Religious iconography on ancient Iranian coins

RELIGION

20

Religious Iconography on Ancient Iranian Coins

VESTA SARKHOSH CURTISBritish Museum, London

THE AIM OF THIS PAPER IS TO DRAW ATTENTION to the importance of coin iconographyin the Parthian and Sasanian periods and to suggest an alternative approach to the con-ventional reading of the symbolism. Rather than follow the hitherto conventionalHellenistic interpretation, the symbols will be seen within an Iranian/Zoroastriancontext, as described in the hymns of the Yasht. This alternative interpretation hasbeen suggested by Professor Mary Boyce (1979) and followed by others (for example,Shahbazi 1980).

There is little doubt that the iconography of Iranian coins after the conquest ofAlexander shows similarity with the iconography of Seleucid coins. In both cases theking on the obverse enjoys divine support. This is indicated on the reverse by the pres-ence of a god or goddess, either seated or standing, or an investiture scene, where theking receives a symbol of kingship from his patron deity. The message is political, thesymbolism is religious: the king enjoys divine support and his rule is legitimate.

The questions that inevitably spring to one’s mind when discussing the iconographyof Iranian coins in the post Achaemenid period are:

● How should the iconography be understood, within a Graeco-Roman context withrepresentations of Greek deities, or within an Iranian context in the presence ofIranian/Zoroastrian yazatas or divine beings? Furthermore, is the iconographyentirely new and to what extent did pre-Hellenistic Iranian traditions contribute toan iconography which emphasizes the role of the king as the possessor of the ‘God-given Glory’ and ‘Kingly Fortune’?

● To whom was this iconography directed, the ordinary people or the aristocracy andruling classes?

It is unlikely that the ordinary people, who either traded in kind or exchanged coppercoins, paid any attention to the iconography or recognized the complexity of the sym-bolism on coins. Large denominations were not designed for them and probably did notget into their possession. The nobles, priests and local kings, on the other hand, and

Proceedings of the British Academy 133, 413–434. © The British Academy 2007.

414 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis

also neighbouring rulers, may have recognized and understood the significance of theiconography, the meaning of the religious symbols and their political message.

It is also fascinating and intriguing to see how certain motifs continue for centuriesand are used by various dynasties. These motifs continue to have currency because,a) ancient coins were kept in royal treasuries as tokens of bygone days, and b) the icon-ography of the ancient coins must have been understood by the court in later times,as otherwise they would not have used it.

A comparison between Arsacid Parthian coins and Persian coins of the westernsatrapies of the Achaemenid empire demonstrates how certain motifs and iconographicdetails already existed in the Persian period and reappear several centuries later.

The iconography of Persian coins did not only consist of the royal archer, as seeenon darics and sigloi (Hill 1922, pls XXIV–XXVII), but bearded portraits, rider figures,the king in a chariot, the seated archer, enthronement scenes and religious symbols suchthe winged disk and the winged figure also appeared on coins of the western satrapies(Head 1892, pl. XXXI, 1–7; Hill 1900, pl. XXIX, 11–13; 1910, pls XVII, 12,XVIII–XX; Meshorer & Qedar 1991, pls 1–9). The iconography of fourth century BC

coins from Samaria in the Holy Land, including the ‘Nablus’ hoard, for example, showsa seated figure on a high backed throne holding a sceptre, the winged figure, a lion andbull combat scene, the king in a chariot, the king as hero, and bearded and crownedheads (Fig. 1). Some of the scenes show a remarkable resemblance to fifth century BC

reliefs from Persepolis and the image of the Achaemenid king (Fig. 2): he is seated ona high-backed throne holding a sceptre or he is combating a lion (see also Meshorer &Qedar 1991, pl. 2:16–18, 3: 21; 5: 33). Of particular interest to us for the continuationof iconographic details is the depiction of male figures wearing a hat with earflapsending in a lion’s head (Meshorer & Qedar 1991, 54, no. 51, pl. 8,51).

