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title:RegionalMarketsandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,1539-1960
author: Jackson,RobertH.publisher: UniversityofNewMexico
isbn10|asin: 082631533Xprintisbn13: 9780826315335ebookisbn13: 9780585178974
language: English
subject
Cochabamba(Bolivia:Dept.)--Ruralconditions,Agriculture--Economicaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Agriculture--Socialaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Landtenure--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History.
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publicationdate: 1994lcc: HN280.C6J331994ebddc: 306.3/49/098423
subject:
Cochabamba(Bolivia:Dept.)--Ruralconditions,Agriculture--Economicaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Agriculture--Socialaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Landtenure--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History.
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RegionalMarketsandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia
Cochabamba,15391960
RobertH.Jackson
UniversityofNewMexicoPressAlbuquerque
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©1994bytheUniversityofNewMexicoPressAllrightsreserved.FirstEdition
LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationDataJackson,RobertH.(RobertHoward)RegionalmarketsandagrariantransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15391960/RobertH.Jackson.1sted.p.cm.Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.Contents:RuraleconomyandsocietyincolonialCochabamba:anoverviewReformprogramsandchangesinthestructureofrurallandtenureChangesinexternalandinternalmarketsThepartitionofthehaciendaandland-tenurechangesinCochabambaDepartmentCasestudiesofland-tenurechangeinCochabambaDepartmentConclusions.ISBN0-8263-1533-X.1.Cochabamba(Bolivia:Dept.)Ruralconditions.2.AgricultureEconomicaspectsBoliviaCochabamba(Dept.)History.3.AgricultureSocialaspectsBoliviaCochabamba(Dept.)History.4.LandtenureBoliviaCochabamba(Dept.)History.I.Title.HN280.C6J331994306.3'49'098423dc2094-18693CIP
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Contents
Illustrations vii
Introduction 3
1.RuralEconomyandSocietyinColonialCochabamba:AnOverview
23
2.ReformProgramsandChangesintheStructureofRuralLandTenure
55
3.ChangesinExternalandInternalMarkets,1825-1929 91
4.ThePartitionoftheHaciendaandLand-TenureChangesinCochabambaDepartment
137
5.CaseStudiesofLand-TenureChangeinCochabambaDepartment
167
Conclusions 195
Appendix1.DivisionofSelectedPropertiesintheCentralValleyDistrictsforInheritance
204
Appendix2.LandTransactionsandLandsoftheSalamancaFamily
211
Appendix3.LandTransactionsinCantonPalcainvolvingMembersoftheCrespoFamily
218
Appendix4.LandTransactionsinCantonColomi 220
Abbreviations 222
Notes 223
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Bibliography 251
Index 265
AbouttheBookandAuthor 284
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Illustrations
Figures
1.Preparingthefields,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón) 6
2.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaChimbalocatedinthesuburbsofCochabambaCity
125
3.AgriculturallandsintheValleBajo,formerHaciendaPairumani
125
4.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaViloma,ValleBajo 126
5.RuinedhaciendahouseintheValleAlto,CantonSanBenito
126
6.AraniTown(ValleAlto)onmarketday 127
7.AgriculturallandsatKekomainCantonToco,marginsoftheValleAlto
127
8.RuinsofHaciendahouseatKekomadestroyedfollowingthe1952Revolution
128
9.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)
128
10.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)
129
11.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(FormerlyParedón)
129
12.RuinsofHaciendahouseofformerHaciendaSacabambadestroyedfollowingthe1952Revolution,
130
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CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)
13.AgriculturallandsofformerHaciendaSacabamba,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)
130
14.AgriculturallandsatSanFrancisco,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)
131
15.AgriculturallandsintheArqueHighlands 132
16.ApeasantcommunityintheArqueHighlands 133
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17.ChurchofSantaClaraBuiltinCochabambaCitybetween1912and1917
134
18.PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaSumunpaya,1875 135
19.PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaQueruQueru 136
Maps
1.LocationofCochabambaDepartmentinBolivia 2
2.CochabambaRegion 9
3.ValleBajo,Cochabamba 12
4.SpatialdistributionofthepopulationofSipeSipe 37
5.LandsofthecorporatecommunitiesintheValleBajo 71
Graphs
1.LondontinpriceandBoliviantinproductionindex 94
2.LondonsilverpriceandBoliviansilverproductionindex 95
Tables
1.1.ReduccionesintheCochabambaRegion,ca.1573 26
1.2.CommunityLandsintheValleBajo(inHectares)inSelectedYears
30
1.3.HaciendasintheCochabambaRegionin1692 35
1.4.CochabambaCornandWheatPricesinReales, 4849
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16461808
1.5.LandTransactionsintheValleBajo,16601800 51
2.1.TheRegularClergyinCochabambaintheLateColonialPeriod
60
2.2.IncomeandNominalCapitalValueofCensosoftheCochabambaCityConventsandMonasteriesin1788and1825,inBolivianos61
2.3.ChurchLandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheLateNineteenthCentury
64
2.4.TributariesbyFiscalCategoryinCantonCapinotainSelectedYears
69
2.5.CommunityLandsinCochabambaDepartment,ca.1878
75
2.6.EstimatedArea(inHectares)andIndexofCommunityLandsSoldintheValleBajo,18781900
76
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2.7.SalesofCommunityLandintheValleBajobytheProfessionoftheBuyer,18861894
77
2.8.LandSalesinCantónSipeSipe,ca.18801929 79
2.9.State(FormerlyCommunity)LandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheEarlyTwentiethCentury
83
3.1.ChileanAgriculturalExportsbyValueinChileanPesos
98
3.2.ChileanFlourExportsinTons,inSelectedYears 99
3.3.Chilean-PeruvianTrade,18751889,inChileanPesos 101
3.4.ChileanTradewithBoliviabyValue,18441920,inChileanPesos
1045
3.5.BolivianImportsfromChileImportedbyWayofAntofagastabyValue,inChileanPesos
106
3.6.ImportsandExportsbyDepartmentin1846,inBolivianos
109
3.7.BolivianImportsandExportsbyDepartmentin1918,inBolivianos
110
3.8.BolivianAlcoholProductionin1919,1924,and1925,inLiters
112
3.9.PeruvianAlcoholProduction,19121929,inLiters 114
3.10.TheUseofthe1923CochabambaCornCrop 116
3.11.MortgagesandDebtCancellationsinCochabamba,19221926
117
4.1.TheNumberofPropertiesinCochabamba 139
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DepartmentbyProvince,inSelectedYears
4.2.AnnouncementsofPublicSalesbyTypeofSale 145
4.3.CadastralValueofSelectedProperties,inBolivianos 146
4.4.DistributionofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianos
147
4.5.MeanAmountofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianos
148
4.6.DistributionofPropertiesinPublicSalesbyJurisdiction/Region
149
4.7.ChangeinHaciendaOwnershipinSelectedValleyJurisdictions
152
4.8.LandSalesinHaciendaChullpas,18711929 156
4.9.LandSalesinHaciendaCliza,18911929 158
4.10.StructureofLandTenureinPandojayPocpocollobyOwner,ca.1924
161
4.11.StructureofLandTenureinPocpocollobyOwner,ca.1924
163
4.12.NumberofColonosinCochabambaDepartmentinSelectedYears
164
5.1.PrivatePropertiesintheValleBajoinSelectedYears 168
5.2.StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaVilomayVilomillaandHaciendaAnocaraire
170
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5.3.HaciendasinCantonSipeSipe,18281867 171
5.4.StructureofLandTenureinCantonSipeSipe,ca.1924
173
5.5.NumberofPropertiesintheValleAltoinSelectedYear
175
5.6.StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaMamataandHaciendaCollpa
176
5.7.StructureofLandTenureinCantonTolatain1912 177
5.8.NumberofPropertiesinCantonSacaba(SacabaValley)inSelectedYears
179
5.9.HaciendasinCantonSacaba,18351912 180
5.10.StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaLaAbraandHaciendaTucsapucyo
181
5.11.StructureofLandTenureinCantonSacabain1912 182
5.12.NumberofPropertiesinAyopayaProvinceinSelectedYears
184
5.13.StructureofLandTenureinCantonPalcain1912 185
5.14.StructureofLandTenureinCantonColomiin1894andca.1912
188
5.15.StructureofLandTenureinLlallahuani,ca.1912 189
5.16.StructureofLandTenureinKhalaLlusta,ca.1912 190
5.17.StructureofLandTenureinCantonPardeon,ca.1912
191
5.18.StructureofLandTenureinCantonIzata,ca.1912 192
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5.19.StructureofLandTenureinMizqueProvince,ca.1912
193
5.20.LandSalesofIndalecioGalvarroin1896and1897 194
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IntroductionInthe1970sand1980s,thenumberofhistoricalstudiesoftheAndeancountrysidemultiplied.TheauthorsofthepublishedmonographsbroughtdifferentapproachesandideologicalorientationstothediscussionofAndeanrurallifeandagriculturaleconomy,butgenerallytheyfocusedondiscretetimeperiods.Andeanistsgenerallylimittheirstudiestoeitherthecolonialornationalperiods,andthusareunabletodiscernlong-termeconomicorculturalchangesthatcontinuedwithoutreferencetoperiodsstrictlydefinedbypoliticalevents.Topicsthathavedominatedrecenthistoriographyincludetheroleofpeasantsinruralsociety,socialandculturalchangeamongpeasantcommunities,andpeasantaccommodationandresistancetoevolvingandchangingruraleconomicandsocialrelationsduringthecolonialandrepublicanperiods.
Whileshowingpeasantstohavebeenactiveplayersinhistory,thisnewhistoricalvision,constructedfromthebottomofruralsocietylookingup,oftenunderemphasizeselementsofchangenotdirectlyrelatedtothestudyofpeasants,whichneverthelessarecriticalforunderstandingtheevolutionandtransformationofruralsocietyandeconomy.Forexample,generalreferencesaremadetochangeintheinternaleconomyofthehacienda,shiftsingrainmarkets,orredefinitionsofhaciendalaborrelations,butlittlespecificdetailisoffered.
Inaninfluentialbookpublishedin1982,CarlosSempatAssadourianfocusedontheevolutionoftheAndeaninterregionaleconomyduringthecolonialperiod,andtheroleoftheminingcampatPotosíasthe"poleofeconomicgrowth"thatstimulatedthedevelopmentofcommercialcircuitsspanningalargeterritoryinSpanishSouthAmerica.
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1Anumberofstudies,someinfluencedbyneo-Marxistanalysis,haveexploredtheevolutionandtransformationofmarkets,andchangesintheagriculturaleconomyandstructureofruralsocietythatresultedfromthestructuraldevelopmentofcommercialcircuits,relying,inpart,onSempatAssa-
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dourian'smodeloftheeconomicdevelopmentofthesouthernAndeanregionduringthecolonialperiod.
2However,someofthesestudiespresentbroadmacrohistoricalimageswithlittlespecificdetailonchangesinlandtenure,haciendalaborrelations,andtheinternaleconomyofhaciendas.3Moreover,intherushawayfromtheconstructionofdescriptivehistoricalnarrativeinfavoroftheuseoftheorytoexplainthepast,therehasbeenatendencyamongsomescholarstoimposetheoreticalconstructsthatmaybevalidforotherpartsoftheworldondistinctAndeanrealities.Forexample,BrookeLarsonseestheriseofaclassofnumeroustenantfarmersondecayingCochabambahaciendasattheendofthecolonialperiod,which,accordingtoherinterpretation,isanexampleofGeertz'smodelofagriculturalinvolutionderivedfromtheverydifferentsouthAsianreality.4
WhatforcesshapedtheevolutionandtransformationofAndeanruralsocietyandeconomy?Whendidfundamentalchangesoccurintheruraleconomy,structureoflandtenure,andhaciendalaborrelationsthatdevelopedintheearlycolonialperiod?Duringthelatecolonialperiod,ashypothesizedbyBrookeLarsoninthespecificcaseofCochabamba,orduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies?ThisstudyexaminesthedevelopmentandtransformationoftheagriculturaleconomyofCochabamba,Bolivia,from1539to1961,presentedasacasestudyofthemarketforces,governmentpolicies,anddemographicchangesthatshapedtheAndeancountryside,bothcorporateindigenouscommunitiesandhaciendas,overfourcenturies.AcomparativediscussionofhistoricalliteratureonruralareasinLatinAmericailluminatesthemesaddressedinthisbook.
Marketrelationsdefinedtheprofitabilityofhaciendas.Moreover,changesinmarketsinthecolonialandrepublicanperiodscouldlead
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totransformationsinhaciendatenure.Howdidchangesingrainmarketsmodifyhaciendatenure?StudiesfromMexicoandPerusuggestthatduringthecolonialperiodlong-termmarketchangesresultedintheinstabilityofhaciendaownership,withfrequentsalesofestates.Thereisnoevidenceofthepartitionofestatesintosmallerandsmallerunits.Withimprovementsintransportationduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,ontheotherhand,haciendaownerswereabletosellgraininlargermarkets,andexpandedtheareaoflandunderdirectcultivation.Thiswasachievedeitherbyaddinglandtoexistingestatesfromthepublicdomainorthroughpurchase,orbringingmorelandwithinthehaciendaunderdirectcultivationbyexpellingservicetenants.5InCochabamba,estatesexperiencedsomesubdivisionduetoinheritance,butasmallnumberof
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haciendasstilldominatedtheCochabambacountrysideattheendofthecolonialperiod.Thelarge-scalefragmentationofagriculturallandoccurredinthenineteenthcentury,followingthebreak-upofcolonial-eracommercialcircuits.
Whatfactorsmodifiedhaciendalaborrelations?EvidencefromdifferentpartsofSpanishAmericasuggeststhatservicetenantrywasthedominantformof''free"haciendalabor,andthatdemographicforceschangedtherelationshipbetweenlandownerandtenant.Duringperiodsoflaborscarcity,landownersofferedtenantriesfavorabletolandlesspeasants,buttheydemandedadditionallaborwhenalaborsurplusexisted.
6Cochabambaservicetenantsprovidedlaborfordirectexploitationofhaciendalandsbythelandowner,andthepresenceofservicetenantsdoesnotconstituteprimafacieevidencethathaciendasownerswerearentierclassthatlivedoffthemoneyrentspaidbytenants.
Whatchangesoccurredinindigenouscorporatecommunitylandtenureduringthecolonialperiod?Howdidgovernmentpoliciesmodifycommunitylandtenureandsocialorganization?Ageneralconsensusexistsinthehistoricalliteraturethat,despiteusurpationsbySpaniards,communitiesstillcontrolledlargeamountsoflandinthecolonialperiod.However,factorssuchasthelocationofcommunitiesinrelationtomajorurbanmarketsdeterminedthedegreeoferosionofthecommunitylandbase.IncolonialMexico,forexample,communitylandsintheValleyofMexicowereusurpedatafasterratethaninOaxacaorMetztitlan,whichwerebothregionslocatedfartherawayfromthedynamicmarketinMexicoCity.7TheoasisvalleysofcoastalPeruareasecondexampleofaregionwhereanearbyurbanmarket,Lima,createdademandforlandamongSpaniardswhodevelopedfarmstosupplythecity,andarapiderosionofcommunity
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lands.8SomealienationofcommunitylandsinCochabambaoccurredduringthecolonialperiod,butacceleratedinthe1870sfollowingtheimplementationofanti-communitylegislationbytheBoliviagovernment.Priortothe1860sand1870s,thecolonial,andlater,thenewlyindependentBoliviangovernmentexercisedonlyasupervisorycontroloverthecommunities.
ThismonographemploysadetailedmicroandmacrohistoricalapproachtoexplainthefactorsthatcontributedtotheevolutionandtransformationoftheruralsocietyofCochabamba,Bolivia.Ontheeveofthe1953BolivianagrarianreformCochabamba,wasaruralregiondistinctfromtherestofBolivia.WhereasmostoftheBoliviancountrysidewasdominatedbylargeruralestates,thecentral-valleydistrictsofCochabambaevidencedconsiderablefragmentationofagriculturallandandthe
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Preparingthefields,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)
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presenceofalargeclassofsmallpeasantlandownerslocallyknownaspiqueros.Theprimaryobjectiveofthisstudyistodocumentchangesinthestructureofhaciendaandcommunitylandtenureandhaciendalabor,asrelatedtotheevolutionandtransformationofregionalmarkets.Inabookpublishedin1988,historianBrookeLarson,drawinguponSempatAssadourian'sconceptofPotosíasthepoleofeconomicgrowthinthesouthernAndes,arguedthatthecontractionofthesouthernAndeaninterregionalmarketdominatedbyPotosíintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturiesinitiatedthestructuralchangesintheCochabambacountrysidethatcontributedtotheparcelizationofagriculturallandandthegrowthinthenumberofpeasantsmallholders.
9IproposeanalternativehypothesisthatchangeinCochabambaoccurredinthenineteenthcentury,when,withtheimplementationoffreetradeandtheconstructionofrailroads,inefficientCochabambagrainproducerscouldnotcompeteinanopenmarket,especiallyduringaperiodofdeclininginternationalgrainpricescausedbythegrowthofworldwidewheatproduction.ByestablishingthepointintimewhenCochabambahaciendasexperiencedfragmentation,eitherintheeighteenthornineteenthcenturies,Iwillbeabletodocumenttheconditionsthatcausedsignificantchangesineconomiesorientedtosupplyinggrainforsegmentedinternalmarkets.
Thecoreofthestudyfocusesontheperiod15391929,althoughapostscriptexplorestheimpactofthe1953agrarianreform.Thestudyisdividedintofivechapters.Chapter1outlinestheevolutionofthestructureoflandtenureandhaciendalaborbetween1539and1700,andexaminesLarson'shypothesisthatchangeinCochabamba'sruraleconomywascausedbythecontractionofthePotosíurbanmarketintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturiesthroughananalysisoflong-
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termchangesinCochabamba'sgrainandflourtrade.ItisfollowedbyadiscussionoftheimplementationandimpactofreformprogramsinthelateeighteenthcenturyandthenineteenthcenturydesignedindifferentwaystomodifylandtenureintheCochabambaregion,focusingoneffortstolimittheeconomicimportanceoftheCatholicchurchinruralBoliviaandtoliquidatethecorporatepeasantcommunity,bothseenasimpedimentstothemodernizationofagriculture.TheadministrationofAntonioJosédeSucreinthelate1820spartiallydisamortizedchurchwealthinBolivia,andeffortstoabolishthecommunitiesculminatedin1874withthepassageofthelawofvinculación,whichforcedcommunitymemberstotakeindividualtitletothesubsistenceparcelstheyalreadyexploited.Chapter3documentstheevolutionofanimport-exportorientedeconomyinnineteenth-centuryBolivia,andtheconsequencesofthesechanges
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forCochabambagrainandflourproducers.Thefollowingchapterexploreschangesinhaciendatenureinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,particularlythecausesofinstabilityinhaciendaownershipandthefragmentationofestates.Chapter5presentsdetailedcasestudiesofnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryland-tenurechangesindifferentareasinthelargerCochabambaregion.
InordertounderstandthedynamicsofchangeinCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomy,itisfirstnecessarytodescribewhatwasproducedindifferentareas.Becausethemostdetailedsourcesdescribeconditionsinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,thefollowingdiscussionconcentratesonthistimeperiod.
AgricultureintheCochabambaRegion
Thetopicofthissectionisagricultureandtheimpactofdroughtinthethreecentralvalleydistricts(driedlakebeds)ValleBajo,ValleAlto,andSacabaValleyandthesurroundinghighlandsectionsofCochabamba;here,theattemptistounderstandthenoneconomicfactorsthatcontributedtothetransformationinlandtenure.Inparticular,asisshownbelow,droughtandthethreatofdroughtchangedthelivesofCochabambafarmers,andisafactortheimportanceofwhichisgenerallyunderestimatedbystudentsofLatinAmericanruralhistory.Thediscussionfocusesonthedifferencesinlanduseandwaterresourcesineachofthecentralvalleysthatdeterminedwhichcropscouldbegrown,andtherelativeprofitabilityofdifferentcrops.
AgricultureinCochabambaremainedatlowlevelsoftechnologyandproductivity,andlaborconstitutedthesinglemostimportantinput.Moreover,economicandclimaticfactorslimitedtheabilityoffarmerstomodernizeandincreaseproductivity.Variablemarketsandperiodicdroughtthatcouldruinafarmerfromoneagriculturalyeartothenext
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servedasdisincentivesforcapitalinvestment,whichwouldhaveincreasedproductivityandloweredthepriceforCochabambagraininregionalmarketswhenimprovedtransportationfacilitatedtheimportationintoBoliviaofforeign-producedgrainandflourthatcompetedwithCochabambagrainandflour.Contemporaryobserverswithanurbanbias,however,advocatedthemodernizationof.Cochabambaagricultureinordertoimprovesuppliestothecities.
10Furthermore,inthefaceofweakmarketsforCochabambagrainandflourafterabout1890,haciendaownersmayhavereducedproductionlevelsinanattempttoforcecommodity
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pricesup,whichwouldhavefurtherlimitedthepossibilitiesformodernization.Irrigationisoneexampleofthefailuretoinvestinthemodernizationofagriculture.Muchoftheagriculturallandinthecentralvalleys,forexample,wasnotirrigatedandthusremainedvulnerabletodrought.Althoughlandownersproposeddifferentplansforthedevelopmentoflarge-scaleirrigationprojectsasearlyasthelastyearsofthenineteenthcenturyasasolutiontotheproblemofcyclicaldrought,itwasnotuntilthe1940sthatthenationalgovernmentinvestedinirrigationwithareservecapacity,butthenonlyintheValleAlto.
TheecologicallimitationsofCochabambaagriculture,coupledwithageneralinflationarytrendinBoliviaattheendofthenineteenthcenturycausedbytheexpansionofthemoneysupplyandotherfactors,contributedtoanincreaseinthepriceofagriculturalproduceandagrowthinlandvalues.Landvaluesalsodependeduponlandquality,watersupply,andlocationinrelationtomarketsandtransportation.Astudypublishedin1907estimatedlandvaluesindifferentecologicalzones.
11Althoughtherewasconsiderablevariationinlandvalueswithineachecologicalzone,landinthecentralvalleysgenerallyhadahighervaluethaninotherpartsofCochabamba.
IrrigationwasanimportantfactoringrainproductioninCochabamba.Itallowedtheproductionofmorethanonecropperyear,thereductionofbarbecho(fallowing),andprotectedcropstoacertaindegreeinperiodsofloweredrainfall,whenmostirrigationsystemsdrewwaterfromrainfedriversorsprings.Areportpublishedin1898bytheSociedaddeFomentoAgricola,basedondataabstractedfromthecadastralsurvey,estimatedthereturnperhectareoflandplantedincrops.Wheatproducedbydryfarminggavethelowestreturnata
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rateof35Bolivianos(hereaftercitedasBs)perhectare,whereasirrigatedalfalfaandtruckgardenproductsgaveareturnofBs169perhectare.(AllmonetaryfiguresoriginallyexpressedinpesoshavebeenconvertedintoBolivianos,thedecimal-basedmoneyintroducedattheendofthenineteenthcentury,inordertomaintainthevalidityofcomparisonovertime.)Theuseofirrigationenabledfarmerstogrowcropsthatgaveahigherreturnperunitofland.12
Distinctecologicalzoneswithdifferentwaterresourcesexistedwithinthecentralvalleys,whichdeterminedbothlanduseandtheprofitabilityofagriculture.FarmersinCartónTarataintheValleAlto,forexample,producedwheatandothergrainsbydryfarmingbecauseofthelackofwaterforirrigation.TheValleBajo,ontheotherhand,wasknownfortheproductionofcorn,alfalfa,andfruitsandvegetablesgrownwiththeuseofirrigation.Becauseofecologicalfactors,farmersinthedifferent
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partsofthecentralvalleysfoundthemselveseitherlimitedtotheproductionoflessprofitablecropsorattemptingtospecializeincropsthatgaveabetterreturn.Cornwasthesinglemostimportantcropintermsofproductionlevels,apatternestablishedbytheendofthecolonialperiod.Duringthecolonialandearlyrepublicanperiods,however,thedemandinthealtiplanourbanandminingmarketwasgreaterforwheatandwheatflour.Cerealandothercropsalsogavedifferentreturnsofseed:harvest;corngrownwithoutirrigationaratioof1:50,corngrownwithirrigation1:100,andwheatonly1:10.
13Cornmayhavebeenthemostimportantcropbyvolume,butbecauseofthelowerseed:harvestratio,farmersplantedalargerareaoflandinwheat.Inthemid-1840s,Cochabambacornandwheatproductiontotaled476,794and189,136fanegas,respectively.Theproductionofpotatoesandtuberswas166,534cargas.Inthe1880s,cornproductioninCochabambadepartmentwas353,240quintales(hundredweights);wheat,244,665quintales;potatoesandothertubers,1,009,530quintales;andforage,2,059,365quintales.14
The1925prefecturalreport,thecadastralsurveypreparedintheearlytwentiethcentury,andothersourcesprovidedetailedinformationonagriculturalproduction.TheSacabaValleyspecializedintheproductionofwheat,corn,andpotatoandothertubers;andseveralmodernflourmillsoperatedinthevalley.In1925,wheatproductioninSacabatotaled80,000quintales;corn,50,000quintales;andpotatoes,30,000quintales.15Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912,4,362properties(95percent)producedgrains,434properties(9percent)producedpotatoes,andonly38properties(0.83percent)producedalfalfaandfruitsandvegetables,irrigatedcropsthatgaveahigherreturnthangrains.Only708properties(15percent)werepartiallyorcompletelyirrigated..16
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FarmersintheValleBajospecializedincorn,truckgardenproductswereproducedlargelyfortheCochabambaurbanmarket;andforageandhaywereputupforsaleinthealtiplanomarket.Dr.FedericoBlanco,forexample,describedtheValleBajoasbeingideal"forthecultivationofcornandalfalfa,andfruittrees".17Accordingtodatafromtheearlytwentiethcentury,abstractedfromthecadastralsurveyreportedforfourcantones,atotalof9,379propertieswerepartiallyorcompletelyirrigated.Cornwasthesinglemostimportantcropgrownon6,779properties.TheValleBajowasthemostimportantcorn-growingareainCochabambaDepartment,andwasparticularlyhardhitbyacollapseofcornpricesafter1925.Atotalof2,125propertiesproducedalfalfa.Theexistenceofaclassofmuledriverswhoworkedinthemovementofgoods
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withinandoutsideCochabambaDepartmentwascloselyrelatedtoalfalfaproductionintheValleBajo.ThemuledriversbroughttheiranimalstopastureintheValleBajo,andinsomeinstancestheyalsoownedalfalfaproducinglands.
18Another2,692propertiesproducedfruitsandvegetables.19
TheadministrativejurisdictionofCercadoProvince,theimmediatehinterlandofCochabambaCity,embracestwodifferentzones:thesectionoftheValleBajo(CantónCalaCala)thatsurroundsCochabambaCity,andalowhillyareaandnarrowrivervalley(CantónItocta)thatconnectstheValleBajoandValleAlto.LanduseinCantonCalaCalareflectedacombinationoftraditionalagricultureandsemiurbanusessuchasbathingspotsthatwerepopularwithwell-to-dofamiliesfromthecity.TwoformsoflandtenurepredominatedinCalaCalaandthesuburbsofCochabambaCity:theorchard,whichproducedfruitsandvegetablesforsaleinthenearbyurbanmarket;andthecasa-quinta,alargehouseandorchard.LandvaluesinCalaCalawerehigh,andtheyincreasedwiththegrowthofthecity.In1924,forexample,thecasa-quintaPortales,intheRecoletasuburbofCochabambaCitywithinthejurisdictionofCalaCala,whichbelongedtothetinbaronSimonPatino,hadacadastralvalueofBs9,000,000.20
ThedatafromthecadastralsurveyonlanduseinCantonItocta,alsoapartofCercadoProvince,isincomplete.Onthebasisofothersources,thehillysectionsofItoctacanbecharacterizedasagrain-andtuber-growingarealargelydependentuponrainfall.However,landownersproducedfruits,vegetables,andalfalfaonirrigatedparcelswithintheirhaciendas.In1863,forexample,HaciendaItoctacontainedlandsusedforalfalfaproduction.21
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TherewerefouradministrativejurisdictionsintheValleAlto:Tarata,Cliza,Punata,andAraniprovinces.ThecadastralsurveyfortheValleAltoisincomplete,andthedataonlanduseunevenlyreported.FarmersinTarataproducedwheatandothergrainsgenerallywithoutthebenefitofirrigation,andthuswereparticularlyvulnerabletocyclicaldrought.Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedintheearlytwentiethcentury,3,090propertiesinthejurisdiction(87percent)producedgrains;413(12percent),corn;80(2percent),tubers;alfalfaandforageon188properties(5percent),andfruitsandvegetablesononly41properties(1.2percent).FarmersinPunataandAraniproducedcorn,wheat,andtuberswithsomeirrigation.22
ThedataforClizaProvincearemorecomplete,anddemonstratehowmarketconditionsdictatedthechoiceofcropsproducedonlowerquality
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orunirrigatedlands.Theprovinceoccupiedanareaof19,543hectaresofagriculturallandofvaryingquality,including6,080hectaresofirrigatedlands,4,272hectaresofnonirrigatedland,and9,191hectaresofscrubandmountainouslands.Corn,which(asnotedabove)gaveahigherreturninrelationtotheamountofseedgrown,wasthesinglemostimportantcrop.Withfavorablemarketconditionsintheearly1920s,attheheightofashort-livedcornboom,itwasmoreprofitabletogrowcornonunirrigatedlandsthat,underothercircumstances,wouldhavebeenplantedinwheatorbarley.Followingthecollapseofcornpricesafter1925,however,thosefarmerswhogrewcornonunirrigatedlandswereatadisadvantageintheunfavorablecornmarket,andmostlikelytheyfelttheeffectsofthecrisisbeforecornproducerswhofarmedirrigatedlands.Around1924,Clizafarmersproduced77,880quintalesofcornonirrigatedlandsworthBs621,600,anaveragereturnof1:100ofseedtoharvest.Productionofcornonunirrigatedlandsreached24,750quintalesworthBs.198,000.Othercropsincluded57,050quintalesofwheat,30,000quintalesofpotatoes,and24,463quintalesofbarley.
23
AgricultureinthehighlandsectionsofCochabambawasdifferentfromthepatternsdescribedaboveforthethreecentral-valleydistricts.Haciendasinthehighlandsoccupiedarelativelylargeexpanseofland,frequentlyinexcessofonethousandhectares.Thelargehacienda,however,containedlandsofvaryingquality,andasaruleonlyasmallpercentageofthetotalareaofagivenhaciendawascultivatedandanevensmallerpercentagewasirrigated.Thecadastralsurveypreparedin1903forcantonTapacariandcantonCalliriinTapacariProvinceprovidesdetailedinformationonlanduse.Atotalof69.3percentoftheland,ofasampleofforty-fivehaciendas,wasnotcultivated,andamere1.7percentwasirrigated.24
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Localnewspapers,oneofthemostimportantsourcesofgeneralinformationonagricultureinCochabambaduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,tendedtofocusonconditionsinthecentral-valleydistricts,andassuchthereislittleconcreteinformationonagriculturalconditionsinthehighlandprovincesinCochabambaDepartment.Nevertheless,somegeneralizationscanbemadeabouttheagriculturaleconomyinthehighlands.Themostimportantcropsweregrainsandtubersgenerallyproducedwithoutthebenefitofirrigation.Producerswithlandsatlowerelevations,however,grewsmallquantitiesofsugar,coffee,coca,andothertropicalandsemitropicalcrops.Accordingtoonesource,wheatexportsfromTapacariandArque,thetwoprovinceslocatedontheprincipalroutestothealtiplano,hadsomeimportance.
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WheatproducersinMizque,Tarata,andSacabasuppliedalargepartofthelocaldemand.
25Othersourcesstressedthepoorqualityofroadsandthehightransportationcoststhatlimitedtheabilityofhighlandproducerstocompeteinthevalleymarket,exceptinyearsoffoodshortagesinthecentralvalleysorthealtiplano.Inmanycases,however,thelaborobligationsofhaciendaservicetenantsgreatlyreduced,oreliminatedaltogether,transportationcoststomarket.Finally,droughtinthecentralvalleyscreatedagreaterdemandforhighlandproduce.In1915,forexample,followingseveralmonthsofdrought,articlespublishedinCochabambaCitynewspapersarguedthathighlandproducersshouldincreaseproductionlevelsinordertomeettheshort-termdemandinyearsofpoorharvestsinthecentralvalleys.Moreover,theauthorsofthearticlesnotedthatthehighlandprovincesdidnotsufferdroughtasfrequentlyasinthecentralvalleys.26
Therewerehighlandregionsdirectlylinkedtotheregionalandnationaleconomy,areasthatspecializedintheproductionofpotatoes,astapleinthelocaldiet,andotherproductssuchascoca,whichhadamarketinCochabambaandinthealtiplano(inhighlandareasofBolivialikeLaPaz,Oruro,andPotosí).Atthebeginningofthepresentcentury,cocaproductionintheTotorayungastotaledsomeseventeenthousandcestosayear.27Somehighlandestanciaownersalsomadeprofitableuseofvastpasturelandsthroughyerbaje,theseasonalrentalofpastureinthehighlandjurisdictionsborderingthecentralvalleys,whichprovidedextraincomegenerallynotavailabletohaciendaownersinthecentralvalleys.TherewasanestablishedpatternofseasonaltranshumancebetweentheValleBajoandAyopayaProvince,withbothlocalanimalsandmulesbroughtfromtheminesinthealtiplano.In1878,forexample,GenaroCrespo,amemberofan
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importantlandowningfamilyfromCantonPalcainAyopaya,advertisedtherentalofpastureinEsquilan,apropertylocatedinCantonColcapirhuaintheValleBajo,andalsolandsinAyopayaProvince.CrespochargedBs5peranimalpermonthinEsquilan,andBs8inAyopaya.28
Withtheexceptionofcoca,highlandlandownersgenerallyproducedfortheregionalmarket.Insomeinstances,highlandpropertyownersspecializedinstaplecropsnotgrowninlargequantitiesinthecentralvalleys.Thedemandforpotatoes,forexample,expandedwithpopulationgrowth,andthemarketmaynothavebeenasvolatileasthegrainmarket.Moreover,yerbajeprovidedincomegenerallynotavailabletohaciendaownersintheValleAltoandSacaba,andappearstohavebeenarelativelystablesourceofincome.UntilthecompletionoftheOruro-Cochabamba
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railroadin1917,muletrainsservedastheprincipalmeansoftransportationinCochabambaDepartment,andthemuletrainsrequiredpasture.Moreover,thetinminesinOruroandPotosídepartmentsemployednumbersofmulesthatalsopasturedinCochabamba.
Supplyanddemand,coupledwithtransportationpricesandothereconomicfactors,generallydeterminedtheprofitabilityofCochabambaagriculture,andpoormarketconditionsruinedbothlarge-scaleandsmallproducers.Cochabambafarmersfacedanothersetofproblemsthatcouldalsoruinthem,namely,adverseweatherconditions,includingdroughtandtoomuchrain,hail,andfreezingtemperatures,aswellaspestssuchaslocusts.Evenwithirrigation,Cochabambafarmerswerevulnerabletoprolongeddrought.Moreover,theuncertaintyoffoodsuppliespriortotheharvestseason,especiallyduringyearsoflessthanoptimumrainfall,allowedsomelargelandownerstomanipulategrainprices,thuscontributingtoextremeshort-termvolatilityinlocalmarkets.Periodicdrought,especiallyintheperiodafter1880,astheCochabambaagriculturaleconomyenteredaperiodofcrisisandstagnationandmorepeasantsacquiredland,alsoplayedasignificantroleinacceleratingtheprocessofagrariantransformation.Droughtcrisesweretraumaticexperiences,andofferanotherkeyforunderstandingchangeintheCochabambaagriculturaleconomy,asdemonstratedbythreedetailedcasestudies.
TherewereseveralseveresubsistencecrisesinCochabambaintheeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies,oftenassociatedwiththeoutbreakofepidemicsandconsiderablelossoflife.
29Thecrisisoftheyears18031805appearstohavebeenthemostsevereinthelatecolonialperiod.Thepriceofcornandwheatreached112and132reales,respectively,in1804(seeTable1.4below).Loss
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oflifeandthedisruptionofruralsocietyappearstohavebeenconsiderable,asseeninarecentstudyofcrisismortalityinTarataparishintheValleAlto.Asampleofbirthsanddeathsfortheyears18001809showsthatinnon-crisisyearsthepopulationofTarataexperiencedmoderategrowth,andcanbecharacterizedashavingbeenahighfertilityandhighmortalitypopulation.However,in1804and1805,attheheightofthesubsistencecrisis,theparishsufferedanetlossinpopulationof445,duetoincreasedmortalityandadropinthenumberofbirthsin1805.Nevertheless,thelossesin1804and1805weremadeupwithinthreeyears,andtheparishhadanetgrowthof2,240duringthedecade.TheTarataburialregisterprovidesevidenceofthesocialbreakdownduringthesubsistencecrisis.In1805,thepriestinTarataburied107bodiesfoundabandonedinthe
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town,mostbetweenJanuaryandAprilandpriortotheharvestofthe18041805cropthatendedthecrisis.
30
The18771879crisiswassimilartothe18031805drought.Rainfalllevelsweredeficientduringthe18771878agriculturalyear,andthelackofrainandintensesummersundestroyedmuchofthecropinthecentral-valleydistricts.InternaltransportationwithinBoliviawasnotsufficientlydevelopedtoallowfortherapidmovementofbulkfoodstuffssuchasgrain,andthedroughtdamagedordestroyedcropsthroughoutmuchofthecountry.Theoutbreakoftwomortalitycrisesattheendof1877andin1878and1879,beforetheharvestinMayandJuneof1879,onlyexacerbatedthesituation.31
Duringyearsofnormalrainfall,thefirstplantinggenerallytakesplaceduringthetimeofthefirstrainsfromSeptembertoNovember,butcanbeginaslateastheendofDecemberorthefirsttwoweeksofJanuary,dependinguponweatherconditions.32InanalyzingtheimpactofdroughtintheCochabambaregion,itisimportanttodocumentbothrainfalllevelsandthepointwithintheagriculturalcycleatwhichthedroughtbegan.Laterains,forexample,candelaythefirstplanting,butdonotnecessarilycausecropfailure.In1877,thedroughtbeganinDecemberafterthefirstcrophadalreadybeenplanted,andplantswitheredinthehotsunwiththelackofrainandprotectivecloudcover.ShowersinFebruarydepositedonly58mmofrainand43.5mminMarch,whichwastoolittle,toolatetosavemostofthewheatandbarleycrops.33RainfallduringtheentireagriculturalyearinCochabambaCitywasamere142.70mm,mostofwhichfellatthebeginningoftheagriculturalyear.34
Foodpricesincreasedassomelandownersspeculatedinanticipationofthependinglossoftheharvest.Grain-salecontractsindicatethat
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pricesroseconsiderablyduringthe18771878and18781879agriculturalyears.In1876,forexample,afanegaofwheatcostBs5.60.ThepriceincreasedtoBs8.00in1877,andBs16.00intheClizamarketinthemiddleof1879.InAyopaya,afanegaofwheatcostBs24.00inearly1879,andafanegaofcornBs16.00.Pricesdroppedagainfollowingthedrought.AfanegaofcorncostBs5.70in1881,andwheatBs6.80.35
Rainfallreturnedtonormallevelsduringthe18781879agriculturalyear,buttheharvestinMayandJuneendedayearofconsiderablesuffering,particularlyforthepoor,whichwascausedbyfoodshortagesandhighprices.Inthefirstmonthsof1879,anumberofspeculatorspurchasedtheentirecropofagivenhaciendapriortotheharvest.Contractsforthepurchaseofentirecropspriortothedroughtwereunusual,be-
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causeitwasnotacommonpracticetobuyorsellanentirecroppriortotheharvest.
Twosevereepidemicsattackedthepopulationin1877and18781879.Thefirstmortalitycrisisappearsnottohavebeendirectlyrelatedtothefamine,butratherappearstohavebeenalocalmanifestationofageneralepidemicthatspreadtoCochabambafromthealtiplano.Theidentityofthepathogensthatcausedthetwoepidemiccyclesisnotclear.DanieleDemelasdescribedanepidemicoftyphoidfeverinearly1879,whichwouldhavebeenrelatedtofamineconditionsintheregion.
36RobertoQuerejazuCalvoidentifiedtheoutbreaksasmalariaanddysenterytransportedbymosquitoesfromtheLaPazyungastoCochabambaandChuquisaca.37ErwinGreishabercitescontemporarydocumentsthatidentifiedtheoutbreaksas''fever,""epidemic,"and"mortality"in18771878,andas"feverandhunger"in18781879.38Thefirstlocalreportsoftheepidemicsearlyin1877mentiontheoutbreakofanunidentifiedfeverinArqueandTapacari.39
Theimpactofthecropfailurein1878wasdelayeduntiltheendofthefollowingyear,bywhichtimepriceshadrisentothepointthatthepoorbegantosufferfromstarvation.Contemporaryaccountsdescribethedesperationofpeoplelookingforfood,andtheeffortsofthelocaleliteandespeciallythechurchtoalleviatethemiseryofthepoorthroughcharity.Thereisnoevidenceofthegovernmentusingemploymentonpublic-worksprojectsasaformoffaminerelief,andsomediscussionoftheimpactoftheepidemicsanddroughtamongBolivianelitesshowedtheinfluenceofSocialDarwinisminthebeliefthatthemortalitycriseswouldeliminatethemoreundesirableelementsinBoliviansociety,suchastheIndianpopulation.InJanuaryof1879,somefourteenhundreddestitutepeoplereceivedbread
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distributedatthemonasteryofSanFrancisco,locatedinCochabambaCity,andatatemporaryhospitaloperatedonthegroundsofthemonasteryofSantoDomingo.Onemeasuretakentoalleviatefoodshortagesthroughoutthecountrywastheshort-termimportationofChileanwheat.40
Mortalityreachedtwotothreetimesthenormallevelsin1878and1879,andtheabandonmentofthesickanddyinginthestreetsofCochabambaCityandotherurbancentersintheregionbecameasignificantproblem.DeathsinCochabambaCityin1878and1879reached2,871and2,673,respectively,1.93and1.80timesthemeanaveragemortalityrecordedbetween1875and1877.AstudyofmortalitypatternsinTaratainthecrisisyearsdocumentstheimpactofthetwoepidemics.ThefirstoutbreakreacheditsheightbetweenAugustof1877andMayof1878,
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duringwhichtimepriestsrecordedthedeathsof882people,anaverageof88permonth,withmeanburialsbetween1873and1876totaling44permonth.Thesecondmortalitycrisiscombinedfamineanddisease.Priestsrecordedatotalof916burialsbetweenNovemberof1878andJuneofthefollowingyear,anaverageof131permonth,thehighestlevelofmortalityrecordedintheparishbetween1873and1886.
