-
This article sets out to explain the silent behavior of the
indigenous
haping theles, 2010; Nhe studies
relationships between tourists and local communities (Sharpley,
2014) indicates that much rehas been carried out, but its
contribution is limited for various reasons: many remain
atheorethey draw on theoretical frameworks whose contribution to
explaining the residents perceptionremain unclear; they fail to
take into account that for many residents any form of interaction
with
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2015.02.014
Corresponding author.E-mail addresses: [email protected]
(A.R. Restrepo Campo), [email protected] (S. Turbay).
Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Annals of Tourism Research0160-7383/ 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All
rights reserved.residents and visitors, experiences of
self-management and the images of tourists s(Benckendorff &
Zehrer, 2013; De Oliveira, da Silva, Costa Cavalcante, & Lima
FontePedregal, 2005; Snchez Morales & Montoya Gmez, 2013). A
recent balance in tir fatesoguson thesearchtical orIntroduction
Tourism anthropology takes into account themes such as the
processes of culture becomingheritage, identity construction, their
social and economic impacts, cultural negotiations betweenArticle
history:Received 3 February 2014Revised 6 February 2015Accepted 15
February 2015
Coordinating Editor: David Harrison
Keywords:Sierra Nevada de Santa MartaHost communityIndigenous
tourismCritical tourism studiesSilenceTourist-host encountersKogi
people of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta when in front
oftourists. It was found that silence corresponds to
indigenouscosmology, to Kogi behavioral protocol when faced with
outsiders,and to a defense strategy in front of tourists.
Understanding theinteractions between tourists and indigenous
peoples has practicalimplications for designing cultural policies
in these territories. Thework is original in its use of ethnography
in place of quantitativemethods for studying the factors that
determine the behavior ofthe residents in front of tourists.
Equally it constitutes a contribu-tion to the few studies that
exist on silence as a rhetorical strategyin power relations.
2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.The silence of the Kogi
in front of tourists
Andrs Ricardo Restrepo Campo , Sandra TurbayUniversidad de
Antioquia, Colombia
a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate/atoures
-
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 45tourists may be involuntary and in many cases
non-tangible interactions may occur; research focuseson residents
attitudes and not on the relationship between resident and tourist;
and residents per-ceptions cannot imply consequential actions on
their part.
It is generally the local community that has received more
attention and researchers insist on thenegative impacts on it
(Benthall, 1988; Costa Baber & Barreto, 2007; Mbaiwa, 2005;
Nuez, 1963;Ruiz, Hernndez, Coca, Cantero, & del Campo, 2008).
Some researchers maintain that the commercialaspect of interactions
between tourists and guests in non-capitalist societies cannot be
overlooked,saying that their relations are governed by reciprocity
(Aramberri, 2001; MacCannell, 2003; Salazar,2006a). However, the
studies also outline positive impacts: tourism means that
displacement of ruralpopulations to cities is avoided, new
opportunities are opened to them, social networks with theoutside
world are expanded, the skills of the local inhabitants can be
developed and there is a greaterfeeling of personal growth (Costa
Baber & Barreto, 2007; Stronza, 2008). Many authors think
negativeimpacts can be overcome if economic, political, social and
psychological empowerment is offered, andif development is promoted
on a local scale in a way that respects the cultural norms of the
host com-munities (Ochoa Fonseca, James, & Mrquez, 2013; Ruiz
et al., 2008; Scheyvens, 1999).
Tourist destinations are stages for social contradictions
(Cordero Ulate, 2006; Nogus Pedregal,2009). Joseph and Kavoori
(2001) analyze, for example, the strategies used by a community in
Indiato resist tourism, which allowed them to create the appearance
of opposition without directlyconfronting the tourist, which
ultimately created the conditions for accepting this cultural
exchange(Joseph & Kavoori, 2001). Salazar (2006b) studied the
discourse of Tanzanian guides by examininghow they adopt a global
discourse with tourists, but recreating it. The motivation for
hosts toparticipate in knowledge transfers with tourists is
primarily nancial, although they may also bemotivated by status,
enjoyment and curiosity (Buckley & Allenburg, 2013). The work
of van derBerghe and Flores Ochoa (2000) suggests that the
nativistic ideology associated with tourismultimately benets the
local bourgeoisie, while Erbs (2000) study in Flores, Indonesia,
argues thatby tting tourists into a structural position that makes
sense to the residents of a community, thehosts are attempting to
nd a way of controlling these disruptive strangers.
In contrast with community-focused studies, others have
concentrated on tourists. Urry and Larsen(2011) speak of a tourist
gaze that passes through the lter of the desires, expectations and
abilities ofthe tourist, while framing their social class,
nationality, age and education. Passariello (1983) com-pares the
behaviors of domestic and international tourists at a Mexican
location, while Ryansresearch (2002) concerns the disinterest of
domestic tourists in New Zealand towards the Maoriculture, compared
with a high level of international interest.
The aim of this paper is to explain why the Kogi so often remain
silent with tourists. Tourists arenot always interested in getting
to know the local culture, yet traveling through indigenous land
enroute to the Lost City archeological site or whilst visiting
Tayrona National Park obliges them on somelevel to interact with
the Kogi. What reason could the Kogi have for this silence?
Interactions between the Kogi and tourists in the Sierra Nevada
de Santa Marta
In order to explain the silence, this text adopts the stance
taken by a cluster of work that linksanthropological, sociological
and psychosocial perspectives (Benckendorff & Zehrer, 2013).
Theapproach of this paper is more to highlight the unequal
relationship between guests and visitors,and to characterize the
silence as part of a defensive strategy based in the Kogis
linguistic protocols, intheir cosmology and in their historic
experience of inter-ethnic contact. Silent behavior
observedthroughout the eldwork was interpreted based on the
knowledge accumulated by ethnographerson the Kogi culture. The
approach employed in this work underlines the tensions between a
culturalmodel that prizes the shedding of material wealth as an
access road to the spiritual world, and thereality that offers
economic opportunities derived from tourism.
