taken, to determine each

family’s employment status, income and ability to pay. 45% of the value of the house is

26

discounted, to allow for compensation due to the loss of their former dwelling, the

inconvenience of moving, damage to personal possessions in transit, etc.; the payment

schedules established are based on 55% of the value of the property.

Impact of the Relocation on New Residents of Obra La Bastilla

On July 4 we interviewed four residents who had recently moved into the Obra

La Bastilla complex. Three families had moved from the settlement Mi Esperanza, two

on January 6, 2012, and the third on February 24. One family moved from the

settlement La Saladita in March.

Two of the families who had moved from Mi Esperanza had secured their

residence through what is called a cambio. In the event that a family living in the

camino de sirga does not have legal residence, or does not wish to leave the

neighborhood, they are allowed to make an exchange with a family living in the same

neighborhood but outside the camino de sirga. No money can be exchanged; the

municipality acts as a witness to the transaction. The outcome is that the resident living

in the camino de sirga takes possession of the residence of the family living outside the

camino de sirga; and that family in turn takes over the assigned housing in the new

complex. In these cases there may not be much advance notice on the move,

depending on how long it takes the original family to locate a willing partner for the

trade. One family we spoke with had only 2 – 3 weeks notice, but with five children and

a sixth on the way they were excited to take advantage of the opportunity to move from

their two-bedroom house to a four-bedroom house. The family to whom the unit was

27

originally assigned was moving from a very precarious dwelling into a two-bedroom

house, “a mansion” according to the owner. The system is a very practical solution,

particularly as the areas in question tend to have a high proportion of immigrant

residents.

The three families from Mi Esperanza unanimously declared that the

relocation offered a better quality of life for themselves and their children, in terms of

an improved standard of living with the basic infrastructure provided -- heating and hot

water, gas and electricity. However, we did note that the units were all fairly cold, and

one had a space heater, which raises question as to how well the systems are working.

Décor varied; only one family had created a truly personal space, with lots of family

photos and brightly colored curtains adorning the walls.

All three families affirmed that the move had afforded them improved access

to transportation, health centers and schools. Tranquilo, or quiet, peaceful, was often

the term most used to describe both the complex and how they felt living there.

Security concerns were present, but generally no worse than their previous

neighborhood; they still took precautions, locking doors during the day, as an itinerant

vendor surprised one mother at her back door. This family also said they only went out

together in a group, as they were still getting to know the area.

It would have been helpful to speak with additional residents, to explore any

possible differences in sentiment between those who arrived via the cambio, those who

were from the neighborhood but not living on the riverbank and had volunteered for

the relocation; and those who had no option but to relocate as they were living in the

28

camino de sirga. We only spoke with one resident from Mi Esperanza who relocated

directly from the camino de sirga. The two residents who arrived through the cambio

have become close friends; not only do they live side by side, but they were also not

part of the original community in the camino de sirga, and so did not know the other

families who moved with them on January 6. Both had also done more to create family

touches to their new homes, but they quite possibly also had more resources to expend

than the families who moved directly from the riverbank.

The family from La Saladita, comprised of a husband, wife and 3 year old son ,

with a baby due in October, had mixed reviews of the relocation experience. They had

operated a stand by the La Salada market, which was now rented out, as they were too

far from the location to operate it themselves. The wife was happy to be in the new

complex, she was taking a course, pursuing her education, and appreciated the

conveniences of the new house. Her husband on the other hand was highly critical of

several aspects of the complex: the disruptions in electricity service, a lack of

information on their financial obligations regarding the property, unfriendly characters

in the local comedor, non-receipt of the trees promised for their garden, scarcity of

police patrols at night, difficulty in setting up a business or pursuing employment.

We were advised by the coordinator from the municipality that the residents

of La Saladita tended to be much less amenable to the relocation than those from the

other neighborhoods – El Mosquito, Don Juan, Mi Esperanza—because most worked in

the La Salada market and the distance (just over 13km) was a major inconvenience.