41InJanuaryof1879,thefirstabandonedbodiesappearedonthestreetsofTarataorattheentranceofthechurch,andduringthemonththenumberofabandonedbodiesreached31,or15percentofallburialsduringthemonth.ThepoliceandpriestscontinuedtofindbodiesaslateasAprilandMay.42
Thememoryofearlierdroughtsandmortalitycrisesremainedinthememoryofmosturbanresidents,andcontributedtotheconcernoftheurbanpopulaceovertheprospectofcropfailure.This,inturn,wasanimportantfactorintheabilityofsomelarge-scaleproducerstomanipulatepricesintheurbanmarket,whichcontributedtotheoutbreakofthe1910foodriotinCochabambaCity.
ForthespaceofsixhoursonJanuary12,1910,ariotbrokeoutinCochabambaCity,whichwascausedbyincreasesinthepriceofbasicfoodstuffs.Therioterssackedthemunicipalmarketandnearbystores.Municipalofficialstooknoactiontoendtheriotortoprosecutethoseinvolved.43Theriotoccurredasaconsequenceofaconjunctionofsocialandeconomicfactors,compoundedbythefearoffoodshortages.AnanalysisofthecausesoftheriotprovidesinsightsintothefunctioningofCochabambaagricultureintheearlyyearsofthepresentcentury.Economicliberalism,SocialDarwinism,andthepromotionofthedevelopmentofexportsdominatedgovernmenteconomicandsocialthoughtduringtheliberalera(ca.18701929).
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TheBolivianbrandofeconomicliberalismandeconomicmodernizationstressedfreetrade,mining,andthedevelopmentofaninfrastructureofroadsandrailroadsthatpromotednationalintegration.Moreover,manyBolivianpoliticiansduringthisperiodwerewillingtosacrificethedevelopmentofnationalagriculture.Thecountry,cametodependonthewell-beingoftheminingindustryandimportsofforeign-producedfoodsandmanufacturedgoods,suchasshoesandwheatflour.44Dependenceonminingasthedrivingforceinthenationaleconomy,however,haditsdrawbacks.Depressionintheinternationaleconomyrestrictedthedemandforminerals,andthelargeminingcompaniesrespondedtoweakdemandbydismissingworkersinordertocutcosts.Inperiodsofcrisis,numbersofunemployedminersreturnedtotheirplaceoforigininsearchofworkortoreturntotheland.ManyworkersinthetinminesoriginallycamefromtheCochabamba
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region.Furthermore,aslowdownintheminingcentershaddirectrepercussionsasthedemandforfoodstuffsandsomeartisangoodsdropped,which,inmanycases,leftartisanswithoutwork.
Aslowdownintheminingindustrycontributedtothe1910riotinCochabambaCity.Adropinthedemandfortinintheyears1907and1908andaresultingdeclineininternationaltinpricescausedageneraleconomicdepressioninBolivia.
45OneconsequencewasthereturnofunemployedminerstotheCochabambaregion.46Accordingtothenewspaperaccountspublishedfollowingtheriot,unemployedartisansfromthecityandsurroundingprovinceswhohadcometothecityinsearchofworkparticipatedinthedisturbance.47MinersmayhaveformedapartoftheunemployedinCochabambaCityatthetimeoftheriot.However,sincemunicipalgovernmentdidnotarresttheparticipants,thereisnowaytoclearlyidentifytheclassoriginsoftheparticipantsintheriot.
TherewasaseriesofseveredroughtsintheCochabambaregioninthefirstdecadeofthepresentcentury.Inthe19041905and19051906agricultureyears,forexample,droughtdestroyedalargepartofthecropinthecentralvalleys,causingincreasesinfoodprices.ThepriceofcornintheClizamarketreachedBs40perfanega.48Duringthe19091910agriculturalyeartherainsbeganlate,andproducersdelayedthefirstplantingofwheat,barley,peas,andbroadbeans.Althoughtherewasnoactualfoodshortageandasurplusstillremainedfromthepreviousharvest,pricesincreasedinanticipationofabadcrop.Moreover,anumberofhaciendaownersreportedlyclosedtheirgranariesinanefforttodrivepricesevenhigher.49
Onecommentarycomparedthesituationof1910toconditionsin1905,whenpricesroseevenhigherasaresultoftruedrought
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conditions.Theurbanpopulationdidnotriotintheformeryear,butatthesametimethenationaleconomywasnotsufferingtheimpactofaseveredepression.Therewassufficientmoneyincirculationandaccesstocreditin1905,bothofwhichwereinshortsupplyatthebeginningof1910,asbankssuspendedtheiroperationsforthedurationofthedepression.
Thecombinationofeconomicandecologicalcrisescreatedconditionsthatthreatenedthesocialstabilityuponwhichtheliberalstateexisted.Thelocalandnationalgovernmentstookimmediatestepsinthewakeoftheriottolimittheimpactofpriceincreasesandtoreestablishtheurbansocialbalance.Forexample,atthelocallevelthemembersoftheSacabaMunicipalCouncilsubscribedBs20,000forthepurchaseoffoodstuffstosellatcost.Moreover,haciendaownersintheSacabaValleypromised
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tosellcorn,wheat,potatoes,cornflour,andbroadbeansatafixedpricefortwelvedays.
50
Thenationalgovernmentattemptedtosellbasicfoodstuffstourbanconsumersatlowprices,andinitiatedpublicworksprojectstocreatejobsfortheunemployed.51Moreover,thegovernmentremovedtariffsonimportedfoodstuffsandloweredrailroadfreightrates.52Thelasttwomeasureshadlittleimpact,becauseGraceandCompany,thecommercialhousethatdominatedtheimportantLaPazmarket,continuedtochargethesamepriceforflourwithouttakingintoaccounttheBs2.00discountfromthetemporaryloweringoftariffs.53
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1RuralEconomyandSocietyinColonialCochabamba:AnOverviewThischapterisanoverviewoftheevolutionoftheruralsocietyandeconomyofCochabamba.DiscussedarechangesinthestructureoftheinterregionaleconomyandthemarketswhereCochabambagrainproducerssoldtheirgrainandchangesinthestructureoflandtenureandtheorganizationofhaciendalaborandproduction.Therearethreecentraltopics:SpanishpolicytowardtheIndianpopulationsoftheCochabambaregionasdefinedbyreducción,theattempttoreorganizespatiallydispersedpopulationsintocompactcommunities,andthesignificanceofIndianmigration;theformationofthehaciendabetween1540and1700,andhaciendalabor;andthestructureoftheinterregionaleconomyinthesouthernAndes,thedegreeofchangeinthestructureofhaciendatenureduringthecolonialperiod,andthefactorsthatcausedinstabilityinhaciendatenure.
CommunitiesandIndianMigrants
Inordertounderstandthedevelopmentofcorporateindigenouscommunities,itisnecessarytodiscussthepoliticsofIncaconquestandsettlementintheCochabambaregion.Cochabamba,locatedontheeasternfrontierofTawantinsuyu(theIncastate),wasanimportantcorn-producingdistrict,andthefirstlineofdefenseagainstChiriguanosandotherhostilelowlandgroups.Inalarge-scalecolonizationscheme,theIncastateredefinedtheethniccompositionofthepopulationinCochabamba.
PriortotheSpanishconquestoftheCochabambaregionin1539,
1therewerefourdistinctpopulationsintheValleBajo,themost
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populousvalleyinthearea.ThreeethnicgroupsoriginallyinhabitedtheValleBajo,theSipeSipe,Cota,andChuyes.OnlytheSipeSiperemainedatthetimeoftheconquest.TheIncastateresettledtheCotasandChuyesinthefrontier
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fortressesineasternMizqueandPocona.FollowingtheoccupationoftheValleBajointhemid-fifteenthcentury,theIncastatesenttwogroupsofcoloniststocolonizeanddefendthevalley.TheIncaresettledAymarawarriorsfromtheCharcas,Caracaras,Soras,Quillacas,andCarangashighlandethnickingdomstodefendthefrontier,andassignedthemfertilewell-wateredcornlandsintheValleBajo.
2
Inadditiontothewarriors,theIncaWaynaCapaccolonizedAymaramitimaes(permanentcolonists)fromdifferenthighlandethnickingdomsandethnicgroupsfromotherpartsoftheempiretoproducecornonlandsassignedtothem.WaynaCapacdividedthewesternsectionsoftheValleBajointosix"chacaras,"orfarmingdistricts:Viloma,Coachaca,Anocaraire,Calchacollo,Yllaurco,andPotoPoto.TheIncasettledCharcas,Caracaras,Soras,Quillacas,Carangas,Urus,andothergroupsfromthealtiplano,aswellasPlaterosfromthesoutherncoastaldesertofPeru,insmallcolonies,anddistributedlandinthechacarastotheSoras,Collas,Quillacas,andCarangas.Moreover,theIncasentseasonalworkers(mitmaq)toworkonstatelands.Alltold,theIncastaterelocatedsomefourteenthousandagriculturalworkers,soldiers,andpermanentsettlersintheValleBajo.3
OntheeveoftheSpanishconquest,theValleBajowasamosaicoflandsoccupiedandexploitedbyethniccolonies.Thepopulationlivedinsmallhamletsscatteredacrossthevalley.Aslateasthe1570s,followingthreedecadesofconsiderabledemographicchangeandmigration,thepatternofsettlementinsmallhamletspersisted.In1573,thethreerepartimientos(encomiendadistricts)ofSipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipayaconsistedof130hamletswithamean
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populationof74.4TheethnicdiversityintheValleBajocontributedtodemographicinstabilityintheperiodfollowingtheSpanishconquest.Membersoftheethniccoloniesleftthevalleytoreturntotheirnativedistricts.Moreover,beginningin1556,theCarangas,Quillacas,andSorasethniclordsfromthealtiplanochallengedSpanishcontroloftheethniccoloniesinthevalleyinaprotractedlawsuitthatquestionedthelegalityofdistributingthecoloniesinencomiendastoprominentSpaniards.Kurakasofthecolonies,workinginallianceswiththeencomenderos,assertedtheirjurisdictionalindependencefromtheethniclords.TheethniclordsreceivedgrantsoflandinColcapirhuaandChullainthe1570s,buttheyfailedtooverturnthefeudalcontrolexercisedoveralargepartofthevalleybytheencomenderosortoretaincontrolovertheethniccolonies.5
TheValleAltowasalsoamosaicofethniccolonies,althoughthevalleyhadasmallerpopulationthantheneighboringValleBajoandwasnotas
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intensivelyexploited.Therewasalargeswampyareanearthecenterofthevalleyandattheconfluenceofseveralstreams,andthornbusheswerecommoninsomedistricts.TheIndianpopulationappearstohavebeenconcentratedintheskirtofthemountainsthatsurroundthevalley.Cornwasgrowninthevalley,butgrazingseemstohavebeenthemostimportanteconomicactivity.Forexample,theIncastateassignedIndiansfromPoconaandPojotoherdlivestockinthePunataarea.Saltpansinthevalleywerealsoexploited.
6
Tarataappearstohavebeenthelargestsettlement,andwasthecenterofagriculturalactivityinthevalley.TheIncastateassignedlandsintheValleAltotoChuyesandChichas,andperhapstoCotasaswell.ResidentsofPocona,Mizque,andPojohadlandsinTarata,Mamata,andAchamoco.TheSorasofSipeSipeandCapinotamayalsohavehadlandsinthevalley.7However,becauseofthesparsenessofthepopulationinrelationtosurroundingareas,theValleAltodevelopedfollowingtheSpanishconquestasazonedominatedbylargehaciendas.
TheSacabaValleylikewisedevelopedfollowingtheSpanishconquestasazonedominatedbylargehaciendas.AlargesettlementinthevalleywastheseatoftheIncagovernorofCochabamba.8FollowingtheSpanishconquest,however,theresidentsofthevillagefledeastwardtothelower-elevationmontaña,wheretheyestablishedanewcommunityknowntotheSpaniardsasLosRaches.Aslateastheseventeenthcentury,theleadersofLosRachesattackedSpanishsettlementsinPoconaandMizque.9
TheSpaniardsinheritedacomplexpatternoflandtenureintheCochabambaregion,andanethnicallydiverseIndianpopulationthatliveddispersedinsmallhamlets,whichmadeSpanisheffortsin
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tributecollection,evangelization,andlabororganizationmoredifficult.In1569,ViceroyFranciscodeToledoarrivedinPeruwithamandatefromthekingtoorganizetheevolvingcolonialorderintheAndes.Reducción,theresettlementofspatiallydispersedIndianpopulationsinnucleatedvillages,wasthepolicythathadthegreatestimpactoncommunitiesinCochabambaandthedevelopmentofland-tenurepatterns.10
Spanishofficialsreducedapopulationof21,726people,atotalof4,488tributaries,intosevenlargevillages.IntheValleBajo,forexample,theimplementationofreducciónresultedintheresettlementofthepopulationof130hamletsinto3villages(seeTable1.1).ThepopulationofSipeSipewasethnicallyhomogenous,sotherewasnoproblemofethnicconflictandout-migrationasoccurredinotherreducciónes.Forexample,bothTiquipayaandPasso,communitieswithethnicallymixedpopulations,experiencedpopulationdispersionintheyearsfollowingreducción.
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Table1.1
Community
OriginalNumberofSettlements
NumberofReducciones Population Tributaries
SipeSipe 52 1 3,591 819Passo 48 1 3,298 684Tiquipaya 30 1 2,573 504Tapacari 42 6 6,014 1,173Mizque 6 1 1,343 305Aiquile&Totora ? ? 415 104Pocona ? ? 4,492 899Total 21,726 4,488Source:NicolasSanchezAlbornoz,ThePopulationofLatinAmericaAHistory,translatedbyW.A.R.Richardson(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1974),Pp.4547;NicolasSanchezAlbornoz,IndiosytributosenAltoPeru(Lima,1978),Pp.2930.
In1593,FrayLuisLópezdeSolis,BishopofQuito,commissionedtoconductacomposicióndetierrasinCochabamba,foundtributariesfromTiquipayaandPassolivinginLondo,Caraza,Quillacollo,andthealturasdeApoteinthemountainsabovethelandsassignedtoPassocommunity.LópezdeSolisorderedtheKurakasofthedispersedayllustoreturntotheirassignedlandswithinsixdays,underthethreatofthedestructionoftheirhutsandthesaleoftheirlandsasvacantcrownlands.
11
ThemultiethniccompositionoftheToledanreduccionesalsocausedinternalconflictwithinthecommunities.Forexample,royalofficialsreducedthepopulationof15ayllustoTiquipaya.Accordingtothe1573censusofTiquipaya,sixofthefifteenaylluswereSorasfromSipeSipe.Theothernineayllusweremitimaesfromdifferenthighlandethnic
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groups.EachofthefifteenayllushadaprincipalKuraka.However,theSpanishmodifiedtheinternalstructureofthereducciónbynamingonlytwoKurakasforthetwomoeties,urinsayaandanansaya.VisitadorGeneralFranciscoLazarteyMolina,theofficialwhocarriedoutthereducciónin1573,placedtwoSorasKurakasoverthehighlandayllus,whichledtostrifewithinthereducciónandalawsuitlaunchedbytheKurakasoftheninehighlandayllus.12
Royalofficialsassignedlandstoeachreducción.IntheValleBajo,forexample,LazarteyMolinagranted660fanegadas(some1,914hectares)oflandtoPasso,anestimated786fanegadas(some2,279hectares)toSipeSipe,and1,052fanegadas(some3,050.80hectares)oflandpluspasturelandsinotherpartsoftheValleBajo.13Thethreecommunitiesinthe
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ValleBajolostlandsduringthecolonialperiod,largelyusurpedbySpanishlandownerscreatinghaciendas.However,in1826thethreecommunitiesstillcontrolledalargeamountofland.SipeSipecommunitylandreportedlytotaled682fanegadas(some1,978hectares);Passo,557fanegadas(some1,615hectares);andTiquipaya,620fanegadas(some1,798hectares).
14ThecommunitiesofMizque,Pocona,Totora,Aiquile,andCapinota(organizedafterthe1570s)hadlandsassignedorconfirmedintheimmediateareaofthereducción.Moreover,TotorahadlandsinVacas,andtheChuyesofMizqueretainedlandsintheValleAltoassignedtothembytheIncastate.15
EthniclordsfromthealtiplanoestablishedclaimstolandsinCochabamba.ThepuebloofToledohadlandsinSicaya,andthepuebloofChallacolloinPariaretainedcontrolover352hectaresoflandnearArque.16CarangasfromwestofOruroownedsome60hectaresofland,calledChullaintheValleBajo,untilthe1820s.17
Thecommunitypopulationstendedtodispersefollowingtheimplementationofthereducciónpolicy,recreatingpre-conquestsettlementpatterns.Thepost-reduccióndispersionoftheIndianpopulationslimitedthesuccessoftheSpanishattempttocreatestablecommunitiesthatwouldserve,amongotherthings,aslaborreservoirs,anditmayhavespurredthelaterestablishmentofCapinotacommunity,whichwasnotincludedamongthecommunitiesreorganizedin1573.18Forexample,thepopulationofthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajodidnotremaininnucleatedvillages,butliveddispersedinsmallhamletsscatteredthroughoutcommunityterritory.Evidenceofthisdispersedsettlementpatternappearsincolonial-periodcensuses,aswellasinnineteenth-andtwentieth-centurycadastralsurveys.Adetailed1798censusofSipeSipe
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documentsthedispersedsettlementpattern.Thepopulationoffifteensettlementslocatedwithincommunityterritorytotaled3,532,identifiedinthecensusasbeingbothIndianandmestizo.Thepopulationoftheindividualhamletsvariedfrom28and43inJaiomaandTaurani,respectively,to205inSantaAnayMolleMolle,364inMalcorrancho,and520inPaiacollo.SipeSipepuebloproper,thelargestsettlement,hadapopulationof1,025.19HamletsintheterritoryofPassocommunityincludedPandoja,Pocpocollo,PandojayPocpocollo,Orkocallpa,Anansaya,andLlankenquiri,amongothers.20Thenumberoftributariesclassifiedasoriginarios(fullcommunitymembers)declinedduringthelatesixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesforavarietyofreasons,includinglossesfromdiseaseandout-migrationfromthecommunities.Forexample,inthe1640s,anestimated132tributariesfromthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajolived
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andworkedonnearbyhaciendas.
21Asdidtheresidentsofcommunitiesinthealtiplano,originariosfromthecommunitiesintheValleBajomigrated,inpart,toavoidincreasinglyheavytributeandserviceinthehatedPotosímita,whichwasexacerbatedinthecaseofPassoandTiquipayabyexistinginternalethnicrivalriesdatingfromtheimplementationofthepolicyofreduccióninthe1570s.In1573,thethreecommunitiesintheValleBajowererequiredtosend165mitayostoPotosí,butincreasinglytheyprovedincapableoffillingtheassignedquota.In1617,forexample,SipeSipeprovided40mitayosoutofaquotaof45;Passomobilized30outofaquotaof60;andTiquipayaamere18outofaquotaof60.22In1692,only6mitayosleftTiquipayatoworkinPotosí.23PassoandTiquipaya,thetwocommunitiesintheValleBajowiththegreatestproblemofinternalethnicrivalryinthelatesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,didnotcomeclosetomeetingthemitaquotas.Inthelateeighteenthcentury,thecorporatecommunitiesstillsentasmallcontingentofmitayostoPotosí.In1781,attheheightoftheTúpacAmaru-TúpacKatarirebellion,royalofficialsinCochabambawereabletosendonly10mitayosfromTapacari,and9mitayosfromCapinota.SipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipayawereexempted,becausetheyhadcontributedmanpowertotheroyalistforcesinvolvedinrepressingtherebellion.24
Thenumberoforiginariosinthecorporatecommunitiesdroppedfrom1573to1683,andcontinuedtodeclineoverthenextcentury.In1573,therewere1,997originariosinthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajo,and244in1683.Acenturylater,in1786,therewere196originariosinthecommunities.25Thenumberoftributariesdeclinedintheothercommunities:forTapacari,adropfrom1,173in1573toamere75in1683;andinMizque,Pocona,andAiquile-Totorathe
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numberoftributariesdecreasedfrom1,308in1573to192in1683.26ThepopulationofMizqueandTotora-Aiquilecontinuedtodropintheeighteenthcentury,andthetwocommunitiesvirtuallyceasedtoexist.Inthe1780s,ViedmareportedthatonlythirteentributariescontinuedtoliveatMizque,andonlysevenatTotora.ThepopulationofAiquilereportedlywascompletelyextinguished.27
LargenumbersofcommunitymembersfromthealtiplanomigratedtoCochabambainthelatesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.MostforasterossettledonhaciendasandinSpanishtowns,butsomemigratedtothecorporatecommunities.In1683,711forasteroslivedinthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajo,and837in1786.28Inthesameyearstherewere512and1,622forasterosinTapacari.29ThenumberofforasterosinMizque,Totora-Aiquile,andPoconawas613in1683.30
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Forasterosenteredthesocietyofthecorporatecommunitieswithdifferentstatuses,buttheyplayedanimportantroleinthecontinuedsurvivalofthecommunities.Forasterosweresubordinatetotheoriginarios,whoalonecontrolledaccesstocommunityresources.Atthesametime,manyforasterosmarriedintothefamiliesoforiginarios,andthusintegratedmorefully.Forexample,in1645,41percentoftheforasteroslivinginSipeSipehadmarriedexogenously.
31Forasterossuppliedlaborforcommunityagricultureandhelpedtoprotectcommunitylandsthatotherwisewouldhavelainvacant,andthuswouldhavebeenvulnerabletousurpationbySpanishlandowners.Larsonsuggeststhatthemigrationofforasterosintheseventeenthcenturycontributedtodivisionswithincommunitysocietyinthefollowingcentury,aprovocativehypothesisthatrequiresfurthersubstantiation,especiallyinlightoftheevidenceofethnicrivalriesincommunitiesinthelatesixteenthcentury.32
Nevertheless,thecorporatecommunitiesexperiencedanerosionoftheirlandbaseintheseventeenthcenturythroughusurpationslaterlegalizedbythecomposicióndetierras.Theerosionofthelandbasecontinuedthroughouttheeighteenthcentury,althoughnottothesamedegreeasinthepreviouscentury.Table1.2summarizestheamountoflandcontrolledbythethreecommunitiesintheValleBajobetween1573andtheearlynineteenthcentury,thecommunitiesforwhichtherecordismostcomplete.Royalofficialsassigned1,914hectaresoffertileandwell-wateredvalleylandstoPassoin1573.Onehundredandforty-twoyearslater,in1715,1,550hectaresoflandremainedtoPasso,representinga19percentdecline.In1826,followingthecreationofneworiginariosinthe1790s,Passocontrolled1,650hectaresofland;1,286.68hectaresoflandin1844;and1,233in1878(seeTable1.2).
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EncomiendasandHaciendas
InthefirstyearsfollowingtheconquestofCochabamba,landhadlittlevaluefortheSpaniards,andconquistadorand,later,colonistsaspiredtoobtaintitletoencomiendas,whichprovidedlaborandtributethatcouldbeconvertedintocash.Theencomienda,afeudalgrantofjurisdiction,tribute,andlabor,providedgranteesthemeansforrapidaccumulationofwealththatenabledthemtoreplicatetheelitelife-styleoftheIberiannobility.Moreover,inastatus-consciouscolonialsociety,titletoanencomiendaprovidedthegranteewithconsiderablesocialprestigeandpoliticalpower.33Theencomiendawastheprincipalprizeduringthecivil
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Table1.2CommunityLandsintheValleBajo(inhectares)inSelectedYearsYear Passo Tiquipaya SipeSipe1573 1,9141593 3,050.80*1715 1,5501826 1,650.30 1,798 1,977.801844 1,286..68 1,314.95 1,069.51c.1878 1,233.41 1,475.88 1,164.96*PluspasturelandindifferentpartsoftheValleBajo.Source:MercedesdelRioandJoseGordilloClaure,LavisitadeTiquipaya(1573)Analisisetno-demograficodeunpadrontoledano,forthcomingCERES;JoseGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,''Formation,Crisis,andTransformationoftheAgrarianStructureofCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseofHaciendaPaucarpataandPassoCommunity,15381645and18721929,"unpublishedmanuscript;BrookeLarson,"EconomicDeclineandSocialChangeInAnAgrarianHinterland:Cochabamba(Bolivia)InTheLateColonialPeriod,"unpublishedPhDdissertation,ColumbiaUniversity,1978;GustavoRodriguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas:lascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajocochabambino(18251900),"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LascomunidadesindigenasenlaregionandinaduranteelsigloX1X,"Quito,1989;FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902).
warsinPeruinthe1540sbetweentheconquistadorfactions.AlthoughthecrownacquiescedinthegrantingofencomiendasinPeru,inthe1540sand1550sitattemptedtomodifyandlimittherightsoftheencomenderos,andthustheireconomicandpoliticalpower.
TheNewLawsof1542attemptedtoextinguishencomiendasafterthelifetimeofthecurrentholder.ThePeruvianencomenderosrevoltedagainsttheauthorityofthecrown,andforcedamodificationofthelaw.
34However,inthe1540sand1550s,royalofficialsintroducedchangestotheinstitution.In1549,ViceroydelaGascaissuedthefirsttasasinPeru,whichenumeratedthespecifictributeandlaborobligationsofeachcommunity.Inthe1550s,officialsabolishedtheunpaidlaborservices
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community.Inthe1550s,officialsabolishedtheunpaidlaborservicesduetoencomenderos,andintroducedthemitalabordraft,whichgavemoreSpaniardsaccesstoIndianlaborpreviouslymonopolizedbyencomenderos.35Thecrowngraduallyreducedtheincomeandlaboroftheencomenderos,andappointedcorregidorestocollecttribute,thuslimitingthedirectcontactbetweenthegranteeandhisorhervassals.
SpaniardsreceivedencomiendasinthefuturejurisdictionofCochabambainthe1540s.AccordingtoareportpreparedbyGabrieldeRojasin1548,sevenSpaniardsheldsome4,400tributariesinencomiendain
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Pocona,Totora,Tapacari,SipeSipe,andQuchapampa.HenandodeZarate,thesecondhusbandofthewidowofthepreviousencomendero,FranciscoNegral,held500tributariesinSipeSipe,whopaidtributeandservicesworthanestimated16,000pesos.AlonsoPérezCastillejoheld800tributariesinTapacari,adistrictborderingontheValleBajo,whichprovidedtheencomenderowithanincomeofsome12,000pesosperyear.
36Inthe1550s,theinfluentialroyalofficialJuanPolodeOndegardoheldtheencomiendaElPasso,whichincludedCarangas,Urus,Soras,Caracaras,Charcas,andYamparaes.RodrigodeOrellana,alsolistedinthe1548document,heldtheencomiendaTiquipaya,whichincludedQuillacas,Carangas,Chilques,Chiles,andCollasfromAzangaro.Thegranttotaled550tributaries,andOrellanareceivedtributeworth20,600pesos.37
Therewasconsiderableabusebyencomenderos,despiteeffortsbythecrowntoregulatetributeratesthroughthetasas.encomenderoschargedcommunitiestoomuchtribute,whichmayhavebeen,inpart,aresponsetothedropintributerevenuescausedbyIndianpopulationdecline.Forexample,a1558reportrecordedthatGeronimodeSolis,whoheldtherepartimientoofTapacari,overchargedthetributariesinhisjurisdictionbyfiftythousandpesos.Similarly,G.deAlvarado,encomenderoofPocona,collectedthirtythousandpesosoverthetasassetbytheroyalgovernment.38
TheencomenderoswhoheldrepartimientosinCochabambawerepowerfulmenwhodisposedofgoodsandlaborthatprovidedasubstantialincome,whichsupportedtheiraspirationstoelitestatus.In1548,tributepaidtothesevenencomenderosinCochabambawasworthmorethansixtythousandpesos.Thewealthoftheencomenderosandthepoliticalpowerthatitcreatedbecamethetarget
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oftheroyalgovernment,whichattemptedtolimitinfluenceoftheencomenderostopreventthecreationofaNewWorldnobilitythatwouldchallengeitsauthorityandtolimitoreliminatetheabusesinthesystem.Onewayinwhichthecrownunderminedtheencomenderoclasswasthroughescheatmentofgrantstoroyaljurisdiction.Inthe1570s,ViceroyFranciscodeToledoescheatedatleasttwenty-threeofthesixty-sevenrepartimientosinAltoPerutoroyalauthority,includingSipeSipe,Totora,andPocona.Moreover,theleveloftributewassubstantiallyreduced.Forexample,theannualtributeofSipeSipein1573totaled5,705pesos,whichwasconsiderablylowerthanthetributereportedlyworth16,000pesoscollectedinthelate1540s.Atthesametime,Toledocouldnotcompletelyeliminatetheencomienda,andconfirmedtitlefortwoprivatelyheldgrantstoasecondgenerationofencomenderos.Forexample,GeronimoOndegardoreceivedPasso,
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previouslyheldbyhisfather,andFranciscodeOrellanareceivedTiquipaya,alsoheldbyhisfather.
39
OtherfactorsalsocontributedtothedeclineofencomiendasintheAndeanregion,includingthedemographiccollapseoftheIndianpopulationandthemigrationdiscussedintheprevioussection.Therecordsfortheperiodpriorto1573providelittleindicationoftheoveralldeclineinpopulationduringthethirtyyearsfollowingtheconquestofCochabamba.Censusrecordsfortheperiodafter1573doshowapopulationdeclineinAltoPeru.40Tributepopulationsmostlikelydeclinedinnumbersintheyearsbetween1540and1573,whichwouldhavereducedtheincomeofencomenderos.
Encomenderosbegantodiversifytheirholdings.Manymovedintoagricultureandobrajes(primitivetextilemills)tosupplyPotosíandotherurbanmarketsthatdeveloped.Encomenderosusedtheirsocialstatusandpoliticalpowertoalienatelandandtohavetitleconfirmedthroughthecomposicióndetierras,afinepaidtorectifydeficientlandtitles.Moreover,thecrownandlocalroyalofficialsbegantodistributelandgrantstonon-encomenderos,asrewardstoloyalsupportersandasanindirectmeansofunderminingthepoweroftheencomenderos.Theevolutionofthehaciendalastedroughlyacenturyand,inthespecificcaseoftheValleBajo,endedin1645,whenaroyaljudgeconfirmedtitletohundredsofhectaresofformercommunityandroyallandsthroughacomposicióndetierras.ThehaciendaonlytookitsfinalformonceSpanishlandownershadcleartitletoallofthelandsthattheycontrolled.ThediscussionbelowfocusesonacasestudyoftheevolutionofthehaciendaintheValleBajo,whichwastypicalingeneraltermsoftheprocessofhaciendaformationthroughoutCochabamba.
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After1573,onlytwoencomiendasremainedintheValleBajo,butbothencomenderosdiversifiedtheiractivitiestoincludelandownershipandtheconstructionofmills.FranciscodeOrellana,whoheldtherepartimientoofTiquipaya,ownedfarmlandsandpasturelandsintheValleBajo.41JuanPolodeOndegardoandhisson,GeronimodeOndegardo,bothholdersoftherepartimientoofPassocommunity,activelydevelopedachacara(privatelyownedland)thatformedthecoreofamuchlargerhaciendacalledPaucarpata,andmillsnearPasso.JuanPolodeOndergardousedhisinfluencetohavetheboundaryofPassocommunitylandsmovedbacktotheeastbankoftheRíoPatata,andtoreceivetitletothewatersoftheRioPatataatthepointwheretheriverentersthevalley.PolodeOndegardohadtherivercanalized,andbuiltwater-poweredmillsonthewestbankoftheriveroppositecommunitylands.In1593,GeronimodeOn-
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degardopaidtwothousandpesostoconfirmtitleto217fanegadasofland(some629hectares)borderingPassocommunity,andtitletothewaterfromtheQuebradadeChocaya.
42
TheestablishmentoftheVilladeOropesaintheearly1570sprovidedanadditionalimpetustotheformationofhaciendas.Themunicipalgovernmenthadthepowertograntlandtovecinos(foundingresidentsofthevilla),andaprovisioninthetowncharterdeniedIndianpeasantstherighttochallengelandgrantsmadebythemunicipalgovernment.BrookeLarsonarguesthatSpaniardswhocontrolledlandintheValleBajousedthecreationofthemunicipalgovernmenttoratifytitletolandstowhichtheyhadquestionablerights.43
Spaniardsacquiredlandsinthe1550sand1560s,butthefirstroyallandgrantsappeartohavebeenmadeintheyearsfollowingtheestablishmentoftheVilladeOropesa.Thereisarecordoffivelandgrantsmadebetween1576and1582.Thelargestgrant,inColcapirhua,whichformedthecoreofalargerhacienda,hadanextensionofthirtyfanegadas(someeighty-sevenhectares).Therewerealsograntsofsmallandmedium-sizedparcels,whichrangedinsizefromthreefanegadas(nearlyninehectares)tofifteenfanegadas(someforty-fourhectares),allmadeintheeasternsectionoftheValleBajo,whichwasnotdominatedbycommunitylands.44
AnincreasinglycomplexpatternoflandtenureemergedintheValleBajobetweenthemid-sixteenthcenturyand1645.Inmostinstances,Spanishlandownersexpandedthesizeofpropertiesgenerallycalledchacaras,andcreatedmedium-andlarge-sizedestateslaterknownashaciendas.Moreover,mostlandownerscontrolledapatchworkcollectionofparcelsacquiredindifferentways,ofteninformsthatviolatedcoloniallawsorthespiritofcolonialpolicies.Many
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landownersincludedlandsillegallyacquiredfromthecommunitiesintheirestates,orusurpedvacantcrownlands(baldíos).
Beginninginthe1590s,theSpanishgovernmentissuedanumberoforderstosellbaldíos,andtorectifydeficienttitles.Decreesin1591and,again,inthe1630sresultedintheexaminationoflandtitlesintheValleBajoin1593and1645.45In1645,JosephdelaVegaAlbaradocomposedtitletoextensivelandsinthevalley.AccordingtoonePedroPerésAviles,landownersclearedtitletosome300fanegadas(some870hectares)ofSipeSipecommunitylands,including65fanegadas(some189hectares)thatPerésAvileshimselfobtained.SeveralSpanishlandownersclearedtitletolandsfromTiquipayacommunitylands:GregorioVelasquezdePugaobtained70fanegadas(some203hectares)ofland;JuanRodriguez
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Castellanoobtained50fanegadas(some145hectares)ofland;andPedroNavarroobtained100fanegadas(some290hectares)ofland.Passocommunitylandsalienatedincluded93fanegadas(some270hectares)oflandobtainedbyLuisdeGuzmán,and30fanegadas(some87hectares)oflandobtainedbyJuanRodríguezCastellano.
46
ThehistoryofHaciendaPaucarpatatypifiedinmanywaystheprocessoftheformationofthehaciendaintheValleBajoandintherestofCochabamba.Asnotedabove,JuanPolodeOndegardobegandevelopingmillsandacquiredlandsontheedgeofPassocommunity,whichwastherepartimientoofhisencomienda.Hisson,GeronimodeOndegardo,continuedthedevelopmentoftheestate,andin1593heregularizedlandtitlesthroughacomposicióndetierras.Atthattime,thehaciendahadasurfaceareaof217fanegadas(some629hectares)ofland.Thehaciendaapparentlypassedintothehandsofanotherfamilybetween1593and1645throughsale;oneFranciscoMatheosCarrascopaidfiftythousandpesosforthehacienda,andin1645regularizedtitletoatotalof244fanegadas(some708hectares)ofland.Thehaciendaincreasedinsizeby27fanegadas(some78hectares)oflandoveraperiodoffifty-twoyears,mostfromformerPassocommunitylands.Intheearly1880s,HaciendaPaucarpatahadanextensionof749hectares.47
Attheendoftheseventeenthcentury,amixedpatternoflandtenureexistedintheCochabambaregion.IntheValleBajo,threecommunities,plustheethnicoutpostsofthealtiplanocommunities,coexistedwithtwenty-eightlargehaciendasandmedium-sizedpropertiescalledchacaras,andlaterclassifiedashaciendasorfincas.Eightyhaciendasandchacarasexistedthroughoutthevalleysintheregion(seeTable1.3).Locally,haciendaownerswerealocally
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politicallypowerfulandwealthyelitegroup,andinanumberofinstancesindividualsandfamiliesownedmorethanoneestate.Forexample,inthemid-1660s,LuisdeGuzmánownedHaciendaAnocaraireintheValleBajoandHaciendaLondointheCarazaValley.Thetwopropertiesconstituted70percentofthevalueofGuzmán'sestate,whichhadatotalvalueof97,674pesos,6reales.GuzmánwasalsotypicalofotherCochabambalandownersinthathistwohaciendaswereencumberedbycensosandcapellanías(income-producingliens)withanominalcapitalvalueof5,640pesos,whichpaidinterestincomeof660pesosperyear.48Similarly,theestateofMariadeBervete(1742)consistedofHaciendasTaquina,Condebamba,andSarcobamba,andEstanciaQuinapampa,allinthejurisdictionoftheVilladeOropesa.Twoofthehaciendashadcensosandcapellaníaswithanominalcapitalvalueof9,500pesos.49
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Table1.3HaciendasintheCochabambaRegionin1692
EcologicalZone JurisdictionNumberofHaciendas
Inter-mountainValley Ytapaya 6Capinota 8Caraza 3
ValleBajo Colcapirhua 1SipeSipe 10Passo 9Tiquipaya 3Oropesa 5
SacabaValley Sacaba 11ValleAlto Tarata 9
Chirusi 15Total 80Source:JoseGordilloClaure,"ElprocesodeextinciondelyanaconajeenelValledeCochabamba.Analisisdeunpadrondeyanaconas.(1692),"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),Pp.2959.
Inrelativeterms,landwasabundantduringthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,whilelabor,whichwasequallyimportantintheformationofthehaciendaeconomy,wasscarce.TheformsofhaciendalaborthatdevelopedduringthecolonialperiodhelpedtodefineruralsocietyinCochabamba.
Permanenthaciendalaborcamefromtwosourcesinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies:yanaconasandforasteros.PriortotheSpanishconquestofTawantinsuyu,yanaconaswerenativesnotaffiliatedwithayllus,whowereintheserviceoftheIncastateornobility.FollowingtheSpanishconquest,yanaconasgenerallywereindividualswhoenteredtheserviceofSpaniardsaspersonalservants,asagriculturalworkers,andasminers.Inthemiddleandlatesixteenthcenturies,yanaconasformedanimportantelementofhaciendalabor,andaseries
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ofregulationsissuedbyViceroyFranciscodeToledoin1574regulatedtherelationshipbetweenyanaconasandlandowners.Yanaconasweretobetiedtotheland,andcouldnotleavearuralestatewithoutthepermissionofthehaciendaowner.Atthesametime,yanaconaswerelegallyfree,andhadtributeobligations.Moreover,thehaciendaownerhadobligationstowardtheyanacona.Forexample,eachyanaconaheadofhouseholdwastobeassignedasubsistenceplotinexchangeforlabor.
50Theyanacona,accordingtoToledo'sregulation,wastoprovidefivedaysoflaborperweektothelandowner.
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Inadditiontoasubsistenceplot,thelandownerwastoprovideoxenandplowstotheyanaconasonedayperweek.Finally,thelandownerwastopaytheyanacona'stribute,orgivetheyanaconatendaysoffperyeartoearnthemoneytopaytributeelsewhere.
51
YanaconajewaswidespreadonCochabambahaciendasinthesixteenthandearlyseventeenthcenturies,butdeclinedinimportanceintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.Onefundamentalproblemwastheconsiderablemobilityofyanaconas.Adetailedcensusofyanaconaspreparedin1692documentedtheabsenceof810yanaconasfromCochabambahaciendasoutofatotalpopulationof3,135registeredyanaconas;theseweremostlymenofprimeworkingage,andtheirabsenceindicatedthebreakdownofyanaconajeasalaborinstitution.52Intheearlynineteenthcentury,some1,393yanaconasremainedinCochabamba,withmostlivingonhaciendasintheValleAlto.53
Thesecondimportantsourceofpermanenthaciendaworkerswas"free"laborersrecruitedfromthegrowingpopulationofforasteroswhomigratedtoCochabambainordertoescapefromtheexcessiveexactionsofthecolonialstate.In1683,forexample,6,324forasteroslivedinthejurisdictionofCochabamba;and10,265werethereacenturylater,in1786.Inthefirstyear,4,556tributarieslivedandworkedinSpanishtownsandhaciendas,bothoriginariosandforasteros;andtherewere7,828in1786.TheyungasofLaPaz,Cochabamba,andTomina,alljurisdictionslocatedontheeasterndescendingslopeoftheeasternAndescordilleraandatalowerelevation,andtheurbanjurisdictionsofPotosíandOruroallhadlargepopulationsofforasteros.54
Baseduponaverylimitednumberofcasestudiesoftheformsof
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haciendatenantry,BrookeLarsonarguesthatCochabambahaciendaownerswerearentierclass,andthatthousandsoflandlesstenantssupportedhacendadosthroughthepaymentofmoneyrentsforsubsistenceplots.However,theevidencethatLarsonmarshalstosupportherinterpretationactuallydocumentsadifferentformofhaciendalaborrelationship,namely,servicetenantry.55Inexchangeforasubsistenceplotlocatedinthebodyofahacienda,servicetenantssuppliedlaborforagriculturalproductiononthedemesne(haciendalandsworkedforthedirectbenefitofthehaciendaowner),andinmanyinstances,theyalsopaidamodestmoneyrent.56Writinginthemid-1840s,priortothechangesinthestructureofCochabambaagriculturethatdestroyedthepatternsthatemergedduringthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,JoséDalencedescribedservicetenantryinthefollowingterms:
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Thearrenderosarethehaciendacolonos;theypossessfieldsthatthelandownersgivetheminexchangeforthestipulatedpensionsatisfiedinpartbymoney,andinpartbythe[labor]servicesthatthey[thecolonos]havetogivetotheownerinthesowing,harvest,etc.Thiscontractisveryuseful,ifitisnotabused;thelandowner[obtains]thelabor[brazos]heneedsforthecultivation[ofthecrops],andthecolonoisassuredlandstoplantforhimselfandhisdescendents[generaciones].