Glenn argues that:
...silence the unspoken is a rhetorical art that can be as
powerful as the spoken or written word:Like speech, the meaning of
silence depends on a power differential that exists in every
rhetorical
-
situation: who can speak, who must remain silent, who listen,
and what those listeners can do(2004, p. 9).
For this author the meaning of silence and the effect upon other
people varies according to thesocial-rhetorical context in which it
occurs; Western cultures do not tolerate too much silence,
con-versation remains the way to win friends and inuence people and
we believe silent people are notperforming the role of conversant.
Nevertheless, speech and silence are in a reciprocal
relationship(Glenn, 2004). Silence is undoubtedly something more
than a simple absence of words. Silence is apotent strategy and
cannot be read as passivity or nothingness. As Glenn and Radcliffe
argue (2011)silence is effective for analyzing the cultural stances
and power of dominant and subaltern groups.
Silence is socially constructed. Some cultures belief that
language is the most important instrumentof self-expression but in
other cultures, people are very aware of non-verbal communication
andsilence is used as form of passive resistance, as an expression
of dissatisfaction or disagreement oras a way to sublimate
emotional reactions (Saint Clair, 2003). It is important to make a
distinctionbetween being silenced and being silent. As Fivush said
conceptualizations of voice as power andsilence as oppression may
not be adequate: ...silence can be a form of power, and the need to
speak,to voice, represents a loss of power (Fivush, 2010, p.
89).
Silence cannot be interpreted unambiguously, and there are many
different types of silence(Nasio, 1999). Some are produced by
anger, hatred, wonder, fear or the feeling of guilt or
cowardice.Others may be the result of calm, of contemplation,
ecstasy or from listening intently and serenely towhat the person
you are talking to is saying. Regardless of this, silence expresses
something thatcannot be said with words. Silence should be an
object of study; Paz (1971, p. 195) says ...as menwe are made in
such a way that silence is a language for us.
It is important to understand that there may be multiple reasons
for the silence, and therefore sim-ple explanations should be
avoided. An ethnographic interpretation of the silence should
contemplatehow the subjects use it to articulate the
characteristics of their own history. For example, Foley
(2004)explains that the silence ofMesquaqui students at school
cannot solely be interpreted as the result of anattitude of
resistance; sometimes it is the product of shyness, racism or the
fear of being seen as stupid.
In a classic study into silence, Basso (1970) analyzed six types
of encounters among the Apaches inwhich they remain silent: (1)
Meeting strangers; (2) During the initial stages of courtship; (3)
In anysituation in which one individual shouts insults and
criticisms at another; (4) When an individual ndshimself in the
company of someone whose spouse or kinsman has recently died; (5)
When an indi-vidual is with a patient taking part in a healing
ceremony; and (6) When parents and children cometogether after the
children return from boarding school. In the six situations
described above the rela-tive expectations of the xed roles are no
longer applicable, and the illusion that social interactions
arepredictable is lost. Maintaining silence in these cases is a
response to the uncertainty of social relations.
The status differential will emerge in the encounters, and
relative ranking can be manipulatedthrough verbal strategies
(Foley, 1997). Each culture has a protocol which dictates when one
canspeak, where or in which circumstances it is prudent to remain
silent, who should initiate a conver-sation and how one should
behave in front of strangers, etc. Learning a language also means
absorbingthe social codes which govern interpersonal relations and
which prescribe a lack of verbal communi-cation in certain
situations.
The speakers communicative behavior (verbal or non-verbal) is
informed by past interpersonaland intergroup experiences and by the
socio-historical context (Gasoriek, Giles, & Soliz,
2014).Through their communicative behavior, speakers emphasize or
minimize the social differencesbetween themselves and their
interlocutors. Giles, Coupland, and Coupland (1991) state that
thereare two accommodation processes: convergence and divergence.
Convergence is the strategy wherebythe speaker adapts to the
language or communicative behaviors of their interlocutor in order
to reducethe social differences between them. Divergence, in
contrast, refers to the strategy whereby the speak-er accentuates
the speech and non-verbal differences between themselves and their
interlocutors. Inthis case the speaker emphasizes group
distinctiveness in a positive manner. Silence is a
non-verbalcommunicative behavior that affects the quality and
nature of interactions between communicators.In interactions
between individuals with power or status differences, silence helps
to strengthen ones
46 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research
52 (2015) 4459social identity.
-
Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 47The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is an isolated
triangular cluster of Andean mountains. It is locat-ed in
northwestern Colombia at a latitude of 11 north, and longitude of
between 74200west and73450east. To the east, Pico Bolivar reaches a
height of 5775 masl, at a linear distance of 42 km fromthe sea. The
Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is the worlds highest coastal mountain
range and containsall the climatic zones of tropical mountains. It
also has signicant cultural wealth in two importantarcheological
sites: Pueblito or Chairama and Teyuna or the Lost City, as well as
four indigenous com-munities: the Kogis, Arhuacos, Kankuamos and
Wiwas, which between them add up to over 35,000people (Ulloa, 2004;
Viloria de la Hoz, 2006) (see Fig. 1).
The ancestral territory is divided by an imaginary black line,
called the Line of Origin by the Kogi,which borders the Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta and connects, through radial lines, 54 sacred
siteswith Gonawinda, or Pico Bolivar; the government of Colombia
has recognized this line throughResolution 002 of January 4th, 1973
amended by Resolution 837 of August 28 1995 that guaranteesaccess
for the mamas or indigenous priests to these sites so they can make
offerings1. The indigenouspeoples consider this space to be the
heart of the world. According to them, they were entrusted with
thetask of keeping the balance to maintain order in the cosmos. The
Law of the Mother, or Law of Origins,governs the world and ensures
it continues to thrive (Duque Caas, 2009).