The first coins of the Arsacid Parthians, which were minted soon after the over-throw of the satrap Andragoras in 238 BC are important evidence of an iconography,which shows the revival, or perhaps continuation, of Iranian features. In fact, theiconography of the third century BC coins is much more traditional than the coins ofMithradates I in the middle of the second century BC.

Figure 1. Silver coin of Mazaios (‘Nablus’ hoard) of the fourth century BC Samaria, Achaemenidperiod, showing the Persian king seated on a throne. A winged figure holding a diadem in his hand

appears on the reverse.

1. The similarity between the deified archer on coins of Arsaces I and II (Fig. 3)and the coins of Tarkamuwa (formerly known as Datames) from Tarsus of thefourth century BC has long been recognized (Curtis 1998, 66). The similar poseof the two archers with trouser suits and long-sleeved coats slung over theirshoulders cannot be a coincidence. The earlier coins must have been known toArsaces when he invaded Parthia and adopted the west Iranian language andhabits of the region.

2. On the reverse of the Tarkamuwa coins (Fig. 4), the seated archer wears a hatwith neckguard and earflaps. The top of the hat is bent to the side. He has adiadem tied around his forehead. This headgear is similar to that of the firstArsacid rulers on the obverse of their drachms (Fig. 3).

3. The combination of a soft hat with earflap, neckguard and a diadem is simi-lar to the headgear of the male figure on the obverse of coins of the satrapTissaphernes (Fig. 5). A similar soft hat is also shown on the early fifth

RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY ON ANCIENT IRANIAN COINS 415

Figure 2. Relief from the entrance to the Hall of One Hundred Columns at Persepolis, showing theAchaemenid king Artaxerxes I (465–424 BC) on a platform throne with lion paws legs (photograph

V. S. Curtis).


Figure 3. Silver drachm of Arsaces I (c. 238–211 BC). The obverse shows the Arsacid king wearinga diadem around a soft hat with earflaps and neckguard. The reverse depicts a royal archer with a

long-sleeved coat slung over his shoulders.

Figure 4. Silver coin of Tarkamuwa, fourth century BC from Tarsus, showing the god Ba’l on theobverse, and a seated archer on the reverse. The Aramaic inscription reads Tarkamuwa.

Figure 5. Silver coin of the fourth century BC satrap Tissaphernes, showing a male figure wearing asoft cap and a diadem on the obverse. The reverse shows an owl.

century BC reliefs of the Apadana at Persepolis, where it is worn by the tributebearers of Delegation I, the Medes, and also other Iranian peoples (Walser1966, pl. 31). It is possible that Arsaces adopted the Median-style hat once hearrived in Parthia.

4. The obverse of coins of Arsaces I or II (Fig. 3) shows the head of the rulerturned to the left, which is contrary to the Hellenistic tradition. On the otherhand, some coins of Persian satraps show that occasionally the head wasturned to the left. This can be seen, for example, on a silver coin of the satrapAutophradates of the fourth century BC (Fig. 6).

The development of Arsacid Parthian coin iconography seems to be linked with theconsolidation of the Arsacid dynasty and the expansion of Arsacid control from north-eastern Iran into western territories controlled by the Seleucids.

The bronze coins of this early period show an iconography which is also knownfrom Graeco-Bactrian coins to the east of Parthia: Nike driving a chariot, the Dioscurigalloping right, plus horses and elephants (Fig. 7; Sellwood 1980, 11.6–7, 12.6–29).Bronze coins attributed to Susa in south-western Iran, a city which was renamed


Figure 6. Silver coin of the fourth century BC satrap Autophradates, showing a male figure wearinga soft cap and a diadem on the obverse and a horse’s head on the reverse.

Figure 7. Bronze coin of Mithradates I (c. 171–138 BC), showing the Arsacid Parthian king wearing a diadem. The reverse depicts an elephant.


Seleucia-on-the-Eulaeus, depict figures resembling gods and goddesses of the Greekpantheon: Heracles, Tyche and Apollo (Sellwood 1980, 12.26–9). The iconography ofthe bronze coins seems on the whole to be inspired by Hellenistic models.