57
ServicetenantrywasacommonformofhaciendalaborinSpanishAmericainthecolonialperiod,and,asDalencestressed,tenantscontributedtothehaciendaeconomybyprovidinglabor.Thenameforservicetenantrydifferedfromregiontoregion.Forexample,CochabambacolonajewasvirtuallyidenticaltotheChileanservicetenantryknownasinquilinaje.58
WithinCochabamba'sevolvingagrarianstructureinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,servicetenantrywasalogicalresponsetotheneedtoobtainlabor.IntheyearsfollowingtheSpanishconquestofCochabamba,theformativeperiodofthehacienda,thepopulationoftheValleBajowasrelativelysmall,andthuslaborwasscarce.Servicetenantrycreatedastablelaborforceonhaciendas,andasaformoflaboritpersistedwellintothetwentiethcentury.59DalencecommentedonthestabilityofservicetenantryinthereportonBoliviathathepreparedinthemid-1840s,writingthat"itrarelyoccursthatanhaciendaownerdismissesacolono,orthat[thecolono]leavesthehacienda,wherehisgrandparentswereborn."60
Althoughthespecificlaborobligationsofservicetenantsvariedfromhaciendatohacienda,generalizationscanbemadeaboutthemostvaluablelaborinputsprovidedbytenants.Tenantsprovidedlaborfortheplanting,weeding,andharvestingofcropsonthehacienda
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demesne,andinsomeinstancestheytookcropstotheregionalmarketfairsormillingcentersinCochabamba.Moreover,colonosrepairedirrigationditches,tendedthelivestockthatbelongedtothehaciendaowner,and,insomecases,providedtheoxenusedtoplowthedemesnefields.Finally,colonoshadtoprovidepersonalservicetothehaciendaowner,whichgenerallyconsistedofsendingfamilymemberstoworkinthehouseholdofthehaciendaowner,cleaning,cooking,andsupplyingfirewood,amongothertasks.Althoughpersonalservice,calledpongueajeinthetwentiethcentury,wasnotasimportantintheeconomyofthehaciendaaswaslaborprovidedforagriculturalproduction,itsurviveduntilthe1950sasaruralinstitutionthatmediatedrelationsbetweenhaciendaownerandservicetenant.61
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MarketsandLandTenureDuringtheColonialPeriod
CochabambawasanimportantgrainproducingareawithinthesouthernAndeaninterregionaleconomicsystemorganizedtosupplyprovisionstominingandurbanadministrativecenters.Cochabambagrainproducersenjoyedastrongpositionwithinthestructureoftheinterregionaleconomybecauseofthefavorableconditionsforagriculture,andgeographiclocationinrelationtotheprincipalmarkets,particularlytheurbancentersinthePeruvianandBolivianaltiplanoandhighlandminingdistrictssuchasPotosíBrookeLarsonnotedthat,
Inthelatesixteenthcentury,CochabambawasfamousforthemaizeandwheatthatitshippedtothesilverminesofPotosí...EvenasitsfunctionalroleofgranaryinAltoPerudiminishedovertime,theregiondidnotloseitsimportanceasgrainsuppliertothecitiesandminesacrossthealtiplano.Inthelateeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,Cochabamba'sgrainsstillsupplementedthetuberdietofhighlandAndeanpeasantsandprovisionedsomeofthecitiesofthealtiplano,particularlyintimesofdroughtanddearth.
62
ThegrowthordeclineofurbanmarketssuchasPotosícouldstimulateeconomicexpansionorconverselycontributetoarestrictionofproductionforthemarket.
Cochabambafellwithintheareaofprimarysupplyorfood-shedofthePotosíurbanmarket;andchangesinthedemandforwheatandcorninPotosí,otherurbancenters,andthoseruraldistrictsinthealtiplanothatdependeduponwheatandcorngrownatlowerelevationsdefinedthedegreeofparticipationofCochabambagrainproducersintheinterregionalmarket.BrookeLarsonarguedthatthecontractioninthePotosímarket,withthedeclineinsilverproduction
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inthelateseventeenthandearlyeighteenthcenturies,initiatedaprocessoftransformationinlandtenureanduse,inlaborrelationshipsonhaciendasinCochabamba,andproductionandmarketing.Specifically,Larsonarguedthathaciendaownersexperiencedincreasingcompetitionfromsmall-scaleproducers,thatestatesexperiencedfragmentationduetoinheritanceandsale,andthathaciendaownersbecamearentierclassthatderivedmuchofitsincomefromrentspaidbytenants,particularly"peasantsmallholdingonthebulkoftheirland."63
Larson'sargumentrestsontheuntestedassumptionthattheprofitabilityofCochabambacornandwheatproductiondeclinedasaresultofthecontractionofthePotosíminingeconomyinthelateseventeenthand
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eighteenthcenturies,which,inturn,stimulatedtheshiftinagricultureandtheriseinimportanceofpeasantproducersthatcharacterizedCochabambawellintothetwentiethcentury.Thenarrowingofmarketsandthegrowingcompetitionfromsmall-scaleproducersforcedestateownerstorelymoreuponmoneyrentspaidbytenants,andduringtheeighteenthcenturythehaciendadecayed.
ChangingmarketconditionsdidbringaboutchangesinthestructureoflandtenureinCochabamba,butatalaterdatethanhypothesizedbyLarson,asshownthroughadiscussionoftheevolutionandtransformationoftheminingindustryinAltoPeru/Boliviafromthesixteenththroughtheearlytwentiethcenturies;long-termchangesintheCochabambagraintrade;andchangesinlandtenure,astypifiedbythecaseoftheValleBajointheeighteenthcentury.
Fromthemid-sixteenthcentury,miningdominatedtheeconomyoftheAndeanregion.TheAndeansilverminingindustryexperiencedaseriesofboom-and-bustcyclesrelatedtothequalityoftheoresbeingminedinthedifferentminingcenters,theinternationalpriceanddemandforsilver,andtheavailabilityofcapitalandlabor.
64PotosíwasnottheonlysilverminingcenterintheViceroyaltyofPeru,butbyallaccountsitwasthemostimportantintermsofproductionlevelsanditsimpactonthedevelopmentoftheregionaleconomy.Moreover,becauseofitsimportance,thedevelopmentofPotosíhasalsoreceivedthemostattentioninthehistoricalliterature.EarlysilverminingatPotosíinthemid-sixteenthcenturyreliedontherefiningofrichsurfaceores,withlaborprovidedbyyanaconasandencomiendaIndiansprovidedtominingentrepreneursbyencomenderosandkurakas.
Inresponsetotheexhaustionoftherichsurfaceores,Viceroy
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FranciscodeToledopromotedtheintroductionofmercuryamalgamationacommontechniqueusedinEuropetoseparatesilverfromoretoPotosíinthe1570s.Toledoalsointroducedasystembywhichthestatesubsidizedminingbyprovidingcheaplaborthroughthemita,andsuppliedabundantmercuryfromEuropeandHuancavelicainPeru.Moreover,thecrownconsciouslydivertedmoremercurytoPotosíthantoMexicansilverminesbecauseofthehighertaxratepaidonPeruviansilver.ThegovernmentsubsidiesencouragedentrepreneurstoinvestintheconstructionofshaftsintotheCerroRico,reservoirs,andrefiningoperationsemployingbothmercuryamalgamationandsmelting.ThereorganizationofPotosíminingcontributedtoasecondand,byallaccounts,themostdynamicboomcycle,characterizedbyarapidexpansioninproductionlevelsandagrowthinthesizeofthepopulationoftheminingcenterthat
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stimulatedagriculturalproductionindifferentareasinsouthernPeruandBolivia.ColonialmininginPotosíandothercentersreliedontheextensiveuseoflaborandunchangingtechnology.Thedependenceonalargeandpartiallysubsidizedlaborforcecontributedtothegrowthoflargeurbanmarkets,butalsotiedminingentrepreneurstoastaticsystemnoteasilymodifiedinresponsetodeclinesinproductionlevelsandincome.Moreover,adeclineinsilverproductioncausedthepopulationoftheminingcenterstodroprapidly,asthelargelaborforcedispersedinsearchofworkinotherminingcentersorreturnedtotheland.
ThefavorableconditionsforminingatPotosícontributedtotheexhaustionwithinonehundredyearsoftherichestoresinthemountain,andproductionlevelsgraduallydeclinedinthelateseventeenthcenturyasthelower-gradeorescouldnotbeprofitablyworkedwiththeexistingtechnology.Moreover,thesupplyofmitalabordroppedwiththedeclineinsizeoftheIndianpopulationinthealtiplanoandwithlarge-scaleflightofIndianstoCochabambaandotherregionstoavoidmitaservice.Withthedeclineinmining,thepopulationofPotosídropped.Thenumbersstoodatabout160,000in1611,some70,000around1700,andanestimated56,000in1770.
65ThecontractioninthedemandforfoodstuffsinPotosídidnotinitiatechangesinCochabambacommercialagriculture,asclaimedbyLarson.Larson'sowninterpretationreliesontheundocumentedassumptionthatthevalueandvolumeofCochabambagrainexportstoPotosísignificantlydeclinedinthelateseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.LarsonneitherquantifiedthevolumeofgrainsoldinPotosíbyCochabambaproducersattheheightoftheminingboom,northerelativeimportanceofthegraintradetoPotosíforCochabambafarmers.Moreover,evidencefromtheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturiesshowsthatthelargerinterregionalsouthernAndeanmarket
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onlybegantobreakdownintheyearsfollowingindependence,andthatthedevelopmentofregularsteamshiproutesalongthePacificCoastofSouthAmericaandtheconstructionofrailroadshastenedtherealignmentofregionalmarkets.Thesenineteenth-centuryrealignmentsgraduallysqueezedCochabambagrainproducersfromtheirtraditionalmarkets,aprocesscompletedintheyearsfollowingtheWarofthePacificandafterthecompletionofthefirstdirectraillinktotheBolivianaltiplano.
OneSpanishobserverestimatedthevalueofCochabambagrainsalesinPotosíaround15501560atonemillionpesos.66Whatsignificancedoesthisfigurehave,ifany?JosepBarnadasrecordsahandfulofPotosígrainpricesthatprovidesomecluestotheearlyevolutionofthePotosímarket.Attheendofthe1540s,afanegaofwheatcost45to50pesos,
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butthesamefanegacost16pesosin1560and18pesosaround1603.Afanegaofcorncost7to9pesosinthelate1540s,15pesosin1555,12pesosin1560,and5pesosin1603.
67
Corn,readilyavailableastribute,costconsiderablylessthanwheatinearlyPotosí.Howeverwheat,anOldWorldcultigen,wasthepreferredgrainoftheSpaniards.Inthelate1540sandearly1550s,onlyafewyearsfollowingtheconquestofmostofAltoPeru,wheatwasstillproducedonlyinsmallquantities,andthusitcostmore.Theone-million-pesofigure,ifrealistic,probablyreflectedpricesduringaperiodoflimitedsupplyandrapidlygrowingdemandasthefirstPotosíbonanzaattractedlargenumbersofpeople.Withinseveraldecades,however,thepriceforwheatdroppedinresponsetoanincreaseinthesupplyoflocallygrownwheat.Potosícertainlywasadynamicmarketforgrain.Nevertheless,thefabulousprofitsrealizedthroughgrainsalesintheminingcenterappearstohavebeenlimitedtotheshortperiodimmediatelyfollowingthefirstSpanishexploitationofPotosí,whenregionalwheatproductionwasonlybeginningtodevelop.
ItisalsoimportanttoclearlydefinethestructureofthePotosímarket,andlevelsofconsumptionintheminingcenter.TwodistinctivemarketsexistedinPotosí,dividedalongethnic-culturallines.Ofthesome160,000wholivedinPotosíintheearlyseventeenthcentury,76,000wereAndeanpeasants,78,000werepeninsula-bornSpaniardsandcreoles,and6,000peoplewereofAfricanancestry.68Andeanpeasantsgenerallyconsumedcornandtubers,whereasSpaniardspreferredwheatbread,meat,wine,andoliveoil,amongotherfoods.
AnestimateoftheconsumptionofgoodsinPotosíintheearlyseventeenthcenturygivesanindicationofthescaleofthetwo
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marketsinPotosí.69Foodsconsumedprimarilybynon-Indians,forexample,includedsome6,570tonsofwheatbakedintoloavesofbreadthatweighedonepoundeachandweresoldattherateofarealaloaf(1,642,500pesos).FoodsconsumedprimarilybyAndeanpeasantsincluded56,000fanegasofcorn(280,000pesos);20,000fanegasofchuñofreeze-driedpotatoes(120,000pesos);40,000fanegasofpotatoes(120,000pesos);40,000fanegasofoca(120,000pesos);and60,000cestosofcoca(360,000pesos).AndeanpeasantsmigratingtoPotosí,particularlymitaworkers,frequentlybroughtfoodfortheirownconsumptionandforsaleintheminingcenter.TheproductionofOldWorldfoodswasmonopolizedbySpanishproducers,whoalsoproducedcornandtubers.WhatisnotclearistheamountofwheatandcornsuppliedtothePotosímarketbyCo-
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chabambahaciendaownersandbySpanishproducersinneighboringregions.
PotosíwasnottheonlyimportanthighlandminingcenterintheseventeenthcenturythatwasamarketforgrainsandflourproducedinCochabamba.Oruro,locatedjustwestofCochabambainthealtiplano,developedadynamicsilver-miningeconomyinthemiddleandlateseventeenthcentury,andmostlikelyitabsorbedalargenumberofthepeoplewholeftPotosí.In1608,Orurohadapopulationrangingfromsome20,000to30,000,andfrom70,000to80,000inthe1670s,whenthepopulationofPotosíhadalreadybeguntodrop.
70
MininginPeruandUpperPeruexperiencedathirdcycleofexpansionintheeighteenthcenturywiththeopeningofnewminesatsuchplacesasCerrodePasco,andadegreeofrecoveryinproductionlevelsatolderminingcenters.AreductioninmercurypricesbytheSpanishgovernmentstimulatedanexpansionofproductionlevels,andthemitacontinuedtosubsidizeminingatPotosíbyprovidingcheaplabor,althoughonareducedscale.Therewasonemajordifference,however,betweentheboominthelateeighteenthcenturyandthatofthelatesixteenthcentury.Miningentrepreneursattheendoftheeighteenthcenturydependedmoreheavilyupondifferentformsofsubsidyinordertoreduceproductioncosts,andtheyalsoreliedoncreditsuppliedbytheBancodeSanCarlos,abankorganizedbythecrowntoprovidecredittominingentrepreneurs.Furthermore,Potosíentrepreneursincreasedproductionwithoutincreasinglaborcostsbyimposinghigherquotasonmitaworkers,asmuchas167percentmorelaborthanwasstipulatedbylaw.Thecrownrecognizedtheimportanceofminingintheinterregionaleconomy,and,aswasthecaseofPotosíandotherolderminingcenters,stimulatedanexpansion
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ofproductionlevelsthatcouldnotbeprofitablysustainedoncethesubsidyended,followingindependence.
TheonsetoftheindependencewarsintheAndeanregionin1809initiatedacrisisintheminingindustry,withascarcityofmercury,theappropriationofcapitaltopayforthecostsofwar,andthedispersionofskilledlaborandthesuspensionofthemita.Moreover,thefloodingofshaftsandageneraldeteriorationoftheminesduetoalackofmaintenancecreatedaneedfornewcapitalinvestmentstorehabilitatetheminingindustry.Capital,however,generallywasnotavailable.Asaconsequence,productionlevelsinPotosídeclinedafter1810.
TheBolivianminingindustrycontinuedtostagnatefollowingindependencein1825.An1828reportbythePotosíminingguildnotedthat
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thefollowingfactorscontributedtostagnation:(1)thelowsilvercontentoftheore,(2)shortagesoflabor,and(3)thescarcityandhighpriceofmercury.
71An1831reportconfirmedthecontinuedshortageofskilledlabor,andcomplainedaboutoretheftbyworkers.72
Governmentpolicyalsocontributedtothestagnationoftheminingindustry.Amonopolyonthepurchaseofsilverbythestatecontinueduntilthe1870s,andactedasaformofdoubletaxation.First,thegovernmentimposedataxrateof10percentonsilverproduction,whichwasloweredin1832to5percentinanattempttostimulateproduction.Moreover,theBancodeRescate,whichwasresponsibleforthepurchaseofsilveronbehalfofthegovernment,paidbelowmarketprices.Mininginterestslobbiedforsomefiftyyearstoconvincethegovernmenttoinitiatefree-tradepoliciesandtoremoveallcontrolsontheminingindustry,buttheydidsointhefaceofthechronicfiscalweaknessofthestate.Thegovernmenthadavestedinterestinmaintainingthesilvermonopolyaslongasitremainedanimportantsourceofincome.Oneconsequencewaslarge-scalesmugglingofsilvertoneighboringcountries.Restrictionsonthefreeexportofsilver,however,remainedinplaceuntil1872.
Attheendofthecolonialperiod,CochabambagrainproducersandartisanssoldverylittleinthePotosíurbanmarket.DespiteLarson'scontentionthatthedeclineofthePotosímarketinitiatedacontractionintheinterregionaleconomy,theevidenceclearlyindicatesthatlargequantitiesofCochabambagrainandflourstillfoundbuyers.ItismyintentiontooutlinetheparticipationofCochabambagrainproducersintheinterregionaleconomyandthedeclineofthegraintradeattheendoftheeighteenthcenturyandearlyinthenineteenthcentury,focusingontheconnectionwithsouthernPeruandtheBolivian
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altiplano.ThelossofmarketsforCochabambagrainsoccurredintwophases:thedeclineofsouthernPeruasamarketforCochabambaproduce,andthelossoftheBolivianaltiplanomarketinthe1890s.TheimpactonCochabambaagricultureofthecontractionofthesemarkets,particularlyofthelinktothePeruvianaltiplano,contributedtothetransformationofthestructureoflandtenureasearlyasthe1860s,andnotintheeighteenthcentury,asLarsoncontends.
AlthoughPotosídeclinedinimportance,itstillwasamajorurbanmarketattheendofthecolonialperiod.In1793,forexample,merchantssoldgoodsworth4,345,204pesosinPotosí.CochabambaparticipationinthePotosítradewaslimitedtosome2percentofthetotalbyvalue.TheArequiparegionofsouthernPeru,ontheotherhand,supplied32.5percentofthegoodssoldinPotosí.73In1801,Cochabambaaccounted
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for1.9percentofgoodsimportedtoPotosíbyvalue,primarilytocuyoclothandcoca.
74Attheendoftheeighteenthcentury,PotosíwasonlyaminormarketforgoodsproducedinCochabamba.
TheCochabambaregionaleconomyinthelatecolonialperiodhadstrongerlinkstomarketsinthePeruvianandBolivianaltiplano.Inthe1790s,southernPeruwasthemostimportantsourceofgoodsimportedintoCochabambabyvalue,whichcanbeunderstoodasthecomplementarynatureoftheCochabambaandsouthernPeruvianeconomies.Cochabambamerchantsimportedsugar,wine,oil,rawwoolandcotton,andcloth.TotalimportsintoCochabambatotaled565,755byvalue,and155,438pesosworthofgoods(27.5percent)fromsouthernPeru.OnlycocaimportedfromtheLaPazyungas,worth98,000pesos(17.3percent),rivaledtheimportanceofthesouthernPeruvianconnection.Cochabambaexportedquantitiesofgrainandfour,clothandsoap.75GrainandflouraccountedforthebulkofexportsfromCochabambain1793.Cornandwheatgrainsalestotaled200,000fanegasworth450,000pesos,and160,000fanegasofcornandwheatflourworth40,000pesos.76Inthelatecolonialperiod,theresidentsofOruroconsumedgrain,fruits,vegetables,andfowlproducedinCochabamba.77
Inthe1820sand1830s,Cochabambastillexportedgrainsandflour,fruitsandvegetables,andartisangoodssuchassoapandclothtotheBolivianandPeruvianaltiplano.Inan1827report,JosephPentlandestimatedthevalueoftheinternalgraintradefromCochabambaandChuquisacatoOruroandLaPazat300,000pesosperyear.Furthermore,PentlandstressedtheimportanceofgrainandflourexportstosouthernPeru,althoughhenotedthatthistradehadalreadybeguntodecline.78Inthelate1840s,Cochabambagoodssoldin
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southernPeruincludedshoes,soap,cloth,andwheatflour,althoughnotatthesamevolumeandvalueasinthelateeighteenthcentury.79
TheCochabambaconnectionwithsouthernPerubegantodeclinebecauseofbothpoliticalandeconomicfactors.FrictionsbetweenPeruandBolivialedtothesuspensionorlimitationoftrade,whichcontributedtotheinstabilityinthepriceofgoodstradedbetweenthetwocountries.80In1845,forexample,abotijaofPeruvianwinecostfifteenpesosinCochabambaCity,butincreasedtonineteenpesosin1846andeighteenpesosin1847becauseofaconflictbetweenPeruandBolivia.In1848,thepriceofwinedroppedtofifteenpesos,butroseagainin1851becauseofasecondconflictwithPeru.81Fluctuationsinpricesandtheinstabilityofthemarketstifledtrade.
ThegrowthofadynamicexportsectorinthenineteenthcenturycontributedtoareorientationofthesouthernPeruvianeconomytowardthe
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PacificCoastandinternationalmarkets.Asaconsequence,thedemandinthatmarketforCochabambagrainandflourdeclined.ThepatternofgrowthoftheexportsectorinsouthernPeruparalleledthatinBolivia,andhadasimilarimpactonCochabambagrainproducers.Between1835and1842,woolexportsfromsouthernPerutotaled9,365tonsofsheepwool,and19,076tonsofalpacaandvicuña.
82Thevolumeofthewooltradegrewinsubsequentyears,whileatthesametime,tradewithBoliviadeclined.Thedeclineofinterregionaltrademanifesteditselfinthestructuraltransformationoftheexistingsystemofregionalfairsandmarketcenters.Vilaque,locatedinsouthernPeru,forexample,wasanimportantregionalfairinthetradewithBoliviaandnorthernArgentinaimmediatelyfollowingindependence.ThetransformationintheorientationofthefairhighlightsthechangesinthesouthernPeruvianeconomy.Bythemid-nineteenthcenturyVilaquehadbecomeacenterforthemarketingofwooltothecoast.83AdescriptionofPucara,anothersouthernPeruvianregionalfair,documentstheinfluxinthe1870sofEuropeanmanufacturedgoodsthatdisplacedregionallyproducedgoods,asecondfactorthatcontributedtothebreakdownoftheinterregionaleconomy.Merchantsoperated,thedescriptiondeclares,
undertemporaryshedsandscreens,orcoveredwagonstransformedintoshopsdecoratedwithcolouredcalicoandcutpaper,allmanneroftrueandfalsejewelry,porcelainandcrockery,glassandstoneware,clothandsilks,woolenandcottongoods,articlesofcutleryandironmongery,toywareandotherproductsofEuropeanindustryaredisplayedinthemostattractivemannertodazzletheeyesofthenatives.84
ThecompletionoftherailroadlinkingsouthernandnorthernPeruinthelatenineteenthcenturyintegratedthesouthintothegrowingPeruviannationaleconomy,andwasyetanotherfactorinweakeningexistingtradenetworkswithBolivia,ingeneral,andwith
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Cochabamba,inparticular.SouthernPeruvianconsumersboughtcheaperclothandflourtransportedatalowercostovertherailroad.85Thisisnottosay,however,thatBolivianandPeruviantradeended;rather,itchanged.Inthe1920s,forexample,theCuzcoregionexportedfoodstuffsandbeertoLaPaz,productsthatcompetedwith,ratherthancomplemented,Cochabambaproduction.86Thesegmentationoftheinterregionalcolonialtradenetworksledtotheriseofcompeting,andnotcomplementary,regionaleconomiesinthesouthernAndeanarea.
ThemarketintheBolivianaltiplanocontinuedtobeimportantforCochabambagrainandflourproducerswellintothe1870sand1880s.
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Inthemid-1830s,wheatexportedfromCochabambatoLaPaz,Oruro,andsouthernPerutotaledsome15,900fanegas,orabout8.4percentoftheCochabambawheatcrop,acalculationbasedonfigurespublishedbyJoséDalence.Cornexportstotaled4,000fanegasor1percentofthecrop,againusingDalence'sfigures,and1,220tonsofmuku,thebasematerialforchicha.MuchofthecornproducedinCochabambainthemid-1840swasconvertedintochichaworthsome579,244pesos,consumedlocallyandexported.Priortoamajordroughtin18771878andtheWarofthePacificfrom18791884,some70percentoftheflourconsumedinLaPazcityreportedlycamefromCochabamba,20percentfromnorthernChayanta,and10percentfromChile.Inabout1874,grainandfloursalestotaledBs266,000,or76.8percentofgoodsexportedoutsideofCochabambadepartmentbyvalue.Thevolumeofgrainandflourexportswassome51,500quintals,downfromthevolumeofgrainandflourexportsinthelatecolonialperiod.Accordingtodataondepartmentalwideagriculturalproductionfromabout1882,thecornandwheatcroptotaled797,905quintals.Onlyabout6.5percentofthecornandwheatcropwassoldoutsideofthedepartmentasgrainorflour.Morethan90percentofthecropwasconsumedwithinthedepartment,orwasconvertedintochichaforinternalconsumptionorsaleinthealtiplano.
87
WhatchangesinCochabambalandtenure,ifany,resultedfromshort-orlong-termshiftsindemandforCochabambagrainandflour?Whatfactorscausedinstabilityinhaciendatenure?ThefollowingcasestudyofhaciendainstabilityinhaciendatenureinoneareainCochabamba,theValleBajo,teststhehypothesisthatthedeclineinthesizeofthemarketinPotosíledtothetransformationofruralsocietyinCochabamba.
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AdetailedstudyofpricesinPotosíandCharcasshowsalateeighteenth-centuryincreaseingrainproductiononhaciendas,asmeasuredbyagrowthintithes.88Agriculturalgrowthwasinterruptedbyperiodicecologicalcrises,characterizedbyshort-termgrowthsinprices.AsampleofCochabambacornandwheatprices(seeTable1.4)providesimportantinsightsintolong-termchangesintheregionalgrainmarket,andthecausesofinstabilityofsaidmarket.Therewereshort-termfluctuationsinpricescausedbyperiodicdroughtandotherclimaticfactors,butalsoatrendofgradualgrowthinthelasthalfofthecenturylinked,inpart,topopulationgrowth.CerealpricesdidnotexperienceanerosionthatwouldjustifytheinterpretationthatthecontractionofthePotosímarketdestabilizedCochabambaagriculture.However,thefluctuationsinpricesduetosubsistencecrisesdoeshighlightoneaspectofthequestionofthestabilityandinstabilityoflandownership.
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Table1.4CochabambaCornandWheatPricesinReales,16461808
Year CornIndex
(1721=100) WheatIndex
(1721=100)1646 32 2001669 16 1001685 20 1501697 20 150 20 1251702 15 941712 40 2501713 24 1501714 28 1751716 16 1001717 16 1001718 16 1001719 16 1001720 16 1001721 16 100 16 1001722 46 288 77.3 4831723 79 4941724 14 881725 15 941726 32 200 20 1251730 23.3 1461731 32 2001734 20 1251737 16 1001744 27.7 1731746 16 100 16 1001753 24 1501756 27.5 172 28.4 1781758 25.5 159 21.3 1331759 28 1751765 20 125 12 751766 22 1381767 28 1751768 28.7 179 32 200
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1768 28.7 179 32 2001769 19 119 30 1881770 25.4 1591772 24 150 23.7 1481773 18 1131774 34 2131775 34.7 217 24.8 1551776 29.3 183 24.6 1541777 16 1001778 16 1001779 23 1441780 29.5 1841781 32 2001782 49 306 30.6 191
(tablecontinuedonnextpage)
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Table1.4Continued
Year CornIndex
(1721=100) WheatIndex
(1721=100)1783 70.8 443 53 3311784 64 400 58 3631785 29.1 182 29.1 1821786 16 100 19 1191787 48 300 22.3 1391788 24.2 151 32 2001789 14.7 92 44 2751790 24 150 18 1131791 16 100 16 1001792 24 150 20 1251793 16 100 40 2501794 15.4 96 20 1251795 16 100 12 751796 14 88 12 751797 28 1751798 22 138 12 751799 24.7 154 22.5 1411800 24 150 32 2001801 28 1751802 40 2501804 112 700 132 8251806 32 200 42 2631807 28 175 60 3751808 24 150 32 200Source:LauraEscobarideQuerejazu,Produccionycomercioenelespaciosurandinos.XVll(LaPaz,1985),p.122;HectorLuisRojasVacas,''PreciosagricolasenCochabamhasigloXVIII,"forthcominginEstudios-UMSS;andBrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBoliviaCochabamba,15501900{Princeton,1988),p.329.
Table1.5summarizesasampleofsalesrecordedintheValleBajointhelateseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.Thelargestnumberofsalesinthesamplewasrecordedinthedecade17811790,atotalof33,which
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thesamplewasrecordedinthedecade17811790,atotalof33,whichwasthreetimesgreaterthantheaverageof11.7salesperdecade.Severalfactorscontributedtotheelevatednumberoflandsalesduringthedecade,whichareillustrativeoftheconditionsthatcompelledlandownerstosellland.TheTupácAmaru-TúpacKatarirevoltoftheearly1780sdamagedestatesintheValleBajoandneighboringareas.Moreover,haciendaownersloststoredgraintorebelandroyalistforces.
89In1783,theCochabambacabildo(towncouncil)reportedthatmanylandownershadstillnotresumedpaymentsonthecensosandcapellaníasontheirhaciendas,indicatingthataftertwoyearshaciendaownershadstillnotre-
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coveredfromthedisruptioncausedbytherevolt.
90Cornandwheatpriceswereelevatedinthewakeoftherevolt,whichperhapsindicatesshort-termshortagescausedbydamagethroughouttheregion.Forexample,in1778,afanegaofcornsoldforsixteenrealesinCochabamba,twenty-threerealesin1779,andforty-ninerealesin1782.Similarly,afanegaofwheatsoldinCochabambacostsixteenrealesin1777,andthirty-tworealesin1781(seeTable1.4).
Thedisruptioncausedbytherevolt,muchofwhichwascenteredlocallyintheValleBajo,wasexacerbatedbyaseveresubsistencecrisisinthemiddleyearsofthedecade,between1783and1785.AccordingtoIntendantFranciscodeViedma'sdescriptionofagriculturalconditionsinCochabamba,therewasapoorharvestin1784,causedbyflooding.91The17831784harvestfollowedanequallypoorharvestin17821783,asreflectedinrisingcornandwheatprices.Cornpricesreachedforty-ninerealesin1782,seventyrealesin1783,sixty-fourin1784,anddroppedtotwenty-ninein1785andsixteenin1786.Wheatpricesstoodatthirtyrealesin1782,fifty-threerealesin1783,fifty-eightrealesin1784,twenty-ninein1785,andnineteenin1786.Anelevatedcornpricein1787forty-eightreales,whichwasthreetimesgreaterthanthepricecurrentin1786indicatesthatthe17861787corncropwaspoor.
TheelevatednumberoflandsalesintheValleBajointhe1780ssuggeststhatthedisruptionofproductionorthereductionofcropsharvestedplacedeconomicpressureonlandowners,manyofwhomrespondedbysellinglandorfacedthelossoftheirestates.AsLarsonargues,scarcityledtowindfallprofitsforlandownerswhoharvestedcropsorhadreservesinstorage,althoughdamagebyvermin,insects,andmildewcouldlimittheamountofgrainactuallystored.92
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However,scarcityalsomeantthatmanylandownersdidnotharvestcrops,orsawtheircropsseverelydamagedbyalackofrainatakeypointintheagriculturalcycleorbyanexcessofrain.
Periodicsubsistencecrisesreducedtheincomeofmanylargelandownersalreadyburdenedbydebtandespeciallybytheobligationtopayinterestincomeoncensosandcapellanías,income-producingliensplacedonrealpropertytoprovideincomeforspecificreligiousordersorforindividualclergymen.93In1784,thecapitalvalueofcapellaníasontwenty-sevenhaciendasinArani,Punata,andTarataparishesintheValleAltowas75,737pesos.94ConventsandmonasteriesinCochabambaCityobtainedaconsiderableincomefromcensosonruralproperties.Between1761and1794,Cochabambalandownersassumed20censoswithacapitalvalueof70,000pesospayabletothemonasteryofNuestraSeñora
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Table1.5LandTransactionsintheValleBajo,16601800
Years SalesIndex
(16611670=100)16611670 10 10016711680 10 10016811690 5 5016911700 8 8017011710 6 6017111720 1 1017211730 4 4017311740 2 2017411750 19 19017511760 23 23017611770 11 11017711780 11 11017811790 33 33017911800 21 210Source:JoseGordilloClaure,"ElorigendelahaciendaenelValleBajodeCochabamba.Conformaciondelaestructuraagraria(15501700),"unpublishedthesisforthelicenciatura,UniversidadMayordeSanSimon,1987,p.187;andFanorMeruvia,"MercadodetierrasenelvallecentraldeCochabamba,sigloXVIII,"forthcomingEstudios-UMSS.
delCarmenlocatedinCochabambaCity.In1761,theownersofHaciendaAnocaraire,locatedintheValleBajo,createdacensopayabletoNuestraSeñoradelCarmenwithacapitalvalueof3,000pesos.In1789,theownersofHaciendaChimba,alsolocatedintheValleBajo,createdacensopayabletoNuestraSeñoradelCarmenwithacapitalvalueof1,000pesos.Thehaciendaalreadyhadacensowithanominalvalueof2,330pesospayabletothemonasteryofSantaClara,alsolocatedinCochabambaCity.
95In1825,sevenconventsandmonasterieslocatedinCochabambaCity
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hadcensoswithacapitalvalueof637,508pesos,whichpaidaninterestincomeof22,104pesosperyear.96
Thedisruptionofproductionoradeclineinagriculturalincomeforayearorseveralyearsplacedconsiderablefinancialpressureonhaciendaowners,whodidnothaveagreatdealofliquiditytobeginwith.However,thelayadministratorsofconventsandmonasteriesandtheholdersofcapellaníasinfrequentlyforeclosedondelinquentlandownerswhowerebehindontheirpaymentsofcensos.Forexample,inthirty-threeyearstheadministratorsofthemonasteryofCarmenforeclosedononlyoneruralestate,andthenimmediatelyresoldthehaciendawiththeprovisionthatthenewownerresumepaymentsoftheexistingcenso.97Inthefaceof
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financialdifficulties,landownersusedseveralstrategiestopreservethecapitaltheyhadinvestedinlandtopreventthelossofapartoralloftheircapitalthroughforeclosure.
Themostcommonstrategywastorentanestate,andthussecureafixedincomewithouthavingtoinvestfurthercapitalinthecostsofproductionorwithoutrunningtheriskofthelossofacrop.Larsonrecordsa1780rentalcontractmadebytheownersofHaciendaJaiguaicotopreventtheforeclosureoftheestate.Thetermsofthecontractstipulatedanimmediatepaymentof250pesostomeetthepaymentonacenso.
98Ofasampleoftwenty-eightlandrentalsrecordedinthenotarialprotocolsoftheVilladeOropesa(CochabambaCity)duringtheeighteenthcentury,ten(35.7percent)weremadeduringthecrisisdecadeofthe1780s,thelargestnumberrecordedinanydecadeduringthecentury.99Thesecondstrategywastosellland,smallparcelsoranentireestate.However,asshowninTable1.5,thenumberofsalesinthelateeighteenthcenturywasnevergreatwhencomparedtothevolumeofsalesinthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies(seeChapter4,below).
ThestructureoflandtenureinCochabambaexperiencedonlymoderatechangeduringtheeighteenthcentury,and,otherthansomecasesofsubdivisionforinheritance,haciendasremainedrelativelyintact.Thechangeorlackofchangeinlandtenurecanbeindirectlydemonstratedbydocumentingthenumberofprivatepropertiesinaregionovertime.Forexample,in1692therewere22haciendasinthejurisdictionsofSipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipaya,and50propertiesin1844(seeChapter5,below).Intheearlynineteenthcentury,therewere287privateproperties,bothhaciendasandestancias,inthecentral-valleydistrictsinCochabamba,including31inCercado
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partidoand50inTapacaripartido(thetwoadministrativedistrictsthatroughlycorrespondtotheValleBajo).ThegreatestnumberofhaciendasandestanciaswaslocatedintheValleAlto,thelargerofthethreecentralvalleys.InthehighlandzonesofArqueandAyopayawereanother635haciendasandestancias.Altogether,therewere922estatesinCochabamba.100
Conclusions
IndianmigrationfollowingtheSpanishconquestoftheCochabambaregiondefinedthedirectionofthedevelopmentoflandtenureandhaciendalabor.Duringtheearlyperiodfollowingtheconquest,tributeandlaborcollectedfromIndiancommunitieshadgreatervaluethanland.
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However,thedemandforgrain,especiallywheat,thepreferredgrainoftheSpaniards,grewintheemergingurbancentersintheregion.Spaniards,includingencomenderos,beganorganizinghaciendasinareaswithsparseIndianpopulations,suchastheValleAlto,whereabundantlandwasavailable.ThemigrationofIndiansfromthealtiplanoprovidedhaciendalabor,butitalsocontributedtothecontinuedsurvivalofthecorporateindigenouscommunitiesthatfacedpopulationlossthroughmigrationandhighmortalityandthelossofcommunitylandtoexpandingruralestates.Theformationofhaciendastookmorethanacentury,andonlyendedfollowingthelastcomposicióndetierrasthatcleareddisputedlandtitles.
DidhaciendasexperiencesignificantchangeduringtheeighteenthcenturyasaconsequenceofthedeclineinimportanceofthePotosígrainmarket?Haciendasexperiencedsomesubdivisionduetoinheritance,buttheydidnotbecome"merepaperunitsofreckoning,"asLarsonclaims.
101Haciendaownersexperiencedperiodsofdifficulty,butnotasaresultofthelossofmarkets.Rather,ecologicalcrisis,propertydestructioncausedbytherevoltoftheearly1780s,andtheseizureofcropsbyrebelsandroyalistscausedshort-termdropsinincomethatforcedmanylandowners,alreadyburdenedbycensos,intoinsolvency.TithedataindicatethathaciendaproductionthroughoutmuchofAltoPeruincreasedduringtheeighteenthcenturyinresponsetopopulationgrowth;andCochabambawheatandcornpricesdonotshowagradualorprecipitousdecline,whichmightbeassociatedwiththeweakeningorcollapseofmarkets.Fundamentalchangesinhaciendalaborandtheinternalhaciendaeconomyonlyoccurredduringthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.
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2ReformProgramsandChangesintheStructureofRuralLandTenureThroughoutmostofthecolonialperiod,thecolonialstateexercisedlittledirectcontrolovertheruraleconomyandstructureoflandtenureintheCochabambaregion.Policiesimplementedbylocalofficialsfosteredtheconsolidationofapatternoflandtenuredominatedbylargehaciendas,buttheyalsoallowedthecorporateIndiancommunitiesconsiderableinternalautonomy.Governmentpolicyshifted,beginningattheendoftheeighteenthcentury.Thecolonialand,later,therepublicanstateassumedagreaterroleinoverseeingtheinternaldistributionoflandsinthecommunities.Moreover,followingBolivianindependencein1825,legislatorspassedaseriesoflawsthatsoughttoredefinethelegalstatusofcommunitylands.Thelegislationattemptedtomodifylandtenure,butitwasnotsuccessfuluntilthe1870sand1880s.However,theseriesoflawspassedbyBoliviancongressesestablishedlegalprecedentsfortheanti-communitylegislationofthe1870sand1880sthatinitiatedthefinalassaultontheintegrityofthecommunities.
Inaddition,otherreformpoliciesmodifiedlandtenureintheregion.AntonioJosédeSucre,Bolivia'sVenezuelan-bornfirstpresident,attemptedtoimplementSimónBolívar'sliberal-reformprogramforthenewlycreatedAndeannations.OneofthesepolicieswasthepartialdesamortizationofthewealthoftheregularclergyinBolivia,whoownedextensiveruralproperties.Thegovernmentalsosoldlandsconfiscatedfromindividualswhosupportedtheroyalistcauseduringtheindependencewars.
Inthenineteenthcentury,LatinAmericanelitesdebatedthefuture
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socioeconomicandpoliticalstructuresofthenewlyindependentrepublics.Issuesthatdividedandpolarizedliberalsandconservativesincludedthequestionoffreetradeversusprotectedorcontrolledtrade;thedegreeofsocialcontroltobemaintainedoverthelowerorders;changesin,orthemaintenanceof,thestatusquointheexistingruleoflawwithregardto
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specialcorporatejurisdictions;thedegreeofintegrationoftheIndianasaproductivememberofsociety;thecontinuedexistenceofcorporateIndiancommunitiesthatcontrolledlargeamountsofagriculturalland;andtheroleofthechurchandothercorporatepropertyownersintheeconomyandpolitics.Liberalpoliciestowardcorporatechurch-andcommunity-ownedlandsprovedtobesomeofthemostideologicallydivisiveinmanyLatinAmericancountriesinthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.
Bourbonreformersinthelateeighteenthcenturyfirstattackedcorporate-ownedruralpropertyinSpainandSpanishAmerica.ReformistministersduringthereignofCharlesIIIimplementedaplantolimitthewealthofthechurchasameasuretostimulateagriculturaldevelopment.
1Later,afiscalcrisisbroughtonbySpain'sinvolvementintheFrenchRevolutionaryandNapoleonicwarsforcedthegovernmentofCharlesIVtolookfornewsourcesofrevenue.Onemeasureimplementedin1804,theconsolidacióndevalesreales,forcedpropertyownerswithmortgagesandliensheldbycorporategroupstoredeemthenominalvalueofthemortgagesandliensandpaythemoneydirectlytothecrown,whichassumedthemortgagesandliens.2
ThemeasurestakenbytheBourbonkingsinthelateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturieshadanunevenimpactthroughoutSpanishAmerica,buttheysetanimportantlegalandpoliticalprecedentinbothSpainandSpanishAmerica.Moreover,thediscussionofthesignificanceofmortmain("deadhand"theconceptthatcorporate-ownedruralpropertieswerenotexploitedtotheirfullestpotential)asanimpedimenttoeconomicdevelopmentprovidedanabstractframeworkforliberalpoliticianswhoimplementedprogramsdesignedtopromoteeconomicandsocialorganization.Thus,
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corporateownershipofwealthbecameanimportanttargetforliberalreformersfollowingindependenceinSpanishAmerica.
MostpoliticalelitesinSpanishAmericafailedtoreachaconsensusonthestructureofsocietyandtheeconomyfollowingindependence,especiallyinregardtotheroletobeplayedbythechurchandthe"Indian."Liberalsandconservativeshelddifferingand,attimes,changingviewsonboth,whichcontributedtopoliticalandideologicalpolarization.Duringmuchofthefirsthalfofthenineteenthcentury,liberalscontrolledgovernmentssporadicallythroughoutLatinAmerica,andimplementedandre-introducedtheirreformprogramsseveraltimesduringthecentury.Inmanycases,therewasaconservativereactiontoliberalregimes,which,
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inanumberofcases,ledtocivilwarandthereversalofliberal-reformmeasures.