Again, it would have been interesting to have engaged in additional interviews with

29

residents from La Saladita, for supplementary first hand accounts of their individual

experiences.

V. Comparative Analysis

We selected the municipalities of C.A.B.A. and La Matanza because of the

contrasts they represent, and there are significant differences in how the program

operates in each municipality. However, there are also fundamental principles that they

both agree are vital to the successful implementation of the program.

There are markedly different attitudes towards the program in each of the two

municipalities. In La Matanza, municipality officials in charge of the urbanization

program were thrilled with the verdict handed down in the Causa Mendoza, and view

the judicial mandate as a gift; they describe their work with ACUMAR on the required

relocation as a pleasure (un recreo). The program fits together with their overall

mission of improving the standard of living and raising the quality of life of the residents

of the villas and asentamientos of La Matanza. They also view the program as a finite

one that will be completed within a specific time frame, as opposed to the ongoing work

involved with urbanization.

As Juan Enriquez pointed out, the federal government often assigns money to

the villas but the spending criteria are left to the discretion of individual mayors or

governors. With the mandate the officials are stripped of that option; they are

obligated to spend all the funds disbursed under the program on the relocation and

urbanization of the families in question. In La Matanza they appreciate the federal

30

funding, and delight in the incentives (i.e. fines) levied on top government officials to

ensure that the program moves forward on schedule. Furthermore, an anti-corruption

unit was established to probe the source of the funds used to pay any fines imposed.

In C.A.B.A., where housing policy has long been a highly contentious issue, the

Macri government has been accused of abandoning the social agenda, most particularly

in the area of housing for the poor. A 2009 budget analysis prepared by Dip Facundo di

Filippo, President of the City Legislature’s Housing Commission (Commission de la

Vivienda, Legislatura de la Ciudad) revealed that the funding allocated to the IVC as a

percentage of the city budget fell from 5.4% in 2005 to 1.7% in 2009. In 2010, when the

budget for the IVC reached an historical low, a report from the City Ombudsman

(Defensoría del Pueblo de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires), stated that in the first nine

months of the year a mere 18.6% of the budget allocated had been disbursed.

In 2011, much of the funding was restored, with the opposition pointing to it

being an election year, and still woefully inadequate in light of the existing needs.

Although the funding for the relocation of C.A.B.A. residents under the judicial mandate

is provided by the federal government, the intense shortage of housing in the city has

given rise to “la toma”, the illegal occupation of vacant property, and this has impacted

the relocation program. In March 2011, a section of housing at Castañares y Portela in

Baja Flores, Villa Soldati, including 204 units designated for residents from El Pueblito

and Lujan, was illegally taken over. The occupation lasted three months, through four

court-ordered evacuations, and the occupying families destroyed several of the units

when they vacated the premises. The families from El Pueblito were eventually

31

relocated to the area, starting at the end of October and continuing through December

2011.

There are additional factors that make implementation of the program more

challenging in C.A.B.A. than in La Matanza. Residents in C.A.B.A. are more likely to be

living in villas, members of a fourth or even fifth generation family with long ties to the

barrio. The villas are densely populated; the solidly constructed, tightly packed

dwellings are all joined together, sharing common lateral and rear walls. The residents

usually share a strong sense of identity, and tend to be better organized politically, with

strong community associations and oversight provided by representatives from national

and international human rights organizations. Residents in Magaldi advised us that their

first notice was given over two years ago. In La Matanza, the residents are located

primarily on informal settlements (asentamientos), which represent a much more recent

phenomenon; they tend to be more sparsely populated, with stand alone structures on

marginal plots of land, often lacking the most basic infrastructural needs. In El Mosquito

some residents had just six months notice of the relocation.