Drachms of Mithradates I (c. 171–138 BC) from the highlands of Iran show theruler with a soft hat and resembling the first Arsacids, but on the reverse Mithradatesreplaces the diphros (throne) of Arsaces with a Greek omphalos (Curtis 1996, 233). Theiconography clearly refers to the Greek god Apollo and is therefore probably aimed at cities with a large Greek population, for example Seleucia on the Tigris inMesopotamia and Susa in south-western Iran. It seems that with the expansion of theParthian kingdom under Mithradates I and control of eastern and western territories,formerly under Seleucid rule, it was important to use a Hellenistic iconography, whichcould be understood by the Greek inhabitants

The second series of drachms of Mithradates show him on the obverse resemblinga Hellenistic ruler wearing a diadem only (Sellwood 1980, 13.6). The reverse depicts aseated semi-draped figure holding an eagle and a sceptre, usually associated with theiconography of Zeus on Seleucid coins. At the same time, iconographic details such asthe sceptre and the eagle/bird can also be found in the Zoroastrian tradition (seebelow).

Tetradrachms of Mithradates struck at Seleucia on the Tigris after he was crownedin 141 BC show on the reverse a nude standing figure resembling the Greek hero andsemi-god Heracles (Fig. 8). Both legends and iconography convey a message which isunderstandable to the Greek inhabitants of the city: the Great King is a friend of theGreeks, a philhellene, who enjoys divine protection.

Figure 8. Silver tetradrachm of Mithradates I (c. 171–138 BC), showing the Arsacid Parthian kingwearing a diadem. A nude Heracles/Verethragna appears on the reverse.

Mithradates’ portrait is now turned to the right, following the Hellenistic fashion,but contrary to both early Arsacid and Hellenistic coin portraits, he wears a long beardin the Near Eastern tradition. A fragment of a clay male bearded head found at therecent excavations at Nisa is similar to these coin portraits and probably depicts theArsacid king (Invernizzi 2001, figs 7, 9, pl. IV; see above p. 175, Fig. 10).

Local kings in Iran and Mesopotamia around the middle of the second century BC

adopt a Hellenistic-inspired iconography. Kamnaskires I of Elymais, for example,strikes tetradrachms at Susa which show on the obverse a beardless diademed headturned to right and a semi-draped seated Zeus on the reverse (Alram 1996, 96, fig. 78).Noticeable is a change in the iconography of coins from the first century BC. From nowon, the iconography shows a mixture of Parthian and local Elymaian features (Hill1922, pls XXXVIII–XXXIX).

Hyspaosines, the ruler of Characene on the Persian Gulf, strikes tetradrachms atSpasinou Charax in 123–122 BC, which show a diademed head looking to the right. Thereverse depicts a seated nude Heracles who looks similar to a seated Heracles on silvertetradrachms of Euthydemus I, the Greek king of Bactria of around 230–200 BC

(Errington & Cribb 1992, 79, no. 70).In addition to a continuing Hellenistic iconography in the second century BC, for

example a winged victory holding a diadem, or a nude Apollo sitting on an omphalos,coins of the late second century BC show a gradual revival of Iranian motifs. ArtabanusI, c. 127–124 BC, and Mithradates II c. 123–91 BC, for example, adopt the Iraniantrouser suit as their official costume (Curtis 1998, 62). This is at a time when the Greekgarb is widely worn in the East, as seen for example on coins of Eucratides I, c. 170–145BC, Eucratides II, c. 145–140 BC, and Heliocles I of the middle of the second centuryBC (Bopearachchi 1991, pls 18, 19, 23, 25).

1. On the obverse of drachms of Artabanus the direction of the head is changed,once again the king turns to the left (Sellwood 1980, 19.1, 20.1, 22.1).

2. With coins of Mithradates II:● The king adopts the ancient Near Eastern title ‘king of kings’ on both drachms

and tetradrachms (Fig. 9).● The king wears an upright hat, a tiara, a symbol of kingship (Fig. 9).● A new type of throne appears on the reverse of his drachms: this is a high-

backed throne with bulbous legs. Under Sinatruces, Orodes and Phraates IIIand all the following kings it becomes the most popular throne type on bothtetradrachms and drachms (Sellwood 1980, 31.2, 34.1, 37.1). Its similarity withAchaemenid thrones from the reliefs at Persepolis is striking (Fig. 2; Curtis1996, 233).