3
Thebest-studiedcaseofliberalreforminLatinAmericaistheMexicanreformaduringtheyears18551876.LiberalsinotherSpanishAmericancountriesinitiatedequallyambitiousmodernizationprogramsatdifferentpointsinthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,withmixedresultsandvariousdegreesofoppositionfrompro-clericalconservatives.Todate,fewstudiesofliberalattacksoncorporatelandsintheAndeanregion,ingeneral,andBoliviaspecificallyhavebeenpublished;4buttheevidencedoesshowthattheimpactofBolivianliberalismwasdifferentfromthepatternsobservedinMexicointermsofthetimingoftheimplementationofliberalreforms,thechangingobjectivesofliberalreformersovertheperiodofacentury,andtheresponsestoreformmeasures.Liberalattacksoncorporatelandsoccurredintwophases:apartialdesamortizationofthewealthoftheregularclergyduringtheadministrationofVenezuelan-bornAntonioJosédeSucre(18251828),whichgreatlyreducedtheimportanceoftheissueofchurchwealththatprovedsodivisiveinMexico;andapartiallysuccessfullegaldissolutionofthecorporatepeasantcommunitybetween1874and1920.5Liberalanti-corporateprogramshadanunevenimpactindifferentpartsofBolivia,particularlywithrespecttotheerosionofthelandbaseofthecommunities.
Thetopicofthischapteristheimplementationofreformmeasuresfromthe1790stothe1880sandtheirimpactonlandtenure,andtheeffectoftheevolutionofBolivianliberalthoughtonthequestionofcorporateownershipofland.Anti-corporateliberalpoliciesdevelopedintwodistinctphases:theanti-corporateBolívarianliberalismofthe
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1820swasdistinctincontentfromtheliberalismofthelatenineteenthcenturyandearlytwentiethcenturies.TheBolívarianliberalsofthe1820ssetouttotransformAndeansociety,butinBoliviatheycameupagainstthestarkrealitiesofeconomicstagnationanddivisionswithinBoliviansociety,whichlimitedtheimpactofidealisticprogramsthatattemptedtocreateamodernliberalsociety.
Anativeliberalismemergedinthe1860sand1870s,onewhichwasverydistinctfromthealienBolívarianliberalismofthe1820s.Inthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcentury,Bolivianelitesconcentratedtheireffortsoneliminatingthecorporatecommunity,and,aswillbeshowninthespecificcaseofCochabambaDepartment,actuallysupportedtheexpansionoftheregularclergy.In1874,theBolivianCongresspassedalawofex-vinculaciónthatforcedcommunitymemberstotakeindividual
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titletotheirlands.Thesystematicliquidationofthecommunitylastedformorethanfortyyears(18741920),andwasmarkedbyprogressinsomeregionsandprolongedIndianresistanceinothers.However,theBolivianstate,whichwasintheprocessofcreatingastrongcentralgovernmentandintegratingthecountrythroughasystemofrailroads,wasabletomarshalenoughrepressiveforcetodealwithlocalizedandlarge-scaleregionalrevolts.InmostofBolivia,thepassageofthelawofex-vinculaciónresultedinthedestructionofmanycommunities.However,thepatterndocumentedforCochabambaDepartmentwasdistinct.AlthoughcorporatecommunitylandsinCochabambaDepartmentweresubdividedfollowingthelegalabolitionofthecommunityin1874,existinghaciendasdidnotexpandattheexpenseofformercommunitylands.Onthecontrary,muchoftheformercommunitylandintheregionpassedintothehandsoflandlesspeasantsandartisans,orremainedunderthecontrolofformercommunitymembers.ThroughoutmostofBolivia,largehaciendasandadecliningnumberofcommunitiesdominatedthecountryside.InCochabambaDepartment,ontheotherhand,economicandpoliticalchangesinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiesledtothegrowthinthenumberofindependentpeasantlandownerscalledpiqueros.
ThefirstsectionoutlinesthesourcesofincomeoftheregularclergyaffectedbySucre'santi-corporateprogramsinCochabamba;theshort-andlong-termimpactofhiseffortstodesamortizethewealthoftheregularclergy;andthesurvivalintothetwentiethcenturyofseveralclassesofchurch-ownedruralproperty.ThefollowingsectionsdiscussstateregulationofcommunitylandsinthelatecolonialperiodandinthefirstyearsfollowingBolivianindependence;changesduringthenineteenthcenturyinthelegalstatusofindigenouscorporatecommunitylands;theeffortsinthe1860sandtheyears18741920toliquidatethecommunity;changesinlandtenure
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resultingfromthebreakupofthecommunity;andtheadministrationofcommunitylandsreturnedtothepublicdomain.Bywayofconclusion,thefinalsectionplacesthepatternsdocumentedforCochabambaDepartmentwithinthelargerhistoricalcontextofBoliviaandcomparesliberalisminBoliviaandMexico.
AlienationoftheLandsoftheRegularClergy
Followingindependence,economicliberalismincreasinglyinfluencedLatinAmericanelites,althoughinsomecountries,suchasMexico,anti-
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clericalpoliciespursuedbyliberalgovernmentspolarizedelitesalongideologicallines.Thereductionoftheroleofthechurchintheeconomywasseenasanimportantelementofthemodernizationprogramsadvocatedbyliberalpoliticians.Specificmeasuresincludedthedesamortizationofurbanandruralrealpropertyandtheredemptionofcensos(income-producingliensonrealproperty),generallyatafractionoftheirnominalcapitalvalue.Theapplicationofanti-clericalpolicieswasgenerallyassociatedwiththesaleofchurchlands,ofteninthefaceofstiffoppositionfromtheregularordersandtheirpro-clericalconservativepoliticalallies.Itresultedintheconsolidationofalandedelitefreedfromtheobligationofhavingtopayinterestoncensosandabletobuychurchlandsatonlyafractionoftheirtruevalue.
IncontrasttothepatterndocumentedforsuchcountriesasMexicoandColombia,wherethebulkoftherealpropertyownedbytheregularclergywenttotheauctionblock,thedesamortizationofchurchwealthinCochabambaDepartmentduringtheSucreadministrationhaditsgreatestimpactonthemaleregularorders,andleftthefemaleordersrelativelyuntouched.BeforediscussingthespecificsofSucre'sdesamortizationprograminCochabamba,itisnecessarytodescribethefinancialbaseoftheregularclergyattheendofthecolonialperiod.
EightconventsandmonasteriesexistedinCochabambaCityattheendoftheeighteenthcentury,inadditiontothecharitablehospitalSanJuandeDios.Moreover,therewasacommunityofFranciscanslocatedintheprovincialtownofTarata,andthreeregularordersplusabranchofthehospitalSanJuandeDiosinMizque,whichwasajurisdictionseparatefromCochabambainthelatecolonialperiod.Alltold,therewereasmanyas180membersoftheregularclergyinCochabambaCityinthelate1780sinthemaleandfemaleorders,andsome185shortlyfollowingindependence(seeTable2.1).
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Theregularclergyreceivedincomefromanumberofsourcestosupportitsactivities,includingpiousdonationsofmoneyorrealproperty,interestpaidonloans,interestpaidoncensos,therentalofurbanandruralrealproperty,and,inthecaseofthefemaleorders,dowriespaidbywomenenteringtheconvents.
6Inthelate1780s,theyearlyincomeoftheregularclergylocatedinCochabambaCitytotaled26,367Bolivianos,whichdoesnotincludetwoinstitutionsthatreportedlydependedonpiousdonations.In1825,sevenconventshadanominalcapitalincensosofBs510,006,whichrenderedaninterestincomeofBs17,684(seeTable2.2).
TherelativeimportanceofthedifferentsourcesofincomecanbeseeninanexaminationofthecaseofSantaClara.ThenunsofSantaClara
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Table2.1TheRegularClergyinCochabambaintheLateColonialPeriod
Institution
1788Cochabamba
City
1825Cochabamba
City Tarata MizqueStoDomingo 10 14 0 1SanFrancisco 30 30 11 3SanAgustin 11 9 0 3LaMerced 13 8 0 0SanJuandeDios 10 4 0 1LaRecoleta ? 19 0 0SantaClara 63 56 0 0SantaTeresa ? ? 0 0ElBeaterio 22 0 0 0Source:FranciscodeViedma,DescripciongeograficayestadisticadelaProvinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969);andWilliamLofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia(LaPaz,1983),Pp.120,222.
controlledacapitalinthemid-1820swithanominalvalueofBs452,344,whichproducedanannualincomeofBs14,974.Censosonsixty-eighturbanandruralpropertieshadanominalcapitalvalueofBs142,440,or31percentofthetotal.Realproperty,primarilyfivehaciendas,hadavalueofBs309,904.Themostimportantofthehaciendas,Cliza,wasworthBs240,000in1825,or53percentoftheresourcesofthenuns.
7
TheregularclergyinCochabambaCitywasaprivilegedrentierclassthatdrewasignificantpercentageofitsincomefromtheproductivecapacityofothersthroughthecollectionofinterestoncensosandloans.Thepracticeoftherentalofruralpropertieslefttheregularclergyvulnerabletotheattacksofreformistpoliticians,whoviewedtheconcentrationofwealthintheunproductivehandsoftheregularclergy(mortmain)asanimpedimenttoeconomicmodernization.Thegeneral
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(mortmain)asanimpedimenttoeconomicmodernization.Thegeneralargumentmaintainedthatclericallandownersgenerallydidnotreinvestprofitsinproduction,andthatrenters,whosoughttomaximizeprofitsinashortperiodoftime,letthephysicalplantandequipmentofthehaciendadeteriorate.8
Intheearlynineteenthcentury,liberalideasenjoyedsupportamongonlyaminorityofthepoliticallyactiveLatinAmericanelites,andtheimplementationofliberalpoliciesprovedtobeverydivisiveinthedecadesfollowingindependence.Boliviaescapedtheearlypoliticaldivisionsengenderedbyliberalism.AlargeVenezuelan-Colombianarmyoccupied
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Table2.2IncomeandNominalCapitalValueofCensosoftheCochabambaCityConventsandMonasteriesin1788and1825,inBolivianos
1825
InstitutionTotal
Incomein1788CapitalValueofCensos
IncomeFromCensos
TotalIncome
StoDomingo 1,509 63,930 2,637 ?SanFrancisco 1,568 43,359 1,338 ?SanAgustin 3,794 94,335 3,253 4,222LaMerced 1,314 30,922 978 ?SanJuandeDios 2,382 ? ? ?LaRecoleta Donations 7,776 325 ?ElBeaterio Donations ? ? ?SantaTeresa 3,800 91,700 3,023 ?SantaClara 12,000 177,984 6,130 14,974Total 26,367 510,006 17,684 ?Source:FranciscodeViedma,DescripciongeograficayestadisticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),Pp.3541;WilliamLofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia(LaPaz,1983),Pp.112113;andBrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cocbabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),p.223.
BoliviaduringSucre'sterminoffice,andprovidedthepotentialforcenecessarytoimplementreformmeasures,whichotherwisewouldnothaveenjoyedwidespreadsupportamongBolivianelites.Intheyearsimmediatelyfollowingindependence,theSucreadministrationenactedtwomeasuresdesignedtolimittheinfluenceoftheregularclergyintheBolivianeconomy.ThesemeasureswereelementsoftheutopianBolívarianreformprogramofthe1820sintheAndeannations,aprogramlargelymodeledonlegislationpassedearlierinGranColombia.AlawofMarch29,1826,mandatedtheclosureofthoseconventsandmonasterieswithlessthantwelveresidents.Thegovernmentclosedtwenty-fiveinstitutions,andconfiscatedthepropertyofthesuppressedreligiouscommunities,includingtheconventbuildings,whichbecamepublicproperty.Insomeinstances,thegovernmentorderedthe
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publicproperty.Insomeinstances,thegovernmentorderedthecombinationoftheresidentsofinstitutionsofthesameorderlocatedindifferentcities.Confiscatedproperties,includingruralestatesandurbanhouses,weresoldunderveryfavorableterms,withtheproceedsearmarkedtosupportpubliceducationinBoliviancities;thepurchasepriceforurbanandruralrealpropertiescouldbepaidinBoliviandebtcertificates,whichdepreciatedconsiderably
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invalueduringthe1820s,thussignificantlyreducingtherealpurchasepriceofthepropertiessold.ThegovernmentalsoencouragedforeignofficersinthearmythatliberatedBoliviatousetheirbonusestopurchaseruralproperty.Insomepartsofthecountry,thegovernmentwasunabletosellconfiscatedlands,butinCochabambaconfiscatedlandsfoundbuyers.
TheranksofthemaleordershadalreadybeendepletedbytheexileorimprisonmentofSpanish-bornclerics,whogenerallysupportedtheroyalistsduringtheprolongedindependenceconflict(18081825)andwerevulnerabletothe1826legislation.Ontheotherhand,thefemaleorders,whichplayedanimportantsocialroleasrepositoriesforsurplusdaughtersfromelitefamiliesandthushadlargerpopulations,remainedrelativelyuntouched.Governmentofficialsarguedthat,ifleftalone,thefemaleorderswouldbeunabletoattractnewrecruits,andwouldwitherawaywithouttheneedfordirectgovernmentintervention.Moreover,itwouldhavelookedbadtoclosethefemaleorders,whichstillhadlargenumbersofresidentswhowouldhavebeenforcedtoreturntotheirfamiliesorfendforthemselvesinthepotentiallyhostileworldfromwhichtheyhadconsciouslyisolatedthemselves.InCochabambaCity,thegovernmentclosedLaRecoleta,LaMerced,andSantoDomingo,andseizedthebuildingcomplexofSanAgustín,locatedonthemainsquareofthecity,foruseasoffices.Thegovernmentsoldconfiscatedlandsin18271828withanominalvalueof214,080pesos(Bs171,264)inCochabambaDepartment.Legislationenabledlandownerstocancelcensosontheirpropertiesatasmallpercentageofthenominalvalue.
9
TheAugustinianconventofSanAgustínwasthesinglelargestclericallandownerinCochabambaandtheinstitutionmostaffected
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bythe1826lawsinceitlostallnineofitsruralproperties.AmongitsholdingswereCollpa,alargehaciendalocatedintheValleAlto,andHaciendaConvento,locatedintheCarazaValley,bothofwhichweresold.CollpawasthelargestandmostvaluablehaciendaownedbySanAgustín,andtheAugustiniansalsooperatedasmallconventthere.10ToribioCano,directoroftheCochabambaofficeofthenationaltreasurywithmarriagetiestotheinfluentiallandowningPazSoldanfamilyboughtCollpaaround1826.11ThehaciendapassedintothehandsofthePazSoldansbetween1846and1850throughinheritance,andsectionsofthehaciendaremainedinthehandsofthefamilyuntilthe1953agrarianreform.12
ThefemaleordersinCochabambaCitynotonlysurvived,butalsoacquiredadditionalruralpropertiesinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury,whenthemoodofthecountrywasmorepro-clerical.In1868,twonunsfromSantaClaraorganizedtheconventofCapuchinnuns.
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Membersofthelocalelitedonatedruralpropertiestoprovidefinancialsupportforthenewinstitution.Forexample,oneVirginiaCamacho,whoenteredSantaClara,donatedHaciendaMolleMolletotheCapuchinas.Theparishpriest,PedroParra,donatedtwopropertiesoneinLaMaica,closetoCochabambaCity,andasecondinAyopayaProvince.
13Thefemaleordershadsubstantiallandholdingsintheearlytwentiethcentury:theCapuchinnunsownedeightproperties;SantaTeresaownedseven;andSantaClaradeAsisownedthree,namedCliza,Morochata,andTijrasca,whichithadownedpriortoindependence(seeTable2.3).
TheFranciscansreturnedtoBolivia,beginninginthe1840s,andassumedanimportantroleinthecolonizationoftheeasternandsoutheasternfrontierthroughanambitiousmissionprogram.TheFranciscanscontinuedtorunSanFranciscoinCochabambaCity,andtheyweretheonlymaleregularorderthatstillhadruralland(threeproperties)intheCochabambaregion(seeTable2.3).
Howcanoneaccountfortheresilienceofthefemaleorders?AsocialhistoryoftheregularclergyinBoliviainthenineteenthcenturyhasyettobewritten,butseveralpossibleexplanationscanbeoffered.Thefemaleordersplayedanimportantfunctioninelitesocietybyprovidingarepositoryforsurplusdaughters,whichofferedfamiliesprestigeoratleastaguaranteethatunmarrieddaughterswouldnotcausescandalsthatwoulddamagethereputationofthefamily.Moreover,thefemaleorderslocatedinCochabambaCitythatsurvivedthe1826law,suchasSantaClara,stillhadlargepopulationsofnunsandthuswereexemptfromthetermsofthe1826law.Themaleandfemaleregularorderscarriedoutthisimportantsocialfunctionpriortoandfollowingindependence,buttherewasamarked
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shiftineliteattitudestowardthemaleorders.TheSpanishmembersofthemaleorderswerenotwelcomeinBoliviainthe1820s.Attitudeschangedagaininthe1860s.PoliticianssuchasMarianoBaptista,whofoundedtheConservativepartyinthe1880s,wereproclerical,andtheysupportedthereturntoBoliviaofthemaleorders.Forexample,between1879and1896,fivemaleordersreturnedtoBolivia,orcametothecountryforthefirsttime.Asecondclassofchurchlandsremainedunaffectedbythe1826law:ruralandurbanpropertiesownedbysecularparishes.Twenty-twoseparateruralpropertiesbelongedtoparishesintheearlytwentiethcentury(seeTable2.3).Mostparishlandsweresmallinsize,withanextensionoflessthanfivetotenhectares.However,therewereseverallargeandmedium-sizedpropertiessuchasJutalaya,anestancialocatedintheTiraquehighlandswithanextensionof297hectares.Unlikethelandsoftheregularclergy,theparishlands
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Table2.3ChurchLandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheLateNineteenth-Century
Institution NumberofPropertiesFemaleOrders
CapuchinNuns 8SantaTeresa 6SantaClara 3
Total 17MaleOrders
SanFrancisco 3Total 3
ParishLandsValleBajo 19ValleAlto 4
Total 23Source:RegistrodeDerechosReales,ChapareProvince;CatastrodelaPropiedadRustica,ArchivodelaPrefecturadeCochabamba,variousjurisdictions;ElHeraldo;ElFerrocarril;andElComercio.
mayhavebeenexploiteddirectlybywagelabororservicetenants,orbysharecropping.Fewadvertisementsappearinthelocalnewspapersfortherentalofparish-ownedlands,afactwhichindicatesdirectexploitationratherthanrental,althoughthereweresomeexceptions.In1923,theCochabambaCitycathedralchapterofferedlandslocatedinQueru-Queru,inthesuburbsofCochabambaCity,inrental.
14In1926,theparishpriestofAraniadvertisedtherentalofHaciendasJutalayaandCapellanía.15
Thelandbaseofthechurchdecreasedintheearlytwentiethcentury.Asnotedabove,officialsinSucre'sadministrationassumedthatthefemaleorderswoulddeclinewithoutstateintervention.Thisassumptionproved
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tobeonlypartiallycorrect,sincethefemaleordersgrewinnumberandacquiredadditionallands.However,inthelongrun,economicchangesintheCochabambaregionreducedinrealtermstheprincipalsourceofincomeofthefemaleorders,themoneypaidforshort-termrentalofruralproperty.Moreover,withtheexceptionofpiousdonation,productsfromthehaciendasgiventothenunsasapartoftherentaloftheestates,andgoodssuchascandyproducedintheconvents,noothersignificantsourceofincomeexistedforthefemaleorders.Censos,which
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providedasmuchasone-halfoftheincomeofseveralofthefemaleorders,hadlargelybeenredeemedatafractionoftheirnominalcapitalvaluebylandownersunderthetermsoflegislationenactedduringtheSucreandsubsequentadministrations:alawofMarch4,1831,enabledlandownerstoredeemcensosfromthesuppressedconventsatone-halftheirnominalcapitalvalue,andtopayoffalargepercentageindepreciateddebtcertificates.Therewasanothershiftinattitudestowardthechurchinthefirsttwodecadesofthetwentiethcenturyfollowingtheseizureofpowerin1899bythemoreanti-clericalLiberalparty.
AnexaminationoftherentspaidforHaciendaClizadocumentstheerosionoftherealincomeofthefemaleordersduringthelatenineteenthcenturyasaconsequenceofinflation.Theimpactofpriceinflationcanbemeasuredbyacomparisonofthegrowthofselectedcommodityprices,cornandwheat,withtherentspaidforthehacienda.UnderthetermsofacontractfortherentalofHaciendaClizabetween1875and1877,therenterspaidayearlyrentofBs21,040.
16Twenty-fouryearslater,in1901,thesamepropertywasofferedinrentalatabasepriceofBs23,780,theamountreceivedinthepreviousrentalperiod.17Thisrepresentedanincreaseofonly13percent.Duringthesameperiodmeasuredherefromtheyear1881,inordertoavoidthedistortioninpricescausedbythe18771879droughtcrisislocalcornandwheatpricesincreased70percentand41percent,respectively.Moreover,inflationwasevenmoresevereafter1901.18
Theerosionoftherealvalueoftherentspaidforchurch-ownedestatesplacedconsiderablepressureonthefemaleorders.In1911and1912,thelayadministratorsofSantaTeresaandtheCapuchinnunsplacedseveralhaciendasonthemarket,reportedlyfor''economic
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need"thatis,foreconomicdistress.19In1912,theadministratorofSantaTeresaadvertisedthesaleofHaciendaLiquinasinCantónTolataatabasepriceofBs66,666.66.ThehaciendasoldforBs109,000inthesameyear.20Themostextensivealienationofchurch-ownedlandintheearlytwentiethcenturywasthesystematicsubdivisionoflandsfromHaciendaClizabetween1891and1920.Themotiveforthesaleofthelandwasthedesiretobuildanew,larger,andcomfortableconventandchurchatadifferentsitetoreplacethecolonialperiodstructurethatthenunsoccupied,andtheinabilitytoraisethenecessaryfundsfromothersources.Thelayadministratorinitiatedsalesofsmallparcelsofhaciendalandinthe1890stobegintheprocessofaccumulatingcapitalfortheconstructionproject;andthenafter1913,whentheprojectstalledfromashortageoffunds,theadministratorofferedlargesectionsoflandfromHaciendaClizafor
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sale.Accordingtooneaccount,totalsalesoflandfromHaciendaClizareachedavalueofsomeBs2,000,000through1917.
21
Inthe1890s,theconventadministratorsoldsmallparcelsoflandfromthehacienda,withasizeoflessthanonehectareoravalueoflessthanBs500,andhouselotsingrowingClizatown.22Constructionofthenewcomplexbeganin1912,buthadtobesuspendedshortlyafterwardduetoalackoffunds.In1913,thelayadministratorannouncedthesaleoffourteenmiddle-andlarge-sizedpropertieswithatotalappraisedvalueofBs686,742.23Lotsix,forexample,hadabasepriceofBs70,300andasurfaceareaof67.36hectares,andlottenabasepriceofBs108,249andanareaof184.86hectares.24Boliviawasinthemidstofaneconomicdepressionin1913and1914,andinitiallynoneofthepropertiesweresold.In1914,thelayadministratorofferedtheindividuallotsinrentalforoneyear.25Astheeconomyrecovered,however,morebuyerscameforwardforthelargelots.Thevolumeofsalesdroppedinthe1920s,followingthecompletionofthenewcomplex;butin1939thelayadministratoragreed,undersomepressurefromthegovernment,tosell217.30hectaresoflandfromHaciendaClizatolandlessservicetenants,althoughtheadministratortookadvantageoftheagreementtosellhaciendalandstomembersofthelocalelite.26Altogether,some1,974hectares,or71percentoftheareaofHaciendaCliza,weresoldbetween1891and1940.However,thenunsofSantaClaraandtheotherregularordersthatstillownedlandattheendofthe1920sonlylostcontrolofthoselandswiththeimplementationafter1953oftheagrarianreformlaw.
Economicfactorsunderminedtheviabilityofthefemaleordersintheearlytwentiethcentury.Moreover,inthehostileanti-clerical
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atmosphereofthe1900sand1910s,duringLiberalpartyrule,thefemaleordersmostlikelyreceivedlessfinancialsupport,andwereforcedtoselllandstoinvestinhighinterestbonds.Theroleofthechurchinearlytwentieth-centuryBoliviastillrequiresadditionalresearch,especiallyintherecordsoftheconventsandmonasteriesthemselves.
StateRegulationofCommunityLands
UntiltheendoftheeighteenthcenturythecolonialstatedidnotattempttooverseetheinternaldistributionoflandsinthecorporateIndiancommunitiesintheCochabambaregion,althoughcrownofficialsproposedplanstoreducethenumberofforasterosandtocollectmoretributefromthem.Forexample,inthe1680stheviceroy,DuquedelaPalata,directed
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thepreparationofacensusthatwouldformthebasisofareformofthetributesysteminAltaPeru,designedtoincreasetheobligationsofforasterostothecrown.
27However,thenextviceroysuspendedthetributereform.Inthe1780sand1790s,reform-mindedcrownofficialsproposedchangesinthetributesystemasapartofageneralefforttoincreaselevelsofgovernmentrevenuesinAltoPeru.Again,asinthe1680s,officialsproposedmodifyingthefiscalstatusofforasterosinanefforttomakethempaymoretribute.Inthesixteenth,seventeenth,andeighteenthcenturies,therewasalarge-scalemigrationofforasterostotheeasternintermediatevalleysoftheeasternAndescordillera,andadeclineinthenumberoforiginarios.Between1573and1683,forexample,thenumberoforiginariosinthethreecommunitieslocatedintheValleBajodroppedfrom1,997to244.In1683,711forasteroslivedinthejurisdictionofthethreecommunities.In1786,therewere196originariosand837forasterosinthejurisdictionofthecommunities.28ThedeclineinthenumberoforiginariosdidnotsignaladropinthenumberofpeasantslivingintheValleBajowhowereidentifiedasbeing"Indian."Between1683and1786,thenumberofIndianslivinginthepartidoofTapacari,whichincludedtheValleBajo,increasedfrom5,693to14,676.29
Followingtherevoltsintheearly1780sofTúpacAmaru-TúpacKatari,anewclassofofficialsknownasintendantsweregiventheauthorityforthefirsttimetointerveneinthecommunities,andifdeemednecessary,todistributeunusedorunderusedlandstoforasteros.30InCochabamba,IntendantFranciscodeViedmadistributedcommunitylandstoforasteros,andchangedtheirfiscalstatustooriginarios.Viedmadistributedland,between1786and1793,toninety-oneforasterosinSipeSipe,seventy-nineinPasso,and
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sixty-seveninTiquipaya.AhandfulofforasterosreceivedlandsinthehighlandcommunitiesofVacas(viceparishofPoconacommunity)andSicaya(viceparishofCapinotacommunity).31Moreover,effortstoincreaselevelsoftributecollectedgenerallyprovedtobesuccessful.Between1780and1784,tributecollectedinCochabambatotaled241,809pesos,andthetotalincreasedto460,314pesosintheyears17951799.32Theincreaseintheamountoftributecollectedcanbeattributedtomoreefficientcollection,aswellasthecreationofneworiginarioswhopaidahighertributerate.
FollowingBolivianindependence,therepublicangovernmentcontinuedtoredistributecommunitylandsinordertomaintaintribute,whichconstitutedanimportantsourceofgovernmentrevenue,atexistinglevels.In1844,forexample,thegovernmentcommissionedoneFranciscoSemperteguitolocatelandsintheValleBajotoberedistributedtonewori-
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ginariosandforasteros.Semperteguidistributedsome558hectaresoflandto110neworiginariosintheValleBajo:6inCantónColcapirhua,14inPasso,12inTiquipaya,and78inSipeSipe.Moreover,Semperteguidistributedsome28hectaresoflandtonewforasteros:6inPassoand20inTiquipaya.Landswerealsodistributedto7neworiginariosinCantónTapacari(TapacariProvince),whoreceived575hectaresofland;thegovernmentgave146hectaresoflandto8neworiginariosinCantónItipaya(TapacariProvince),andsetasideasmallplotofcommunitylandsinCantónChalla(TapacariProvince)forthesupportoftheChallatambo.
33
Therewasasecondredistributionofcommunitylandsinthelate1850sandearly1860s,followingamajormortalitycrisisin1856thatreducedthenumberoftributaries.However,incontrasttothe1844programoflandredistribution,communitylandsinthe1850sand1860swereredistributedinsomeinstancesundertheinitiativeofindividualcommunitymemberswhopetitionedofficialsforpossessionoflandsdefinedbythegovernmentasbeingusurpedorvacant.34Inothercases,thegovernmentredistributedcommunitylandsinthe1850stolandlessforasteros,whothusbecameoriginarioswiththeobligationtopaythefulltribute.
The1856epidemicsignificantlyreducedtheIndianpopulationinCochabambaDepartment,aswellasthenumberoftributaries.TheIndianpopulationofsixprovincesinCochabambaDepartmentdroppedfrom50,770in1852to35,454in1858,twoyearsfollowingtheepidemic.35ThenumberoftributariesindifferentpartsofCochabambadropped.ThenumberoftributariesinCercadoProvince(CochabambaCity,Itocta,CalaCala,Sacaba,Colomi,andTablas)droppedfrom507in1850and448in1855to181thirteenyearslater,
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in1868.36Similarly,thenumberoftributariesinselectedjurisdictionsintheValleAltoandadjoininghighlandareas(Paredón,Punata,SanBenito,Arani,andTiraque)declinedfrom495in1850to263in1867.37Intheyearfollowingtheepidemic,theBoliviangovernmentpassedalaw(onJuly25,1857)thatmandatedtheredistributionoflandsleftvacantbytheepidemicto"honorable"Indians,whichservedasthebasisforthedistributionofcommunitylandstoforasteros.38
ThetributerecordsforCantónCapinotashowtheimpactofthe1857law.Priortotheepidemicin1856,therewere81originarioswithlandinCapinota,199originarioswithoutland,and166forasteros.39Inthewakeoftheepidemic,landlessoriginariosandforasteroswereresettledaslandedoriginarios.Thetributecensusesof1858,1863,and1871record115originarios,whocontrolledacommunityterritorythatembraced
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Table2.4TributariesbyFiscalCategoryinCantonCapinotainSelectedYears*
YearOriginariosWithLand
OriginariosWithoutLand
ForasterosWithoutLand
1850 79 197 1781856 81 199 1661858 115 196 NotAvailable1863 115 100 1061871 115 85 77*IncludesdataforSicaya.Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ArqueProvince,SelectedYears.
atotalof3,696.91.64hectaresofland.
40Nevertheless,disputesovercommunitylanddidoccurinthedecadefollowingtheepidemicandthecreationofnewlandedoriginarios.Forexample,in1867,undertheregimeofMaríanoMelgarejo(18641871),duringanefforttosellcommunitylands,thegovernmentannouncedthesaleofsixparcelsoflandinIrpaIrpa,withatotalareaof18.96.33hectaresreportedlyusurpedbyoriginarioswho,accordingtothegovernment,hadnorighttousethedisputedlands.41
CantónQuirquiavi,locatedintheArquehighlands,providesamorecomplexexampleofstate-directedchangeintheinternalstructureofacommunity.Thetributecensusesshowthat,in1858,therewere359landlessforasterosandnolandedoriginarios.In1862,thegovernmentconductedadeslinde(examinationoflandtitlesandboundaries),whichwaspromptedbyarevoltontheprivatelyownedpropertythathadpreviouslydominatedthearea.42Accordingtothetributecensusespreparedin1863and1871,respectively,therewere317and324landedoriginariosinCantónQuirquiavi,andonly83and122landlessforasteros.43Inotherwords,the1862deslinderesultedinthedistributionoflandtomorethan300newlycreatedoriginarios.
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ThedistributionoflandinQuirquiaviin1862transformedthestructureoflandtenure.Duringthecolonialperiod,theJesuitsownedHaciendaQuirquiaviuntiltheirexpulsioninthelate1760s,afterwhichitwasadministeredbythegovernment.44AprivatefamilyboughtHaciendaQuirquiavi,mostlikelyinthe1820s.In1860,thehaciendawasdividedintofoursectionsinordertorealizethedivisionofanestateforinheritance.After1862,noprivatepropertiesexistedinQuirquiavi.Writingin
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theDiccionarioGeográficodelaRepúblicadeBolivia,Dr.FedericoBlanconoted,ofQuirquiavi:"Itisveryextensiveandpreviouslywasasinglecommunity."
45Altogether,thegovernmentdistributedsome6,687.98.52hectaresoflandtotheneworiginarios,acalculationbasedupondatafromthecadastralsurvey.46InadditiontothelandsassignedinCantónQuirquiavi,theIndiansofQuirquiaviapparentlypooledtheirresourcesandboughtHaciendaChallomaGrande,locatedinCantónTacopayaalongtheArqueRiveratalowerelevationthanQuirquiavi,fromoneDr.SamuelGonzalesPortal,apropertywithasurfaceareaof258.84.76hectaresofland.47TheacquisitionofChallomaGrandereflectedthestrategyofcontrollinglandsatdifferentecologicalniches.
After1864,governmentpolicytowardcommunitylandsshifted,andtheintegrityofthecommunitycameunderattack.Fromasupervisorialrole,thegovernmentattemptedtoextinguishthecommunitiesandpromotethemodernizationoftheruraleconomy.Thefollowingsectionoutlinesanti-communitylegislationpassedbetweenthe1820sand1880s,andtheerosionofthecommunitylandbaseintheValleBajofromthe1870stotheearlytwentiethcentury.
GovernmentPolicyandIndigenousCorporateCommunityLandsinCochabamba
Followingindependencein1825,BolivianelitesfacedwhattheydefinedasanIndianproblem:theneedtocontroland,atthesametime,integratetheIndianmajorityintothepoliticalandsociallifeofthecountry.Therewasalsothequestionofcontinuedownershipbythecommunitiesoflargetractsoflandthatwereconsideredbysometobeanobstacletothemodernizationofagricultureandsociocultural
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integration.Advocatesoftheexpropriationofcommunitylandsarguedthatcommunitymembersdidnotfullyexploittheirlandtotheirmaximumpotential,althoughnoconcreteevidencesubstantiatesthisclaim.However,thedissolutionofthecommunitycouldnotoccuraslongasthestatedependedupontributeasanimportantsourceofrevenue.Nevertheless,differentadministrationsbetween1825and1864passedlawsthatredefinedthelegalstatusofcommunitylands,andinsomecasesproposedthedistributionofindividualparcelsoflandtocommunitymembersortheoutrightexpropriationofcommunitylands.Whilenotalwaysimmediatelyenforcedorenforceable,theselawsprovidedimportantlegalprecedentsforlegislationenactedinthe1860s,1870s,and1880s.Polit-
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icalturmoil,foreigninvasion,andthefiscalweaknessoftheBolivianstateinthe1820sto1860sdelayedchangesintheinternalstructureofthecommunitiesortheircontrolofland.
48
TherewasamajorshiftinpolicywhentheadministrationofMaríanoMelgarejo(18641871)begantosellseveralclassesofcommunitylandsthathadbeenforfeitedbecausethecommunitiesfailedtoprovideproofoftitleorhadnotpaid"consolidation"fees.Thequestionofthedissolutionofthecommunityinthe1860sgeneratedconsiderabledebateamongpoliticians,bothadvocatesofthesaleofcommunitylandsandthose,increasinglyaminority,whoupheldtherightofthecommunitiestoretaintheirlands.Thesupportersoftheexpropriationofcommunitylandsandtheexpansionofthehaciendawonthedebate.Forexample,awealthySucremerchant,JoseDorado,aspokesmanfortheadvocatesofthesaleofcommunitylands,wrotein1864thatitwasnecessarytotakecommunitylands,
fromthehandsofignorantandbackwardsIndianswithoutthemeans,capacity,orwilltocultivate,andpassthemtotheenterprising,activeandintelligentwhiterace,[whichis]covetousof[agricultural]properties,[which]effectively[wouldbe]thehealthiest[waytoachievethe]conversionoftheBoliviansocialandeconomicorder.Toseparatethe[communitylands],then,fromthedeadhands[manosmuertas]ofIndiansistoreturn[thelands]totheirusefulandproductiveconditionand[thus]benefitallhumanity;toconvertthemintotheinstrumentofthehighgoalsofprovidence.49
Doradofurtherwrote
TheIndianinBoliviaconstitutesastateapart,indifferentinallpointstotheoccurrencesandchangesthatthewhiteclassexperiences,andservingasanobstacletotheprogressandreformthatcivilizationrequires.50
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TheIndianlandsalesinthe1860sdevelopedinseveralstages.AlawofMarch20,1866,stipulatedthatcommunitymemberspaybetweentwenty-fiveandonehundredpesostoconsolidatetitletotheirlandswithinsixtydays,orfacethelossoftheirlandsthroughpublicauction.Twoyearslater,in1868,aconstituentassemblyorganizedtorewriteBolivia'sconstitutiondeclaredcommunitylandstobestateproperty,andthegovernmentbegantosellcommunitylandsatauction.Thelandsales
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provokedlarge-scaleresistancebycommunitymembersthatcontributedtoMelgarejo'sfallfrompower.
TheMelgarejolandprogramaffectedthreeclassesofcommunitylandsinCochabambaDepartment.The1866lawgavecommunitymemberstheoptionofconsolidating(obtainingindividualtitleto)thesubsistenceplotstheyworked.ConsolidationoftitletocommunitylandsoccurredmostfrequentlyinCantónTapacari,ahighlanddistrict,althoughcommunitymembersintheValleBajoandotherdistrictsalsoobtainedtitletotheirlands.CommunitymembersinTapacariobtainedtitletotwenty-nineasignaciones(landsassignedtocommunitymembers),withasurfaceareaofsome4,158hectares,or19.7percentoftheareaofcommunitylandsinthejurisdiction.
51Privateindividualsalsoconsolidatedtitletolandsunderthetermsofthe1866legislation.In1866,oneRosendoVelascopaidBs1,536fortitleto15.71hectaresoflandinCantónSipeSipe(ValleBajo).52Theselandsretainedthestatusofprivatepropertiesduringthedissolutionofthecommunitiessetinmotionwiththepassagein1874ofthelawofex-vinculación.
Thesecondcategoryoflandsaffectedwerethosedeclaredvacantbyreasonofthedeathorabsenceofthecommunitymemberswhohadusufructrights,orhadbeenusurpedbycommunitymembersorotherswhodidnotholdusufructrightstothelandsinquestion.Atotaloftwenty-ninesuchpropertieswenttotheauctionblockinCochabambaDepartment,andremainedinthehandsofthepurchasersfollowingMelgarejo'sfallfrompower.53
Thesaleofthethirdcategoryoflands,communitylandstowhichcommunitymembersstillhadusufructrights,provokedaviolentresponseintheformoflarge-scalerevoltbeginningin1869.By1871,
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theyearinwhichMelgarejofellfrompower,sometwentythousandIndianswereinarmsinthealtiplano,thepartofthecountrywherethesalesofcommunitylandshadtheirgreatestimpact.54Forexample,thegovernmentsoldsome600,000hectaresofcommunitylandinOmasuyos,SicaSica,andPacajesinLaPazDepartmentthroughtheendof1869.SalesofcommunitylandsintheValleBajoinCochabambadepartmenttotaledanestimated1,719hectaresofland,orabout44.5percentofalllands.55
ExpediencydictatedthereturnofcommunitylandssoldduringtheMelgarejoadministration.TheMoralesregime(18711872),whichreplacedMelgarejo,wasinnopositiontofacecontinuedlarge-scaleresistancebycommunitymembers,andreturnedthecommunitylandssoldbetween1868and1870.However,supportfortheexpropriationofcorn-
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munitylandspersistedamonginfluentialmembersoftheelite.Writingin1874,nationaltreasurerPantaleónDalenceargued:
Individualproperty[titles]willbringamongother[benefits,]theextinctionofthecommunities,[a]constantthreattoneighboringproperties,truehindrancetothecivilizationoftheaboriginal,andinsuperableobstacletothefusionofthetworacesinonehomogeneoussociety,whosestrengthresultsfromthecohesionofitselements.
56
Legislationpassedin1874launchedanewattackoncommunitylands,butdidnotattempttheoutrightexpropriationofcommunitylands,asMelgarejohadattemptedtodo.Thebasisofthenewlegislationwasthewithdrawalbythenationalgovernmentofthelegalrecognitionpreviouslyenjoyedbythecommunities;theabolitionofcommunallandtenures;andthedistributionofindividuallandtitlestoallcomunitarios(communitymembers)withdocumentedusufructrights.Modificationstothe1874lawofex-vinculaciónincludedtheimpositionin1880ofafeeofBs5.00toBs50.00forthepurchaseofsealedpaperusedintherecordingoflandtitles,andanotherlawofAugust16,1880whichallowedtheadjudicationoflandinpro-indiviso(undividedcommonlyheldland)tenures,aconcessionmadebythegovernmentinthefaceofpeasantresistanceinthealtiplanoduringtheWarofthePacific.57Thenewlandownersalsobecameresponsibleforpayingtherurallandtaxcreatedinthemid-1870storeplacetithesandprimicias.
Tocarryoutthetaskofthemeasurementofeachplotoflandandthedistributionoftitlesthegovernmentcreatedspeciallandcommissions(mesasrevisitadores).Thecommissionsinitiatedtheworkofdistributingtitlesin1876and1878withmixedresults.58CommunitymembersinOruro,Potosí,andLaPazdepartmentsresistedthe
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measurementoflands,andonlythecommunitymembersinCochabambadepartment,particularlythoseintheValleBajo,supportedthedivisionoftheirlandsintoindividualparcels.59
IntheValleBajo,forexample,salesofformercommunitylandsbeganafter1878.BolivianscholarGustavoRodriguezestimatedthetotalareaofcommunitylandssoldintheValleBajobetween1878and1900.Accordingtohisestimatessome74percentofthelandofSipeSipe,Passo,Tiquipaya,andColcapirhuacommunitieschangedhands.60IhavereworkedRodríguez'sestimatesinTable2.6,andaddedanindexwhichclarifiesthepatternsofsalesofcommunitylands.ThegreatestvolumeofsalesinColcapirhua,Tiquipaya,andPasso,theformercommunitieslo-
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Table2.5CommunityLandsinCochabambaDepartmentc.1878
CantónNumberofAsignaciones
AreaofLandinHectares
MeanSizeAsignacioninHectares
SipeSipe 222 1,164.96.02 5.24.76Tiquipaya 234 1,475.88.40 6.30.72Passo 248 1,233.41.00 4.97.34Itapaya 22 344.56.12 15.66.19Colcapirhua 49 219.23.67 4.47.42Capinota 115 3,696.91.00 32.14.70Pocona 138 1,071.31.69 7.76.32Chimboata 11 90.64.02 8.24.00Vacas 199 2,301.44.81 11.56.51Tapacari 114 12,272.32.97 107.65.20Challa 10 2,038.38.00 203.83.80Quirquiavi 36 6,687.98.52 185.77.74Source:FedericoBlanco,DiccionarioGeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1901),passim;GustavoRodriguez,''Economiacampesina,mercado,ycrisisagraria(18801952).Notasparasuestudio,"EstudiosUMSS3(1988),p.23;CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantonQuirquiavi.
catedclosesttoCochabambaCityoccurredintheyearsimmediatelyfollowingthedistributionofindividuallandtitles.Incontrast,salesoflandfromSipeSipe,theformercommunitylocatedfurthestfromCochabambaCity,weremorefrequentafter1883.Inotherwords,locationinrelationtothelargestlocalurbanmarketinfluencedtherateofcommunitylandsales.Communitylandslocatedclosesttothecitypassedintothehandsofnon-communitymembersatafasterrate.Table2.7summarizesdatafromasampleof999salesofcommunitylandsintheeightyearsbetween1886and1894bytheprofessionofthepurchaser.Themeansizeoftheparcelsoldwas0.79.50hectares,buttheaveragevariedaccordingtotheprofessionofthepurchaser.Although
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largelandownersdidbuyformercommunitylandsinsmall,medium,andlargeparcels,muchofthelandsoldduringthesampleperiodwenttosmallfarmers,landlesspeasants,andartisans.IncontrasttothepatternsassumedintheBolivianaltiplanoandotherareasinLatinAmerica,theremovalofthelegalprotectionsthatguaranteedcommunitymembersaccesstolanddidnotautomaticallyleadtoagreatermonopolizationofagriculturallandsbyasmallhacienda-owningclass.Landlesspeasantsandsmalllandownersenjoyedopportunitiestoaccumulatesmallamountsofcapitalfromseveralsources.Expandingcash
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Table2.6EstimatedArea(InHectares)andIndexofCommunityLandsSold(18781882=100)intheValleBajo,18781900Year SipeSipe Index Passo Index Tiquipaya Index18781882 149.10 100 224.45 100 265.04 10018831887 231.65 155 177.86 79 245.61 9318881892 213.59 143 177.10 79 138.50 5218931897 158.13 106 165.50 74 90.22 3418981900 65.02 44 68.89 31 75.99 29Total 857.49 813.80 813.36Source:GustavoRodriguez,"Entrereformasycontrareformas:LascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajocochabambino,"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LasComunidadesIndigenasenlaRegionAndinaduranteelSigloXIX,"Quito,Ecuador,March,1989.