Given the differences that exist between the two municipalities, it is not

surprising that the housing offered varies accordingly. In C.A.B.A., where land is at a

premium, the new housing units at Castañares y General Paz are apartment complexes

in five story building blocks (ground floor plus four). The municipality is also moving

towards the Canadian system of housing using reinforced lightweight construction

materials, and reducing the number of stories to four (ground floor plus three) for the

latest complex at Calle Iguazu. In the more rural La Matanza the housing units

32

constructed are family homes on a large, fenced plot of land, constructed with

traditional building materials of brick and concrete.

Where both municipalities share common ground is their agreement on the

basic factors that are crucial to the successful implementation of any relocation

program. First and foremost is an immediate and ongoing presence in the community,

allowing the municipal representatives to build strong relationships with the residents

over time. Many in these communities, with some justification, are wary of state

intervention, and view the state authorities with suspicion. Establishing confidence and

ensuring that all promises made are fulfilled is vital to securing the full cooperation and

support of the residents, and restoring their belief in government. Those who are

classified for relocation must be convinced that the new housing is constructed and

available to them; they need to visit the new complex, assess the amenities and

location, ensure that their furniture and other personal belongings will fit comfortably in

the new space, figure out transportation to schools and work. Those classified for

urbanization must be persuaded of the benefits and the commitment of the state to see

the process through to its completion.

Resettling members of the same community together in the same location is

also a key objective in both municipalities. In C.A.B.A., the second group of Magaldi

residents, (60 families in all), was relocated to one entire block in the Castañares y

General Paz Complex, with extended families housed in adjacent apartments. Residents

affirmed that knowing each other would be beneficial as they begin the process of

creating a resident association within the complex to facilitate community living.

33

C.A.B.A. through the IVC will also offer advice and assistance in this regard, with

workshops and talks on practical recommendations and guidelines for the residence.

In La Matanza, although residents from several different communities are

being relocated to Obra La Bastilla, the families from each relocated community are

placed in close proximity to each other. It will be interesting to observe the process by

which these disparate communities meld into one neighborhood, or whether they will

continue to identify with their original settlements.

In both sites, an important component to creating a neighborhood community

is the need for community spaces where residents and their children can meet and get

to know each other. In C.A.B.A., a small park with a children’s playground runs the

length of the apartment block. In Obra La Bastilla, a green public space, a large plaza

where children and adults can gather for recreational activities, is planned for this

complex, which is destined to accommodate some 450 families by 2013. Currently the

comedor is located in the barrio opposite the complex, and according to at least one of

the residents we interviewed the reception was not a friendly one. This is perhaps

unsurprising given that the residents of this barrio are also awaiting improved housing

and services, and the new complex next door which houses residents from other barrios

is likely to engender some discontent. A comedor or community center located within

the barrio would undoubtedly be a preferable solution.

Among the residents we interviewed, the vast majority affirmed that the

relocation had made a positive difference in their lives, affording them better housing in

terms of both space and the basic amenities available -- running water, gas, electricity,

34

sewage disposal. Most were pleased with the support offered by the municipality, and

despite initial problems with service delivery (of water in Castañares, electricity in Obra

la Bastilla), residents were upbeat about their prospects for the future.

In C.A.B.A. the parks created alongside the river will offer residents the green

space found in so many other more affluent areas of the city.

In our admittedly very limited and somewhat subjective survey of

relocated families in both C.A.B.A. and La Matanza, the vast majority considered their

relocation experience a positive one. The La Matanza residents were effusive in their

praise of the municipality coordinators, and even in the case of the one family with

complaints, the wife expressed her own satisfaction, despite her husband’s many

grievances. It speaks to the importance of establishing trust and confidence with the

members of the community throughout the process, a task that is exponentially more

difficult the larger the size of the neighborhood. This is the issue facing C.A.B.A. as it

prepares to relocate the 1,334 residents of Villa 21-24.

VI. Final Commentary

Building a community, particularly under harsh conditions, is never easy,

however, it is ultimately the decision of the families to claim their place in their

community’s development. That said, conducting workshops, creating playgrounds, and

active involvement and support from the technocrats at ACUMAR and representatives

of municipalities and provinces can be extremely helpful under these circumstances.