● On tetradrachms struck at Seleucia on the Tigris the most popular sceneon the reverse is now the investiture of a figure who shows a remarkableresemblance to the king on the obverse: the living king has replaced the



deified archer (Curtis 2004). He appears in the presence of divine beingsand receives a symbol of kingship, for example a diadem or a palm frond (Fig. 10).

Particularly popular at this time are a winged female deity who resembles the GreekNike or Roman Fortuna. One of the earliest appearances is on late second century BC

tetradrachms of Phraates II (138–127 BC) where she offers a diadem. Sometimes sheholds a palm frond in one hand and a diadem in the other (Sellwood 1980, 17.1, 17.4).Of particular interest here is the reverse of a tetradrachm of Phraates II (Fig. 11; drawnto my attention by Joe Cribb). It shows a winged Nike-like figure, holding a diadem andstanding on the palm of a seated deity holding a cornucopia, the attribute of the god-dess Tyche. The seated deity also wears her crown, but is bearded. The iconography of

Figure 9. Silver drachm of Mithradates II (c. 123–91 BC) showing the Parthian king with a tallbejewelled hat. The inscription on the reverse uses the title ‘king of kings’.

Figure 10. Silver tetradrachm of Phraates IV (c. 38–2 BC). The seated royal archer on the reversereceives a palm frond from a goddess.

the Hellenistic Tyche figure was clearly unfamiliar to the Arsacid court and the dieengraver at the end of the second century BC, as otherwise the attributes of a femalegoddess would not have been used for a clearly male figure.

The small winged female figure appears on the obverse of first century BC drachmsof Orodes II (Fig. 12) and Phraates IV, as well as on later tetradrachms, including thoseof Phraataces, where she holds a diadem in front and behind the king’s head (Sellwood1980, 57.3, 58.16; 57.13). Also popular in the middle to late first century BC is the starand moon crescent motif on the obverse of silver drachms (Selwood 1980, 47.14,


Figure 11. Silver tetradrachm of Phraates II (c. 138–127 BC), showing the Arsacid Parthian kingwith a diadem. The reverse shows a bearded seated deity with a Tyche crown and cornucopia

holding Nike.

Figure 12. Silver drachm of Orodes II (c. 57–38 BC), showing the Parthian king with a wingedgoddess and diadem behind his head.


48.9–10. In addition we also find a bird behind the king’s head with a diadem or awreath in its beak (Fig. 13). Sometimes the bird appears on either side of the royal bust.The question, which immediately springs to one’s mind, is: should one see the iconog-raphy and the religious symbols within a Hellenistic context or not? Is the helmetedgoddess Athena, the winged goddess Nike or Fortuna, and the nude hero Heracles, orshould we interpret the religious symbolism within an Iranian religious context?

It is generally agreed that the Parthian kings, like the earlier Achaemenids, wereprobably Zoroastrians. We know from the Parthian ostraca from Nisa that theZoroastrian calendar was in use during the second and first centuries BC. Many per-sonal names in the Nisa documents are of Zoroastrian origin (Diakonoff & Livshitts1977, 3; Lukonin 1983, 689). We also know that, as in the Achaemenid period, a firewas lit at the coronation of a Parthian king, a practice which continued into the laterSasanian period (Lukonin 1983, 695; Boyce 1979, 86–7, 90). The Zoroastrian traditionalso attributes the writing down of the Avesta to the Parthian king Vologases I, whoruled from c. AD 51–78. According to the Middle Persian Denkard, the various Avestatraditions were gathered together ‘under Valakhsh, the Arsacid . . .’ (Boyce 1979, 94).