However the legal recognition of this ancestral land does not
give the indigenous groups full auton-omy in handling their
territorial affairs. Several authorities have jurisdiction in this
territory: threedepartments, three Autonomous Regional Corporations
which make up the National EnvironmentalSystem, a forest reserve
and two national natural parks, the Lost City archeological park
and twoindigenous reserves: the Arhuaco and the Kogi-Malayo
(Botero, 1987; Duque Caas, 2009; Viloriade la Hoz, 2006). The
Organizacin Gonawinda Tayrona is the political representation of
the indige-nous communities. It is a community-based organization
which brings together the different ethnicgroups of the Sierra
Nevada and mediates between the priests belonging to traditional
communitiesand the national institutions. The mediation is
conducted by the new leaders: individuals whoare politically or
academically educated and therefore have skills in the Spanish
language, andknowledge of the national laws and institutional
processes that affect the indigenous peoples andtheir territory
(Ulloa, 2004).
In the XVI century the indigenous groups that lived close to the
Spanish settlement of Santa Marta,on the shores of the Caribbean
Sea, either fought against the Spanish or migrated to higher
andinaccessible land causing large-scale spatial rearrangement and
inter-ethnic confrontation (DuqueCaas, 2009; Langebaek, 2007). In
the XVIII century the Spanish crown attempted to establish
migrantsettlements in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. These
efforts failed, however, and for a long time theindigenous peoples
had had little or no contact with the conquistadors and colonizers
(Duque Caas,2009).
However, today the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is not an
unreachable and isolated part of thecountry. Uribe (1997) draws
attention to the location of the Kogi and Wiwa reservations on the
northface of the massif, with an extension of 364,390 ha, and to
the Ika (Arhuaco) reservation on the southand southwest faces, with
an extension of 195,900 ha, to show how they are surrounded by a
beltwhich corresponds to the peasant settlement areas that began to
consolidate themselves at thebeginning of the XX century. Add to
this the modern-day presence of guerrillas, drug trafckers
andparamilitary groups. Serje (2008) tells of how the Sierra Nevada
de Santa Marta has transformed intoan area of armed intervention,
infrastructure works, of processes for conserving the biodiversity
and oftourism.
The snowy peaks and forest-covered slopes have been, as a
spectacle, opened up to tourism con-cerned with nature and
tradition through ecotourism, adventure tourism and, more
recently,spiritual tourism, which sells ritual ceremonies led by
authentic natives from the mountain range(2008, p. 224).
1 Pagamento: in its general form this is taken to be an offering
in the form of stones, beaded necklaces, etc. wrapped in corn
leaf
and represents food for their ancestors (Pumarejo Hinojosa &
Morales Thomas, 2003, p. 35).
-
Fig. 1. The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.48 A.R. Restrepo Campo,
S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459As well as
maintaining trade relations with their mestizo neighbors, the Kogi
are often visited bypeople from high positions of national and
international political ofce, or by environmental agencies,which is
consistent with the image of the ecological native (Ulloa, 2004).
It is important to add that theindigenous natives are actively and
effectively represented in the governmental agencies of the
threedepartments that have jurisdiction over the Sierra Nevada de
Santa Marta.
Observations of the ethnographers on the linguistic interactions
and silent behavior among the Kogi
Silence and the tendency among the Kogi to ignore outsiders have
been highlighted by differentresearchers. When the French
geographer Elise Reclus visited them in the XIX century, he
describedhis rst impression on arriving at the village of San
Miguel as a deathly silence, given that he foundthe village
abandoned as the natives were out with their crops. When the
inhabitants returned thewomen ignored him as if they were in a
robot-like state and the Kogi priest, called the mama, didnot even
dignify him with a greeting (Reclus, [1861] 1992, p. 226). The
German ethnographerKonrad Theodor Preuss visited them at the start
of the XX century and tells us that, in his rst attemptto make
contact, the Kogi simply abandoned the village with all of their
domesticated animals. Laterwhen he began to relate to some of them,
despite at no point treating him with hostility, many aban-doned
their homes when they knew he was planning on visiting them, or
lied to him saying that thepeople or places that he wanted to get
to know where too remote (Preuss, [1919] 1993). RecentlyGuilland
(2009) brought attention to the difculty in interviewing the
natives because of theirreserved nature in front of outsiders,
stating that the indigenous people maintained a distant
attitudetowards tourists, acting as if they cannot see them. This
behavior comes across as enigmatic for thevisitors who do not
understand, for example, why the women and children remain in
silence for hourswatching them while eating in their
homesteads.
The anthropologist Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff who lived sixty
years ago among the Kogi wrote themost complete ethnography of this
people to date. The author also brought attention to the
difculty
-
aloud that he is contented. Eventually a conversation can begin
with the words: sakishivaldu?
(How are you?), to which the response is: singabeiti (I am
seated) (Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950]1985, V.1, p. 98). If the person
who arrives is a stranger, the rst question they are asked is when
theywill be leaving. Even if he responds, they ask him the same
thing over and over, before attempting tond out his name and where
he is from. The men then retire for a moment and return with gifts
offood or rewood for the visitor, and with this action they
initiate a cycle of mutual obligation.
Taking into account these observations, it is necessary to
investigate if cultural expectations, differ-ent understandings of
speaking language, personhood and moral behavior are leading to a
breakdownin communication between Kogis and tourists. Before
tackling this question, it must be noted that,although there are
divisions among the Kogi people with respect to living with tourism
in their land,it clearly provides important nancial benets to a
certain sector of the community. Yet this does notnecessarily mean
that there is either mutual recognition or cultural exchange among
the tourists andKogis, as we shall see below.