One of the most interesting observations throughout our month-long

35

research into the residential relocation process was the closeness between families and

the connections they have built. Overall, families in these barrios understand each

other and rely on each other for support. The real challenge in the building of

community occurs when these families are displaced, but motivation comes from new

resources, access, and time. Some members of the community were also concerned

about issues such as safety, in that in their former residences they knew everyone, and

who the “bad guys” were. Others remain secluded and basically wanted more privacy.

A critically important aspect of the relocation process concerns the

children and their assimilation into the homes and their new environment. Most of the

children we observed during our fieldwork were happy and sociable. Families are

primarily concerned with making sure they receive the proper care, facilities, services,

and access in order to improve the future of their livelihood and break the cycle of

poverty. It would be interesting to follow up a couple years from now on both the

outreach services for these communities and the status of the families and their overall

living situations.

The clearance of the camino de sirga is an important milestone in the

overall restoration of the Riachuelo. With the relocation, the elimination of organic and

inorganic wastes discharged into the river from the former residential settlements

marks another phase in the cleanup effort. The ongoing removal of sunken vessels and

debris from the river and garbage from the riverbanks continues along the length of the

river, and preventing further contamination is a critical part of the restoration program.

In C.A.B.A., an additional benefit is the creation of an extended park running the length

36

of the camino de sirga, which will create a much needed green space for residents, in a

city famous for its wonderful parks and gardens.

Riverside communities all over the world are facing the prospect of

relocation or renovation. The given rationale may vary from the legitimate concern for

public safety in the event of flood risks, or for public health in the face of unacceptable

levels of environmental contamination, to political or economic calculations of removing

the unsightly poor to make the area more attractive for real estate developers, tourism,

or gentrification. In places such as Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city, NGO’s

have successfully worked with communities and local and provincial governments to

clean up rivers create space on the riverbanks improve waste collection and disposal to

reduce and eventually eliminate pollution, without having to evict large numbers of

villagers.

This is not the case in the Matanza Riachuelo Basin, for, as stated earlier,

under the judicial mandate residents have no option but to evacuate the camino de

sirga. However, urbanization is considered as a preferable alternative to relocation for

residents outside the camino de sirga.

In South Africa, relocation as a development model for improving the lives

of the urban poor has fallen far short of expectations for a variety of reasons, chief

among them the lack of participation in their own development by the communities in

question. The lack of a truly participatory process has resulted in the poor being pushed

further and further from the urban centers they depend on for their livelihoods. From

an institutional standpoint budgets are weighted towards eradication as opposed to

37

construction, while the contractor driven housing construction has yielded little

economic benefit to the communities themselves and often delivered substandard

units.

A stark contrast is offered in La Matanza, where the urbanization process

begins with a concerted effort is made to seek out leaders from within the respective

community who have a wide social outreach as well as community organizations. A high

priority is placed on soliciting the involvement of local cooperatives in the construction

and relocation process, and ensuring the full participation by the community through

informational sessions and skills workshops, so that everyone buys into and receives

some benefit from the process.

In its role as intermediary, charged with monitoring and evaluating the

progress made by the individual municipalities in compliance with the judicial mandate,

ACUMAR is in a unique position to develop and share best practices as they relate to

residential relocations and urbanization, both increasingly important areas of

development. The sheer numbers of families to be relocated, coupled with the varied

municipality and community profiles, political and geographical terrains, make the

Matanza Riachuelo an exemplary case study for other global communities seeking

alternative and innovative solutions to their housing needs.

In conclusion, with regard to the resident relocation process and urbanization,

38

following are some observations and suggestions based on our fieldwork observations,

research and interviews, that we offer for consideration.

• Promote urban planning for healthy behaviors and safety.

• Improve urban living conditions through the increase in access to adequate shelter

and sanitation for all.