The Yasht, which consist of hymns to individual yazatas or divine beings and dateto pre-Zoroastrian pagan times, include descriptions of all the yazatas, who have thetask of looking after the God-given Glory. They have to make sure that only the right-ful and legitimate kings of Iran come into the possession of the khvarrah. Aban Yasht(Yasht V) deals with Ardvi Sura Anahita; Bahram Yasht (Yasht XIV) is aboutVerethragna; Mihr Yasht (Yasht X) is about Mithra; and Yasht XVII describes Ashi.According to Zamyad Yasht (Yasht XIX) the God-given Glory or Fortune was ‘madeby Mazda’, and it ‘. . . belongs to the gods in the heavens and those in the mater-ial world, and so to the blessed ones, born or not yet born, who are to perform therestoration of the world.’

Figure 13. Silver drachm of Phraates IV (c. 38–2 BC), showing the Parthian king with a bird and a diadem behind his head.

In Yasht XIX (7.34–6) we read about the legendary King Yima, the Jamshid of themuch later Shahnameh:

But when he [Yima] began to find delight in words of falsehood and untruth,the Glory was seen to fall away from him in the shape of a bird . . ..The firsttime when the Glory departed from the bright Yima, the Glory went fromYima, the son of Vivanghant, in the shape of a Varaghna bird. Then Mithra seized that glory, Mithra the lord of wide pastures . . .’.

In Yasht XIV, 1.3 we find that the warrior god Verethragna is ‘the best-armed of theheavenly gods, the strongest in strength, . . . the most victorious in victory, . . . the mostglorious in Glory’. He appears in ten guises—a beautiful wind, a bull, a white horse, acamel, a boar, a youth of fifteen, a raven, a wild ram, a beautiful fighting buck withsharp horns, a bright and beautiful man. When cursed by a demon, Verethragna is toldby Ahura Mazda to take the feathers of the Veragna bird and rub his body, as ‘Thefeather of that bird brings him help; it brings unto him the homage of men, it maintainsin him his glory’ (Yasht XIV, 14.35–6).

Also associated with the Kingly Glory are Ardvi Sura Anahita, the yazata of allwaters and fertility, who is described as ‘. . . driving on this chariot’, ‘. . . comingdown from those stars, towards the earth . . .’ (no. 132), and Ashi Vanguhi, the goodAshi, who is the yazata of Fortune and Wealth (cf. XVII, 14). Ashi is the daughterof Ahura Mazda, the sister of the Holy Immortals, the Amesha-Spentas (YashtXVII, 2), ‘Ashi is fair; Ashi is radiant with joy; she is far-piercing with her rays. Ashigives good Glory ‘(Yasht XVII, 6), and she is described as ‘Glory in bodily form’(XVII, 15).

If we accept that the ancient Iranians had their own divinities who were closelyassociated with the God-given and Kingly Fortune, then it is possible that theParthians used the Hellenistic iconography of such deities as Heracles, Apollo,Athena and Nike/Fortuna for their own religious beliefs. The discovery of a bronzenude statue of Verethragna at Seleucia on the Tigris with a Greek and a Parthianinscription is a perfect example of how Greek iconography was used for two differentreligions (Wiesehöfer 2001, 122, pl. XVI b–c). Here, the Greek inscription on onethigh mentions Heracles and the temple of Apollo, the Parthian version on the otherthigh gives the Parthian equivalents of Verethragna and Tir (Tishtriya/Tiri is theZorastrian yazata of rain). This reinforces Mary Boyce’s suggestion that a ‘newiconography for Zoroastrianism’ was created, which put ‘yazatas in the guise of Greekgods’ (Boyce 1979, 82).

It is therefore possible that a bird on the outstretched hand of Phraates III(Sellwood 1980, 39.1) was not perceived by the Iranians as a symbol of Zeus, but fromthem it was the Avestan Veragna, the royal falcon.

The same may be said about coins from Persis in southern Iran. The Fratarakakings of the third century BC often depict a bird, perhaps a falcon. It is seated on top



of a building and above the royal banner on coins of Bagadates/Bagadad andVadfradad (Fig. 14).