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Table2.7SalesofCommunityLandintheValleBajobytheProfessionoftheBuyer,18861894
ProfessionNumbersofPurchases %
AreainHectares %
MeanSizeParcel
Farmer 601 60.2 422.58.12 53.2 0.71.31Artisan 49 4.9 39.38.06 5.0 0.80.36Merchant 27 2.7 20.77.50 2.6 0.76.94Professional 66 6.6 80.67.00 10.2 1.22.22LargeLandowner 103 10.3 93.63.93 11.8 0.90.91NotSpecified 102 10.2 101.43.44 12.8 0.99.44Other 51 5.1 35.80.29 4.5 0.70.20Total 999 100 794.28.34 100.1 0.79.50Source:GustavoRodriguez,Expansiondellatifundioosupervivenciadelascomunidadesindigenas:CambiosenlaestructuraagrariabolivianadelsigloXlX(Cochabamba,1982),p.16B.
incomeallowedthemtobuythoseparcelsthatbecameavailableinthelandmarket.Inthefirstthreedecadesofthepresentcentury,peasantsfromCochabambaandotherpartsofthecountrymigratedtoworkinthenitratefieldsofnorthernChile,sugarplantationsofnorthernArgentina,andthetinminesintheBolivianaltiplano,andinmanyinstances,theyreturnedtoCochabambatobuyland.
61Accordingtooneauthor,
ThedivisionofthelargepropertiesinQuillacolloIaprovinceintheValleBajo]wasproducedpriortothe[1953]agrarianreformthroughdirectpurchasemadebypeasantswho,onreturningfromthenitratefields[innorthernChile]ofthe[tin]mines,disposedofsmall[amountsof]capitalthatpermittedthemtohaveaccesstosmallproperties.62
Peasantsalsoearnedmoneybyworkingforhaciendasonaseasonalbasisduringthepeakdemandforlaboratharvesttime,orbyselling
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chicha(fermentedcornbeer)orproducelocallyorinthealtiplano.63
AdetailedcasestudyofSipeSipecommunityintheValleBajoshedsfurtherlightonthelong-termimpactonpatternsoflandtenureofthesaleofcommunitylands.LocatedatthepointwheretheTapacariRiverValleyjoinstheValleBajo,SipeSipecommunitycontrolledprimefertileandwell-wateredagriculturallands.ViceroyFranciscodeToledoorderedtheresettlementinthe1580sofIndianpeasantslivinginscatteredhamletsintoasinglecommunitywithaclearlydefinedterritory,althoughcommunitymembersreturnedtolivinginsmallhamletsdistributedthrough-
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outthecommunityterritory.Eachhamletassumedanindependentidentityasaseparatepeasantcommunity.
ThefertilityofthesoilandaccesstoseasonallaborfromthecommunityattractedSpanishlandownerswhocreatedhaciendasonthemarginsofSipeSipecommunity,andalsousurpedcommunitylands.Tenhaciendassurroundedthecommunityintheearly1690s,andfifteeninthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury.
64Ahandfulofindividualscarvedanumberoffincas(smallhaciendas)outofcommunitylandsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Accordingtodataabstractedfromthecadastralsurvey,thenewlycreatedfincasoccupiedatleastsome426hectaresofland,or21.6percentoftheareaofcommunitylandsinthe1820s.65
AnactivemarketinIndianlandsdevelopedinthe1880sand1890s,andthelong-termpatternwasoneofanincreasingnumberofsalesofsmallpropertiesandaproliferationinthenumberofsmallparcelsoflandwithanareaoflessthantenhectares(seeTable2.8).Mostofthelandsalesinvolvedformercommunitylands,andthegreatestdegreeofparcelizationoflandsinCantónSipeSipeoccurredintheterritoryoftheformercommunity,asshownbyadetailedexaminationofthreehamletslocatedwithintheboundariesofthecommunity.
ThefirstexampleisMallcorrancho.Thecadastralsurveypreparedaround1924listed343separatepropertiesinMallcorrancho,292withanareaoflessthanonehectare.Only2propertieshadanareaofmorethantenhectares.Thebulkofthesalesregisteredthrough1929weresmallparcelswithanareaoflessthanfivehectares.
ThesecondcasestudyisPayacollo.Therewere88separateasignacionesinthedistrictintheearly1870s,and231separate
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propertieswithatotalsurfaceareaofnearly138hectaresinthemid-1920s.Thesinglelargestproperty,oneofthefincascreatedfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,occupiedanareaofsome20hectares.Theother230parcelshadameanareaof0.51.12hectares.Again,asinthepreviouscase,thebulkoflandsalesinPayacolloinvolvedsmallparcelsofland.
ThefinalcasestudyisTiuRancho,asmallhamletlocatedclosetoSipeSipevillage.In1924,therewere109propertieswithameansizeof0.39.41hectares,andnopropertieswithasizeofmorethan10hectares.Thelandregistryrecorded42landtransactionsinTiuRancho,mostwithasizeoflessthan5hectares.
Inthethreecasesoutlinedabove,thebulkofformercommunitylandbelongedinthe1920stosmallpeasantlandownersknownlocallyaspiqueros,someofwhomwereformercommunitymembersortheirdescendants.Thepatternoflandtenureandthestructureofthelandmarket
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Table2.8LandSalesinCantonSipeSipe,c.18801929AreainHectares:
PriceinBs 0.99 14.99 5.9.99 1049.99 5099.99 100+149.99 166 3 0 0 0 05099.99 240 7 0 0 0 0100499.99 825 60 2 0 0 0500999.99 191 74 2 1 0 010004999.99 51 48 8 9 0 050009999.99 1 4 1 5 0 210000+ 0 0 1 0 1 1PriceNotGiven 12 4 0 0 0 0Total 1,436 200 14 15 1 3Source:DR;TapacariProvince,QuillacolloProvince.
thatcontributedtothegrowthinthenumberofpiqueroswasgeneralizedthroughouttheformerSipeSipecommunityterritory.Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedinthemid-1920s,thereweremorethanthreethousandseparateparcelsinCantónSipeSipewithasizeoflessthantenhectares,largelyconcentratedintheformercommunityterritory.
66
CorporateindigenouscommunitiesinthehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentevidencedpatternsofchangeinlandtenuredistinctfromthepatternsdocumentedfortheValleBajo.CantónQuirquiavioffersamorecomplexpatternoftransformationinthestructureoflandtenureintheyearsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Theoriginallegislationpassedin1874attemptedtoabolishallformsofcommunallandtenure,andtoforcecommunitymemberstotakeindividualtitletotheirlands.However,intheearly1880sthegovernmentmadeanumberofcompromisesthatmodifiedtheoriginalintentofthelaw.Forexample,onAugust16,1880,attheheightof
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theWarofthePacific,whenmostofBolivia'sarmywasinTarapaca,thegovernmentpassedalawthatallowedcommunitymemberstoreceivetitleinanundividedpro-indivisotenure.Tocarryoutthetaskofmeasuringtheindividualparcelstobegrantedtocommunitymembersandtodistributeindividualtitles,thegovernmentcreatedmesasrevisitadores(landcommissions),basedupontheexistingtributesystem.Thelandcommissionsbeganthetaskofmeasuringlandsin1876,butwithmixedresults.CommunitymembersinPotosí,Oruro,andLaPazdepartmentsactivelyre-
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sistedthevisitsofthelandcommissions.Asaresult,theworkofdistributinglandtitleslastedlongerthanhadoriginallybeenanticipated,andinsomeareasthelandcommissionsnevercompletedtheirtask.
InlightofthereputationthatthecommunitymembersofQuirquiavihadforviolentresistance,thelandcommissionsworkedslowly.Commissionsadjudicatedlandin1880,1883,andagainin1897.MostoftheestanciaslocatedinQuirquiaviremainedinthehandsofcommunitymembersinthepro-indivisotenure(2,835.47.41hectares);thelandcommissionsgrantedindividualtitletothirty-sixestanciastocommunitymembers(3,018.17.30hectares),andreturnedtwelveproperties(834.33.81hectares)tothepublicdomain.However,thecadastralsurveypreparedaround1916showsthatthemembersofQuirquiaviayllu,atotalof483originarios,controlledforty-eightestanciasinthejurisdiction.
67Mostlikelyduringtherevisitasconductedin1880and1883,thelandcommissionsgrantedtitletothirty-sixestanciastoindividualcommunitymembersandtitletotheremainingtwelveestanciasinpro-indivisotenure.However,in1897thelandcommissionsenttoQuirquiavireversedtheworkofthepreviouscommissions,andgrantedtitletoallforty-eightestanciasinpro-indivisotenure.
BecauseofQuirquiavi'srelativeisolationfromregionalmarketsandthelowerqualityofitsland,therewerefewersalesofcommunityland.Between1895and1928,therewereonlythirty-eightlandsalesrecordedinCantónQuirquiavi.Elevensalesregisteredin1909and1910wererelatedtothesaleandresaleofthetwelvestate-ownedpropertiesinthejurisdiction.68Inthelate1940s,ontheeveofBolivia'sagrarianreform,fifty-twocommunity-ownedestanciasinQuirquiaviembracedsome5,746.00.02hectaresofland,or98%of
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thelandcontrolledaround1916.69
HaciendaChallomaGrande,locatedinCantónTacopaya,passedintothehandsofprivateindividualsthroughaseriesofsalesrecordedbetween1888and1916.OnePabloCespedes,amerchantwhoresidedinQuirquiavitownandwaspossiblyamemberofQuirquiaviaylluwhoenteredcreolesociety,purchasedsharestoChallomaGrandefromindividualmembersofQuirquiaviaylluinsmalltransactions.In1888,1890,and1894,forexample,Cespedesboughttwenty-nineparcelsorsharesintheproperty.70Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedaround1916,Cespedesowned238.01.60hectaresinChallomaGrande.MiguelLeque,alsoamemberofQuirquiaviayllu,owned11.90.60hectaresofland,whileMiguelOrtizownedaparcelof8.92.56hectares.71
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Theimpactofthelawofex-vinculaciónvariedinotherhighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartment,especiallywheretherewaslessdemandforhighlandcommunitylands.CommunitymembersinCantónChalla(TapacariProvince)optedtoreceivecommunaltitletotheirlandsinanundividedpro-indivisotenure,andmaintainedcontrolovermostoftheirlands.In1903,Challaayllucollectivelyowned1,260hectaresofland,andvirtuallythesameamountoflandinthelate1940s.
72InCantónVacas(AraniProvince),thelandcommissionsadjudicatedtitletocomunitariosofastandard-sizedparcelof8.64hectaresin1879,butseveralyearslater,theygaveadditionallandstoformercommunitymembersunderthetermsofalawofOctober1,1880,whichstipulatedthat"excess"landscouldbereturned.Forexample,PetronaMamanireceivedtitlein1879tothestandard-sizedparcelinMayoc-chipa,andanadditional106.56hectaresoflandin1883.73OneexceptionwasCantónTapacari,intheprovinceofthesamename.Accordingtooneestimate,some4,442hectares,or36percentoftotalcommunitylands,passedoutofthehandsofcomunitariosbetween1884and1902.74Significantly,TapacariwaslocatedontheprincipalroutebetweenCochabambaandthealtiplano,andexportedgrainandpotatoestoOruroandotheraltiplanourbancenters.Asaresult,therewasmoredemandforlandinthedistrict.
TheAdministrationofState(FormerCommunity)Lands
Followingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,thelandcommissionsreturnedwhatthegovernmentdefinedasexcesscommunitylandslocatedintheValleBajo,CantónVacas,CantónTapacari,andCantónQuirquiavitothepublicdomain(seeTable2.9).AlthoughthegovernmentsoldsomeoftheformercommunitylandsintheValleBajointhe1880s,thestandardformofmanagementwas
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rental,underthesupervisionoftheCochabambaCitymunicipalcouncil.Forexample,in1878JoséMoscoso,aprominentCochabambalandownerandpolitician,rentedthestate-ownedestanciasinCantónVacasatarateofBs2,208peryear.75In1885,CiprianoBalderramaandFructuosoZapatacelebratedacontractforthesubrentaloftheVacasestanciasatarateofBs3,200peryear.76Therearenumerousnewspaperadvertisementsfortherentalofthestate-ownedestancias,andtherentpaidforthelandincreasedrapidlyintheseconddecadeofthepresentcentury,withlandownersanticipatinganexpansioninaccesstothealtiplanourbanmarket
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astheOruro-Cochabambarailroadreachedcompletion.In1912,JoséUreypaidBs21,507fortherentaloftheVacasestancias,anincreaseof874percentoverthefirstrentalrecordedin1878.
77
Theadministrationofthestate-controlledformercommunitylandschangedafter1900.AlawofJanuary15,1900,mandatedthatthenewLiberal-partygovernmentreclassifythestatelandsinCochabambaDepartmentasbienesdeinstrucción.Moneyearnedfromtherentaland,later,thesaleofsaidlands,againunderthesupervisionoftheCochabambaCitymunicipalcouncil,wastobeinvestedininterest-bearingbonds(letrashipotecarias).Theinterestfromthebondswastobeusedtosupportpubliceducation.78Until1909,themunicipalcouncilusedmoneyproducedfromtherentaloftheestanciastosupporttheeducationofchildrenofwell-to-dourbanfamilies.
In1909,CochabambaDepartmentprefectSantosQuiroga(19081910)riggedthesaleofthestateestanciasinCantónQuirquiaviforlandspeculatorswhohopedtoprofitfromtheconstructionoftheOruro-Cochabambarailroad,whichwasslatedtopassclosetothedistrict.QuirogaabandonedthestandardpracticeofadvertisingpublicsalesinallCochabambaCitynewspapers,andonlyadvertisedtheauctioninatemporaryLiberal-partynewspapercreatedtopromotethecandidacyofLiberal-partypoliticiansinlocalelections.Theformofthesalecausedapoliticalscandalin1909,whichwasexacerbatedbyanincidentthatoccurredwhenRafaelCanedo,thenewownerofoneoftheQuirquiaviestancias,tookpossessionofhisproperty.Theprefectassignedapicketofsoldiersthatforciblyexpelledservicetenantswhooccupiedlandsontheestanciawiththepermissionofthemunicipalcouncil.79
ThepublicdebateoverthequestionablesaleoftheQuirquiavistate
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landsresurfacedagainin1914,whenpoliticiansfromthenewlycreatedRepublicanpartylearnedthatonegroupofspeculatorswhoboughtQuirquiavilandshadneverpaidthepurchaseprice,whichsomeconsideredtohavebeenlowtobeginwith.Thesespeculatorshadevenresoldsectionsoftheirnewlyacquiredpropertiesataconsiderableprofit.80FourpartnersCarmenCanedoandAlfredo,Michel,andDanielMirandamadeaprofitonthelandtheyboughtinQuirquiaviandreportedlyneverpaidfor.Forexample,thepurchasepricein1909ofEstanciaAicamoquiwasBs3,666.66,butthepartnersresoldthepropertyayearlaterin1910forBs5,750.81Therewasoneadditionalsaleofstate-controlledformercommunitylandsfollowingthepublicdebateovertheQuirquiaviestancias.In1917,theCochabambamunicipalcounciloversawthesaleofninestate
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Table2.9State(FormerCommunity)LandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheEarlyTwentiethCentury
Province CantonNumberofProperties
TotalAreainHectares
Quillacollo Passo 10 24.66.12Quillacollo Tiquipaya 6 26.19.06Arani Vacas 20 5,183.04.80Tapacari Tapacari 9 2,446.75.61Arque Quirquiavi 12 834.33.81Total 57 8,514.99.40Source:CPR,APC,VariousJurisdictions;ElFerrocarril;ElHeraldo.
propertiesinCantónTapacari,followingthenormalprocedureofadvertisingtheauctioninthedailynewspapersinthecity.
82Themoneyrealizedfromthissalemostlikelybenefitededucation.
TheestanciasinCantónVacasremainedinthehandsofthenationalgovernmentuntilthe1953agrarianreform,althoughtheservicetenantslivingontheestanciasgainedeffectivecontroloverthelandsafter1936.In1929,theservicetenantsintheVacasestanciascomplainedtotheCochabambaCitymunicipalcouncilthattheindividualrentingthelandswasattemptingtoextractadditionallaborwhilereducingtheamountoflandassignedtothemfortheirsubsistenceneeds.ThemunicipalcouncilsentapicketoftroopstorepressthegrowingpeasantoppositionontheVacasestancias.However,sevenyearslater,in1936,theservicetenantsorganizedasindicato(peasantleague)and,withsupportfromthemilitarygovernmentofDavidToro,rentedtheVacasestanciasfortheirownbenefit.83
TheLiberal-partypoliticianswhoruledBoliviabetween1900and1920continuedtosupporttheanti-communitylawspassedinthelate
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nineteenthcentury.However,theywerepragmatic,andalsosawtheanti-communitylegislationasameansofself-enrichment.Ledbytwo-termpresidentIsmaelMontes,Liberal-partypoliticians,suchasprefectSantosQuirogainCochabambaDepartment,cutdealsfortheirsupporters,andnooppositionpartyexistedtorestrainthedriveforself-enrichment.However,wrackedbyscandalinthelastyearsoftheirtenure(19171920)andfacinganewoppositionparty,Liberal-partypoliticianscouldnolongermakesuchblatantlyself-servingdealsastheyhaddonein1909.The1917saleofstatelandsinCantónTapacariwentsmoothlywithoutanyhintofimpropriety.
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LiberalLandPoliciesinaComparativeContext
Sucre'slimitedanti-clericalpolicyimplementedin1826wasuniformlyenforcedacrossBolivia.Thegovernmentclosedconventsandmonasterieswithonlyasmallnumberofresidents,andconfiscatedtheirrealproperty.However,thenumberandvalueofthechurchpropertiessoldvariedbebetweenthedifferentregionsinBolivia.ThebulkofthelandsalesandredemptionofcensosbyvaluetookplaceinCochabambaDepartment.TherewasalsoadeclineinthenumberofregularinstitutionsinLaPazandOruro,andthenumberofhaciendastheyowned.In1780,thirteenconventsandmonasteriesinLaPazandOruroownedfifty-sevenhaciendasinwhatbecameLaPazDepartmentfollowingBolivia'sindependence.Acenturylater,in1880,sixinstitutionsstillcontrolledthirty-fivehaciendas.ApartofthisdeclineininstitutionsandhaciendascanbeattributedtoSucre'sprogram,butfurtherresearchisneededtofurtherdocumentlong-termchangesinthefinancesoftheregularordersinthealtiplano.
84ThefemaleregularorderslostlittlelandasaresultofSucre'spolicy,butfacedfinancialdifficultiesandthegrowinghostilityoftheanti-clericalLiberalpartyintheearlytwentiethcentury,whichledtothesaleofsomelands.Nevertheless,thefemaleordersstillretainedownershipoverruralpropertiesuntilthe1953agrarianreform.Forexample,in1952theCapuchinnunsstillhadaninterestinHaciendaEsquilan,locatedintheValleBajo,onlytolosethepropertyunderthetermsofthe1953agrarian-reformlaw.85
ThereweresimilaritiesbetweentheBolivianandMexicananti-corporateland-tenureprograms.Whileliberalsjustifiedchangesinlandtenureaspartofabroaderprogramofeconomicmodernization,therewerealsopragmaticconsiderationsinthepoliciesimplemented.
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Sucre'spolicyandthepolicyofliberalsinthe1850swerealsolinkedtodebtfunding.Sucre'sgovernmentencouragedtheholdersofgovernmentdebt,suchasVenezuelanandColombiansoldiersstationedinBolivia,toinvesttheirdebtinstrumentsinrecentlyappropriatedruralestatesandthepaymentofthecapitalamountincensos,thusreducingthesizeoftherealdebtobligationandallowingsoldiersandpoliticianslinkedtothegovernmenttobuyruralestatesatafractionoftheirrealvalue.86Similarly,theMexicangovernmentaccepteddebtcertificatesinpaymentforappropriatedchurchlands.87Inbothinstances,individualswhoboughtruralestatesatsubstantiallyreducedrealpricesbecamepotentialgovernmentsupporters.
Theanti-clericalprograminMexicoinitiatedafter1855wasmorecomprehensive,sincethebulkoftherealpropertyownedbytheregular
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clergywassold.ThecompletenessoftheMexicanprogramgeneratedlarge-scaleresistancefromthechurchanditspro-clericalconservativesupporters,whereasSucre'sprograminBoliviadidnotbecomeasdivisiveanissueasinMexicosinceonlyapartofchurchpropertywassold.Moreover,Sucrewasbackedbyalargeforeignarmyofoccupation,andprominentBolivianssuchasToribioCano,withlinkstothelandowningelite,directlybenefitedfromthesaleofchurch-ownedhaciendas.Finally,formembersoftheelitethefemaleorders,whichsurvivedSucre'sprogram,weremoreimportantthanthemaleorders.Conventswereoneofthefewplaceswheredaughterscouldbeplaced,whereas,eveninlightofSucre'slegislation,sonscouldstilljointheclergy.
ThegoalofliquidatingthecorporatepeasantcommunitylandholdingsenjoyedalmostuniversalsupportfromBolivia'selitesthroughoutthenineteenthcentury.However,twofactorspreventedBolivianleadersfromimplementingtheanti-communitylegislationpassedfromthe1820stothe1860s.First,theBolivianeconomystagnatedforfortyyearsfollowingindependence,andthegovernmentdependedheavilyoncommunitytributeasasourceofrevenue.Thegovernmentcouldnotdeprivethecommunitiesofthelandthatproducedtributeincome.Second,untilaftertheWarofthePacific(18791884),thegovernmentwasstilltooweaktochallengetheintegrityofcommunitylands.Ashappenedin1870,whenMaríanoMelgarejofellfrompower,thousandsofarmedcommunitymemberscouldstillchangethecourseofBolivianpolitics.The1880lawthatallowedcommunitiestoreceivetitletotheirlandsinundividedpro-indivisotitlewasaconcessionmadeattheheightoftheWarofthePacific,whenthebulkofBolivia'sarmywasfightingtheChileansinTarapaca.
The1880sand1890swereaperiodofacceleratedstate-buildinginBolivia.ReenforcedbytheideologyofSocialDarwinismandrevenuefromexpandingtradeandtheboomingsilver-miningindustry,the
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governmentwasnowinapositiontochallengetheintegrityofthecommunities.Overthenextfortyyears,communitiesthroughoutmostofBolivialostalargepartoralloftheirlands.TheBolivianstatewasnowinapositiontorepressresistancebycommunitymembers.
Thedegreeofcommunitylandlossafter1880varied.InthealtiplanodepartmentsofLaPazandOruro,forexample,alargenumberofcommunitiescompletelydisappeared,absorbedbyexistinghaciendasorincludedinthegrowingnumberofruralestatescreatedafterthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Mostpurchasersofformercommunitylandsweremembersofthegrowingaltiplanocommercialandlandowningelitethatbenefitedfromtheeconomicgrowthofthe1870s,1880s,and1890s.
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Forexample,BenedictoGoita,anupwardlyandsociallymobileLaPazmerchant,bought798individualsayanasbetween1882and1919.In1907,two-termBolivianpresidentIsmaelMontesandhiswifeBethsabedeMontesillegallyacquired596sayanas,whichcomprisedsixofthesevencommunitiesintheTaracopeninsula(LakeTiticaca),usingcoerciontoforcecommunitymemberstoselltheirlands,which,accordingtoonesource,wereworthasmuchasBs1,000,000,foratotalofBs82,000.Bythe1920sthehaciendawasthedominantformoflandtenureinthehighlandsectionsofLaPazandOrurodepartments.Forexample,inCantónHuaqui,IngaviProvince(LaPazDepartment),intheearlytwentiethcenturytherewereseventeenhaciendasandfourcommunities,includingoneintheprocessofbeingboughtoutbynon-communitymembers,andonecommunityalreadyconvertedintoahacienda.OneindividualpaidBs25,000forallofthelandsofPitutacommunity,andthecomunitariosofSullcataretainedonlyaquarterofthelandscontrolledbythecommunitypriorto1874.Beforethepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,71haciendasand43communitiesexistedintheentireprovince,butbytheendofthe1920s,22newhaciendashadbeencreatedfromcommunityland.
88InOruro,thenumberofhaciendasincreasedfrom79inthemid-1840sto224inthelate1940s,andthenumberofcommunitiesdroppedfrom302to213.89InChayanta(PotosíDepartment),littleerosionofthecommunitylandbaseoccurred,whereasinthehighlandsectionsofChuquisacaDepartmentthecommunitiesexperiencedasignificanterosionoftheirlandbase,and,asinmuchofthealtiplano,thehaciendaemergedasthedominantformoflandtenure.90
InCochabambaDepartment,theimplementationofthelawofex-vinculacióncontributedtoanexpansionofthelandmarketthat,coupledwiththecrisisinCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomyinthe
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1890swhichwastheresultofthegrowthofimportsofwheatflourfollowingthecompletionofthefirstraillinktothePacificCoast,radicallytransformedthestructureoflandtenure.AlthoughtheCochabambalandedeliteboughtupformercommunitylands,bythe1920sthehaciendanolongerwasasdominantaformoflandtenureasinotherpartsofBolivia.Onthecontrary,therewasasignificantturnoverinthecompositionofthehacienda-owningclassattheendofthenineteenthcentury,whichenabledasmallnumberofambitious,upwardlyandsociallymobilefamiliestoaccumulatelargequantitiesofland.AcquisitionoflandbyprominentBolivianpoliticiansparalleledtheMexicancase,wheremanyliberalpoliticiansboughtformerchurchandcommunitylands.
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ThenumberofsmallholdersinCochabambaDepartmentproliferated,especiallyintheformercommunityterritory.After1874,thousandsofsmallpropertiescameintoexistenceintheterritoryoftheformercommunities,especiallyintheValleBajo,and,toalesserdegree,inthehaciendascreatedduringthecolonialperiod.
91ThecommunitieslocatedinthehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentexperiencedalimitederosionoftheirlandbase.
Levelsofpeasantresistancetotheland-tenurechangesbroughtaboutbyliberalanti-communitypoliciesserveasanindirectindexofthegrowingdominanceofnewlycreatedorexpandinghaciendasandofchangesinpeasantaccesstolandandtherelativelossofsubsistencesecuritypreviouslyenjoyedbycommunitymembers,andtheyprovideadditionalcomparativeinsightsintotheimplementationofliberalpoliciesandstate-buildinginMexicoandBolivia.92InChuquisaca,Potosí,Oruro,andLaPazdepartments,theerosionofthelandbaseoftheformercommunitymembers,oftenthroughfraudandcoercion,provokedaseriesofarmedrevoltsbetween1899and1927.The1927revoltinvolvedthousandsofpeasantsandengulfedmostoftheBolivianhighlands,includingChayantainPotosíDepartmentandtheAyopayahighlandsinCochabambaDepartment.93Similarly,salesofcommunitylandsinMexico,beginninginthe1850s,causedlocalizeduprisings,which,duringthe1850sand1860s,mergedwiththeon-goingliberal-conservativestruggleandtheFrenchintervention.94Incontrast,theonlyseriouspeasantresistanceinCochabambaDepartmentafter1874occurredinAyopayaProvincein1927andagainin1947;inthisregion,haciendaownersincreasedthelaborservicesofservicetenants,andsubsistencesecuritydeclinedasthepeasantpopulationgrewduringthefirstdecadesofthepresentcentury.95
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PeasantresponsestotheerosionofcommunitylandswassimilarinBoliviaandMexico,buttheactuallegalprocessofthechangeinthestatusofcorporateindigenouslandswasdifferentinbothcountries.Thelawofex-vinculaciónmandatedthattitletocommunallyownedcorporatecommunitylandsbedistributedamongallcomunitarios,baseduponthealreadyestablishedpolicyofgovernmentregulationofcommunitylands,butitdidnotoutlawcommunallandtenure.TheBolivianprogramalsocontainednewfinancialobligationsfortheownersofformercommunityland,includingtaxesandaregistrationfee,andamechanismtoselllandsnotregisteredbyformercommunityresidents.However,thegovernmentdidnotovertlyforcethesaleofcommunitylands.TheMexicanlegislationofthemid-1850s,ontheotherhand,moreexplicitlyinterpretedcorpo-
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rate-ownedlandsasbeingownedbyrentiers,andestablishedasystemoflandsaleswithpreferencetobegiventothoseindividualsalreadyrentingthelandswhenthelawwasenacted.
96
ThealienationofchurchlandsneverbecamesodivisiveanissueinBoliviaasitdidinMexico,whereconservativemembersoftheelitewerewillingtoignoretheirlong-standingconcernformaintainingsocialcontrol,especiallyinthecountryside,and,againstpastprecedent,alliedthemselveswithrebelliouscommunitymembersinthestruggleagainsttheliberals.Oncetheliberalsfirmlyestablishedcontrol,andespeciallyduringthePorfiriato,thegovernmentreactedtopeasantuprisingswithrepression.Bolivianelitesneverlostsightofthedangerofthebreakdownofsocialcontrol,whichcouldleadtoacastewar.Inthe1820s,Sucre'santiclericalprogramdidnotgeneratemuchopposition,andheneverattemptedtoimplementSimónBolívar'sschemetodividecommunitylandsbecauseofthepotentialofIndianresistanceandgovernmentdependenceontributeasasourceofrevenue.Whennecessary,Bolivianpoliticianswerewillingtocompromisewithcommunityleadersuntilconditionsweremoresuitablefortheimplementationofmoredrasticmeasures.In1871,followingtheremovalofMaríanoMelgarejofrompower,thenewgovernmentreturnedthecommunitylandssold,althoughmostpoliticiansalreadysupportedthealienationofcommunitylands.In1880,duringtheWarofthePacific,whenmostofBolivia'sarmywasoccupiedinthedisastrousTarapacacampaign,officialscompromisedagainbyallowingcommunitiestoreceivetheirlandsinpro-indivisotenure,andtheyalsoreturnedsome''surplus"landsthathadbeenpreviouslyreturnedtothepublicdomain,tomembersoftheformercommunities.Thelandcommissionsthatdistributedindividualtitleshadtosuspendtheiractivitiesinsomejurisdictionsbecauseof
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resistance,andinotherstheydidnotcompletethedistributionoftitlesuntilthe1890s.However,inthe1890sandthefirstdecadesofthepresentcentury,asthepowerofthestateincreased,morerepressionwasused.
After1876,PorfirioDíazbegantoassertstrongergovernmentcontrolthroughoutMexico,andtheexpansionoftherailroadsystemintegratedthepreviouslyautonomousregionaleconomiesintoagrowingnationaleconomy.Economicgrowthandthereductionintransportationcostsmadeagriculturalmoreprofitable,whichledtoanexpansionofhaciendasatthecostofcommunitylandsandthepublicdomain.ThePorfirianregimewasincreasinglyabletouserepressiontostiflepeasantresistancegeneratedbythelandgrabsinthelatenineteenthcentury.Similarly,the
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Boliviangovernment,whichalsoembarkedonaprogramofrailroadexpansion,usedforcetorepressthegrowingunrestinthecountryside.
Withtheexceptionofthe1927uprisinginAyopaya,Cochabambawasrelativelyfreeoflarge-scalepeasantresistancefromthe1880sthroughthe1920s.EconomicstagnationinCochabambaandtherapidparcelizationofagriculturallandguaranteedagreaterdegreeofsubsistencesecurityforthousandsofpeasants.Moreover,employmentintheminesandpettycommerceprovidedmanypeasantswiththemeanstoaccumulatesmallamountsofcapitaltobuyland.Theimplementationofthelawofex-vinculacióncontributedtotheexpansionofthelandmarket,makinglandavailableforthefirsttimetolandlesspeasants.
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3ChangesinExternalandInternalMarkets,18251929Duringthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,thestructureoftheeconomiesofBoliviaandtheothernewlyindependentAndeancountriesunderwentamajortransformationwiththegrowthinimportanceofexportsofrawmaterialsfortheNorthAtlanticindustrialeconomies,andtheadoptionofgovernmentpoliciesdesignedtofosternationalintegration.Improvementsinlong-distancetransportation,morethananyotherfactor,,contributedtotherapidintegrationoftheemergingAndeannationaleconomiesintotheexpandingworldmarketsystem.TheestablishmentofregularshippingroutesbetweenEuropeandthePacificCoastofSouthAmericaenabledtheexportofbulkrawmaterialstoEurope,andtheconstructionofrailroadsloweredinternaltransportationcosts.
Governmentpolicyattheendofthenineteenthcenturyconsciouslyfosteredthegrowthofexportsandtheconstructionoftransportationinfrastructurethatpromotednationalintegration.TheearlyrepublicanyearsinBolivia,however,werecharacterizedbypoliticalinstabilitywiththedominationofthegovernmentbyregionalstrongmen(caudillos),andthelackofconsensusamongregionalelites,especiallyinrelationtoeconomicpolicy.Entrepreneurs,artisans,andmerchantsinBolivialinkedtotheinternaleconomyfavoredthecontinuationofprotectionisteconomicpolicies,whereasentrepreneursandcommercialinterestslinkedtothegrowinginternationaleconomyadvocatedfreetrade.Forexample,miningentrepreneurslobbiedtoremovegovernmentcontrolsonthesaleandexportofsilver,andthesuspensionofmintingofdebasedcoins.Evenwithfreetrade,thehighcostoftransportinglow-valuebulkgoodssuchasflourandwheatintotheBolivianaltiplanoprovidedadegree
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ofprotectionforBoliviangrainandflourproducers.
Theemergenceofanimport-exporteconomydominatedbyexportsofrawmaterialsinBoliviacanberelatedtothegrowthoftheBolivianstateandtheevolutionoftradepolicy.Thetransformationofthestructureof
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CochabambaagricultureandtheCochabambaregionaleconomyattheendofthenineteenthcenturywasdirectlyrelatedtotheimplementationoffreetradeinthe1870sand1880s,and,moreimportantly,theconstructionofrailroadslinkingtheBolivianaltiplanowiththecoastandfacilitatingtheimportationofcheapfoodstuffsandmanufacturedgoodsthatdisplacedlocallyproducedgoodsfromtheirtraditionalmarketsinthehighlandurbanandminingcenters.
Thischapteroutlinestheevolutionofliberaleconomicpolicy,andchangesininternalandexternalmarkets.Emphasisisplacedontheopeningofthealtiplanourbanmarketinthelatenineteenthcentury,whichinitiatedaquartercenturyofstagnationinCochabambaagriculture,andthealcoholandcornboomandsubsequentbustoftheyears1918to1929,whichhadaparticularlyimportantimpactoncornproducersinthecentral-valleydistricts.Thefirstsectionoutlinesthedevelopmentoftheliberalstateandofgovernmenteconomicpolicyinthelatenineteenthcentury.Itisfollowedbyadiscussionofwheat-flourimportsintoBoliviathatledtoacrisisinCochabambaagriculture,thechangingpositionoftheCochabambaregionwithintheBolivianeconomy,andtherapidgrowthafter1918ofalcoholproduction,whichcausedasecondeconomiccrisisforCochabambafarmers.
EvolutionoftheLiberalState
AswasthecasethroughoutmuchofLatinAmerica,independencein1825foundadividedCreoleeliteinBoliviaandapoorlyintegratedIndianmajoritythatparticipatedonlymarginally,ifatall,inthepoliticallifeofthecountry.Thenewlyindependentcountrywaspoorlyintegratedandunderpopulated,anditsinternaltransportationwasofpoorquality,unreliable,andexpensive.Astagnatingeconomydebilitatedthestate,asrevenuesremainedlowthroughoutthefirst
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yearsofindependence;andtheoligarchywasfragmentedandorientedtowardlocal,andnotnational,issuesandproblems.Moreover,theweakfiscalbaseofthestatecontributedtosomefiftyyearsofchronicpoliticalinstability,ascaudillosviedforcontrolofthetreasuryandmembersoftheoligarchyattemptedtoobtaingovernmentemploymentasanalternativesourceofincome.
1Thetreasurybecametheobjectofsackbythearmy,aninstitutioncontrolledbyanoverlylargeofficercorpsandagroupofretiredofficerswhoconsumedalargepercentageofthenationalbudgetinsalariesandpensions.In1843,forexample,wagesforofficerstotaled100,346pesosand
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pensions112,145pesos,
2whichaccountedfor11.1percentoftotalgovernmentexpendituresof1,909,474pesos.3
Withthestagnationofmining,themostdynamicsectorofthecolonialeconomy,thestatehadtolookelsewhereforrevenue.Indiantributecontinuedtobeamajorsourceofrevenueaslateasthe1880s,andaccountedfor20to50percentofallgovernmentincomebetweenthe1820sand1870s.4OthersourcesofincomeincludedthemonopolyonthepurchaseofsilverthroughtheBancodeRescate.Thegovernmentpaidbelowmarketpricesforsilver,andrealizedaprofitthroughresalesintheinternationalmarket,itsmintingoperation,andthemintingofdebasedcoins(feble).5Themintingofdebasedcoinsalsoincreasedtheamountofcoinageincirculation,whichfavoredcertainsectorsoftheeconomy.6Producersconnectedtotheinternationaleconomy,forexample,paidproductioncostsindebasedcoins,andreceivedpaymentinnon-debasedsilvercoins,employedalmostexclusivelyinBolivianinternationaltrade,oringold.
Thefiscaldebilityofthestateinitiatedacycleofadministrativeimpotenceasthebureaucracywassmallinnumberandlargelylimitedtothecities,andwasunabletosubstantiallyincreaselevelsofgovernmentincomethroughmoreefficientcollectionoftaxes.Moreover,withastagnanteconomytherewaslittleeconomicactivityforthestatetotax.However,theeconomy,particularlysilvermining,graduallyrecoveredandgrewafterabout1860,andthegovernmentincreasedinsizeasmorerevenuescameinfromtaxesimposedonexpandingtradeandsilverexportsinthe1870sand1880s.
Governmentsafter1880attemptedtoresolvetheproblemofnationalintegrationinacountrycharacterizedbyabroken,mountainous
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geography,andastrongregionalsentiment,whichhaditsoriginsinpoliticalfragmentation.Oneresponsetopoorintegrationwastheconstructionofrailroadsbeginninginthe1880s,whichfacilitatedtheexportofbulkrawmaterialsandtheimportationoflow-valuefoodstuffssuchaswheatflourfortheurbanandminingcenters.Railroadconstruction,however,workedtothedisadvantageofBolivianfarmers,whohadtocompetewithimportedgrainandflour.
Leadersofthelatenineteenth-centuryliberalstate,severalofwhomwerethemselvessilver-miningmagnates,promotedminingexportsthroughfavorabletaxrates.Inthelastquarterofthenineteenthcentury,thesilver-miningindustryfaceddecliningworldsilverprices,andrespondedbyconvertingtoeconomiesofscalebyincreasingproductionlevelsandproductivitywhilecuttingproductioncosts,investingcapital,
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LondontinpriceandBoliviantinproductionindex
andreducinglaborcosts.TheConservativepartygovernmentsofthe1880sand1890s,dominatedbythemajorminingentrepreneurs,supportedtheeffortsoftheminingcompanies'drivetomodernizethroughtaxpolicies,promotingtheconstructionofroadsandthefirstrailroadtothecoast,whichsubstantiallyloweredtransportationcosts.
7Ananalysisofthedifferentsourcesofgovernmentrevenuebetween1882and1902showsthatthegovernmentplacedarelativelylighttaxburdenonminingexportsandcorrespondinglyhighratesontheinternaleconomy.RevenuestotaledBs66,745,663,ofwhichBs42,431,991(63.6percent)camefromtradeandBs14,946,348(22.4percent)fromsilvermining.Revenuefromallminingaccountedfor25.7percentoftotalrevenues,butsome60percentbyvalueofexports.Rubberproduced19.5percentofrevenue,andaccountedforsome38percentofexportsbyvalue.8
Withtheexpansionoftinproductionafter1900,liberalgovernments
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followedasimilarpolicyoffavoringtheminingindustrythroughthefurtherdevelopmentofinfrastructure,andofplacingarelativelylighttax
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LondonsilverpriceandBoliviansilverproductionindex
burdenontinexports.Furthermore,inperiodsofdepressionintheinternationaleconomywhenrevenuesfromtindropped,thegovernmentturnedtoothersourcesoftaxesfromtheinternaleconomytomakeupshortfalls.Intheearly1920s,forexample,thegovernmentplacedheavytaxesoncornproductionandthenewlycreatednationalalcoholindustry,followingadownturninminingandanationwideeconomicdepression.
TheFreeTradeControversyandChileanWheatImports
ThechronicfiscalweaknessoftheBolivianstateinthefirstfiftyyearsfollowingindependenceforcedthegovernmenttoimplementprotectionistpoliciesinordertomaintainintacttheexistingeconomicalignmentsthatprovidedataxbase,aswellastomaintainthestatemonopolyoverthemarketingofsilver.Asnotedabove,tributeremainedanimportant
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sourceofgovernmentrevenue,andinordertoensurethissourceofincome,thestatehadtoprotectthelandbaseoftheIndiancommunities.Moreover,asanthropologistTristanPlattargued,itwasintheinterestofthegovernmentandthecommunitiestomaintaintheprotectedcolonialmarketssoastobeabletosellsurplusesandobtainmoneyfortributepayments.