Study methods
The majority of research into the perception and attitudes of
the residents towards tourists andtourism use quantitative models
such as large surveys based upon questionnaires combining a
varietyof question formats that allow the researcher to describe
what residents perceive, but do notnecessarily explain why
(Sharpley, 2014). In contrast, this research uses ethnographic
tools such asparticipatory observation and in-depth interviews.
This paper is the result of analyzing two events witnessed by
one of the authors over the course of abroader ethnographic eld
work (Restrepo Campo, 2012) which entailed a stay of one month with
aKogi family living in the Arrecifes area of the Tayrona National
Park, as well as a further month in theMutainzhi area, close to the
Teyuna or the Lost City archeological site.
Tourists in Tayrona Park were for the most part Colombian
families, however in Mutainzhi onlythree Colombians were found out
of the approximately 90 visitors that were staying in the same
cabinas the researcher. The ethnographic study sought to tackle the
problem of the relationship betweentourism and local communities by
observing small encounters.
Communication with the researcher was in Spanish, a language in
which the natives had a highlevel of competency, with the exception
of the older generation. The two sites were chosen becauseof the
high levels of tourists passing through. Tayrona Park was
considered representative of contactin the beach area, while
Mutainzhi was representative of the mountainous area. The types of
tourismof working with them: Their distrust knows no bounds and
probably manifests itself in silence or inthe response: I dont
know...([1950] 1985, V.2, p. 266). He also indicated that they were
born rst,and so are humanitys older brothers. As such they must
protect and look after their youngerbrothers and everyone who does
not belong to their tribe (Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950] 1985, p.
143).
Throughout his eldwork Reichel-Dolmatoff identied ([1950] 1985)
three forms that conversa-tions take: (1) exchanging greetings in
which the conversation is reduced to basic questions concern-ing
where, how, when and why, as well as some casual input or
recommendation. The youngest mustrst greet by adding a kinship term
to the formal greeting; if the meeting occurs between two
initiatedmen then the youngest, or the one who is paying the visit,
must deposit some coca leaves in the othersbag. In order to say
goodbye, the speaker says that he is leaving and the other replies:
ok, ok, withoutany physical contact, (2) actual conversation in
which the interlocutors do not look one another in theeyes or the
speaker at least does not look at the others (Reichel-Dolmatoff,
[1950] 1985 V.1, p. 97).The speaker looks down, or concentrates on
their own hands which are holding the gourd containinglime that is
added to the coca leaves when being chewed, and (3) ceremonial
conversation, where boththe voice and the pronunciation of the
phrases change.
Reichel-Dolmatoff ([1950] 1985, V.1) notes that when a Kogi
member arrives at a house they greetthe inhabitants from the door
and await an invitation to enter. They then offer coca leaves and
sit inone of the chairs found around them, and there is no other
exchange of words outside the initialgreeting. After a time the
visitor says that he is hungry, and after eating what he was
offered he says
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 49in the two areas are different.
-
Tayrona Park is one-hour bus ride from Santa Marta on the
Caribbean coast and is visited bythousands of tourists throughout
the year, primarily in July, January and over Holy Week. In
thispark, tourists can appreciate the beauty of the fauna and
beaches and visit the archeological siteat Chairama (Pueblito in
Spanish). Those that wish to stay various days in the park put up
tentsor sleep in the hammocks offered in the campsites. The tourist
elite stay in cabins erected by theAviatur tourist agency. Some
Kogi and Wiwa families have recently set up camp in the park in
orderto reclaim sovereignty over their ancestral territories. One
of these families is that of Lorenzo Pinto,with whom the researcher
lodged for one month. His house was close to the path used by
tourists,to whom Lorenzos young sons sell coconuts, a regular event
that was used to analyze silentbehavior.
The second location where eldwork was carried out was Mutainzhi,
a Kogi village in the moun-tainous region of the Sierra Nevada de
Santa Marta, close to the archeological site known as Teyunaor the
Lost City. To get there one must take a bus from Santa Marta to the
Aguacatera site. After thisleg of the journey, lasting an hour and
a half, it is necessary to take a motorbike for forty-ve minutesto
the mestizo village of Machete Pelao. From there the ascent on foot
begins towards Teyuna andtakes two days. In total the trip lasts ve
days for tourists; two for the ascent, one at the site andtwo for
the descent. During the trip they pass through the village of
Mutainzhi and encounter somehouses dispersed along the path.
Mutainzhi was therefore a strategic site for observing the
interac-tions between tourists and natives within the shelter. The
fact that this is a more costly and physicallydemanding activity
determines the tourist prole: young, mostly foreign, lovers of
trekking adventureand risk.
Tourists are taken to the Lost City by one of the four tourist
agencies that can be found in SantaMarta, all by mestizo guides. It
was not until 2010 that an agency run by Wiwa natives
appeared,called Etnotour Wiwa. During the sojourn in Mutainzhi, the
researcher stayed in one of the cabinsused by tourists, allowing
him to carry out in-depth interviews that were subsequently
followed upby exhaustive revision of comments left by travelers in
a visitors book and on the Internet. TheLost City was visited on
three occasions, the rst with the Magic Tours travel agency, the
second withEthnotour Wiwa and the third with the son of the
priest.
Meetings and clashes with tourists
The two cases presented here, and which will serve as a basis
for responding to the question of thecause of the silences, are
different in nature. The rst case corresponds to an observation of
the atti-tude of an indigenous owner of the accommodation on the
ascent to the Lost City. The second consistsof the description of
the tourists that go to Tayrona National Park and a group of
children that stayaround the road to sell them coconuts.