A bird of prey appears also on the hat of some kings of Persis or it hovers above afire altar (Fig. 15). De Jong (2003, 192–5) has argued that the symbols on the Persidcoins, a falcon, a banner (drafsh), flower, sceptre and the bow, are all based onAchaemenid prototypes and should be interpreted within a Zoroastrian religious con-text (Fig. 15). He associates them all with the khvarrah, the ‘God-given glory’. Withregard to the bird or falcon, it is possible to give a more specific association, namelywith the yazata Verethraga, who can take the shape of a bird and is told by Ahura

Figure 14. Silver tetradrachm of Vadfradad I, local king of Persis c. third century BC. The reversedepicts a figure in worshipping pose in front of a building with a winged symbol at the top.

The royal banner appears on the right side.

Figure 15. Silver drachm of Vadfradad II (?), local king of Persis, second century BC, showing himwearing a cap crowned with a bird. The reverse shows a building with the winged symbol above,

flanked by the royal banner with a bird sitting on top.

Mazda to use the feather of the Veragna bird at times of trouble with a demon (seeabove, Yasht XIV).

The ideology of divine support for the king and his legitimate claim to the God-given Fortune can also be found in the iconography of coins of the Indo-Scythian andIndo-Parthian dynasties. They were both of Iranian origin. On the obverse of thesecoins a mounted king is shown reaching out with his right hand for a diadem, a sym-bol of kingship, which is presented to him by a goddess. She resembles the HellenisticTyche (Fig. 16) and in the Kushan period she becomes Ardochsho, the goddess ofFortune (Errrington & Cribb 1992, 83; Chand & Cribb 2003, 24–5). The Kushan kings,as demonstrated by Rosenfield (1967) almost forty years ago, were dressed in theIranian fashion and worshipped a number of Zoroastrian deities alongside Hindugods. Fortunately, they are named in the legends on the coins, so that we know we aredealing with Orlagno or Verethragna, who wears a bird’s hat (Fig. 17), Mithra/Mihr/Helios who has a radiate crown, and above all, we also have a representation of pharro,


Figure 16. Gold coin of Huvishka (c. AD 151–190), Kushan king, showing on the reverse the goddess Ardochsho.

Figure 17. Gold coin of Kanishka I (c. AD 127–151), Kushan king, showing on the reverse the godOrlagno with a bird on top of his crown.


or khvarrah (Fig. 18). Cribb (1998, 93) has already pointed to ‘the close associationwith the Iranian religious beliefs and practices’ in the coins of Kanishka and how theywere made by ‘artists working within a Greek tradition’, but ‘with images of Iraniangods’. Further evidence for the worship of Iranian deities comes from Kanishka’sRabatak inscription (Sims-Williams & Cribb, 1995–6, 79).

With the appearance of the Sasanians on the political scene in the early third cen-tury AD, a tradition which was revived by the Parthians and continued in neighbouringregions under the Kushans, comes to a high point. The early Sasanian kings had indeeda rich tradition to draw from: Ardashir’s (224–241) various crowns include the Parthiantiara (Fig. 19) as well as a crenellated crown, which is worn by Ahura Mazda/Hormizdon the rock-relief at Naqsh-i Rustam (Fig. 20). The king cannot be a god according toZoroastrian doctrine, but he is the legitimate ruler appointed by Hormizd and the pos-sessor of the ‘God-given Fortune’. However, nothing prevents the king from presentinghimself with the same hairstyle and crown as the god. Just as the iconography of a firealtar and throne suggests this unity of religion and kingship on the reverse ofArdashir’s coins, so does the crenellated crown of Hormizd worn by him on some ofhis coins. This type of crown is adopted by Ardashir’s son, Shapur I (241–272), when

Figure 18. Gold coin of Kanishka I (c. AD 127–151), Kushan king, showing on the reverse the god Pharro.

Figure 19. Gold dinar of Ardashir I (AD 224–241), Sasanian king of Iran, wearing a bejewelled tallhat. The reverse shows a fire altar and a throne.

he ascends the throne (Fig. 21). On his investiture relief at Naqsh-i Rajab, Shapur isalmost identical to Hormizd who offers him a diadem. Interesting is Shapur’s birdcrown on his early coins (Fig. 22). A prototype of the bird crown is found amongst latePersid coins, where it is worn by the local ruler Manchir of the late second to early thirdcentury AD (Fig. 23).