9
Thegrowthoftradeandtheslowrecoveryofsilverproduction,beginninginthe1850sand1860s,intensifiedpressureonthegovernmenttoliberalizetrade,eliminatethemonopolyonthemarketingofsilver,andterminatethemintingofdebasedcoins.Adebateensuedforovertwentyyearsthatpitteddifferentregionalandeconomicandclassinterestsagainsteachother.ElitesinPotosífavoredthepreservationofthemintingoperationintheCasadelaMoneda,andartisangroupsfearedtheimpactontheirlivelihoodofimportationsofcheap,foreign-manufacturedgoods.LaPazcommercialinterestsfavoredfreetrade,andwereatoddswiththosemerchantsconnectedtotheinternaleconomywhofacedachronicshortageofcoinageincirculation.10Thegrowthofminingandotherchangesinthestructureofthenationalandinterregionaleconomiessubstantiallymodifiedthealignmentofinterestgroups,andadvocatesofafreeeconomytriumphedinthe1870s,withtheabolitionofthemonopolyoversilverexports.11
Protectionoftheinternalgrainmarketendedinaboutthesameperiod.PresidentMarianoMelgarejo(18641871)signedfree-tradeagreementswithChileandotherneighboringcountries.The1866agreementwithChileallowedthefreeimportationofwheatandwheatflourtoLaPazbywayofthePacificportofTacna.TristanPlattarguedthatthe1866treatyhadanimmediateimpactontheChayanta
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wheattrade,12whichimpliesthatCochabambaagriculturewouldhavebeensimilarlyaffected.Ontheotherhand,thegreatestimpactofthe1866treatymayhavebeentohaveexcludedhigher-pricedBoliviangrainandflourfromthegrowingmarketinLittoralDepartment.TheleadersofthecoupthatoverthrewMelgarejoin1871suspendedmostofthetreatiesandlegislationenactedduringhisadministration,andthenewgovernmentdidnotimmediatelyrenegotiatethe1866treatywithChile.AdiscussionofChilean-BoliviantradepriortoandfollowingtheWarofthePacific(18791884),andparticularlytheChileanwheatflourtrade,isessentialforanunderstandingofthecrisisinCochabambaagricultureinthe1890s.Inthe1850sand1860s,Chileanwheatproducersenjoyedashortperiodofprosperity,withastrongdemandforwheattofeedminersintheCaliforniaandAustraliangoldrushesand,later,inthegrowingurbanmarketsofGreat
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Britain.
13Inthe1870s,however,Chileanwheatandflourexportsexperiencedanactualandrelativedeclineinvalueandvolume(seeTables3.1and3.2).FollowingtheWarofthePacific,growthandtheexpansionofmininginChileprovidednewopportunitiesforChileanfarmersthat,toacertaindegree,offsetthelossofforeignmarkets.HistorianThomasWrightnoted:
Justastheseculardeclineofwheatexportssetin,theconditionofthehomemarketbegantochangenoticeably.VictoryinthewarofthePacificlaunchedChile'snitrateageandsetinmotionforceswhichproducedasubstantialandlucrativemarketforChileanagriculture.HighdemandforlaborinAntofagastaandTarapacasetoffmassivemigrationtothearidnitratezonewhichwastotallydependentonoutsidesourcesoffoodstuffs.14
Inthe1870s,BoliviaconsumedsmallquantitiesofChileanflour.In1874,forexample,Chileexported41,949tonsofwheatflourand4,704tonsor11percentofthetotaltoBolivia,primarilytoLittoralDepartment.IntheyearsfollowingtheWarofthePacific,consumersinnorthernBolivia,primarilyinthecityofLaPaz,consumedgrowingquantitiesofChileanflouranddecliningquantitiesofBolivian(primarilyCochabamba)flour;andCochabambaflourproducerssuppliedplacesinthesouthernpartofthecountrysuchasOruroandPotosí.Forexample,between1887and1893,292,741quintales(hundredweights)ofChileanflourwereconsumedinLaPazandneighboringdistricts,asagainst64,973quintalesofflourproducedinCochabambaandseveralprovincesinLaPazDepartment.BoliviaabsorbedamuchlargerpercentageandgreatervolumeofChileanflourexportsinlateryears:in1910and1925,10,142tons(94percent)and14,021tons(92percent),respectively,15
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The18771879droughtcrisisandtheWarofthePacificwere,inmanyways,thedefiningmomentsintheopeningofBolivia'smarket.Duringthedrought,Boliviaimportedforeign,primarilyChilean,flourintothealtiplanoforthefirsttime,particularlyintoLaPaz.16Thedroughtwasfollowedbywar,whichwasadisasterforBolivia.AseriesofdefeatsatthehandsoftheChileansforcedtheBolivianarmytowithdrawbacktothealtiplanoattheendof1880.Bolivianolongerplayedanactiveroleinthewarafter1880;however,attheendof1883aChileanarmyof5,500stationedinArequipawaspoisedtoinvadeBoliviainordertoforcetheCamperoadministrationtoterminatehostilities.Boliviangovernmentofficialsestimatedthatthecostofmobilizing10,000soldierstodefendthecountrywouldbe250,000Bolivianpesosamonthmorethanthe
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Table3.1ChileanAgriculturalExportsByValueinChileanPesos
YearAgricultural
ExportsbyValuePercentageofTotalExports
Index(1876=100)
1874 15,859,200 43.4 1591875 11,337,236 31.6 1141876 9,980,995 24.0 1001877 9,139,672 30.8 921878 8,673,561 24.7 871879 12,781,394 30.0 1281880 11,663,015 22.6 1171881 9,967,780 16.9 991882 11,638,413 16.3 1171884 7,824,262 13.5 781885 7,927,346 15.5 791886 9,710,747 19.0 971887 9,369,247 15.7 941888 8,784,363 12.0 881889 7,481,478 11.3 75Source:OficinaCentraldeEstadistica,DatosestadisticosdelaRepublicadeChile(Santiago,1876);andOficinaCentraldeEstadistica,SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChile(Santiago,variousyears).
governmentcouldraise.ThewarruinedBolivia'sforeigncreditrating,socontractingloanswasnotseenasaviableformoffinancing.Ontheotherhand,thegovernmenthadmanagedtodoublethenumberofavailablearmsthroughoverseaspurchases.
17TheCamperoadministrationoptedtosignatrucethatterminatedhostilitieswithoutgivingChilelegaltitletoLittoralDepartment,occupiedbyChileanforcesatthebeginningofthewarin1879.
BolivianhistorianGustavoRodríguezarguedthatthepactodetregua,
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thetrucethatsuspendedhostilities,containedprovisionsthatopenedtheBolivianmarkettoChileandomination.18WastheeconomicsubordinationofBoliviaaChileanwargoal?DidChileanwheatandwheat-flourproducersseeBoliviaasapotentialmarketfortheirsurpluses,andpressuretheChileangovernmenttosecureafavorabletradeagreement,whichwouldhaveallowedthemtodumptheirproductsontheBolivianmarket?ThedynamicofChileanagriculturalpoliciesinrelationtoBolivianandalsoPeruvianmarketshasyettobeexamined.Thelimitedevidence,however,suggeststhattheChileangovernmentdidnotspecificallyconsiderBoliviatohavebeenanimportantpotentialmarketforgrains,flour,andmanufacturedgoodsfollowingthewar.TheSociedadNacionaldeAgri-
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Table3.2ChileanFlourExportsinTons,inSelectedYearsYear FlourExportsinTons Index(1875=100)1875 29,224.13 1001879 14,888.08 511880 12,560.90 431881 20,831.91 711882 17,188.05 591885 6,203.60 211890 1,964.82 71891 5,739.47 201892 3,777.84 131893 2,021.14 71894 3,427.60 121895 4,233.90 151899 7,836.40 271900 1,667.60 61901 819.50 31902 2,721.40 91903 6,970.70 241904 10,358.70 351905 8,969.38 311906 4,406.35 151907 4,636.63 16Source:OficinaCentraldeEstadistica,SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChile(Santiago,variousyears);AnuarioestadisticadelaRepublicadeChileAno1909(Santiago,1910).
cultura,theChileanfarmersassociation,expressedthehopethattheterminationofhostilitieswithPeruwouldleadtoaresumptionoftheprofitabletradeinwheatandwheatflourtoPeruandinPeruviansugarimportscutoffatthebeginningofthewar.
19In1879,ontheeveofthewar,ChileimportedPeruviansugarworth
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1,754,080Chileanpesos,andsugaraccountedfor73percentofgoodsimportedfromPerubyvalue.Inthepreviousyear,ChileexportedgoodstoPeruwithavalueof4,594,585Chileanpesos,andranapositivetradebalance.20TherelativeimportanceofthePeruviantradeforChilecanbegaugedbytherapidityoftheresumptionoftraderelationsfollowingtheChileanoccupationofLimaandcoastalPeru(seeTable3.3).ThePeruviancasestandsinmarkedcontrasttothepostwarpatternoftradebetweenBoliviaandChile,or,morecorrectly,thevirtuallackoftradebetweenthetwocountriesinthe1880s(seeTable3.4).HavingoccupiedLittoralDepartment,theresumptionorexpansionoftradewithBoliviawasoflittleimportanceto
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Chileintheformulationofpostwarpolicy,andthefree-tradeprovisioninthepactodetreguamerelyreintroducedasimilarprovisioncontainedinatradeagreementsignedbythetwocountriesin1866.
TradewasnotasubstantialconcernfortheChileangovernment,andRodríguez'sargumenthasabasisinanarrowreadingoftheeventsthatledtothesigningofthe1884truce.Asnotedabove,attheendof1883aforceof5,500ChileansoldierswaspoisedtoinvadeBoliviatoforcetheCamperoadministrationtosignatruceorpeacetreaty.PresidentCamperocalledagovernmentcouncilthatmetfivetimesinthefirstmonthsof1884todiscusspossibleoptionsinthefaceoftheChileanthreat.TheministersdeterminedthatthegovernmentdidnothavetheresourcestoresistaChileaninvasionthroughtheuseofconventionaltactics,buttheydiddiscussthepossibilityofprolongingtheconflictthroughthesametypeofguerrillatacticsusedsuccessfullybythePeruviansfortwoyearsfollowingtheoccupationofLimain1881.TheparticipantsdiscussedthedivisionofthecustomsrevenuesfromLittoralDepartment,werethegovernmenttorecognizetheChileanoccupationoftheterritory,buttheyexpressednoconcernoverthepotentialimpactoftheopeningoftheBolivianmarkettoChileangoods.Theministersdidnotseetheinclusionofthefree-tradeprovisioninthepactodetreguaasameasureantitheticaltoBolivianinterestsbeingforcedupontheBoliviangovernmentbyatriumphantChile.
21
Ananalysisofotherdocumentsrelatedtothecouncilmeetingsinearly1884furthersubstantiatestheinterpretationthatthepactodetreguarepresentedtheunwillingnessofChiletocontinuetowar,andadesiretohavetheCamperogovernmentsignanykindofdocument
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tosuspendhostilities.InacircularofJanuary16,1884,whichcalledthecabinetmeetings,CamperodescribedtheeffortsoftheChileangovernmenttoimposeapeacetreatyfavorabletoChileaninterests,particularlyapermanentsettlementofthestatusoftheLittoralDepartmentandthedispositionofthecustomsrevenuescollectedinAntofagasta.ThecircularalsoexpressedtheconcernthattheChileangovernmentwantedtoestablishpoliticaldominationoverBolivia,anissuesubsequentlyraisedanddebatedinthemeetingsheldinFebruaryandMarch.Finally,Campero'scircularsuggestedtheoptionofatrucethatwouldsuspendhostilitiesonthebasisoftheexistingstatusquo,althoughCamperoalsorecognizedthatitwouldbedifficult,ifnotimpossible,toretainaPacificport.22However,thequestionofthePacificportwasclearlysecondarytothemoreimportantgoalofretainingcontroloverashareoftheAntofagastacustomsrevenues,andreassertingBoliviannationalsovereignty.
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Table3.3Chilean-PeruvianTrade18751889,inChileanPesos
YearImportsfromPeru
Index(1875=100)
ExportstoPeru (1875=100)
1875 2,410,637 100 5,441,6411876 2,480,323 103 4,449,9231877 2,241,299 93 3,422,7221878 1,850,825 77 4,594,5851879 2,102,618 87 1,852,6081880 1,313,726 55 857,7551881 2,905,049 121 3,702,9001882 2,823,304 117 2,396,8591883 3,532,466 146 4,106,4351884 2,936,000 122 2,810,9891885 2,645,316 110 1,710,5671886 3,611,576 150 1,693,5901887 2,670,548 111 1,050,7861888 3,057,854 127 2,071,3041889 3,582,140 149 1,430,995Source:SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChile(Santiago,variousyears).
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TheconcernoftheBoliviangovernmentoverthedispositionofthecustomsrevenuesfoundfurtherexpressionintwosupplementaryactstothepactodetregua,datedApril9,1884,andMay30,1884,whichclarifiedthefree-tradeprovisionoftheoriginaldocumentandthedivisionofcustomsrevenues.
23Article7oftheMay30documentcontainedalonglistofgoodsexemptedunderthetermsofarticle5ofthepactodetregua,whichestablishedfreetradebetweenthetwocountries,includingwheatflour.Article6ofthesamedocumentstipulatedthatChileandBoliviajointlymaintainthePotosíroad.24
Theinclusionofthefree-tradeprovisioninthepactodetreguaappearstohavegeneratedlittlediscussionorconcernwithinBolivia.ElHeraldo,theprincipalnewspaperinCochabambaCitywhichlaterpublishedcommentariesonthepotentialdestructionofCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomyposedbythecompletionoftheAntofagasta-Orurorailroadandthedeepeninginternaleconomiccrisisofthe1890ssurprisinglyreportedverylittleaboutthewarinthelastyearsoftheconflictoraboutthetrucethatendedthewar.FollowingthedisastrousTarapacacampaignandGeneralHilarionDaza'sremovalfrompower,theCamperoadministrationtooknofurtheractiveroleintheconflict,andsetaboutthetaskofreorderingtheBolivianpoliticalsystem.25ThecontinuedconflictinPeruhadlittleimmediacyinCochabambaandtheotherpartsofBolivia,andthereapparentlywaslittleinterestintheconclusionofawarthathadendedforallintentsandpurposes,in1880,whenCamperowithdrewtheBolivianarmyandleditbacktothealtiplano.Moreover,inlightofBolivia'sdefeatduringtheactivephaseoftheconflict,thetermsofthepactodetreguawerenotextremelyharsh.
ThethreatofChileaninvasioninearly1884certainlywasa
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significantconcernfortheCamperoadministration,butChile'spositionà-visBoliviawasnotstrongenoughtoforceCamperotosignadefinitivepeacetreatydefiningthestatusofLittoralDepartmentandtheAntofagastacustomsrevenues.Inarecentstudyofthewar,historianWilliamSaterstressedthatmobilizationalsostrainedthefinancialresourcesoftheChileangovernment.Moreover,theAnibalPintogovernmentencounteredconsiderabledifficultyinorganizingthelogisticsoftheconflict.FollowingtheoccupationofLima,theChileangovernmentactuallyreducedthesizeoftheoccupationarmy.26TheChileangovernmentusedthethreatofaninvasiontoforceCamperotosignsometypeofagreementendingthewar,andthe1884trucereflectedtheexhaustionofbothcountries.Article5ofthepactodetreguawasimportantonlyaslongastherewasademandforChileangoodsinBolivia.
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PatternsofChilean-BoliviantradechangedintheyearsfollowingtheWarofthePacific,andagaininthefirstdecadesofthetwentiethcentury.Inthe1840s,ChilerananegativetradebalancewithBolivia,butfromthe1850sto1870s,itgenerallyranapositivetradebalance(seeTable3.4).ThefavorableChileantradewithBolivia,particularlyinthe1860sand1870s,wastheresultofthegrowthofthemarketintheminingcentersintheBolivianLittoralDepartment,andthedominationofthatmarketbyChile.
Chile'sexporteconomychangedinthe1880sand1890s,withacontinueddeclineintherelativeimportanceofexportsofagriculturalgoods,andalsoofChile'sregionaltradewithinSouthAmerica.In1875,SouthAmericancountriesabsorbed27percentofallregisteredChileanexportsbyvalue.Perualoneaccountedfor15percentofallexports.After1884thevolumeandvalueofChileanexportstoEuropegrew.In1889,SouthAmericaconsumedonly6percentofChileanexportsbyvalue.
27ChileantradewithBoliviaafter1879,theyearinwhichChileoccupiedLittoralDepartment,wasminimal.
TheconstructionoftherailroadthatconnectedAntofagastatotheBolivianaltiplanobetween1885and1892substantiallyreducedtransportationcostsbetweenthehighlandsandthePacificCoast,andopenedthesouthernBolivianmarkettolow-valuebulkgoodssuchaswheatflour.Higher-qualityChileanflourcouldbeproducedandmarketedinthesouthernBoliviancities,suchasOruroandPotosí,atalowerpricethanlocallyproducedflour.ThegreatestincreaseinthevalueofChileangoodsshippedthroughAntofagastaoccurredafter1889,theyearinwhichtherailroadreachedUyuniandthesilver-miningcenterofHuanchaca,andcontinuedtogrowinsubsequentyears.By1895,BoliviaimportedChileangoodsworth6,683,810
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ChileanpesosovertheAntofagastaline(seeTable3.5).TheAntofagasta-OrurolinecontinuedtobetheprincipalrouteforgoodsimportedintoBolivia.In1918,55percentbyweightofallgoodsshippedtoBoliviaweretransportedovertheAntofagastarailroad.28
Thecompletionofthefirstrailroadlinktothecoastresultedintheimportationintothealtiplanoofcheap,high-qualityflourthatdisplacedCochabambaflourfromsouthernBolivianurbanmarketslikeOruro.Inthe1890s,BoliviaimportedflourfromChile,Argentina,andPeru.29In1903,E.Goodwin,presidentoftheCaliforniaAssociationofIndustrialistsandProducers,reportedthatBoliviaimportedwheatflour,wine,andhidesfromChilethatcouldbeprofitablysuppliedbyCaliforniaproducers.ConsumersinLaPazDepartmentreportedlyconsumedsome
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Table3.4ChileanTradewithBoliviabyValue18441920,inChileanPesos
YearImportsfrom
BolivaIndex
(1859=100)ExportstoBoliva (1859=100)
1844 735,548 55 102,7271845 930,442 69 114,7751846 1,032,917 77 81,9051847 954,699 71 132,1681848 419,959 31 140,9361849 446,225 33 128,8771850 477,609 35 166,1271851 436,988 32 209,9021852 1,970 .2 148,0091853 223 .02 128,0921854 246 .02 200,6831855 51,715 4 166,2011856 25,810 2 210,8271857 283,879 21 287,5061858 207,655 15 429,3941859 1,349,151 100 523,9481860 1,679,987 125 673,8851861 1,026,982 76 488,9601862 1,211,743 90 450,2681863 102,659 8 300,3301864 192,641 14 359,6961865 8,447 .6 362,8411866 177,756 13 751,2691867 270,037 20 487,297
(tablecontinuedonnextpage)
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(tablecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
YearImportsfrom
BolivaIndex
(1859=100)ExportstoBoliva (1859=100)
1875 578,456 43 2,288,8751876 55,522 4 2,429,7011877 810,454 60 2,760,3621878 573,726 43 2,605,9201879 12,774 1 533,91618801881 73 .011882 26,201 21883 27 .0021884188518861887 4,883 .41888 1,000 .118891895 18 .001 2,0801900 138,026 10 862,2531905 59,933 4 1,176,1441907 147,975 11 2,649,3191908 131,557 10 1,805,8641909 333,449 25 1,811,1961910 260,452 19 6,152,1731920 2,932,440 217 12,296,855Source:ArchivoEstadistico(Sucre,Bolivia),February6,1874;SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChilevariousyears);AnuarioestadisticadelaRepublicadeChileAno1909(Santiago,1910);DanielMartner,politicacomercialchilenaehistoriaeconomicanacional(Santiago,1923),Pp.516,541,582,606,656.
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Table3.5BolivianImportsfromChileImportedbyWayofAntofagastabyValue,inChileanPesos
Year ImportsbyValue1884 287,4451885 291,4121886 345,9241887 402,6901888 395,5431889 888,6231890 853,7981891 1,700,2641892 2,512,3801893 3,056,1781894 3,256,2761895 6,683,810
Source:GerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,February19,1897,DUSCLP,NationalArchives,Washington,D.C.
50,000sacksofChileanflourperyear.
30After1903CaliforniaflourproducersincreasedthevolumeoftheirexportstoBolivia,principallybywayofLaPaz,ontherailroadsysteminsouthernPeruand,later,theArica-LaPazlinecompletedin1913.ThegrowingdependenceonimportedflourfurtherdestabilizedCochabambaagriculture.
PriceandotherdatafromCochabambaCityandOruroprovidefurtherinsightsintotheimpactofwheat-flourimportsandthepoliticsoffoodsupplytoBolivia'scities.Boliviancitiesincreasinglydependedonimportedflour,afactclearlyrecognizedbythegovernment.Attheendof1897,forexample,thegovernmentauthorizedfreightrateincreasesontheAntofagasta-Orurorailroad,butkeptlowerratesonimported
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wheatflour.31Cheap,higher-qualityChileanwheatflourtransportedovertherailroadundersoldCochabambaflourcarriedtothealtiplanobymules.ChileanflouralsosoldinCochabambaCity,probablyasaluxuryitemforthewealthy.InJuneof1900,anarroba(25lbs)ofChileanflourcostBs22.00inthelargeCochabambaCitymarket,whilethesameamountoflocallyproducedfloursoldforBs7.00lessatBs15.00.Inthepreviousyear,aquintal(100lbs)ofChileanflourcostBs12inLaPaz,whichwassubstantiallylowerthanthecostinLaPazofCochabambaflourwhenthehighcostoftransportationbymuleisfiguredin.32
After1900BoliviaimportedflourfromChile,theUnitedStates,Argentina,andseveralothercountriestosupplyaltiplanocities.33Califor-
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nia'sCentralValleybecameanimportantsupplierofflourtoBolivia.Inoneyear,1912,7,236tonsofflourwereshippedtoBoliviabywayofSanFrancisco.
34Inthefollowingyear,Boliviaimported16,438tonsofwheatflour,47percentbyvaluefromtheUnitedStates,32percentfromChile,and8percentfromArgentina.35
ThecompletionoftheOruro-Cochabambarailroadin1917linkedCochabambatoitsformermarkets,butitwasnolongerthedominantsupplierthatithadbeenpriortotheWarofthePacific.Cochabambafarmerssoldcorn,wheat,potatoes,andflourinOruro.36Cochabambaflourwasnowcheaperthanimportedflour,butitwasalsolowerinquality.In1920,aquintal(ahundredweight)ofBolivianflourcostBs13.00inOruro.ThesamequantityofChileanflourcostBs29.00andAmerican(California?)flourcostBs30.00.37FrombeingtheprimarysourceofflourpriortotheWarofthePacific,Cochabambaflourproducershadtocompetewithhigher-qualityimportedflourby1920.
CochabambaandtheNationalEconomyattheEndofWorldWar1
Priortothe1890s,Cochabambagrainandflourproducersandartisansparticipatedactivelyinthenationaleconomy,althoughmarketsbegantocontractduringthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcentury.Thegrowthoftheexportsector,however,modifiedthestructureofthenationaleconomybyconcentratingnationalwealthinthosepartsofthecountrydirectlylinkedtotheexportsector.Moreover,therapidincreaseinexportearningscreatedtheimpressionofprosperitythatgavetherulingoligarchylegitimacy,andfinancedthegrowingstatebureaucracy.Cochabamba,oneofthemostpopulousregionsinthecountry,participatedonlymarginallyintheapparentprosperityoftheexportboomsduringtheliberalperiod,especiallytheWorldWar1tin
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boom.ThissectiondiscussesCochabamba'spositioninthenationaleconomyattheendofWorldWar1.Theyears19141918sawarapidexpansionbothinimportsandexports,andpredatedashortlivedcornboomintheearly1920swhichrevivedCochabambaagriculturesomewhat.Theyear1918isaconvenientpointatwhichtoevaluatethestagnationoftheCochabambaeconomyanalyzedhereastheabilityofCochabambaresidentstopayforimportedgoods.InhabitantsofCochabambaDepartmentdirectlyimportedrelativelyverylittle,whichstandsinmarkedcontrasttothedynamicoftheCochabambaeconomyintheyearsfollowingindependence.
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JoséDalencedocumentedBolivianimportsandexportsbydepartmentin1846,andtherelativepositionofCochabambainthenationaleconomy(seeTable3.6).Becauseofthecontinuingstagnationofthenationaleconomyandthestatemonopolyoverthepurchaseofsilver,Boliviarananegativetradebalancepaidforbymintedsilver.In1846,thenegativetradebalanceandthustheflightofsilverfromtheinternaleconomystoodatBs1,660,617.60(Dalence'stradestatisticshavebeenconvertedfrompesostobolivianosinordertomaintainthecomparisonwithlaterdata).BoliviaimportedthelargestquantityofgoodsfromEuropeandPeru,andChileparticipatedintheBolivianeconomythroughthesaleoffoodstuffstotheAtacamaDesertterritory.MerchantsintheLaPazDepartmentimportedthelargestvolumeofgoodsbyvalue(42percent),althoughnonperishableimportsmayhavebeenredistributedtootherpartsofthecountry.CochabambaDepartmentrankedthirdinthevalueofimports(16.4percent),andpaidforimportswithearningsfromthesaleofagriculturalsurplusesandartisangoodstotheBolivianaltiplanoandtoalesserdegreetosouthernPeru.CochabambaDepartmentrananegativetradebalanceofBs295,352paidforwithmintedsilver.
Fourareas,LaPaz,Oruro,Potosí,andColoniasterritoryintheAmazonBasin,dominatedtheexportsectorattheendofWorldWar1,accountingfor97.3percentofallexportsbyvalue.OruroandPotosí,thetinproducingregions,contributed81.6percentofallexports,demonstratingtheoverwhelmingimportanceoftinmininginthetwentiethcentury(seeTable3.7).Cochabamba,whichcountedalmost20percentofthenationalpopulationaccordingtothe1900census,
38producedonly0.95percentofexports.Thesamefourdepartmentsconsumed92.6percentofallimportsbyvalue,andCochabambaamere1.98percent.Thesefigurescanbeplacedintocontextby
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comparingthegrowthinimportsatthenationallevelandtoCochabambaDepartment.ThevolumeofimportsintoBoliviabyvalueincreasednearlyseventeentimesbetween1846and1918,whereasimportsintoCochabambaDepartmentgrewonlytwo-fold.
CochabambaandtheBolivianAlcoholIndustry
ProspectsforCochabambafarmerstemporarilychangedin1917and1918,withthecompletionoftheOruro-Cochabambarailroad,whichloweredtransportationcostsbetweenCochabambaandthealtiplano,andtheabolitionin1918ofthestatealcoholmonopolyandtheerectionof
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Table3.6ImportsandExportsByDepartmentin1846,inBolivianos
Department Imports % Exports %Trade
Balance+/-LaPaz 873,896 42.0 295,290 70.7 -578,606Oruro 110,786 5.3 28,000 6.7 -82,786Cochabamba 341,112 16.4 45,760 11.0 -295,352Atacama-Littoral 97,633 4.7 37,600 9.0 -60,033Potosi 197,280 9.5 11,200 2.7 -186,080Chuquisaca 455,213 21.9Tupiza 2,547 .1Total 2,078,467 417,850 -1,660,617Source:JoseDalence,BosquejoestadisticodeBolivia(LaPaz,1975),Pp.272274.
atradebarriertoprotectnationallyproducedalcohol.Theeightyearsbetween1918and1925witnessedashort-termrevivalofCochabambaagriculture.ThissectionexaminestheimpactonCochabambaagricultureofthegrowthandcollapseofthenationalalcoholindustry,andtheresultingcrisisforCochabambafarmers.
Boliviangovernmentsafter1880hadtoreconcileideologicaltendencieswiththefiscalneedsofanexpandingstate.Inthelastthreedecadesofthenineteenthcentury,thesizeofthebureaucracygrewalongwiththeobligationsandeffectiveauthorityofthestate,andthegovernmenthadtolookfornewsourcesofrevenue.Onepolicywastoplacerelativelyheavytaxesontheinternaleconomytofinancethegovernment.Itiswithinthiscontextthatonecanexplainthecreationofestanco(statemonopoly)overthesaleofalcoholintheinternalmarket,whichstifledexistingalcoholproductioninthecountry.Theabolitionofthemonopolyin1918andtheerectionoftradebarrierstoprotectnationalalcoholstimulatedproductionthroughoutthecountry,andcontributedtoanupturninagricultureasCochabambafarmersproducedincreasingquantitiesofcornusedasabasematerialforalcohol.Thenational
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alcoholindustrycollapsedjustasrapidlyafter1925,largelyasaresultofgovernmentpolicythatabruptlyendedthecornboom.
ThegovernmentofMaríanoBaptista(18941898)createdthemonopolyasareactiontothecrisisinthesilver-miningindustryinthe1890s.Oneshort-termsolutiontodeclininggovernmentrevenueswastheorganizationofthealcoholmonopolywhichinthelastyearsofthedecadeprovidedbetween5percentand10percentofgovernmentrevenue.
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Table3.7BolivianImportsandExportsbyDepartmentin1918,inBolivianosDepartment Imports % Exports %LaPaz 13,439,554 38.4 18,831,686 10.3Oruro 8,489,112 24.3 31,820,421 17.4Potosi 9,743,235 27.8 117,259,600 64.2Colonias 747,946 2.1 9,863,532 5.4Beni 682,733 1.95 826,248 .45Cochabamba 692,158 1.98 1,739,744 .95SantaCruz 428,578 1.20 1,203,431 .66Tarija 474,973 1.40 686,503 .38Chuquisaca 301,598 .9 381,657 .21Total 34,999,887 182,612,851Source:AnuariogeograficoyestadisticodelaRepublicadeBolivia(LaPaz,1920),p.442.
Threefactorsinfluencedthechangeingovernmentalcoholpolicy.WorldWarIisolatedBoliviafromitsGermansourceofalcohol,andtheincreaseddemandintheworldmarketcausedbythewarforcedpricesupward.PeruvianproducerswhoreplacedtheGermanalcoholintheBolivianmarketattheonsetofthewarincreasinglysoldtheirproductintheEuropeanmarket.Therewasalsoastrongregionaloppositiontothealcoholmonopolybeforethewar,which,however,wasunabletomodifygovernmentpolicy.OneproposalcalledforthesaleofSantaCruzcanealcoholinthealtiplanomarket.
39Finally,ascandalin1917relatedtoreportedirregularitiesinthemanagementofthealcoholcontractbythemonopolyimportcompanyownedbytinbaronSimonPatinogavetheoppositionapotentargumentwithwhichtojustifytheabolitionofthemonopoly.Patinoillegallysold82,200cansofalcoholforBs2,055,000withoutpayingtaxes.40Thecombinationofthewar,differingregionalinterests,andthescandalin1917gavetheoppositionsufficientinitiativetooverturnthemonopoly.
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In1917,variousinterestgroupspresentedprojectsforthereformorabolitionofthealcoholmonopoly.PresidentIsmaelMontes(19131917)wantedtoextendthemonopolycontractforfourmoreyears,butCongressvetoedhisproposal.TheproponentsofinternalproductionforthenationalmarketproposedalawtoclosetheBolivianmarkettoimportsofforeignalcohol,buttheSenaterejectedtheproposalafterithadpassedintheChamberofDeputies.Thedifferentpartiesagreedonacompromise
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in1917,whichallowedthefreeimportationofalcoholwiththepaymentofaBs0.60taxperliter.
41
The1917proposalforaprotectednationalmarketforalcohollargelyfailedbecauseitfavoredSantaCruzsugar-canealcoholproducers,whocouldundersellalcoholproducersinLaPazandOruro,who,inturn,hadmoreinfluencewiththenationalgovernment.In1917,therewerealreadyanumberofsmallalcoholplantsinthecountrythatproducedsomefortythousandcansofalcoholfromeitheracaneorgrainbase;operationsinChuquisacausingagrainbase,sugarcaneinSantaCruz,grainsinOruro,andseveralinCochabambathatproducedalcoholeitherfromagrainorsugarbase.42
OnMarch23,1918,Congresspassedalaw''nationalizing"thealcoholmarket,or,inotherwords,prohibitingtheimportationofforeignalcoholorbasematerialsforalcoholproduction,particularlymolasses.43Thelawstimulatedarapidexpansioninalcoholproductionindifferentpartsofthecountry,andstiffcompetitiondevelopedamongthealcohol-producingregions.ThevolumeofalcoholproducedinBoliviaexpandedbetween1917and1925.In1919,forexample,nationalalcoholproductionstoodat1.03millionliters,and1.65millionlitersin1924(seeTable3.8).
Thealcoholindustrycreatedbylegislativefiatwasvulnerabletopolicychanges,asituationthegovernmenttookadvantageof.In1921,theworlddemandfortindeclined,andasaconsequence,governmentrevenuesdropped.Inthefirstsemesterof1920,exporttaxesgeneratedBs4.4millioninrevenue,butonly1.3millioninthefirstsemesterofthefollowingyear.44Thegovernmentrespondedtothefiscalcrisisbyincreasingtaxesontheinternaleconomy,andextortedmoneyfromalcoholproducers.TheBautistaSaavedra
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administration(19211925)proposedopeningthenationalmarkettoimportsofforeignalcoholagain,whichwouldhavedestroyedthenationalalcoholindustry.Theannouncementoftheproposedlawhadanimmediateimpactonnationalalcoholproduction.LaPazandOruroproducerssuspendedcornpurchases,which,inturn,affectedCochabambacornproducerswhodependedupongrowingsalestothealcoholindustry.45Thegovernment,however,offeredacompromise:thesuspensionofthelegislativeproposal,inreturnfora25percenttaxsurchargeonnationallyproducedalcohol,andanimmediatepaymentofBs600,000.ThealcoholproducershadnooptionbuttoacceptSaavedra'sproposal.46Differentadministrationsfavoredspecificregionalalcoholproducerinterests,andmodificationsintheexistingmonopoly.Attheendof1918,forexample,thegovernmentofMontes
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Table3.8BolivianAlcoholProductionin1919,1924,and1925,inLitersDepartment 1919 1924 1925LaPaz 177,836 819,064 N/AOruro 343,998 182,165 172,772Chuquisaca 52,946 23,169 N/ASantaCruz 331,290 275,138 435,036Cochabamba 124,952 291,630 N/ABeni&Colonias 54,756 N/ATarija 720 N/ATotal 1,031,022 1,646,642Source:ElRepublicano,May9,1921,November24,1925;ElComercioOctober30,1926.
protegeJoséGutiérrezGuerra(19171920)proposedanewlawthatwouldhaveallowedfortheimportationofPeruvianmolasses,whichwouldhavebenefitedLaPazalcoholproducers.Congressrejectedtheproposal.
47In1923,PresidentBautistaSaavedraproposedanotherlawtoprohibitthedistillationofgrainalcohol,whichfavoredtheinterestsofcane-alcoholproducersandwouldhaveunderminedCochabambaagriculturethatsuppliedlargequantitiesofcornforalcoholproduction.Congressalsorejectedthisproposal.48
Severalfactorscontributedtoacrisisinthenationalalcoholindustryinthe1920s.First,taxesforcedthesaleofBolivian-producedalcoholatartificiallyhighprices,whichreducedtheabilityofthenationalproducttocompetewithagrowingvolumeofPeruvianalcoholsmuggledintothecountrybywayofLakeTiticaca.Intheyears1924and1925,anestimated500,000to800,000litersofcontrabandalcoholandmolassesenteredBoliviaeachyear.ThePeruvianproductenjoyedasubstantialPriceadvantagevis-à-visthenationallyproducedalcohol.Thecanof
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PeruvianalcoholcostBs35andthenationallyproducedalcoholBs52.49
In1920,acanofnationallyproducedalcoholcostBs48.22inthealtiplano.WithataxofBs0.60perliter,theactualcostofthecanwasBs36.Underthe1922taxincrease,thegovernmentaddedBs0.15totheexistingtax.AtapriceofBs52percanin1925,theactualcostwasBs37andthetaxwasBs15.ThepricedifferencebetweenthePeruvianandBolivianalcoholwasBs2percan,whichwouldnotnecessarilyhavedamagedthealcoholindustry.ThecostoftransportationfromthefrontieraroundLakeTiticacamighthaveeliminated,toacertaindegree,the
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priceadvantagethatthePeruvianalcoholenjoyed.Withthetax,however,thepricedifferenceofBs17percanwasmorethansufficienttounderminetheprofitabilityofthenationalalcoholindustry.
50
ItisdifficulttoquantifythevolumeofthecontrabandalcoholtradebetweenPeruandBoliviainthe1920sbeyondtheroughestimatesmadebycontemporaryobservers.DataabstractedfromPeruvianstatisticalreportsplacesthecontrabandalcoholtradeinperspective.Between1912andtheearly1920s,PeruvianalcoholproductionexpandedinresponsetofavorablemarketconditionswiththedemandcreatedbyWorldWarI.Thecontinuedexpansionofproductionlevelsfollowingthecessationofhostilitiesmayhaveleftasurplus,whichPeruvianalcoholproducersdumpedontheBolivianmarket.Some9to14percentoftotalPeruvianalcoholproductionenteredBoliviain1924and1925,whichdemonstratestheimportanceoftheBolivianmarketforPeruvianproducers(seeTable3.9).
WithinBolivia,SantaCruzcane-alcoholproducersreportedlyenjoyedapriceadvantageinrelationtograin-basedalcohol,andcanealcoholalsothreatenedtodisplacegrainalcoholfromthealtiplanomarket.Moreover,SantaCruzproducersraisedproductionlevelsinthesameyearsthatcontrabandPeruvianalcoholbecameamajorproblem,whichcontributedtothesaturationofthemarket.51Finally,alcohol-consumptionlevelsdroppedwiththe1921depressioninthenationaleconomycausedbythedownturnintinmining,whichoccurredataboutthesametimethatPeruvianalcoholbegantoenterBolivia.NationalalcoholproducershadtocompeteamongthemselvesandwithcontrabandPeruvianalcoholforavariablemarket.
In1928,thegovernmentofHernandoSiles(19261930)organizeda
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congressofalcoholproducerstoanalyzetheproblemstheindustryfaced,andtodiscusspossiblesolutions.ThealcoholproducersrecognizedthatcontrabandPeruvianalcoholwasthefundamentalcauseofthecrisis,andurgedthegovernmenttoexercisetightercontroloverthefrontierwithPeru.52Thisproposal,however,wasintheshort-terminsufficienttorevivethenationalalcoholindustry.
AlcoholproductionwasanimportantactivityinCochabamba.Moreover,intheyearsfrom1918to1925Cochabambafarmerssoldlargequantitiesofcornandbarleyforalcoholandbeerproduction.TheCochabambaregionaleconomycametodependontheprotectedmarketforalcoholintheearly1920s,andthedisruptionofthemarketcausedadepressionintheagriculturaleconomyafter1925.
TherewereseveralsmallalcoholfactoriesoperatinginCochabambaattheendofthenineteenthcentury,ifnotearlier.The"FábricaNacional
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Table3.9PeruvianAlcoholProduction19121929,inLitersYear AlcoholProduction Index(1912=100)1912 4,433,702 1001913 3,620,601 821914 4,341,341 981915 4,479,971 1011916 4,213,782 951917 5,197,832 1171918 4,268,293 961919 6,389,367 1441920 8,310,331 1871921 8,291,059 1871922 6,089,280 1371923 5,094,554 1151924 3,856,099 871925 6,185,446 1401926 6,595,541 1491927 4,218,332 951928 3,991,048 901929 6,627,900 149Source:ExtractoestadisticadelPeru(Lima,1931).
deAlcoholesyAguardientes"operatedinClizaintheValleAltointhelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury.OneManuelSerranoownedanalcoholfactoryandturbineflourmillinCochabambaDepartmentatthebeginningofthepresentcentury.TherewerealsofactoriesinHaciendaChangolla(ArqueProvince),andSutimarca(CantónSipeSipe,ValleBajo).
53
In1917,fouralcoholfactoriesproducedatotaloffifteenthousandcans
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forlocalconsumption:Cliza,fivethousandcans;Quillacollo,intheValleBajo,fivethousandcans;Vinto,alsointheValleBajo,twothousandcans;andChangolla,threethousandcans.Moreover,Cochabambafarmerssoldtwothousandfanegasofcornandanothertwothousandfanegasofbarleytoalcoholfactories.Inthesameyear,amere1percentofallcornproducedinCochabambawasdestinedforalcohol,asagainst9percentforfood,and90percentforchicha(cornbeer)production.54
After1918Cochabambafarmerssoldgrains,principallycorn,usedinCochabambaandOruroalcoholproduction.55In1924,forexample,258,000quintales(hundredweights)ofCochabambacorn(some38percentofthecrop)and99,000quintalesofbarleywereusedinalcoholandbeerproduction,anestimatebasedupontheamountcollectedintaxes
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ontheseproducts.
56Inthepreviousyear,thecorncropinthedepartmenttotaledsome680,000quintales(seeTable3.10).However,theslowdowninthealcoholindustrywasalreadybeingfeltinCochabamba,withslightlymorethanaquarterofthe1923corncropreportedlyunsold.In1924,allbuttheQuillacolloplantsuspendedoperations.57
ThedropinpurchasesofCochabambacorncoincidedwiththecompletionin1925ofaraillinebetweenBoliviaandArgentina,whichlowedArgentinecornandwheatproducerstosellcheapgraininBolivia.OneobservercommentedonthebenefitsforurbanconsumersofincreasedtradewithArgentina,declaringthat
thisrailroadisgoingtolower[thecost]oflivingforBoliviansandwillgiveenormousreturnstotheArgentinians.Theexplicationisverysimple.Argentinaisgoingtointroduceitsanimals,itsflourandthoseforeignmanufacturedgoodswhicharriveviatheAtlanticatreducedprices.ThisisgoingtobenefitenormouslyallBolivians;betheyinthecities,orinthemines[.]58
CochabambacornproducersalsofacedcompetitionfromproducersfromotherpartsofBolivia,whowerelinkedtothealtiplanomarketforthefirsttimethroughthedevelopmentofinternaltransportation,bothroadsandrailroads.Inthelate1840s,forexample,cornproductioninChuquisacaandTarijadepartmentstotaledsome491,254fanegadas,or34.8percentofnationalproduction.59Cornproducersinthedifferentpartsofthecountrywerelimitedtolocalmarketsthroughoutthenineteenthcenturybecauseofhightransportationcostsandlimiteddemand.Improvementsininternaltransportationallowedproducersfromtheseareastoselltheircorninthealtiplanomarket,andforthefirsttimeprofitably.Inthemid-1920s,cornproducersfromCochabambaandotherregionsin
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southernBoliviadominateddifferentpartsofthealtiplanomarket:CochabambacornintheOruromarket;Chuquisaca,Cochabamba,andPotosícorninUyuni;andCotagaita,Cinti,Camargo,Tupiza,andTarijaproducedcorninAtocha.60CornproducersfromTupizaandLarecaja,regionswithlowerproductionandtransportationcosts,begantodisplaceCochabambacornintheOruromarket.61Moreover,Argentineancorn,whichenjoyedlowerfreightchargesontheBolivianrailroadsystemthandidCochabambacorn,enteredtheBolivianmarketinlargequantitiesafter1925.62
Withtheabundanceofcornintheinternalmarket,thepricebegantofallin1925.63Theincreaseinlevelsofcornproductionthroughoutthecountry,coupledwiththeimprovementofinternaltransportation,ledto
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Table3.10Useofthe1923CochabambaCornCropQuantityinQuintals Use
ValueinBolivianos Percentage
185,000 Alcohol 1,665,000 27.2300,000 Chicha 2,700,000 44.115,000 Food 135,000 2.2180,000 Unsold 1,620,000 26.5
Source:ElRepublicano,October2,1923.
overproductioninrelationtoexistingdemand.