The mama Rumaldo Lozanos accommodationThe priest Rumaldo Lozano
lives high in the mountain in a traditional house (Fig. 2), and he
is
charged by the community with protecting Teyuna and preserving
its spiritual force; however since2008 many have warned that he has
not been able to resist the temptation of money that the
visitorsbring. The priest is charged with defending the sites
indigenous outlook as a value system, whilenegotiating other
outlooks: the scientic of archeologists, the conservationist of the
environmentalistsand the economic of the settlers. In 1987 these
conicts of interest drove the indigenous peoples tooppose
excavations being carried out by archeologists (Guilland,
2009).
Tensions between these outlooks and values continue to this day.
Natives demand that Teyuna, theindigenous name of the site be
recognized; they claim that the city has never been lost; they
requestthat the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History
return it to them and ensure that they them-selves are free to
reconstruct its history (Guilland, 2009, Ulloa, personal
communication, 2014). Duringthe eldwork the priest defended the
indigenous outlook and accused environmentalists from theNatural
National Parks Special Administrative Unit that was dealing with
the natives of being respon-sible for fauna going extinct.
According to the priest, the cause of this phenomenon was not
hunting,but the removal of quartz, the mother of animals, by
looters and archeologists. This quartz, now
50 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research
52 (2015) 4459housed in a museum in Bogot, is suffering from being
far from its home and its absence has caused
-
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 51the death of its children, the animals. At the same
time, it was not possible to deny tourists access toTeyuna as it is
a World Heritage Site.
Today, in order to visit the Teyuna, tourists must spend the
night in basic cabins along the routethroughout the trek. The owner
of the last one is mama Rumaldo who lives nearby. The cabin
standsout in the eyes of tourists for being in better condition
than others. It has three buildings, one of themwith two oors, a
zinc roof, beds, hammocks and tents. There is also a mestizo
inhabitant who isemployed by the mama as site manager, so that the
mama is not obligated to stay there the wholetime and is free to
perform the tasks that he needs to tend to elsewhere.
It is worth noting that the priest, even as owner of the cabins,
does not stay in them when he is on-site and instead stays, in
cramped conditions with his family, under plastic sheeting which he
fastens
Fig. 2. Mutainzhi, a traditional Kogi village.to a huge rock
behind the cabins. Whoever sees him there, with dirty and frayed
clothes, would neversuspect that he was the owner. Speaking with
him, he offered a detailed nancial analysis of theaccommodation and
a thorough description of how he built it, of his strategies for
conserving it andof his plans to expand it. By doing this, he
showed a high degree of competence in the understandingof the
outsider logic necessary to run the site. This does not stop him
from living under the shelter ofhis improvised tent during his time
spent at the cabins (see Figs. 3 and 4).
In order to explain the priests behavior it is necessary to
understand in greater depth their cos-mology and the training the
Kogi receive during their educational process. The observing way in
whichthe Kogi relate to the tourists indicates that not speaking is
a culturally accepted alternative wheninteracting with visitors
(and even with other indigenous people): one does not know them,
doesnot know what they are thinking, it is not clear what their
intentions are and one is unable to predicthow they will behave.
Thus silence would be preventative behavior that minimizes the risk
of harm.The Kogi use the concept of to be in yuluca, meaning to
agree, to be identied, be at the same level, tounderstand and
undertake relationships with the supernatural world and to share
characteristics withthe other. These are all conditions for coming
into contact with both good and bad things, which arethus
neutralized (Duque Caas, 2009). These ideas demonstrate to us that
the Kogi need preparationbefore coming into contact with the
unknown, and need to understand its essence and this can, withsome
difculty, be achieved with the tourists.
Reichel-Dolmatoff observed that facial expressions do not
noticeably change, and aside fromlaughter and tears, the face does
not seem to convey emotions ([1950] 1985, V. 1, p. 96). This is
surelyrelated to the parenting practices that he himself described
in detail. Reichel-Dolmatoff (1984) saysthat a Kogi must dominate
all his emotions, such as passion, lust, sadness and anger. Their
body must
-
52 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research
52 (2015) 4459be pure reection. Murillo (1996) sees in this, the
search for a state of fulllment that exists only in theuterus,
where you are one with your mother. Silence governs the sacred
sites of highlands. The sacredlagoons are considered the very body
of the mother or her daughters, and may not be visited
byundesirable people. The downpours and hailstorms disturb the
peace of their waters, and it isforbidden to throw rocks or speak
with a loud voice in these lagoons (Duque Caas, 2009). The
touristis part of the low lands, loaded with negative connotations:
evil, disease and noise. The Kogi mustsimply wait for their
presence to disappear.
Murillo (1996) explains that the ideal of the Kogi male is that
of detachment frommaterial goods ina lifestyle that strives for
spiritual fulllment, liberation from material needs and distancing
oneselffrom the multitude of ideas and worries that haunt us in our
daily lives. A decent man is one whoholds the spiritual world in
high regard. Worry for material things is clearly a sign of
marginalization
Fig. 3. The tourists accommodation.
Fig. 4. The priests tent.
-
or psychological disorder. A man aspires, when he matures, to be
seated, meaning that he will have a
more isolated, to the point of not consuming any outsider food
such as rice and never having visited
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 53the city, the more traditional they are seen
as.According to the teacher, the other criteria have to do with
behavior. In this category would be con-
stant contact with the priest, obey customs and to be good in
thought. In villages where the presenceof tourism brings the Kogi
out of relative isolation, so valued in order to be seen as
traditional, thesolution would be for the villagers to strictly
follow tradition. The teacher explained that tourists passthrough
here but no one looks at them. They are xed on their own affairs,
working on their farm2. Avillage elder added that tourists and the
indigenous peoples follow their own paths without botheringeach
other, and in general the Kogis go about their lives as if the
tourists arent there.