Figure 20. Investiture rock-relief of Ardashir I (AD 224–241) at Naqsh-i Rustam, near Persepolis insouthern Iran (photograph V. S. Curtis).

Figure 21. Silver drachm of Shapur I (AD 240–271), Sasanian king of Iran. The king wears a crenellated crown, and a fire altar with two attendants appears on the reverse.


The bird or falcon is the same as shown on the early coins of Persis (see above) andtherefore a symbol of the ‘God-given glory’, the Veragna bird and Verethragna.Verethragna’s important position as one of the main Zoroastrian divinities guardingthe God-given glory or Kingly Fortune cannot be denied. The name of this yazata wasgiven to two of Ardashir’s descendants: Bahram I and II. The grandson of Ardashirand Shapur’s eldest son, the future Bahram I, appears on his grandfather’s investiturerelief at Naqsh-i Rajab in the presence of a nude Verethragna figure, probably desig-nated as the young prince’s patron deity (Hinz 1971, pl. 124; Shahbazi 1989, 515).However, when Bahram came to the throne after the brief reign of his younger brotherHormizd, his reliefs (Fig. 24) and coins do not bear any symbol of the victorious war-rior god. Instead, he wore the radiate crown of Mithra, his new patron deity, who wasanother main protector of the khvarrah.

Figure 22. Silver drachm of Shapur I (AD 240–271), Sasanian king of Iran. The king wears a hat terminating in a bird’s head with a pearl.

Figure 23. Silver drachm of Manchir, local king of Persis of the late second century AD,showing a king with a bird’s head crown on the reverse.

Verethragna was restored to prominence during the reign of Bahram II whose coinsshow religious symbols associated with the Veragna bird and Verethragna (Fig. 25).The queen and crown prince wear hats terminating in a boar’s head, this being clearlya symbol of Verethragna. Then there are also hats ending in a bird’s head (Figs 26, 28).The close association of the Veragna bird with Verethragna is clearly seen on somecoins of Bahram II where he appears with his family. Here, the small figure, probablythe crown prince and future Bahram III, wears a crown which ends in a boar’s head andhas wings (Fig. 27). Coins of Bahram II showing an investiture scene on the obversedepict a small beardless figure offering a diadem with a bird’s hat. The reverse of thesecoins, both dinars and drachms, repeat the investiture scene. Bahram wearing his wingcrown stands to the left of the fire altar and stretches out his right hand to receive a dia-dem (Fig. 28). This is offered to him by a figure who wears a bird hat and has a femalebody with breasts. This is probably the same deity as shown on the obverse: she isclearly associated with the khvarrah and is either Anahita or Ashi. On Bahram’s reliefat Naqsh-i Rustam, where he appears in the presence of his family, his two youngsons, who stand behind their mother Queen Shapurdukhtak, wear hats terminating inanimals’ heads: a leopard and a ram (Hinz 1971, 194, pl. 119).

It seems that the concept of the Avestan khvarenah (Pahlavi khvarrah) bestowedupon the kings of Iran by Hormizd and protected by the yazatas such as Mithra,Verethragna, Anahita and Ashi was used by royalty to give a political message: thesewere the legitimate kings of Iran, who receive the God-given glory from the yazatas.The propaganda may have been directed in the first instance towards the formerParthian noble families, and then also to the growing Sasanian aristocracy. Ardashir I


Figure 24. Rock-relief of Bahram I, Sasanian king of Iran (AD 273–276), at Bishapur. Bahram, whowears the radiate crown of the yazata Mithra, receives a diadem from Ahura Mazda.


and his son Shapur I chose investiture scenes for their rock-reliefs where they receivetheir symbol of kingship from a male figure wearing a crenellated crown, who on thebasis of the Greek inscription on Ardashir’s relief at Naqsh-i Rustam is God, that isAhura Mazda/Hormizd. Hormizd (Ohrmazd) I, Shapur’s son, introduces the scene ofdivine investiture on his coins by showing on the reverse Mithra standing to the rightof a fire altar offering a diadem to him, standing on the left (Fig. 29). Mithra, like theother yazatas has the duty to look after the khvarrah.