• Involve community members in local decision- making.

• Ensure spaces are accessible and appropriate for children

• Make urban areas resilient to emergencies and disasters.

• Utilize outside sources to assist in filling the gaps of research and gaining insight on

issues related to the subject matter.

• Foster the importance of maintaining responsibility within families both in the villas

and new complexes, to ensure that concerns are addressed with urgency and

will help to continuously foster change

• Frequent feedback, questionnaires and surveys distributed to families on overall

updates of new lifestyle after their relocation process

• Encourage dialogue and interaction at all times to not only build community but to

instill a feeling of secure in their own space

• Reach out to government officials and representatives of the municipalities about

more participatory approaches within the barrios and show representatives the

urgency for making these families and issues in the barrios a priority and not an

option

• Integrate a community circle where once a week, families can come together to

39

discuss what is on their mind--mentoring one another is a way to build

community.

Bibliography

40

Boinick, Joel; Bradlow, Benjamin and Shearing, Clifford. Housing, Institutions, Money: The failures and promise of human settlements policy and practice in South Africa. Environment & Urbanization, 2011 23:267.

Convenio Marco 2010 –Villas y Asentamientos Precarios, December 20, 2010. ACUMAR website.

Hafidz, Wardah; Sauter, Gabriela and Some, Wawan. Renovation Not Relocation: The Work of Paguyuban Warga Strenkali (PWS) in Indonesia. Environment & Urbanization, 2009 21(2):463Cifras para entender por qué faltan viviendas. Página 12, el 31 de enero de 2011

http://www.lamatanza.gov.ar/. Municipio de la Matanza Website, July 2012.

http://www.buenosaires.gob.ar/. Municipio de C.A.B.A. website, July 2012.

La Unidad De Gestión De intervención Social Y El Mapa Organizativo Del Gobierno De La Ciudad Autónoma De Buenos Aires En Materia De Vivienda: Informe producido por el Área de Derechos Sociales Oficina de Derecho a la Vivienda. Defensoria del Pueblo, Diciembre 2010 La Villa 26 aún no tiene destino Pagina 12, el 19 de mayo de 2011

Ordenamiento Territorial – Gestión de informe*, *Informe presentada ante el Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación el pasado el 16 de may de 2011. June 3, 2011. ACUMAR Website

Plan de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos Precarios en Alto Riesgo Ambiental en la Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo.. September 1, 2010. ACUMAR website

Presupuesto 2011- IVC, Asociación Civil por la Igualdad y Justicia, ACIJ

Relocalización de Asentamientos. August 5, 2011. ACUMAR website

Rocha, Laura. Amenaza de tomas y peleas políticas, La Nacion. el 19 de marzo de 2011.

Rocha, Laura. Riachuelo: en tres años sólo mudaron al 0,32% de las personas de la ribera La Nacion, el 9 de Julio de 2012

Tafuro , Sebastian. La vivienda no es una prioridad par el gobierno de la ciudad: El defensor general porteño Mario kestelboim evalúa la problemática habitacional y critica la subejecución del presupuestaria del macrismo. Debate, el 17 de marzo de 2012

Urbanización de Villas – Plazos Excepcionales Villas y Asentamientos Precarios del

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Camino de Sirga– March 3, 2011

Annex

42

Entrevista para los representantes de los municipios Municipio: Fecha: Localidad/Barrio: Hora:Nombre del Encuestado: Puesto: Empezamos con los motivos - en que se basa la decisión de relocalizar a un grupo de vecinos 1. ¿Cuáles son los objetivos / las metas de estas intervenciones?

2. ¿Qué área del municipio esta encargada de implementar el programa de relocalización?

3. ¿Cómo se identifica a los individuos o los hogares que tendrán que relocalizarse?

4. ¿Quienes son los actores principales a lo largo del proceso?

5. ¿ Cuál es la participación de los vecinos?