The gure of mama Rumaldo shows how the Kogi take advantage of
the opportunities offered bytourism, seeing as they can benet from
it without having to personally tend to the guests, withoutspeaking
to them, and without renouncing their traditional values based
around discretion, austerity,continence, respect for the Law of the
Mother, the obligation of reciprocity, the search for harmonyor
understandings with humans, but also between humans and the
supernatural world, all achievedthrough reection (Arbelez Albornoz,
1997).
Kogi children selling coconuts to tourists in Tayrona National
ParkA Kogi family that was living in Tayrona National Park took
advantage of the proximity of their
dwelling to the path through which there was a constant stream
of tourists on their way to the beach-es by selling them coconuts.
This activity, together with the sale of farm produce to local
restaurantsand the eventual sale of a few handicrafts, was their
main source of income.
It is the responsibility of the male children over the age of
ten to sell coconut water. From an earlyage children are assigned
simple tasks that, without exceeding their capabilities, help
accustom themto assuming responsibilities within the domestic
economy. Selling coconut water to tourists seems tobe an
appropriate task for children given that, without being too
complex, it does require a certainamount of autonomy and
responsibility. It also requires direct contact with outsiders,
something thatthe adults prefer to avoid. Sales were made almost
every day by beginning at nine in the morningwhen the rst tourists
began to appear on the aforementioned path. A break was taken at
middayto eat and the day ended at around four in the afternoon, as
the park approached closing time.
Tourists groups around the world are composed of people with
different backgrounds, conditionsand socio-cultural
characteristics. Passariello (1983) found that on one beach in
Chiapas domestictourists travel in family groups and class noise as
a marker of fun at the beach, while secondary
2 For further information on the concept of tradition in
conversations with indigenous peoples of Sierra Nevada de Santa
Marta,seat in the ceremonial house, to direct the world through
words, divination and thought.The mama Rumaldo Lozanos behavior in
starting up a business which yields nancial rewards
does deviate somewhat from the ideal Kogi male. For him the
solution is to adopt an attitude ofdetachment, and it is for this
reason that he sleeps outside of the building he built for
tourists. Theactive participation of mama Rumaldo and of certain
young natives creates a conict of values. Theyoung natives want to
use indigenous guides in order to relay their own interpretation of
local historyand the archeological site, and want to ensure the
other tourist agencies comply with paymentarrangements for entry to
the sites and cabin accommodation (Guilland, 2009).
During eldwork in Mutainzhi a native, a Kogi who was teacher at
the village school, offered aconcept of tradition that could help
explain the Kogis silence. According to him, the Kogis
wouldunderstand this concept primarily as the obedience to their
cultural, especially religious, norms; obeythe priest, confess,
make pagamento (an offering). Tradition functions as cultural
capital that unitesthem as well as creating a hierarchy among the
Kogi. Villages are similar as they share this tradition.However,
differences create a hierarchy given that each village shows
varying degrees of adherence totradition, and this affects their
standing among each other. There are various criteria for
determiningwhich is the most traditional. Two are geographical: the
villages closer to the San Miguel river basin,or located at higher
altitudes, were the most traditional. The higher up in the
mountains they are, therefer to Bocarejo (2002).
-
foreigners travel alone or with a partner and value the calm. In
Tayrona National Park it was found thatforeign tourists tend to be
less intrusive and more respectful towards their indigenous
counterparts.The tendency to avoid interaction could arise from the
fear of disturbing the native as a person, orfrom fear of upsetting
the purity of the indigenous culture. Often they would abstain from
askingthe Kogi questions, however once they had set off again they
would excitedly interrogate theresearcher about the people they had
just seen. This demonstrates that absence of interaction is notdue
to a lack of interest. With respect to this, one Spanish tourist
expressed her indignation whenshe was offered trips to indigenous
territories: (...) Its like going into someones house without
permis-sion. In cases when the tourist tried to interact, they
desisted when they encountered any negativityfrom the native. For
example in one interaction the tourist asked Can I take a photo of
you?, No,How old are you?, Twelve, and then they stopped because of
the childs evident lack of interest.
Colombian tourists would arrive in family groups, with a male
leader of around forty years old. Themajority of interactions were
initiated by the leader in an attempt to gain prestige among the
group,and they were extremely aggressive and confrontational. For
example on one occasion, they cameacross two children talking in
their own language. An adult tourist who was traveling with his
soninterrupted them and asked: Do you know how to speak like us [in
Spanish]?, Yes the older ofthe two replied, Why cant I understand
you?, Because we are speaking in Kogi, Youre notspeaking right. You
could be insulting us (Nos pueden estar madriando[sic]) and we
wouldnt know.This observation caused laughter in the tourists
son.
When passing one of these groups a tourist wanted to take a
photograph with one of the children.The leader of the group asked
permission, but merely as a matter of course, as before getting a
responsehe was already pushing the lady and the child together for
the photograph. As a result, the child inter-rupted themwith a no.
The tourists insistence was greeted only by silence. An adult
native visiting anearby village passed by and accepted posing for
the photograph. The tourist paid him, emphasizingthat the money was
for him and not for the child that had not wanted to pose for the
camera.
When the children informed tourists of the price of coconut
water, and would subsequently beasked for a discount, they kept
silent, hoping only that the visitors would decide to pay or carry
ontheir way. If the haggler was lucky they would receive
monosyllabic answers, and if not they wouldbe met with yet more
impervious silence: the child would sit back, sit down looking
somewhere elseor start performing another task, whatever it may be,
as if the tourist simply wasnt there. This way theinteraction
proceeded through their indifference in systematically denying that
the stranger was eventhere. Frustrated by their failed attempt at
bargaining with this wall of indifference, the tourist
eitheraccepted their failure and returned to their group, or
directed a joke at the child to give the appearanceof victory. An
example of this last case is a tourist who took the silences as
distractions and mockedthe native saying pay attention, Im talking
to the coconut guy. The group laughed and thus hemanaged to
maintain the appearance of superiority and snatch victory from
defeat (see Fig. 5).