Figure 26. Silver drachm of Bahram II (AD 276–293), Sasanian king of Iran. The king appearstogether with his wife, wearing a boar’s head crown, and his son, wearing a bird’s head crown.

Figure 25. Silver drachm of Bahram II (AD 276–293), Sasanian king of Iran. Bahram II wears awinged crown.

Here the king uses religious symbolism to prove to those around him that he wasthe legitimate ruler of Iran, as he enjoyed the support of all the divine beings associ-ated with the khvarrah. The most elaborate and visually stunning crown symbolizingthe King’s Fortune is worn by Hormizd II (Fig. 30). Although a direct descendant ofArdashir and Shapur, he only came to the throne when his father Narse staged a coupand removed the young Bahram III. It was important for Hormizd to stress to the royalcourt, his relatives, and perhaps also the Zoroastrian priesthood that he, the son ofNarse, was the legitimate holder of the khvarrah. Hormizd’s crown clearly indicatesthat he has the support of the Veragna bird, who is guarding in its beak the God-givenGlory in the shape of a pearl (Tanabe 1993, 77). Divine support seems to have been at


Figure 27. Silver drachm of Bahram II (AD 276–293), Sasanian king of Iran showing the king, queenand the crown prince, who wears a winged boar’s head crown (Private collection).

Figure 28. Gold dinar of Bahram II (AD 276–293), Sasanian king of Iran showing the king and queenin the presence of a divine figure, who offers him a diadem. The reverse shows a goddess to the

right of the fire altar offering the king on the left a diadem.


hand for Hormizd and his family, as his son Shapur II remained successfully in powerfor 70 years and made Zoroastrianism the state religion of Sasanian Iran.

To the east of the Sasanian empire, the Kushano-Sasanian kings, who may havebeen Sasanian princes, also wore crowns which terminated in animals and birds, simi-lar to the royal hats shown on the relief of Bahram II at Naqsh-i Rustam (see above).Particularly popular were hats terminating in a lion’s head, as seen on coins of

Figure 29. Silver drachm of Hormizd (Ohrmazd) I (AD 272–273), Sasanian king of Iran. The reverseshows the yazata Mithra on the right offering the king, who stands on the left, a diadem.

Figure 30. Silver drachm of Hormizd II (AD 303–309), Sasanian king of Iran, showing the king withan elaborate crown ending in an eagle holding a pearl in its beak.

Hormizd Kushanshah (Fig. 31). On the reverse the king, who wears a lion crown,receives a diadem from a divine being, probably the yazata Mithra. The lion as a sym-bol of Nana, the eastern equivalent to Anahita, the goddess of all Fertility, must havederived from the Mesopotamian goddess Inana/Ishtar (Tanabe 1993, 84). Like theMesopotamian prototype, Nana’s throne is supported with lions. In Zoroastrianism,on the other hand, lions, leopards and cats were bad and dangerous animals. The harm-ful creatures, the khrafstra, belonged to the world of evil and were therefore disliked(Curtis 1993, 23). However, it is possible that the Zoroastrian Kushano-Sasanian kingsin Bactria adopted the lion as a symbol of Nana/Anahita, despite its original negativeconnotation (Tanabe 1993, 85). The ram, on the other hand, seen on the crown ofBahram Kushanshah is described in Bahram Yasht as one of the forms taken byVerethragna (see above) and is therefore associated with the khvarrah and KinglyFortune (Tanabe 1993, 32–6, 80). The iconography of pre-Islamic Iranian coins musttherefore be understood not as part of the Hellenistic tradition, but should be seenwithin its Iranian/Zoroastrian context.

Note. I am most grateful to Georgina Hermann and Joe Cribb for inviting me to give a paper at theconference and I am indebted to my colleagues Joe Cribb, Elizabeth Errington and Andrew Meadowsin the Department of Coins and Medals for their help and suggestions, and also to H. M. Malek forhis guidance. All coins illustrated are from the British Museum (courtesy of the Trustees of the BritishMuseum). All are illustrated twice actual size.

Figure 31. Gold coin of Hormizd Kushanshah wearing a crown ending in a lion’s head.



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