64After1925thecheapestandnotthehighest-qualitycornhadtheadvantageinthemarket.CornfromsouthernBolivia,forexample,wasBs0.87perquintalcheaperinthealtiplanomarketthanthehigher-qualityCochabambacorn.65Asaconsequence,Cochabambafarmersencounteredconsiderabledifficultyinsellingcornafter1925.66Accordingtoonesource,Cochabambafarmerslostasmuchas50percentoftheirincomeafter1925.67
DebtCrisis
Thecollapseofcornpricesafter1925manifesteditself,inpart,inaconstrictionofcreditandadebtcrisischaracterizedbyanincreasednumberofforeclosuresandpublicsalesofbothagriculturalandurbanproperty.Cochabambafarmerscontracteddebtsinordertoexpandcornproductionafter1918.Between1922and1926,theamountofdebtasreflectedinthevalueofmortgagesgrewbyBs46,174,994(seeTable3.11).In1917,theprincipalmortgagebanksintheentirecountryhadloanssecuredbyrealpropertywithonlyavalueofBs17,755,593.68
Thedropincornpricesreportedlycausedadeflationinlandvalues,whichleftmanylarge-andsmall-scalefarmersinthesituationofhavingtopayloanobligationsandlandtaxesbasedonhigherpre-1925property
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values.69Furthermore,farmershadtoamortizetheirloanswithreducedincome.70Accordingtoonesource,at
least80percent[ofCochabambafarmers],are[burdened]bybankobligationsfromwhichtheycannotget[outfromunder]becauseofthecurrentstateof[theeconomy]whichseemstohavegonetotheextremeofthedepreciationofthevalueofthesameproperties.71
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Table3.11MortgagesandDebtCancelationsinCochabamba,1922-Year MortgagesinBs CancelationsinBS1922 16,339,840 2,054,5081923 14,419,295 4,159,2251924 9,685,651 2,496,2961925 6,687,270 1,146,4891926 11,316,658 2,520,172Total 58,848,714 12,676,720Source:ArturoTaborgaandJesusLozada,TrabajospresentadosalaMisionKemmererporlosasesoresdeCochabamba(Cochabamba,1927).
Thevolumeofdebtsalesincreasedafter1925,buttheincreasednumberofdebtsalesalsoputdownwardpressureonlandvalues.Thepublicsaleofallforeclosedpropertieswouldhavecreatedaglutinthelandmarket,which,inturn,wouldhaveforcedlandvaluesevenlower.Thosepropertiesforeclosedandactuallysoldatauction,wentforpriceslowerthanthevalueassignedbythecadastralsurvey.Insomeinstances,landsworthBs50,000soldforaslittleasBs5,000toBs10,000.
72ThenewspaperadvertisementthatannouncedthepublicsaleofHaciendaLacma,locatedinCantónItocta(CercadoProvince),notedthat"thepriceforsaidproperties[Lacmaandotherlands]arelowerthanthejudicial[valuebecause]ofthecrisisthroughwhichthecountryispassing,[and]beingsoridiculous[lylow]thatthepurchaseofthesepropertiesconstitutesatruebargain."73
In1927,thebanksholdingoutstandingmortgagesinitiatedacollectiveactionagainstdebtors,buthadtosuspendtheiroperationinthefollowingyearbecauseofthelowreturnsrealizedinthepublicsales.74Variousgroupsproposedsolutionstothedebtproblem.One,whichwouldhavefavoreddebtors,wasacompletereformofbankinglawsin
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ordertoprovidemoreprotectiontodebtors.75Asecondproposalwastolowerinterestrates,whichwouldhavealloweddebtorstoservicetheirdebtswithoutlosingtheirproperties;overthelongrun,thiswouldhaveenabledbankstorecuperatetheircapital.76Thislastproposalnotonlydependedonthewillingnessofthebankerstostringoutthedebtobligationofthelandowner,butitalsopresumedasufficientlystrongfinancialhealthofthebankstohavepermittedanextensionofloanpaymentswithoutthreateningtheverysurvivalofthefinancialinstitution.Theperiodfrom1925to1929wasequallydifficultforthebanksthatalsofacedinsolvency,
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especiallywiththeobligationofpayinginterestandprincipalontheletrashipotecarias(interest-bearingbonds)incirculation.Thisexplains,inpart,theintoleranceofbankstowarddebtors.
77Thepost-1918cornboomcreatedaspeculativeatmosphereinCochabambaforbothfarmerswhoexpandedproductionlevelsandbanksthatwillinglylentmoneyonthebasisofincreasinglandvalues.Inthesqueezeofthepost-1925crisis,thefarmerultimatelylostout.In1929,thebanksinitiatedanewseriesofforeclosuresandpublicsales.
TaxProtestsandProposalsForEconomicRecovery
ThecrisisinCochabambaagricultureinthelate1920swasmetwithresponsesthatrangedfromtaxproteststodetailedproposalstorevivethefarmingeconomy.Thissectionoutlinestheseresponses.
OneaspectofthecrisisinCochabambadiscussedbycontemporaryobserverswastheovervaluationofagriculturalland,andtheimpositionofhigherland-taxratesinconformitywiththepreparationofanewcadastralsurveyin1924thatreflectedpre-crisislandvalues.Theimpositionofhighertaxesinthemidstofarecessionprovokedadebateinthelocalnewspapers,andoneprominentpoliticiantookupthecauseoffarmersinClizaProvince,intheValleAlto.PropertyownersinClizacomplainedaboutthenewtaxratesthroughSenatorDamiánRejasandthe"JuntaAgricoladeToco,"onedistrictinClizaProvince.RejasandtheleadersoftheTocofarmersassociationclaimedthattherehadbeenirregularitiesintheappraisaloflandvaluesintheprovince,asevidencedbyinconsistenciesinthecadastralvalueandtaxratesassigned,andwhatappearedtohavebeenpartialityonthepartofthecommitteethatover-sawthepreparationofthecadastralsurveyandtaxassessments.Rejascomparedthe
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cadastralvalueassignedtoneighboringpropertiesandlandslocatedindifferentpartsoftheprovince.Forexample,RejascomparedlandvaluesintheareaaroundTocoinoneofthemoreproductivedistrictsintheValleAlto,withSiches,asmallmountainvalleyalsolocatedinCantónToco.78Accordingtoanothercritiqueofthecommission'sworkinthepreparationofthecadastralsurvey,propertyowners
havebroughtpresentsoffoodtothecommission,thevalueofwhichhasbeendiscountedfromthenewexaggeratedtax,which,althoughithadnotbeenexactlyagreedupon,constitutesaridiculousbribe.79
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TheprotestbyClizafarmerswasinvain.Withfiscaldifficulties,thegovernmentwasnotinclinedtolowertaxes.Resistancetothenewtaxratesrepresented,inpart,anaturalreluctanceonthepartoflandowners,especiallysmallholders,topaytaxes,ashadoccurredin1915atthetimeofthepreparationofanewcadastralsurveyforQuillacolloProvince.Theimpositionofhighertaxesin1915alsoprovokedastormofprotest.
80Thesituationinthemid-1920s,however,wasexacerbatedbythecollapseofcornpricesandtheinabilityofmanylandownerstomeetdebtandtaxobligations.TheresistancetothelandtaxinClizarepresentedareactiontotheunfavorableeconomicandecologicalconditionsthataffectedsmallholdersandlarge-scaleproducersalike.
Economistsandpoliticianssoughtwaystoreactivatetheagriculturaleconomy.In1926,CochabambafarmerssentacommissiontoLaPaztodiscusswithgovernmentofficialspossiblesolutionstothefarmingcrisis.ThedelegationstressedtheneedtolowerfreightratesbetweenCochabambaandOruro,whichwerehigherperunitofweightperkilometerthanfreightratesonthelineswithinthealtiplanoandthelinesthatconnectedthealtiplanowiththecoastandArgentina.Thecomplaintaboutfreightratesdidnottakeintoaccountthefactthattherailcompaniessetfreightrates,inconjunctionwiththegovernment,atlevelsthatwouldgiveareasonablereturnonthecapitalinvested,aswellasthefactthatconstructioncostsvariedonthedifferentlinesbecauseofgeography.Asprojectedin1906,thecostofconstructionperkilometerontheCochabamba-OrurolinewasamongthehighestintheBoliviansystem.81Itwasalsointheinterestofthegovernmenttosupplycheapfoodstuffstotheurbancenters,andthelowerfreightratesforArgentineangraincanbeunderstoodasameasureforstimulatingimportsofcheapcorn.Furthermore,thecommission
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proposedamodificationofthetaxstructureoncornandcornby-productssuchaschicha,andtheplacementofcontrolsonlevelsofalcoholproductioninthecountryinordertosolvetheproblemofoverproductionandcompetitionbetweenthedifferentalcohol-producingregions.CochabambafarmersidentifiedthestagnationinthealcoholindustryasamajorcauseofthecrisisinCochabambaagriculture.PresidentHernandoSilesofferedlittlemorethanadvicetothemembersofthedelegation.HestressedthatCochabambafarmersneededtodiversifyandconcentrateontheproductionofbreadandmeat.82
TheeconomistCastoRojas,aCochabambanativeandformerfinanceministerduringLiberal-partyruleinBolivia(19001920),whowasaleadingfigureintheformulationofgovernmenteconomicpolicyintheearlytwentiethcentury,proposedanumberofmeasurestoreactivatethe
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economy:(1)modificationofthetaxesoncorn;(2)suspensionofthetaxratessetbythe1924cadastralsurvey;(3)adropinfreightratesbetweenCochabambaandOruro;and(4)thecreationofanewgovernmentmonopolyonalcoholproductioninordertoimposetighterproductioncontrolstoreducetheamountofcompetitionbetweenthedifferentalcohol-producingregionsinthecountry.
83Anotherprojectpublishedinalocalnewspaperin1926includedfivebasicpoints:(1)suspensionofnewlandtaxrates;(2)modificationofexistingtaxesonmuku(thebasematerialforchicha)or(3)theeliminationoftaxesoncornandmuku;(4)anincreaseinthetaxrateimposedonimportedcorn;and(5)creationofagovernmentmonopolyonalcoholinordertocontrolproductionlevels.84Finally,SenatorDamiánRejaspresentedthefollowingprojectin1929:(1)creationofanagriculturalbankthatwouldchargeaninterestrateof4percentperyear;(2)suppressionofthelandtaxandtaxesimposedonagriculturalproduction;(3)astrictapplicationoflawsdesignedtocontrolactsofsabotageonhaciendas;(4)theorganizationofaprogramtosellseedatcost;and(5)thedevelopmentofprojectsdesignedtoimprovelevelsoftechnologyinagriculture,andtoinvestintheimprovementsininternaltransportationandcommunicationsinfrastructure.85Inordertofinancetheagriculturalbank,RejasproposedlegislationauthorizinganeffectivecapitalofBs6,000,000andpermissiontoissueBs21,000,000inbanknotes.86
Oftheproposedmeasuresoutlinedabove,thegovernmentonlyenactedtheconsolidationofthetaxesoncornandaloweringofrailroadfreightrates.Thegovernmentcreatedasingletaxonallcornproducts,theimpuestoúnico.Anotherproposal,aplantodevelopanationalflour-millingindustry,foundsupportfromthegovernmentin1929,butitdidnotstimulateCochabambaagriculturebycreatingan
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increaseddemandforwheat.
Withthecrisisofthelate1920s,Cochabambafarmersbeganlookingforalternativecrops.Anincreaseinwheatproductionheldtheprospectofbailingoutdebt-riddenfarmers.Thefirstmeasureofwhatcanbecalled"thewheatproject"wasa1927proposalforatariffonimportsofforeignwheatandwheatflour,whichthebackersoftheproposalhopedwouldstimulatewheatproductioninBolivia.87TheproponentsoftheprotectivetariffsuggestedarateofBs0.45perkiloofwheatandwheatflour,andstressedthatnationalwheatproductionandanationalflour-millingindustrycouldsupplyinternaldemand.Furthermore,thesupportersoftheplanarguedthataprotectivetariffwouldnotcontributetoashortageofbreadoranincreaseinbreadpricesintheurbanandminingcenters,
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whichwasalwaysamajorgovernmentconcern.
88However,theinfluentialLaPazChamberofCommercelobbiedagainsttheproposal,andthegovernmentadoptedatariffofonlyBs0.07perkilo.Thenewtariffdidnotservetostimulatenationalagriculture,butwasmerelyanothersourceofgovernmentrevenue.89
PoliticianswhorepresentedCochabambafarmersproposedanewprojectin1928,thecreationofanationalflour-millingindustrythatwouldbesuppliedbynationallyproducedwheat.LegislationintroducedinCongressinsupportoftheproposalcontainedthefollowingprovisions:(1)establishmentofamonopolycompanyinBoliviatoproducewheatflour;(2)freeimportationofmachinery,lubricants,cottonbags,andothermaterialstobeusedintheconstruction,operation,andmaintenanceoftheprojectedmills;(3)theconstructionofthreemodernlarge-capacitymills,onetobelocatedinLaPaz,asecondinCochabamba,andthethirdinthesouthernpartofthecountry;(4)specialfreightratesonthenationalrailroadsystemformaterialsimportedforthemillingindustry,andthetransportationofflourwithinthecountry;(5)andaprotectivetariffonimportedwheatflour,coupledwithaten-yeartaxexemptionforthenewmillingindustry.90
Theplanwasthesubjectofconsiderabledebatein1928and1929.TheinfluentialLaPazChamberofCommercepointedoutthecontradictionsthatexistedintheproposedlegislation,theprotectionofferedtothemillingindustryandthelackofsimilarprotectionforlocalwheatproducers.91Othercriticsarguedthatonlythegovernmentwouldbenefitfromtheimplementationoftheprojectthroughincreasedtaxrevenues,andthatthesmallmerchantwouldbeunabletosellflourproducedbythemonopolycompany,thusdeprivingthisimportanturbangroupofparticipationinamajorpart
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oftheurbanretailtrade.92Finally,othersarguedthatthenationalmillingindustrywouldnotstimulatenationalagriculture.TheEuropean-designedmillingequipmentthatwastobeimportedhadahighermillingcapacitydesignedforfinerandmoreuniformwheatkernelsthanthoseproducedinBolivia.Capital,whichwasunavailabletomostfarmersinthemidstoftheeconomiccrisis,wouldbenecessarytoexpandproductionlevelsinthecountryandintroducenewwheatvarieties.Evenwithaprotectivetariff,themonopolycompanywouldhavehadtopaybelowmarketpricesforwheatinordertorealizeaprofit,whichwouldhaveprovedtobeadisincentivetotheexpansionandimprovementofwheatproduction.Themillingindustrywouldhavetobeestablishedwithoutasecuresourceoftheprimarymaterial,andmostlikelyitwouldhavedependedonimportsofforeignwheat.93According
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tooneestimate,Bolivianwheatproducerswouldhavetoincreaseproductionlevelsbynearly240,000quintalesinfiveyearsinordertomeetthedemandcreatedbythenewindustry.
94
Theauthorsoftheprojectalsodidnottakeintoaccounttheimpactthelegislationwouldhaveonexistingmills.Accordingtoa1928report,therewere323primitiveand3modernmillsinCochabambaDepartment.The3modernmillswerelocatedinCapinota,ontheprincipalroutetothealtiplano;inQuillacollo,intheValleBajo;andintheSacabaValley.95ThemilllocatedinSacaba,forexample,wasrelativelynew,havingbeencompletedin1910withasubstantialcapitalinvestmentofBs120,000.96
Theprojectmetwithvaryingdegreesofsuccessin1928and1929,asitmovedthroughCongress.TheChamberofDeputiesrejectedoutrightoneproposalmadein1928,byagroupofBoliviancapitalists,todevelopthenationalmillingindustryunderthetermslaidoutinproposedlegislation.97Inthesameyear,theChamberapprovedtheproject,buttheSenatetooknoaction.AspecialsessionofCongress,calledattheendof1928todealwithadeepeningeconomiccrisisinthecountry,failedtotakeactionontheproposal.98TheLaPazChamberofCommercetookitsownactionbyconsultingwiththeArgentineanfirm''SociedadAnonimadeMolinosyElevadoresdeGranos"aboutthebuildingofmodernmills.99In1929,PresidentHernandoSilesdecreedthecreationofthenationalmillingindustryonthebasisofthelegislationpresentedbeforeCongressinthepreviousyear,andpermittedtheimportationofthemillingmachineryinthesameyear.100
Theprojecttocreateanationalmillingindustrygenerateddebatethatpittedregionalinterestsagainsteachother.Inordertoprotectand
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stimulatewheatproductioninBolivia,itwasnecessarytoplaceahighprotectivetariff,whichwouldhavecontributedtoanincreaseinbreadpricesintheurbancenters.Accordingtoonesource,atariffofBs16per100kilosofwheatflourwasnecessarytopromotenationalproduction,which,inturn,wouldhaveraisedthepriceofaquintalbyBs4toBs26inLaPazandBs28inCochabamba.101Pricesattheselevelswouldhaveallowednationallyproducedflourtocompete,butmighthaveproducedsocialconflictsimilartothe1910riotinCochabambaCity.Fromthepointofviewofthegovernment,itwasmoreimportanttomaintainsocialcontrolintheurbancenters,theseatofeffectivepoliticalpower.
Beginningin1930,importsofwheatforthenewmillsgrew,anditwasonlyinthe1940sthatthenationalgovernmentinitiatedprogramstoexpandandimprovenationalwheatproduction.Between1930and1949,Boliviaimported641,499metrictonsofwheatand405,488metric
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tonsofwheatflour,andthemillingindustrypurchasedamere88,688metrictonsofBolivianwheat.
102In1939,thenewmillsbuiltinCochabambaproducedwheatflourwithwheatimportedfromCalifornia.103
Thewheatprojectofthelate1920sdidnoteliminateBolivia'sdependenceonfoodimports,butmerelyshiftedtheweightofimportationtoanotherproduct,unmilledwheat.ThewheatproblempersiststodaywiththegrowthofimportsanddonationsofwheatandwheatflourtoBoliviaintheyearsfollowingthe1953agrarianreform.In1982,wheatimportsreached234,000metrictons.104Theexport-importeconomicmodeldevelopedinBoliviafollowingtheWarofthePacificcontinuesunalteredtoday.A1926reportrelatedthatbetween1920and1924BoliviaimportedgoodsworthBs69,090,859alsoproducedinBolivia,105astatementthatisequallyvalidtoday.
Conclusions
ThegoalsofCochabambafarmersconflictedwiththeobjectivesofthemodernizingliberalstate.Thenationalgovernmentplacedemphasisonthedevelopmentoftheexportsector,andgenerallypromotedpoliciesthatfavoredexports.Fromthelatenineteenthcentury,whenthesilverminingindustryenteredacrisiswiththefallintheworldpriceforsilver,thestatesupportedapolicyofimportingcheapfoodstuffs,whichcontributedtoaloweringofproductioncostsintheminingindustrybyallowingforthepaymentoflowersalariestoworkers.Thispolicy,however,wasprejudicialtonationalagriculture.Atthesametime,anambitiousprogramofrailroadandroadconstructionfosteredinternalintegration,whichfurtherdamagedCochabambaagriculture.ImprovedcommunicationsallowedforthemovementofcheapfoodstuffsfromArgentina,Chile,andtheUnited
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States,andregionswithinBoliviathatcouldproducecheapercornandothergrains.GeographiclocationhadpreviouslyfavoredCochabambawithintheprotectedcolonialperiodinterregionalandnationalmarkets,butwiththeimprovementofcommunicationsandtheloweringoftransportationcostsCochabambaproducerslosttheirfavoredposition.Thenationalgovernment,morecloselyalliedwithminingandcommercialinterestsbasedinLaPazandSucre,offeredfewconcreteproposalstoresolvetheproblemsfacedbyCochabambafarmers,whichlargelyoriginatedfromthesamegovernmentaleconomicpolicies.Finally,taxpoliciesdidnotfavorCochabambaagriculture,andcrippledoneofthemostdynamicsectorsoftheinternal
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economywhenrevenuesfromtheexportsectordeclinedasaresultofchangesininternationaldemand.
ThehistoryofthenationalalcoholindustryclearlydemonstratesthatBolivianpoliticianswerewillingtosacrificetheinterestsofproducerslinkedtotheinternaleconomyinordertofinancetheexpandinggovernmentbureaucracy.GovernmentmanipulationdirectlycontributedtothestagnationofthenationalalcoholindustryandCochabambaagricultureinthe1920s,whichsetintomotionaseconddebtproblemsimilartothecrisisofthe1890s,characterizedbyagrowingnumberofforeclosuresandlandsales.ConditionsinCochabambaparalleledthefarmcrisisintheUnitedStatesinthe1980s,buttherewasonemajordifference.Cochabambafarmerscouldnotcountongovernmentpricesupportsandloanstogetthemthroughperiodsofdifficulty,andmanylandownerslostapartoforalloftheirlands.DespitethediscussionofideastohelpCochabambafarmers,thegovernmentdidlittle.
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HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaChimbalocatedinthesuburbsofCochabambaCity
AgriculturallandsintheValleBajo,formerHaciendaPairumani
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HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaViloma,ValleBajo
RuinedhaciendahouseintheValleAlto,CantonSanBenito
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AraniTown(ValleAlto)onmarketday
AgriculturallandsatKekomainCantonToco,marginsoftheValleAlto
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RuinsofHaciendahouseatKekomadestroyedfollowingthe1952Revolution
HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)
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HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(FormerlyParedón)
HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)
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RuinsofHaciendahouseofformerHaciendaSacabambadestroyedfol-lowingthe1952Revolution,CantónAnzaldo(Paredón)
AgriculturallandsofformerHaciendaSacabamba,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)
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AgriculturallandsatSanFrancisco,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)
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AgriculturallandsintheArqueHighlands
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ApeasantcommunityintheArqueHighlands
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ChurchofSantaClaraBuiltinCochabambaCitybetween1912and1917
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PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaSumunpaya,1875
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PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaQueruQueru
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4ThePartitionoftheHaciendaandLand-TenureChangesinCochabambaDepartmentIndescribingBoliviainthemid-1840s,JoséDalencereportedthatagriculturallandwasdividedbetween6,133privatelyownedhaciendas,whichbelongedto5,135headsofhousehold,and4,204corporateindigenouscommunities,whichweredividedintosome106,132individualsubsistenceplots.Ruralsocietywasdominatedbyasmallhacienda-owningelite.Themajorityofpeasantsnotlivinginthecorporateindigenouscommunitieswereservicetenants.Aclassofarrendadores,individualswithmoneytoinvestinagriculture,butwhowereunabletobreakintotheranksofthelandedelite,wasathirdimportantgroup.
1Withinacentury,thesocietyofthecentral-valleydistrictshadbeenradicallytransformedwiththegrowthofalargeclassofpiqueros,smallpeasantlandowners.ThehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentalsoexperiencedchange,althoughnottothesamedegreeasinthecentralvalleys.
Theliquidationofthecorporateindigenouscommunity,discussedinchapter2,contributedtochangeinCochabamba'sruralsociety.Thepartitionofthecolonialhaciendaandthetransformationofthehacienda-owningclasswerealsoimportant.Thischapteroutlines,inageneralway,therapidgrowthofthenumberofpropertiesinCochabambaDepartment;thecausesofthedeclineofthehacienda,especiallyinthecentral-valleydistricts;andthemetamorphosisofhaciendalaborandruralsocialrelations.
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TheSubdivisionofAgriculturalLandinCochabamba
Betweenthe1840sandthe1940s,thenumberofruralpropertiesinCochabambaDepartmentgrew.Changeinthestructureoflandtenure,however,variedbetweenvalleyandhighlandjurisdictions.Thenumberofprivatepropertiesincreasedfrom1,045inthemid-1840s,to44,875
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around1912,and68,250about1945(seeTable4.1).Usingthesefigures,itcanbeestimatedthatthenumberofseparatepropertiesincreasedbysome654propertiesperyearfromthe1840sto1912,and708propertiesperyearfrom1912to1945.Inseveralprovinces,thenumberofagriculturalpropertiesactuallydeclinedbetween1912and1945,resultingfromthereclassificationofruralpropertiesasurbanpropertiesandtheconsolidationoflandintoasmallernumberoflatifundios.InTapacari,Arque,andAyopayaprovinces,forexample,thedropinthenumberofpropertiesrepresentedtheconsolidationoflandand,toalesserextent,thereclassificationofruralasurbanproperties.TherapidgrowthofCochabambaCityledtothereclassificationoflandinCercadoProvincefromruraltourbanuses.
AnumberofcontemporaryobserversdescribedtheparcelizationofagriculturallandinCochabamba,andparticularlyinthecentral-valleydistricts.Writingin1931,lawyerandlandownerOctavioSalamanca,brotherofpresidentDanielSalamanca,reported:
Inthissameperiod[19001930]propertyhasbeensosubdividedthat,withoutdoubt,[Cochabamba]hasleftFrancebehind.Theancienthaciendadoesnotexistnow:theyhavebeendivided[retaceada]andareinthehands[nowof]landowners....Thissubdivisioncontinuestoincrease;inthevalleys[where]hardlyanyhaciendasexist,all[land]isinthehandsofIndiansandcholos[.]
2
Ina1923report,theprefectofCochabambaDepartmentwrote:
ItisknownthatinnootherplaceisruralpropertyasgreatlysubdividedasinCochabamba,whichconstitutesanadvantageforthegeneralstateoftheeconomyofthiscountryinwhichnogreatcapitalistsexistnorpoor,stimulatingpersonaleffortinordertoobtainagreaterreturnfromtheland;
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butwhichalsoconstitutesnolittleinconveniencefortheadaptationofmodernscientific[techniques]ofagriculturalcultivation,whichrequiresmachineryandthecarefulselectionofseed,acquisitionsbeyondthereachofsmalllandowners,whichexplainstheincipientstateofagricultureinCochabamba.3
TheprefectinhisreporttoucheduponwhatmayhavebeenabasicflawintheCochabambaeconomy,oratleastasitwasperceivedbybureaucratsrepresentingagovernmentwithanurbanorientationandaconcernforthesupplyofcheapfoodstuffstothecities:thelowproductivityof
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Table4.1ThenumberofPropertiesinCochabambaDepartmentbyProvinceinSelectedYearsProvince c.1848 c.1882 1894 1897 c.1912 1924 c.1945Cercado 1766 2549 3249 1452Punata 2240 2831 6587 16763Arani 972 1091 2081 5517Cliza 1253 4594 7114 7487Mizque 320 522 925 937Campero 276 381 559 739Totora 565 757 1178 1455Ayopaya 446 540 654 616Tapacari 231 952 289Quillacollo 2514 10845 14894Capinota 668 1662 1803 4168Arque 253 416 460 297Tarata 2621 7091 7316Chapare 3258 4597 6320Total 1045 44875 68250Source:JoseDalence,BosquejoestadisticodeBolivia(LaPaz,1975),p.241;FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),passim;HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblacion18441939(Lima,1978),passim;ElHeraldo,October25,1907;ZenonCossio,InformedelPrefectoYComandanteGeneral(Cochabamba,1917);ElComercio,July21,1926;RafaelPeredoAntezana,ProvinciadeQuillacolloensayomonografico(Cochabamba,1963),p.183;RafaelReyeros,Elpongeuajelaservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.9.
theland,andtheinabilityofsmallholderstoincreaseproductivity.ThemechanizationofCochabambaagricultureonlybeganinthe1940s.
4
CochabambawasoneoftworegionsinBoliviathathadalargeclassof
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smallholderspriortothe1953agrarianreform,andtheCochabambahaciendatendedtobesmallerthanthegreatlatifundiothatdominatedmuchoftherestofthecountry.InTarija,forexample,therewasonehaciendawithanareaof625,000hectares,althoughthelandinthislatifundiocertainlywasnotofthesamequalityasCochabambaValleyhaciendas.OfthepropertiesinCercadoProvince,OruroDepartmentinthealtiplano,sixty-seven(83percent)hadanareagreaterthan1,000hectares.InBolivia,intheyearsimmediatelypriortothe1953agrarianreform,onlySantaCruzDepartmentintheeasternlowlandsappearstohavehadaclassofindependentsmallholderssimilartothatinCochabamba.5
Therapidgrowthinthelandmarketinthecentral-valleydistrictsenabledlandlesspeasantsandotherstobegintoacquireland.Thefollowingsectiondescribestheregionallandmarket.
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AnumberofscholarshavediscussedthegrowthofalandmarketinCochabamba.JosephDorsey,aresearcheraffiliatedwiththeUniversityofWisconsinLandTenureCenter,arguedthatsmallerhaciendasincreasinglybecameunprofitableduringthecourseofthenineteenthcentury,andwerebrokenup.Atthesametime,DorseydocumentedthecaseofonehaciendathatexpandedandreportedlyabsorbednearbyIndianlandsfollowingthepassageofthelawofvinculación(1874).
6InastudyoftheValleBajo,Dorseynotedthathaciendasonlybegantodisintegrateinthe1920s,andthatsalesofsmallparcelsprovidedahigherincomethandidagriculture.Moreover,amarketinsmallparcelsdevelopedinthe1920sasafunctionoftheabilityofpeasantstosellsurplusproduceinthemarketandthusaccumulatecapitaltopurchaseland.7Theevidenceshowsthatthevolumeoflandsales,especiallysmallparcels,grewafterabout1860inthecentralvalleys.Threerepresentativesamplesoflandsales,takenfromtheextantQuillacolloandCochabambaCitynotarialprotocols8fortheyears1860to1869,duringtheadministrationofMarianoMelgarejo;for1876to1885,immediatelyfollowingthepassageofthelawofvinculación;andfor1890to1899,theperiodofcrisisintheregionaleconomydocumenttheincreaseinsalesintheValleBajo.
ThevolumeofsalesincreasedintheValleBajointhelastfourdecadesofthenineteenthcentury.ThefirstsamplecoincideswithMarianoMelgarejo'sattempttoliquidatetheIndiancommunity.Therewasaconsiderablemovementofsmallparcelsduringthedecade.Thesamplecontainsatotalof1,013sales,oranaverageof101salesperyear:414(40.9percent)withanareaoflessthanonehectare,and811(80.1percent)withavalueoflessthanBs500(salepriceshavebeenconvertedfrompesostoBolivianosinordertomaintainuniformity
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overtime).Thecategoryofpropertieswithanextensionofonehectareand/oravalueoflessthanBs500mostcloselycorrespondstothecategoryoflandsgenerallypurchasedbypeasants.
Thedecadeofthe1870ssawtheinitiationofpoliciesthatacceleratedthegrowthofthelandmarket:thefree-tradepolicyandthepassageofthelawofvinculación,whichledtothesaleofIndianlands.Anearlierpublishedstudyanalyzedasampleof190salesfromtheValleBajointhethreeyearspriortothepassageofthelawofvinculación,18721874.Thesamplecontainedthesaleof128parcels(67percent)withanareaoflessthanonehectare,and177(93percent)parcelswithavalueoflessthan500pesos.9Thepatternofthesaleofsmallparcelsacceleratedin
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theyears18761885.Thesamplecontains1,622sales,anaverageof162peryear:908(56percent)parcelssoldwithanareaoflessthanonehectare,and1,259(77.6percent)withavalueoflessthanBs500.
Thefinalsampleperiodof18901899evidencesasubstantialgrowthinthevolumeofthesaleofsmallparcels,causedbythesaleandresaleofIndianlands;thecrisisintheregionaleconomy,whichcontributedtoinstabilityinhaciendatenure,andthesystematicsubdivisionofhaciendalands.Thesampletotals3,156sales,anaverageof316transactionsperyear:2,004(63.5percent)parcelswithanareaoflessthanonehectare,and2,310(73.2percent)withavalueoflessthanBs500.
Amarketinsmallparcelsalreadyexistedinthe1860s,intheValleBajoandinothercentral-valleydistricts,anditgrewinvolumeduringthecourseofthelatenineteenthcentury.SamplesoflandsalesfromtheSacabaValleyinthesameyears(18601869,18761885,and18901899)contained336,501,625transactions,respectively,includingmanysalesofsmallparcelsofformerhaciendaland.Theexpansioninthelandmarket,however,wasgreatestintheValleBajo,anareathatexperiencedarapidgrowthinthenumberofproperties,withthesaleofIndianlandsandthesystematicpartitionandsaleofhaciendalands.Inthe1890s,forexample,Dr.ConstantinoMoralessystematicallysoldsmallparcelsoflandfromHaciendaSantoDomingo,locatedinthesuburbsofQuillacolloCity,asbothhouselotsandagriculturalland.
10TherewerefewersalesintheSacabaValley,anareadominatedbyhaciendasattheendofthecolonialperiod.ThepatternofthedevelopmentofthelandmarketintheSacabaValley,adistrictwherecorporatecommunitiesdidnotexist,clearlyshowsthatthesaleofcommunitylandsalonedidnotcreateamarketinsmallparcelsofland.
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Thelandmarketcontinuedtogrowduringthefirstdecadeofthetwentiethcentury.Salesofruralandurbanproperties(withthevastmajoritybeingsalesofruralland)reportedbythedirectorofthelandregistry(registrodederechosreales)fortheyears19121915totaled19,462,anaverageof4,866peryear,withatotalvalueofBs27,742,698,oranaverageofBs1,426pertransaction.11Intheyears19241927,thenumberofsaleswaslower,withatotalof13,602salesreported:anaverageof3,400peryear,withavalueofBs26,825,029,oranaverageofBs1,972pertransaction.12
BoththevolumeandvalueofsalesinCochabambaDepartmentincreased.In1886,forexample,thedirectorofthelandregistryreportedatotalof329salesinallofCochabambaDepartmentwithavalueofBs477,020,anaverageofBs1,450pertransaction.Asnotedabove,there
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wasanaverageof316landsalesintheValleBajoaloneinthe1890s.Withinthirtyyearstherewasatenfoldincreaseinthenumberoflandsales.Duringthesameperiodlandvaluesincreased.AnanalysisofsalesinCantónSipeSipe(ValleBajo)showsthattheaveragepriceperhectareoflandsoldincreasedfromBs206in1897toBs1,226in1913,Bs2,442in1924,andBs3,129in1926.
13Thesampleofsalesoffrom1912to1915andfrom1924to1927containhigher-valuevalleylandsaswellasless-valuablehighlandlands,whichlowersthemeanvaluepertransaction.Nevertheless,thetrenddocumentedindicatesagrowingnumberofsalesofsmallparcels.
Credit,Debt,andtheStructureofLandTenure
Thegrowthandtransformationofthecreditmarketandthestructureofdebtexplains,inpart,theinstabilityofhaciendatenureandtheexpansionofthelandmarket.TwofactorscontributedtothegrowthofthecreditmarketinBoliviainthe1870sand1880s.First,asoneaspectofitsreformprograminthe1870s,thegovernmentinitiatedamonetaryreform.Thegovernmentsuspendedthemintingofdebasedcoinsinthe1870s,which,coupledwiththefreeexportofsilver,createdashort-termshortageofcoinageincirculation,assilverandgoldcoinsleftthecountrytopayforimports.14Themonetaryreform,however,contributedtothegrowthofamodernbankingsysteminthecountry,andparticularlyoftheorganizationofemissionbankslicensedbythegovernmenttoissuebanknotesbackedbysilverreserves.15Onebank,theBancoNacional,emittedBs56,234,924inbanknotesbetween1873and1895.16
Thegrowthofthemoneysupplyandcommercewiththeexpansionofsilverandotherexportscontributedtothegrowthofthecreditmarket.
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Bolivianbanksissuedinterest-bearingbondsknownasletrashipotecarias,whichimprovedcashflow.Thebanksissuedbondswithanominalvalue,whichwereredeemedperiodicallythroughalotterysystem;andanactivebondmarketdeveloped,whichbecameimportanttoinvestorsasanalternativeformofinvestment.Furthermore,banksgenerallymadeloansinletrashipotecarias,whichreenforcedthebondmarketandthevalueofthebonds,andlimitedtheactualmovementofcashreservesthatwereneededtobacktheissueofbanknotes.17Mortgagebankspioneeredthebondmarket,anddominatedthecreditmarket.In1892,forexample,theBancoHipotecarioGarantizadordeValoreshadloanswithanominalvalueofBs927,000securedbyrealpropertyworthBs5,839,255.18In
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1897,threemortgagebankshadbondsincirculationwithanominalvalueofBs6,963,100:theCreditoHipotecariodeBolivia,withBs4,888,600;BancoHipotecarioGarantizadordeValores,withBs1,281,000;andtheBancoHipotecarioNacional,withBs793,000.
19Banksexpandedavailablecreditinthelastthirdofthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,andrisinglandvaluesenabledlandownerstoobtainlargerloans,whichtappedintoagrowingequityintheirland.Itisimportanttopointout,however,thatthedebtobligationsofCochabambalandownersconsistednotonlyofthelargemortgagethatagivenpropertycarried,butalsohigherratesofinterestandthestifftermsofrepayment.Thecreditmarketgrew,butitstillwasalender'smarket.
ArecentstudyexaminedthecreditmarketinCochabambaDepartmentbetween1871and1890,basedontheanalysisofasampleof1,050loansrecordedintheCochabambaCitynotarialprotocols.Interestratesfluctuatedbetween10percentand11percentforlong-termbankloansoftwenty-fouryearsamortizedeachsemester,andfrom1percentto2percentpermonthforloansmadebymoneylenders,whichgenerallyhadatermoffiveyears.Banksandmoneylenderschargedhigherratesofinterestthaninthelatecolonialperiodbut,moreimportantly,imposedstricterrepaymentterms,whichstipulatedsemesterpaymentsofprincipal,interest,anddividends.Thelargestnumberofloanswasmadeduringtheyearsfrom1877to1881,aperiodofsevereecologicalcrisis.Landownerssecuredloansasastrategytosurviveamajordrought,withlittlethoughtgiventolong-termeconomicplanning,orwithanunwarrantedoptimismfollowingwindfallprofitsin1879asaconsequenceofthecropfailureinthepreviousyear.20PabloBarrientos,forexample,mortgagedHaciendaSacabambainCantó
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ParedónandHaciendaLiquinasinCartónTaratainSeptember1879,followingtheharvestofthe18781879crop,whichbroughtlargeprofitsbecauseofelevatedprices.21Withinnineyears,however,BarrientoshadtosellSacabambabecausehecouldnotmeethisdebtobligations.22
AsecondstudydocumentedthestructureofthecreditmarketinOrizabaandCordovainVeracruzstate(Mexico)attheendofthenineteenthcentury,whichplacestheCochabambacaseintocontext.MostloansinOrizabaandCordovaweresecuredbyurbanandnotruralrealproperty,andborrowersusedtheloanproceedstopurchaseruralpropertyortofinanceagriculturalproductioncosts.CommercialagricultureintheMexicancasewasmoredynamicthaninCochabamba,andwasexpandingwiththegrowthoftheinternalmarket.Thepotentialreturnsjustifiedtherisksoftheinitialinvestmentinlandandproductioncosts.Moreover,
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landownersinOrizabaandCordovagenerallydidnotplacelandthemajorsourceofincomeatriskbysecuringloanswithmortgagesontheirruralproperty,aswasthecaseinCochabamba.
23Cochabambalandownersmorecommonlymortgagedruralandurbanproperty,theirprincipalasset,orborrowedmoneytobuylandwithamortgageonthenewlyacquiredland.Asalreadydiscussed,creditandproductionwerelinked,andmanyCochabambalandownersenteredtheperiodofcrisisinCochabambaagricultureinthe1890swithaheavydebtburden,which,inhindsight,placedoneimportantsourceofincomeatrisk.Landownersfrequentlyfellbehindontheirloanpayments,whichoftenledtoforeclosurebybanksandmoneylenders.
PublicdebtsalesincreasinglybecameafeatureoftheCochabambalandmarketinthelatenineteenthcentury,andchronicdebtandforeclosureonagriculturallandspersistedthroughthe1920s.Publicsaleswereorganizedundertheauspicesofajudge,andweremotivatedbydebtoreconomicneed,ortorealizethedivisionofanestateduetoinheritance.Announcementsofpublicsalesappearedinlocalnewspapers,andtheinterestedpartieshadthreeopportunitiestosellagivenproperty.Iftherewasnosaleinthefirstauction,thepresidingjudgecouldoffera10percentdiscountontheappraisedorcadastralvalueineachsubsequentauction.Ifafterthreeattemptsapropertyremainedunsold,thecourtscouldadjudicatetitleinthecaseofadebtsaletothecreditor.
Ihaveanalyzedasampleof1,714advertisementsofpublicsalesbetween1894to1929,abstractedfromseveralCochabambaCitynewspapers:ElHeraldo,LaPatria,ElComercio,andElFerrocarril.Thedataarenotnecessarilysignificantbetweensamples,whichmeansthatweareunabletomeasurewithconfidencethedifferencein
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totalnumbersbetweenthesamples.However,thedistributionoffrequenciesaresignificant.Informationhasbeencollectedonthetypeofforeclosure,amountofdebtorcadastralvalueoftheproperty,andthespatialdistributionofforeclosedpropertieswithinCochabambaDepartment(seeTables4.24.6).