Could this silence be a sign of the difculty that indigenous
peoples and tourists have in commu-nicating with each other? The
lack of a common communication code, apparent in many tourism
con-texts, turns interactions into simplied messages. Paula
Ben-Amos (1977), for example, comparessouvenirs with pidgin
languages, arguing that both are simplied standardized messages for
intercul-tural communication. In this sense, the use of short
phrases and silences by the Kogi could be anexcessively simplied,
standardized form of intercultural communication. This might indeed
be anexplanation for the use of silence in this case, but the
authors eld experience suggests otherwise.At the rst encounters
there was much silence, but once the Kogis felt at ease with the
ethnographer,communication in Spanish was very uid. The same
questions that were originally answered withsilence, later on were
given detailed answers. Difculties in communication do exist, and
as silencehas multiple causes, this might be one, but it is not the
main one. However, beyond the communica-tion difculties,
interactions are marked with hostility, which may turn out to be a
more relevantaspect to make sense of the silences.
The sale of coconuts is marked by hostility among outsiders and
locals. In each interaction thespeakers do much more than exchange
information. They stand in front of the other and play withthe
value of what they say, and, therefore, of themselves as speakers
(Bourdieu, 2000). Silence func-tions in this case as a strategic
position of strength, deance and resistance. As Fivush said:
...by
54 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research
52 (2015) 4459not speaking one is claiming that one need not
explain or justify (2010, p. 91). Through silence,
-
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 55the Kogi clearly mark their rights and their social
status, relative to other speakers. The shift fromconversation to
silence indicates that the Kogi do not seek approval during social
encounters withtourists and wish to render them less powerful.
Silence and voice could be the effect of oppression or the
expression of freedom depending on thecontext. The indigenous
people refrain from speaking not because they cannot or because it
isprohibited, but because they do not wish to speak. The indigenous
child showed all the linguisticcompetence required to communicate
the price of coconuts, but when the prospective buyer startedto ask
for a discount, or to talk about anything that arose from the
commercial exchange strict-ly speaking, the child acted as if the
prospective buyer simply was not there. Faced with anyundesirable
interaction the indigenous child proceeded, through his
indifference, to deny thepresence of the outsider.
Food does not move against money or other stuff within the
community. However, the Kogi sellpotatoes, panela (pure dried sugar
cane juice), plantains, pigs, or oxen to their mestizo
neighbors,who purchase the goods with money or exchange them for
other goods such as rum, machetes, or
Fig. 5. Children selling coconuts.pots, among others.
Additionally, every month they pay food tribute to the priest of
their community,who in exchange grants them spiritual protection
(Reichel-Dolmatoff, [1950] 1985). Voluntary food-sharing is a kind
of generalized reciprocity: putatively altruistic without any
counter-obligation, foodmoving in one way, and practiced within
their own social group.
In the typology of reciprocities proposed by Sahlins (1972),
Kogis food exchange with their mestizoneighbors occurs under the
logic of balanced reciprocity: exchange of goods of commensurate
worthor utility. Such exchange takes place with no delay or within
a denite and narrow time frame andbetween parties which are
genealogically or spatially more distant, but which maintain an
equal sta-tus. In contrast, exchanging goods with tourists is a
type of negative reciprocity: the relationshipbetween the two
parties is too distant, solidarity is minimal, it does not rely on
a previous social rela-tionship, there is no expectation of
pursuing the relationship in the future, and one of the parties
aimsto maximize its gains on the others expense.
Silence in front of tourists is not the same as the silence that
usually precedes speech among theKogi, and a tourist cannot
interpret the silence of a native according to local protocol. For
the outsider,silence is uncomfortable and may be interpreted as a
lack of linguistic competence in the native, or asindifference or
animosity. Given that these silences do not seem to be the product
of the childrensshyness, they become increasingly enigmatic.
Interaction among indigenous natives and tourists ismediated by the
ethnocentrism of both, and preexisting power relations that are
unfavorable forthe Kogi. It is money which tips the balance in
favor of the tourist. Tourists were very conscious of
this,encouraging them to aunt their purchasing power.
-
In summary, in an interaction in which the indigenous people are
at a disadvantage, abstainingfrom speech functions as a defense
mechanism against legitimizing the unequal power conditions(see
Fig. 6).
For tourists, silence can take on diverse connotations. A
certain type of tourist will prefer noise tosilence. These tourists
are related with destinies by means of a collective gaze that
values the presenceof the masses, the feeling of being at a parade
and experiencing movement. For them a break isassociated with the
beach, with music, the louder the better, and with the consumption
of alcohol.Silence would be a threat that overrides any fun and
forces them to confront their own loneliness,problems and failures.
For others the trip would be a break from the noise of the city and
itsmechanical sounds. The romantic gaze emphasizes solitude,
privacy, and a personal semi-spiritual
Fig. 6. Kogi family in Mutainzhi.56 A.R. Restrepo Campo, S.
Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52 (2015) 4459relationship with
the object of the gaze (Urry & Larsen, 2011, p.19). Thus, they
are looking for silence,guided by a desire for contemplation which
will give them the strength to go back to their daily lives(Urry
& Larsen, 2011; Passariello, 1983). Le Breton (1999) says that
the penetrating silence of somebuildings and landscapes is a path
toward oneself; in these moments of contemplation, time issuspended
and the subject is given an inner strength before returning to the
chaos of the real worldand the worries of daily life. Silence
prolongs immersion in the serenity of the space. Words
cannotexpress the power of the moment or the solemnity of the
place. Any voice is inopportune and theattention required by
speaking causes the moment to be lost.