Pasamos a la ejecución del proyecto

6. ¿Cómo se comunica a los vecinos que tendrán que mudarse?

7. ¿Cuáles son los derechos de los vecinos con respeto a la relocalización?

8. ¿ Cómo se asignan las viviendas nuevas a los individuos/familias?

9. ¿ En general, cuánto tiempo pasa desde el primer aviso de relocalización hasta la mudanza?

10.¿Qué parte asume los gastos de la mudanza – (recoger y embalar los efectos personales; el transportista?)*

11. ¿Cuáles son las responsabilidades financieras de los vecinos con respecto a la nueva vivienda? ¿Y a la antigua?

43

12. ¿Les darán a los vecinos el derecho de conseguir un titulo de propiedad por la nueva vivienda?

13.¿Existen redes de apoyo para ayudar a los vecinos, (para que se adapten al nuevo entorno?

El ultimo etapa, averiguamos cómo se sigue adelante con el programa – si el proceso no termina el día de la mudanza

14.¿En este municipio aproximadamente cuántos hogares ya han sido relocalizados bajo el marco judicial? ¿Cuántos quedan todavía?

15.¿En su opinión: ¿cuáles son los factores o las condiciones más importantes que contribuyen al éxito del programa?

Le agradecemos mucho su cooperación.

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Entrevista para los vecinos Municipio: Fecha: Localidad/Barrio: Hora:Fecha de la mudanza: Información demográfica¿Quiénes son los miembros de su hogar?

Miembros del hogar

SexoM/F

Edad Estado Civil

CalificaciónEducativa

# años en el domicilio antiguo

# años en el domicilio nuevo

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

La Comunicación 1. ¿Cómo se avisó a Ud. de la necesidad de relocalizarse?

2. ¿Tuvieron lugar reuniones publicas con las asociaciones de vecinos para discutir la relocalización?

La Mudanza

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3. ¿Cuáles opciones se presentaron a Ud. con respecto a su nuevo hogar – por ejemplo, ¿Tenia Ud la posibilidad de mudarse con un grupo de sus vecinos o le asignaron una vivienda específica?

4. ¿Fue Ud. dueño de su residencia antigua? ¿Tiene Ud. la posibilidad de ser dueño de esta nueva residencia?

5. ¿Se han cuidado bien sus efectos personales y a los miembros de su hogar en el curso de la mudanza?

6. ¿Recibió Ud. ayuda financiera o técnica para efectuar la mudanza?

Queríamos saber si algo ha cambiado para Ud. y su familia después de la mudanza, y si es así, de qué manera ha cambiado. Consideramos el acceso a la infraestructura - agua potable, gas, electricidad, líneas de transporte, recolección basura, tan bien como el acceso al trabajo y a los servicios -- médicos, sociales, educativas, deportivas.

INFRAESTRUCTURA

1.) Agua PotablePeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

2.) Líneas de TransportePeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

3.)Recolección Basura: reciclajePeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

4.)Centros Comerciales: Supermercados/ Verdulerías/ KioscosPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

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5.) GasPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

6.) ElectricidadPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

7.) CloacasPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

8.) Calles asfaltadasPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

9.) PluvialesPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

SERVICIOS

10.) Centros de Salud: Hospitales/Unidades Sanitarias Ambientales MóvilesPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

11.) Servicios Sociales: Comedores/ Instituciones/ Centros ComunitariosPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

12.) Educación: Escuelas/Programas Escolares para los niños y adultosPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

13.) Deportivas: Clubes de deporte/ EquiposPeor Lo Mismo Mejor

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Porqué:

14.) Seguridad: Bomberos/ Policía/Asociaciones de viviendaPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

15.) Empleo: Como están los oportunidades en el nuevo sitioPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:

¿ Cómo describiría Ud. la experiencia de la relocalización?

Por fin, ¿qué recomendaciones tiene Ud. para mejorar el proceso de la relocalización?

Le agradecemos mucho su cooperación.

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