We believe that even for tourists seeking a spiritual experience
on the ascent up the Sierra Nevadade Santa Marta, silence would
prove to be uncomfortable to say the least. Through the lack
ofknowledge of the Kogis language the tourist becomes disoriented
and does not know how to interpretthe natives reactions. The most
comfortable thing to do is to keep the conversation to a
necessaryminimum and carry on down the path. This way the tourist
is always on the move, always goingsomewhere and does not have the
time to stop and overcome the silence that normally comesbetween
two people that have just got to know each other, even if both are
Kogi.
Conclusion
This work forms part of a line of study which singles out
tourist destinations as scenes of socialcontradictions. In the
Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta tensions between the global and the
local occa-sionally present themselves with the arrival of visitors
from across the world to the territory of anindigenous group that
considers them little brothers, and which deeply values a tradition
which
-
forces them to remain marginalized. All the same, as happened in
the case described by Salazar(2006b) in Tanzania, the natives do
not shut themselves off totally. The Kogi sell services to
thetourists without needing to abandon their tradition. This way
they put two elements, apparentlyirreconcilable, in yuluca, which
is to say in harmony.
Customs are constantly being reinvented, thus being at once both
continuous and innovative.Strategies are generated whereby the
indigenous try to make the most benet from tourism and toreverse
the asymmetrical power conditions between themselves and the
tourists. In this sense, thecase discussed in this paper reveals
similarities with the case of Flores (Indonesia) presented by
Erb(2000), where tourists are regarded as unknown, dangerous
others, and where the solution has beento classify them as guests,
a position hierarchically inferior to that of hosts, as they are in
constantdebt. As described above, silence usually appears in cases
in which social relations are uncertain. InFlores, the natives were
disturbed by the silence of the tourists, since in their culture,
human beingstry to exchange words, drinks, food, visits, and
sociability. In the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, incontrast, it is
the tourists that nd the silence of the Kogi disconcerting.
The silence exhibited by the Kogi in front of tourists is
interpreted as resistance from the point ofview of rhetoric and
performativity. The silence presents itself in various contexts,
not only ininteractions with tourists but as part of the rules
prescribed by protocol in certain meetings.
The same as ndings by Joseph and Kavoori (2001) in India, it was
observed that the Kogi commu-nity is opposed to tourism without
directly confronting the tourist; they prefer to ignore them.
Powerdisputes between natives and domestic tourists come into play
in these interactions. In these cases,the ethnocentric positions
and unequal relationships, repeated on a national scale between
majoritysociety and indigenous villages, are replicated on a micro
scale. Silence is therefore engraved in theideological struggle
between indigenous groups and whites, as happens among the
Mesquaqui whereit means ...a political withdrawal towards a space
and cultural identity separate from the world of thewhites (Foley,
2004, p. 24).
The Kogi have historically maintained a relationship strategy
with the outside world characterizedboth by distancing themselves
and by limiting contact, with the aim of selling or acquiring
desirablegoods (Uribe, 1990). Silence when encountering tourists is
part of this dialectic of maintainingindependence without severing
links with the outside world. Silence with tourists does not
admitof an unequivocal interpretation; rather it serves multiple
purposes. The Kogi priest teaches howcertain members of the
community learn to manage tourist services while keeping a
distance, in thisparticular case by denying himself and his family
use of his own accommodation. The analysis of thesale of coconuts
showed that, when carrying out a commercial transaction, silence
functions as aprotective barrier against contact that went further
than was desired. Kogi people do not need toexplain their culture,
justify their way of life or convince visitors. Thus, despite being
located in a tour-ist area, the indigenous peoples try to maintain
relative and selective isolation in their actions throughsilence,
whereby they ignore or systematically deny the presence of their
outsider counterparts.Silence therefore appears to be a way of
isolating themselves while maintaining full contact.
This research contributes to tourism studies by refuting the
supposition, widely disseminated, ofinevitable contact between
tourists and local communities. The Kogis attitudes are not
explainedby variables as the nature of tourism, its seasonality,
the national stage of development, economicdependency on tourism,
the distance from the tourism zone, the social status of hosts or
the age, gen-der and education level of residents (Sharpley, 2014).
This paper adopts an ethnographical approachand privileges other
factors such as the Kogis cosmology, their values, norms and
behavior and theirrhetorical strategies of resistance. Their will
serves to preserve cultural traditions and ideas over thecharacter
of non-indigenous people. Understanding indigenous strategies of
cultural resistance can bethe starting point for designing cultural
policies in tourist areas.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank the Research Group Sustainability Project
20132014 nanced by the Vicepresidency of Research from the
Universidad de Antioquia and awarded to the Grupo de
InvestigacinMedio Ambiente y Sociedad (Environment and Society
Research Group). Thanks to Zakik Murillo,
A.R. Restrepo Campo, S. Turbay / Annals of Tourism Research 52
(2015) 4459 57Camilo Robayo, Olga Luca Ocampo, Astrid Ulloa and to
all anonymous assessors for their comments
-
on a previous version. Wewould like to thank Bunkwa, Cayetano
Torres and all our friends in the SierraNevada de Santa Marta for
their generous support throughout the eldwork.
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(2015) 4459 59
The silence of the Kogi in front of
touristsIntroductionInteractions between the Kogi and tourists in
the Sierra Nevada de Santa MartaSierra Nevada de Santa
MartaObservations of the ethnographers on the linguistic
interactions and silent behavior among the KogiStudy
methodsMeetings and clashes with touristsThe mama Rumaldo Lozanos
accommodationKogi children selling coconuts to tourists in Tayrona
National Park
ConclusionAcknowledgmentsReferences