Attheendofthenineteenthcentury,banksinitiatedthemajorityofdebtactions,butmoneylenderswereresponsibleformostforeclosuresafter1905andespeciallyduringtheperiod19251929.Otherindicesofthegravityofthedebtcrisisincludethenumberofvoluntarysalesundertakenbecauseofeconomicneed,andsalesinitiatedbythegovernmenttorecoverunpaidlandtaxes.Intheyears1921to1929,forexample,therewereanumberofsalesfordebttothepublictreasury,causedbytheinabilityoffarmerstomeettheirtaxpaymentsbecauseofdamageor
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Table4.2AnnouncementsofPublicSalesByTypeofSale
Sample Voluntary %Debt
MoneyLender %DebtCommercial
House18941898 25 24.8 5 5.019001904 44 37.0 7 6.219051909 54 28.7 77 41.019101914 53 27.8 74 38.719151920 28 11.9 129 54.919211925 40 8.7 217 47.319261929 19 4.5 230 54.6Total 263 15.3 739 43.1
SampleBankDebt %
NotSpecified % Total
18941898 59 58.4 12 11.919001904 33 27.7 9 7.619051909 42 22.3 3 1.619101914 34 17.8 24 12.819151920 51 21.7 10 4.319211925 72 15.7 18 3.919261929 66 15.7 33 7.8Total 357 20.8 109 6.4
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Table4.3CadastralValueofSelectedProperties,inBolivianosCadastralValue 18941898 % 19001904 % 19041909 % 19101914 %049.99 0 0 1 .8 15099.99 1 2.9 0 3 2.3 2 1.2100499.99 2 5.7 3 4.7 12 9.1 23 14.2500999.99 0 0 12 9.1 15 9.310004999.99 6 17.1 20 31.3 37 28.0 44 27.250009999.99 2 5.7 14 21.9 19 14.4 28 17.310000+ 24 68.8 27 42.2 48 36.4 49 30.3Total 35 2.6 64 4.7 132 9.8 162 12.0CadastralValue 19151920 % 19211925 % 19261929 %049.99 2 .9 5 1.4 05099.99 4 1.8 5 1.4 5 1.3100499.99 26 11.7 67 18.9 59 15.4500999.99 29 13.0 34 9.6 53 13.810004999.99 67 30.0 132 37.2 137 35.850009999.99 39 17.5 40 11.3 52 13.610000+ 56 25.1 72 20.3 77 20.1Total 223 16.5 355 26.2 383 28.3
thedestructionofcropscausedbydroughtandaninvasionoflocustintheearly1920s,andthecollapseofcornpricesafter1925.
ThemajorityofpropertieshadacadastralvalueofmorethanBs1,000,indicatingthatlandownersmortgagedlargerproperties.Thesamewasthecasewiththeamountofdebt,althoughthedatahavetobehandledwithcarebecauseofthesmallsizeofthesampleandthefactthattheannouncementsgenerallyincludedtheamountofdebtinthecaseofthosepropertiesthatcarriedtheheaviestdebtburden.Theamountofdebtonpropertiesincreasedfromthe1890stothe1920s.
Thefinalanalysisdocumentsthespatialdistributionofproperties,whichservesasanindicatoroftheseverityofthedebtcrisisinthedifferent
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jurisdictionswithinCochabambaDepartment.Ihavedividedthedepartmentintofourgeographic-jurisdictionalzones:theValleBajo,theValleAlto,ChapareProvince,andthehighlandprovinces.Themajorityoftheforeclosedpropertieswerelocatedinthethreecentral-valleydistricts,theareawithinthedepartmentwiththelargestnumberofagriculturalproperties.
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Table4.4DistributionofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianosAmountofDebt 18941898 % 19001904 % 19041909 % 19101914 %049.99 0 3 8.8 1 .8 05099.99 0 8 23.5 3 2.3 0100499.99 0 6 17.7 12 9.1 0500999.99 0 1 2.9 12 9.1 010004999.99 11 26.8 6 17.7 39 28.0 2 22.250009999.99 18 43.9 8 23.5 19 14.4 5 55.610000+ 12 29.3 2 5.9 48 36.4 2 22.2Total 41 34 132 9AmountofDebt 19151920 % 19211925 % 19261929 %5099.99 0 0 0100499.99 0 0 0049.99 0 0 05099.99 0 0 0100499.99 0 0 0500999.99 0 0 010004999.99 0 3 33.3 7 30.450009999.99 1 50.0 1 11.1 5 21.710000+ 1 50.0 5 55.6 11 47.8Total 2 9 23
Notalllandownerswhofacedadebtcrisis,however,losttheirlands,eventhoughforeclosurewasinitiatedagainstthem.OneFlavioArauco,forexample,managedtoretainownershipoverhislandsintheValleBajobyrentingthem,andthussecuredasteadyincomeduringaperiodofstagnationintheagriculturaleconomy.In1894,AraucoownedeightagriculturalpropertiesinCantónSipeSipeandCantónQuillacollowithatotalvalueofBs150,121.90andasurfaceareaof225.58hectares.In1893,AraucorentedhislandstoLuisBascopeforfiveyears,atarateofBs4,800peryear.
24Inthefollowingyear,Araucoofferedhislandsinsalethrougha
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voluntarypublicsalejustifiedbyeconomicneed.25Threeyearslater,in1897,theBancoHipotecarioNacionalinitiatedforeclosureinordertocollectanoutstandingdebtofBs50,483.74,whichwas33.6percentofthevalueofhislands.In1898,whenthepreviousrentalagreementwithBascopeended,ajudgeintervenedtoorderanewrentalofArauco'slands.26Finally,in1901,Araucoannouncedthesaleofseed
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Table4.5MeanAmountofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianosSampleYears MeanAmountofDebt18941898 9,737.9719001904 3,616.6019051909 6,627.6819101914 9,703.3919151920 9,700.1019211925 14,105.2519261929 22,725.50
fromhishacienda,whichindicatesthathestillmaintainedownershipofatleastapartofhislands.
27
EliteInvestmentPatternsandInheritance
GustavoRodríguezhasshownthatin1877tenCochabambalandownersowned1,036sharesintheBancoNacional,with67percentoftheinvestmentinthebankbyCochabambaresidents.Rodríguezsuggestedthatinvestmentinbankstockrepresentedoriginalcapitalaccumulationandatransferofafeudalland-basedrenttocapitalisticmining.28ThedatapresentedbyRodríguez,whilenotconvincinginrelationtohisargumentaboutoriginalcapitalaccumulationandtransferofcapitalfromthefeudalruraleconomy,raisesthequestionofinvestmentpatternsbymembersofthelocalelite.Investmentpatternsreflectedindirectlyontheprofitabilityofagricultureandthelife-stylethatcommercialagriculturecouldsupport.Estateinventoriesinthenotarialprotocolsregisteredallrealandpersonalpropertybyvalue.Althoughlimitedinvolume,thesedatadodocumentinvestmentpatterns.Ihavetwenty-twodetailedestateinventoriesforCochabambalandownerswhoownedhaciendasormediumsizedpropertieswithanareaofbetweentwenty
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andonehundredhectaresinthecentralvalleys,mostfromthelatenineteenthcentury.Seventeencases(77percent)areestatesthatconsistedofruralandurbanrealproperty,andpersonalpropertysuchasfurnitureandjewelry.Fiveexamples(23percent)showedamorediversifiedpatternofinvestmentinurbanandruralrealproperty,personalproperty,stocksandbonds,andcapitalinloanstoprivateindividuals.
ThecasescitedbyRodríguezappeartohavebeentheexception,andagriculturallandcomprisedthesinglelargestassetintheinvestmentport-
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Table4.6DistributionofPropertiesInPublicSalesByJurisdiction/Region
YearsValleBajo %
ValleAlto %
18941898 37 41.1 20 22.219001904 58 63.0 16 17.419051909 105 54.1 38 19.619101914 101 56.7 20 11.219151920 116 50.0 38 16.519211924 192 57.4 56 16.719251929 289 52.3 136 24.6Total 898 52.4 324 18.9TotalYear
HighlandProvinces %
NotGiven %
18941898 21 23.3 2 2.219001904 10 10.9 2 2.119051909 27 13.9 119101914 28 15.7 3 1.719151920 45 19.5 219211924 65 19.4 119251929 74 13.4 4Total 270 15.8 15
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foliobyvalueofthemembersofthelocalelite.Moreover,theexploitationorrentalofagriculturallandsprobablyaccountedforthebulkofincomeotherthanearningsfromemployment.Adeclineinagriculturalincome,asoccurredinthe1890sandagaininthe1920s,reducedtheincomeoflandownerswhohadlittleliquiditytobeginwith,andmadeitharderforthemtomeetdebtandtaxobligations,which,inmanycases,forcedthemtosellallorapartoftheirholdings.
Inheritancealsocontributedtothedivisionofagriculturalland;andtheinstabilityoftheagriculturaleconomy,coupledwithrisinglandvalues,madeitmoredifficulttoreconstitutepreviouslypartitionedhaciendas.Moreover,Bolivianinheritancelaw,inforcefromthetimeoftheadministrationofAndrésSantaCruz(18291839)tothatofHugoBanzerSuárez(19711978),abolishedentail,andestablishedpartibleinheritancewithsharesofdifferentvalueallocatedtotheheirsonthebasisoftherelationshiptothedeceased.Legitimatechildren,forexample,receivedalargershareoftheestatethandidillegitimateoradoptedchildren.
29Alllegallyrecognizedheirs,however,hadarighttoashareoftheinheritance.Underthecivilcode,agriculturallandwhichconstitutedoneofthesinglelargestpropertiesbyvalueinanestateandgenerallywaseasiertodividethan,forexample,ahouseexperiencedsubdivisioninordertorealizethedivisionoftheestate.Inthoseinstanceswhereadivisioncouldnotbemade,agriculturallandandotherpropertywouldbesoldwiththeproceedsdivided.Inothercases,landwasadjudicatedtotheheirsinatenurepro-indiviso(undividedcommonproperty),withtheincomeproducedfromthepropertydistributedamongthecommonownersonthebasisofshares.Inthelattercase,thecommonownerscouldselltheirshareorinterestintheundividedproperty.Thereareexamplesofthistypeof
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sale.Theimportanceofinheritanceintheprocessofthepartitionofspecifichaciendasinthecentralvalleyswillbediscussedinmoredetailinthefollowingsection(alsoseeappendix1).
ThePartitionoftheColonialHacienda
Thereweretwopatternsofchangeinhaciendatenureinthelatenineteenthcenturyandtheearlytwentiethcentury:instabilityinownershipwithfrequenthaciendasales,andthesubdivisionofhaciendasandthesaleofsmallparcelsfromhaciendalands.Theevidenceshowsthattherewasalargenumberofsalesofentirepropertiesandsharesinhaciendasandestanciasattheendofthenineteenthcentury.AsthecrisisinCocha-
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bambacommercialagriculturedeepenedinthe1890s,thelandmarketbecameabuyer'smarket,anddownwardsocialmobilityoccurredaselitefamilieslosttheirlands.Atthesametime,someelitefamilies,frequentlyarrendadores,tookadvantageofthecrisistoexpandtheirlandholdingsortobuylandforthefirsttime.Therewasamajorchangeinthecompositionofthehacienda-owningclassbetweenthe1870sandtheearlytwentiethcentury.
Changeinhaciendatenureinthelatenineteenthcenturycanbedocumentedbycomparingthenamesoftheownersofestatesinselectedjurisdictions,listedinthetributerollsinthe1860sand1870s,andthecadastralsurveypreparedaround1912orabout1924.Thereis,however,amethodologicalflawinthislineofanalysis.Itisbasedupontheassumptionthatadifferenceinthenameofhaciendaownersisconclusiveevidenceofachangeinownershipfromonefamilyorindividualtoanother.Inafewinstances,individualswhoinheritedruralpropertydidnotsharethesamesurnameasthepreviousowner.Nevertheless,thelargenumberofhaciendasalesrecordedduringtheperiodstronglysuggeststhataconsiderableturnoverinownershipoccurredbetweenthe1860sandtheearlytwentiethcentury,whichwasreflectedinthechangeinthelistsoflandownersexaminedhere.
Table4.7documentsthechangeinhaciendaownershipinfivevalleyjurisdictions,baseduponfourcategoriesofdata:thenumberofcasesinwhichnochangeinhaciendaownershipoccurred;thosecasesinwhichamemberoftheformerlandowningfamilystillretainedownershipoverasectionofahacienda;thosecasesinwhichtheevidencesuggestsacompletechangeinownership;andthosecasesinwhichapropertyinthetributerollscannotbeidentifiedinthecadastralsurveybecauseofurbanization,achangeinthenameoftheproperty,orthetransferofthepropertytoanotherjurisdiction.Therewere108haciendasinthefivejurisdictionsexamined,79(73.2percent)ofwhichappeartohaveexperiencedacompletechangein
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ownership,13(12percent)withapartialchangeinownership,10(9.3percent)withnochangeinownership,and6(5.5percent)notidentifiedbetweenthetwosources.Atthesametime,therewasaconsiderabledivisionofthecolonialhaciendasinthesample.Accordingtothecadastralsurvey,therewere540propertieswithanareaofmorethantenhectareswithintheterritoryofthe108colonialhaciendaslistedinthetributerolls,whichdoesnotincludethenumberofsmallpropertieswithanareaoflessthantenhectares.
Theinstabilityinhaciendatenurewasalsomanifestedinthesaleofhaciendasonunfavorableterms,asseeninseveralexamplesofthesale
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Table4.7ChangeinHaciendaOwnershipinSelectedValleyJurisdictions
Canton#ofProperties
intheTributeRolls#ofProperties
intheCadastralSurveyNotTenHectares
CalaCala 14 52 0Itocta 23 133 2SipeSipe 15 62 0Quillacollo 24 128 2Sacaba 32 165 2Total 108 540 6Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB;CPR,APC.
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oflandsinthebuyer'smarketinthelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury.In1895,ManuelPoisoldhisone-thirdshareinHaciendaPaucarpata,inCantónQuillacollo,toManuelaUreydeSalamanca.PoiofferedthepropertyforBs34,000,butSalamancapaidonlyBs26,400,orBs7,600lessthantheinitialaskingprice.
30In1897,onehaciendaownerofferedextremelyfavorabletermsinadesperateefforttosellhislands.ThepropertywasadvertisedwithaBs3,000rebateorreductionintheinitialaskingprice.Moreover,thesaleincludedthecurrentharvest,andthesellerwentsofarastooffertosowthelandsbeforethetransferoftitle.31ThesaleofagriculturallandsatsuchfavorabletermsmayhavebeenacommonpracticeinotherpartsofLatinAmerica,butitwasanadvertisinggimmickrarelyusedbyCochabambalandownersinthelatenineteenthcentury,oratleastitwasuncommoninnewspaperadvertisements.
Thepartitionofthecolonialhaciendatookseveralforms:theseparationoftheconstituentsectionsofthehacienda(suyos)forinheritanceandthesubsequentsubdivisionofthesuyosthroughinheritanceorthesaleofland,orthesystematicdivisionofhaciendalandsforsaleassmallormedium-sizedparcels.Suchsystematicsalesofparcelsappeartohavebeenameansofpreservingownershipofapartofahaciendabyraisingmoneytopayoffdebtsortaxobligations,andwerecommoninthe1880sand1890s.Haciendaowners,independentsmallholders,colonos,andartisansandotherurbanresidentsboughtlandsinthesesales.In1888,forexample,apropertyinHaciendaChulla,intheValleBajo,withanareaof7.48.15hectareswasdividedintotwenty-onelotsforsale.Eightofthepurchaserswerespecificallyidentifiedaspegujaleros,orservicetenants.32In1895,RafaelTejada,ex-rectificadoroftheSacabacadastralsurvey,statedthatcolonoswereaccumulatingmoneytobuy
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smallparcelsofland.33
TwocasestudiesofthepartitionoflargecolonialhaciendasChullpasandCliza,inClizaProvinceintheValleAltoshedfurtherlightonthebreakupofruralestates.
HaciendaChullpaswasoneofthelargerhaciendaslocatedintheValleAltoattheendofthecolonialperiod.Accordingtoanappraisalpreparedin1828,HaciendaChullpashadasurfaceareaof1,093.30hectaresoflandsofvaryingquality.34Fromthe1830stothe1870s,twofamiliesownedsectionsofChullpas:theVegafamilyandGeneralLeónGalindo.Galindoownedthelargestpartofthehacienda.35In1871,tenheirsofGeneralLeónGalindodividedthehaciendaintoasmanysections.Forexample,FaustinoGalindoinheritedtheeighthsuyowithanareaof
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111.25.72hectares,andLeónGalindoreceivedthetenthsuyowithanareaof179.15.55hectares.
36
Overthenextsixtyyears,HaciendaChullpasexperiencedrapidfragmentation.Table4.8summarizesasampleof363landsalesrecordedinHaciendaChullpas.Ofthetotal,191(52.9percent)involvedthesaleofparcelsoflandthatmeasuredlessthanahectareinsize,and253(69.7percent)soldforlessthanBs.500,whichcorrespondedtothesmallparcelsoflandcommonlyboughtbypeasants.Thevolumeofsalesincreasedoverthesixtyyears,buttheyweregreatestduringperiodsofeconomiccrisisinCochabamba.Therewere62salesbetween1890and1899,attheheightoftheeconomic-debtcrisis,and118duringthedecade19201929,asecondperiodofeconomiccrisisfollowingthenearcollapseoftheBolivianalcoholindustryin1925.
Theanalysisofthesampleoflandsalesindicatesthefollowingpatternofsubdivision:theinitialpartitionofthepropertyamongtheGalindoheirs,followedbythesaleofentiresuyosorlargesectionsofsuyosandtheprogressivefragmentationoftheformerhaciendawiththesaleofsmallparcels.Mostsalesoflargepropertiesoccurredinthe1870s,1880s,and1890s,asdifferentmembersoftheGalindofamilydisposedoftheirlands,andthepurchaserseitherresoldthelargepropertiesordividedthemintosmallparcelsforsale.Thevolumeofsalesofsmallparcelswasgreatestintheperiodafter1910.Inthedecade18701879,parcelswithanareaoflessthanonehectareaccountedfor33percentofallsales,andthosewithavalueoflessthanBs500were47percent.Thevolumeofsalesofsmallparcelsincreasedoverthenextfiftyyears,butatthesametime,thegrowthinlandvaluesisevidentinalargerpercentageofsmallparcelssoldfora
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priceofmorethanBs500.Inthe1880s,thepercentageofsaleswithanareaoflessthanonehectarewas61percent,andthosewithavalueoflessthanBs500madeup76percent.Itwas37percentand71percent,respectively,inthedecadeof18901899;60percentand83percentintheperiod19001909;51percentand69percentintheyears19101919;and61percentand37percentinthedecade19201929.
Therewere,however,stilllargepropertieswithintheareaofthecolonialhacienda.In1921,forexample,afincawithanareaof52.20hectaresandanunspecifiednumberofservicetenantswasofferedinrental.37Between1930andthelate1940s,theprocessofparcelizationapparentlycontinued.In1946,260peasantfarmingfamilieslivedinChullpas,halfofwhomownedtheparcelstheyworked.Smallholders,however,rereportedlyhadaninsufficientamountofland,clearlyindicatingaproblem
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ofminifundio,orthecontinuedsubdivisionofsmallparcels.Moreover,thefragmentationofpeasantsubsistenceplotsreportedlycontributedtolanddisputes.Onesolutiontogrowingminifundiowaslarge-scalechichaproductionforthemarket,whichgaveagoodreturninrelationtothepriceofbasicfoodstuffs.Chichasalespaidforpurchasesofbasicfoodstuffsthatthesmallholderwouldbeunabletoproduceontheamountoflandavailable.
38PopulationgrowthandminifundismoalsocontributedtothesocialtensionsinClizaProvince,whichfosteredtheorganizationofthefirstpeasantleaguesinthe1930sand1940s.Atthesametime,participationinthemarketbufferedsomewhatthedeteriorationofthepeasant-familyeconomydescribedbyOlenLeonardinCantónChullpas,andenabledthepeasantfamilytomaintainlevelsofbasicsubsistence.
ThesecondcasestudyisofHaciendaCliza,locatedinthecantónandprovinceofthesamenameandalsofoundintheValleAlto,whichshowedadifferentpatternfromthatdocumentedforHaciendaChullpas.Whereasintheformercase,thepatternofsubdivisionsawaprogressionfromlargertosmallerproperties,thatofHaciendaClizawasfirstthesaleofsmallparcels,followedlaterbythesaleoflargerproperties.ThepatternofthesubdivisionofHaciendaClizawasaresultofthemotiveforlandsales,thedesireofthenunsoftheConventofSantaClarawhoownedthehaciendatobuildanewchurchandcomplextoreplacethecolonialperiodstructureinwhichtheyresided.Theconventadministratorinitiatedsalesofsmallparcelsfromhaciendalandsinthe1890stobegintheaccumulationofcapitalfortheconstructionproject,andthenbetween1910and1920largerpropertiesweresoldwhentheprojectstalled.Accordingtooneestimate,landsalesthroughtheyear1917earnedforSantaClara
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someBs2,000,000.39ThechurchhierarchydedicatedthenewchurchinJuly1918,completedatatotalcostofBs689,934,notincludingtheconvent.Thelayconventadministratorinvestedthesurplusfunds,realizedinthelandsales,ininterest-bearingbonds,asanalternativesourceofincomefortheconventfollowingthedismembermentofthehacienda.
HaciendaClizawasthesinglelargestpropertyintheValleAlto.Accordingtoan1828appraisal,HaciendaClizahadasurfaceareaof860fanegadasor2,563hectares,andavalueof300,000pesos(Bs240,000).40
Ihaveasampleof190salesofagriculturallandssoldbySantaClarafromHaciendaClizabetween1891and1929,abstractedfromthelandregister,withallsalesoflandssoldbytheconventadministratorrecordedinsaidregister.TherealsoweresalesofhouselotsontheedgeofClizatownfromhaciendalands,whichhavenotbeenincludedinthesample.
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Table4.8LandSalesinHaciendaChullpas,18711929AreainHectares
PriceinBs 0.99 14.99 59.99 1049.99 100+149.99 17 1 0 05099.99 16 5 0 0100499.99 105 18 2 0500999.99 27 18 0 110004999.99 21 11 0 050009999.99 0 2 1 010,000+ 0 1 0 1PriceNotGiven 6 1 0 0Total 192 57 3 2Source:CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR,Tarata&ClizaProvince.
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Thebulkofsalesoccurredintheperiod18901899,andmadeup69percentofallsalesinthesample.Mostsalesinthedecadeweresmallparcelswithanareaoflessthanonehectare(19percent),oravalueoflessthanBs500(82percent);thesizeofmostparcelssoldwasnotregisteredinthesalecontract.Thevolumeofsalesinthenextdecadedroppedtosixteen,allsmallparcelswithavalueoflessthanBs500(seeTable4.9).
Thepatternoflandsaleschangedbetween1910and1919.Actualconstructionofthechurchandconventbeganin1912,butithadtobesuspendedshortlyafterwardbecauseofashortageoffunds.In1913,thelayconventadministratorannouncedthesaleoffourteenlargerpropertieswithatotalappraisedvalueofBs686,742.
41Lotsix,forexample,hadabasepriceofBs70,300andasurfaceareaof23fanegadas,9almudes(67.36hectares).LottenhadabasepriceofBs108,248.80andanareaof63fanegadas,29almudes(184.86hectares).42Theconventadministratoralsoofferedtheindividuallotsinrentalforaperiodofoneyear.43Thefinalsampleperiod,from1920to1929,sawadropinthenumberofsalesfollowingthecompletionoftheconstructionproject.
Anactivelandmarketinformerhaciendalandsdeveloped,andbetween1910and1919,severalindividualspurchasedlargeparcelsfromSantaClaraforspeculation.In1896,forexample,LucianoTercerosboughtsevensmalllotsofformerhaciendalandsfromIsraelandCarlosQuirogaforBs5,200.Twoyearslater,in1898,Tercerosresoldthreelotswithanareaof3.92hectaresforBs2,608.44LiborioSalinasandGuillermoMercadoboughtlargeblocksoflandinClizain1913,1915,and1917,andthensystematicallysoldsmallparcelsfromtheirrecentlyacquiredproperties.45
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Theconventadministratorsuspendedsalesinthe1920s,buttherewerecolonosandothersstillinterestedinacquiringlandwhohadlittleprospectofdoingso,especiallycolonoswhoremainedonlandsthatstillbelongedtoSantaClaraorpeasantswhohadmigratedtotheminesasaconsequenceofdroughtandotherfactors.Theonsetofthedepressionintheinternationaleconomyafter1929andthedeclineinthedemandfortincompelledthelargeminingcompaniestoreducethesizeofthelaborforceinanefforttocutcosts.MinersreturnedtotheValleAltowithasenseofcommonclassidentityandexperienceinorganizationandcollectiveaction,andbuiltupontheexistingpeasantsocialstructure,whichpersistedinthehaciendasinthecentralvalleys,intheorganizationofpeasantleaguesthatarticulatedgrievancesofcolonoslivingonhaciendasthatstillbelongedtoSantaClara.Thefirstpeasantleagueorganizedwith
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Table4.9LandSalesinHaciendaCliza,18911929AreainHectares
PriceinBs 0.99 14.99 59.99 1049.99 5999.99149.99 7 0 0 0 05099.99 11 0 0 0 0100499.99 22 12 0 0 0500999.99 1 1 0 0 010004999.99 2 1 0 0 050009999.99 0 0 1 0 010,000+ 0 0 0 4 5Total 43 14 1 4 5Source:DR,Tarata&ClizaProvince.
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thegoalofforcingtheconventadministratortorentand,later,selltothemhaciendalands.
46ThepeasantleagueorganizedinAnaRanchowonsupportfromthereformistmilitarygovernment,whichwasinpowerattheendofthe1930s,andwhichnegotiatedanagreementbetweenthecolonosandconventadministratorforthesaleofanadditional217.30hectaresofland,beginningin1939.47Alltold,thedifferentadministratorsofSantaClarasoldsome1,974hectaresofland,or77percentoftheareaoftheformerhacienda.However,theconventretainedownershipofmorethan500hectaresofland,dividedonlyinthe1950sandunderthetermsofthe1953agrarianreformprogram.
Thepatternofhaciendapartitiondescribedoccurredthroughoutthecentral-valleydistricts,althoughwithsomedegreeofvariation.Adetailedfamily-landownershiphistoryoftheSalamancafamilyfurtherillustratestheprocessoflandconsolidationanddivisionwithinthecontextofagrowingmarketforsmallparcelsoflandandthepartitionofhaciendas.TheexampleoftheSalamancafamilyalsohighlightsoneaspectofsocialchangeinCochabambaupwardsocialmobilityduringaperiodofeconomiccrisis.
AnEliteSuccessStory:TheSalamancaFamilyDuringthedecadeofthe1890s,manyelitefamilieslosttheirlandandexperienceddownwardsocialmobility.Atthesametime,asmallnumberoffamilies,manyofarrendadororigin,tookadvantageoftherapidgrowthofthelandmarkettoaccumulatealargeamountoflandinashortperiodoftime,andoftenatbelowmarketprices.TheSalamancafamilywasonesuchfamilythatboughtuplargeamountsoflandinthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcentury,andexperienced
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rapidupwardsocialmobility.Thepatriarchofthefamily,JoséDomingoSalamanca,whowasamemberofaminorlandowningfamily,beganbuyinglandintheValleBajoin1863.Hisson,DanielSalamanca,wasaleaderoftheRepublicanpartyorganizedin1914,andbecamepresidentofBoliviain1931.
Arrendadoresrentersofentirehaciendasorsectionsoflargeestates,particularlypropertiesoftheregularordersoftheCatholicchurchandwomenwhogenerallydidnotdirectlyadministertheirlandswereanimportantsocialgroupinthelatecolonialandearlyrepublicanperiods.However,therelativestabilityofhaciendatenurepriortothe1860smadeitdifficultforarrendadorestoacquirelandforthemselves.Thevolume
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ofhaciendarentalsindicatesthattheremayhavebeenbetweenfiftyandonehundredarrendadoresinCochabambainthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury.
48
ThefirstrecordofamemberoftheSalamancafamilyowninglandintheValleBajodatestothe1840s,whenoneJoséSalamancaownedlandsinChimbaandRecoleta,inthesuburbsofCochabambaCity.49JoséDomingoSalamancabeganbuyinglandintheValleBajoin1863,whenhepurchasedasectionofthecolonialHaciendaCollpapampa,whichmeasured94hectares,for23,000pesos.50TheheirsofDomingoBustamante,theownerofthehaciendain1828,dividedtheestateamongthemselvespriorto1844.51Overthenextthirtyyears,theelderSalamancamadeextensivepurchasesofprivatelyownedlandsandformercorporatecommunitylands.Whenhisestatewasdividedbetweenhiswidowandchildrenin1894,hisholdingsincludedlandsincolonialHaciendasSumunpaya,Collpapampa,MolleMolle,Bellavista,Montesillo,Chapicirca,andChacnacollo.Moreover,theestateincludedanumberofsmallerparcelsoflandinCalaCala,inthesuburbsofCochabambaCity,andtwentytwosmallandmedium-sizedparcelsinthePandojadistrictoftheformerPassocommunity,withatotalextensionof88.45.31hectares.52
ManuelaUreydeSalamanca,thematriarchofthefamily,continuedtobuylandinthe1890s,followingherhusband'sdeath.SheboughtsectionsofthecolonialHaciendaPaucarpata,whichhadbeendividedforinheritancein1883,andsheexpandedthefamily'sholdingsintheterritoryoftheformerPassocommunity.Forexample,in1895,UreydeSalamancapaidManuelPoiBs26,400forasectionofHaciendaPaucarpatawithanextensionof107.38.05hectares:andin1897,
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ManuelPolsoldherasecondparcelinPaucarpatawithanextensionof33.40.54atapriceofBs7,381.53.53In1904,UreydeSalamancadividedthelandsintheValleBajoamongherchildren.FourpropertiesintheterritoryofHaciendaPaucarpata,landsacquiredduringthecrisisdecadeof18901899,hadatotalsurfaceareaof142.09.02hectares.UreydeSalamancaconsolidatedtheholdinginthePandojayPocpocollodistrictofCantónPassointofourteenseparateparcelswithatotalareaof118.69.08hectares,havingacquiredanadditional30.23.77hectaresoflandinPassointhe1890s.Thelargestpropertieshadextensionsof67.29.28hectaresand19.27.77hectares,andtheothertwelveparcelshadareaoflessthan6hectares(seeappendix2).54In1924,OctavioSalamanca,whoinheritedthePassolandsfromhismotherin1904,wasthesinglelargestlandownerinthedistrict.Heowned110hectaresofland(seeTable4.10).
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Table4.10StructureofLandTenureinPandojayPocpocollobyOwner,c.1924SizeofHoldingsinHectares
NumberofOwners %
AreaOwnedinHectares %
0-.99 19 63.3 8.40.54 5.11-4.99 6 20.0 10.87.21 6.75-9.99 3 10.0 18.86.25 11.510-19.99 1 3.3 15.43.35 9.4100-499.99 1 3.3 110.73.03 67.3Total 30 164.30.38Source:CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantonPasso.
MembersoftheSalamancafamilyownedhaciendasuntiltheimplementationofthe1953agrarianreform,althoughthechildrenandgrandchildrenofJoséandManuelaUreydeSalamancarealizedsmalllandtransactions.However,thebasicconfigurationofthefamilyholdingsremainedunchanged.After1900,thefamilydidnotbuyhaciendas,andtheestatesheldbytheSalamancaswerethesamepropertiespurchasedbyJoséDomingoSalamancaandhiswifepriorto1900,whenthelandmarketwasmorefluidandlargepropertieswereofferedforsaleonfavorabletermsforthebuyer.After1953,theSalamancaslosteighthaciendasintheValleBajo:Sumunpaya,Bellavista,Pandoja,Montesillo,Chahuarani,MolleMolle,andChapicirca.
55TheyalsolostthethreeestatesintheSacabambaareainCantónParedón.
TheTransformationofRuralSocialRelations
Inthemid-nineteenthcentury,servicetenantrywasthemostcommonformofhaciendalaboronCochabambahaciendas.Servicetenantspaidtherentalofhaciendalandsinmoneyandlaborondemesnelands.The
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specificlaborservicesrenderedvariedfromestatetoestate,but,generally,tenantsprovidedlaborfortheproductionofcropsonthedemesne,thetransportofcropstomarket,andthemaintenanceofhaciendafieldsandirrigationditches.56Thelaborservicesofthefifty-onetenantsonHaciendaMontesillo(ValleBajo)weretypical.Thetenantsplantedandharvestedcropsondemesnelands,cleanedtheirrigationcanals,transported
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cropstomarkets,andprovidedpersonalservicestothelandownerinthehaciendahouse.
57
Servicetenantrywasacheapsourceoflabor,andconstitutedasmallpercentageofproductioncosts.A1907accountsuccinctlydescribedtheimportanceofservicetenantsintheinternaleconomyofthehacienda:
Numerouslargeestanciasdexistinwhichproductioncostsarereducedtothepurchaseofseed,[since]thecolonoshavetheobligationoftransportingthecroptothemarketthelandownersbelievesmostconvenienttosellin.Inotherareas,therearehaciendas[fincas]inwhichthecostofcultivation,despitethehighcostofwagesandtransport,remainslowbecauseofthesamecircumstances.58
Themoneyrentpaidbyservicetenantswasrelativelyunimportantasasourceofincomeforhaciendaowners.Forexample,between1869and1876,theincomefromonesectionofHaciendaTucsapucyo(SacabaValley)totaled7,991pesos:90.9percentfromthesaleofgrain,and9.1percentfromtherentalofpasture.In1880,92.1percentoftheincomefromHaciendaChangolla(ArqueProvince)camefromgrainsales,and7.9percentfromfixedrentspaidbyservicetenants.59
Theexpansionofthelandmarketenabledthousandsoflandlesspeasantsandotherstobuysmallparcelsofland.Peasants,includingservicetenants,accumulatedcapitaltobuylandthroughthesaleofsurplusproduce,seasonallaboronhaciendas,ormorepermanentworkintheminesofBoliviaandnorthernChileandnorthernArgentineansugarplantations.60Moreover,peasanthouseholdssoughttobuyplotsoflandindifferentlocationstominimizeasmuchaspossibletheadverseimpactofcropfailure.Themultiplepurchaseofsmallparcelscontributedtoincreasednumbersoflandsales,anda
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dispersedpatternofpeasantlandownership.InKhalaLlusta(CantónParedón),forexample,seventeenlandownersownedtwoormoreparcelsofland.Onepeasantownedtenseparateparcelswithacombinedextensionof7.42hectares.61
Ananalysisoflandownershipinonepiquería(smallholdercommunity),PocpocollodistrictinCantónPasso(ValleBajo)offersfurtherinsightsonpeasanttenure(seeTable4.11).Onehundredandthirtysixlandownersowned229separateparcelsofland.Mostownedlessthan10hectares,and96lessthanahectareofland.Somepeasantsownedmoreparcelsthanothers,butthesingleobservationprovidedbythe1924cadastralsurveycatchesaglimpseoftheprocessoftheaccumulationofmultipleparcelsoveraperiodofyears.
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Table4.11StructureofLandTenureinPocpocollobyOwner,c.1924SizeofHoldingsinHectares
NumberofOwners %
AreaOwnedinHectares %
0.99 96 70.6 44.60.12 29.114.99 35 25.7 63.35.63 41.459.99 3 2.2 21.38.06 13.9710-19.99 2 1.5 23.76.46 15.5Total 136 153.10.27Source:CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantonPasso.
Colonosstillwerethelargestgroupofhaciendaworkers,butmanyservicetenantsboughtlandandchangedtheirstatus.ThenumberofcolonosinCochabambaDepartmentdroppedbynearlytenthousandbetween1882and1912.Thegreatestdeclineoccurredinthecentral-valleydistricts,wherehaciendasexperiencedrapidfragmentation.IntheValleAlto,forexample,thenumberofservicetenantsdroppedbyfivethousand(seeTable4.12).
Laborrelationsontheremaininghaciendasinthecentral-valleydistrictschangedintheearlytwentiethcentury,withagrowthintheimportanceofsharecropping.Sharecroppingallowedthepeasantproducertodedicatemoretimetodirectproduction,althoughthepeasanthadtosurrenderashareofthecroptothelandowner.Nevertheless,inasharecroppingregime,peasantscouldproducelargersurplusesforsaleinthemarket,sinceallfamilylabor,plusadditionallaborinputsthroughayni,couldbededicatedtothecareofthecropsbeingproducedonshares,andperhapstoexploitmoreland.Whereasservicetenantrywasintendedprimarilytoattractlaborinconditionsofalimitedoranunstablelaborsupply,sharecroppingconstitutedthetransferbythelandownerofmuchofthecostandriskofproductiontothepeasant.Dependingupontheactualtermsofthesharecroppingagreement,thelandownerinvestedlittleinproductioncosts,otherthansupplyingthe
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landandperhapsaquantityofseed,andtookatleasthalfofthecrop.AccordingtoOctavioSalamanca,sharecroppingcontractsinthelate1920s,aperiodofcrisisinCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomy,workedonthebasisofafifty-fiftysplitofthecrop,withthetenantprovidingtools,seed,fertilizer,andlabor.RafaelReyerosdescribedslightlydifferentsharecroppingtermsduringaperiodofgreaterdemandforCochabambaproduce.Theland-
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Table4.12NumberofColonosinCochabambaDepartmentinSelectedYearsProvince* 1882 c.1900 c.1912Cercado 1,500 1,394 1,074Cliza 12,890 10,466 7,888Tapacari 8,000 5,016 4,567Arque 4,978 4,830 4,412Mizque 5,858 5,858** 3,621Ayopaya 4,000 2,317 4,046Chapare 4,265 4,265** 3,621Total 41,491 35,146 31,757*Administrativejurisdictionsthatexistedin1882havebeenretainedtomaintainthevalidityofthecomparison.**Thesamedataasin1882,whichindicatesthatanewcensusofservicetenantshadnotbeencompleted.Source:RobertH.Jackson,''EvolucionypersistenciadelColonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),p.158.
ownersuppliedsome50percentoftheseed,andtookasmuchas80percentofthecrop.
62
Inseveralhighlandprovinces,thenumberofservicetenantsgrew,ordeclinedatarateconsiderablyslowerthaninthecentral-valleydistricts.Inthefirstinstance,theincreaseincolonosresultedfrompopulationgrowthandthecontinuedmonopolizationoflandbylargelatifundios.Forexample,thenumberofcolonosinMizqueProvincewas5,858in1882,and6,149thirtyyearslater.Similarly,therewere4,000servicetenantsinAyopayain1882,and4,046thirtyyearslater.InArqueProvince,ontheotherhand,thenumbersdroppedfrom4,978in1882to4,412in1912.SeveraldistrictsinArque,particularlyCapinotaandCaraza,experiencedconsiderablefragmentationofagriculturallandand
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acorrespondingdeclineinthepopulationofservicetenants(seeTable4.12).
Thechangesinruralsocialrelationsdifferedbetweenregionswherehaciendasexperiencedfragmentation,andregionswherelargehaciendascontinuedtodominatethecountryside.Howdidsocialrelationscontinuetodevelopindistrictsstilldominatedbyhaciendas?Anexaminationofservicetenantryandhacienda-tenantrelationsinAyopayaProvinceprovidesusefulinsightsintosocialchangeinhighlandCochabamba.
Writinginthelate1780s,shortlyafterthedisruptioncausedbytheTúpacTúpacKatarirevoltsof17801782,CochabambaInten-
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dantFranciscodeViedmadescribedruralsocialrelationsandthetermsofservicetenantryinAyopayaasbeingamongthemostoppressiveintheCochabambaregion.
63DuringtheprotractedstruggleforindependenceinBolivia(18091825)Ayopayawasthefocusofasustainedguerrillacampaignagainstroyalistforces.In1927andagainin1947,Ayopayapeasantsroseinrebellionagainsthaciendaowners,andtheyweretheonlyCochabambapeasantstoengageinviolentprotestduringaperiodofgrowingunrestintheBoliviancountryside.64Althoughtheoriginsofsocialconflictaregenerallycomplex,anexaminationofchangingpatternsoflandtenureandruralsocialrelationsinAyopayaProvinceinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieshelpstoexplaintheoriginsoftheruralunrestofthe1920sand1940s.
TwofactorsdictatedthenatureofruralsocialrelationsinAyopayaProvince:thesizeoftheruralpopulationandthestructureoflandtenure.AyopayaProvincewasthinlypopulatedattheendofthecolonialperiod,butthepopulationmorethantripledbetween1846and1950,from12,318intheformeryear,15,385in1880,and21,687in1900,to41,942in1950.Thepopulationdensityincreasedfrom1.3personsperkm2in1846to4.4personsperkm2in1950.65Populationgrowthexplainsthepersistenceandthegrowthinimportanceofservicetenantry(colonaje)asthedominantformoflaboronAyopayaHaciendas.AyopayaHaciendaownersexercisedavirtualmonopolyoveragriculturalland,andlandlesspeasantshadtheoptionofeithermigratingfromAyopayaorremainingasservicetenants.IncontrasttotheotherprovincesofCochabambaDepartment,thenumberofservicetenantsinAyopayaProvincegrewinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Betweenabout1902andabout1912,thenumberofservicetenantsinCochabambaDepartmentreportedly
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droppedfrom35,146to31,757.Duringthesameyears,thenumberofservicetenantsinAyopayaProvincegrewfrom2,317to4,046.66
ThreeelementspresentinthestructureofruralsocietyinAyopayaprovincecontributedtosocialtensionsinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,andtorevoltin1927andagainin1947.Asmallnumberofinterrelatedelitefamiliesmonopolizedland,andfewopportunitiesexistedforlandlesspeasantstoacquireland.Peasantsinthecentral-valleydistrictsofCochabambaDepartmenthadaccesstodynamiclocalandregionalmarkets,wheretheysoldsurplusproduceandaccumulatedsomeofthecapitalusedtobuysmallparcelsofland.Incontrast,peasantsinAyopayaProvince,aregiongeographicallyisolatedfromlocalandregionalurbanmarkets,hadrelativelylimitedpossibilitiesofaccu-
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mulatingcapitalthroughthesaleofsurplusproduceorthroughthesaleoftheirlaborforcashwages.
67Moreover,Ayopayahacendadosmaintainedstrictersocialcontrolovertheservicetenantslivingontheirhaciendas,whichfurtherlimitedthepossibilitiesofcapitalaccumulation.Finally,thegrowthofthepeasantpopulationfavoredhaciendaowners.Agrowingnumberoflandlesspeasantscompetedforaccesstohaciendalands,andhaciendaownerscouldthusincreasethelaborservicesandmoneyrentdemandedfromtenants.Thestatusoflandlesspeasants,whichViedmaconsideredtobebadinthelateeighteenthcentury,deterioratedintheearlyyearsofthepresentcentury.
Conclusions
Inheritance,debt,andeconomiccrisisandstagnationallcontributedtothepartitionofhaciendasinsomedistrictsinCochabambaDepartment,particularlyinthecentral-valleydistricts.Thefragmentationofagriculturallandcausedfundamentalchangesinvalleysociety.LandlesspeasantsandotherstookadvantageofthegrowthinthelandmarketcausedbytheliquidationofthecorporateindigenouscommunityandhaciendasandthegrowingopportunitiestoaccumulatecapitalandwithchangesinBolivia'seconomytobuyland.Purchasesoflandwhichledtothegrowthofalargeclassofpeasantlandowners.
Haciendalaborrelationsdifferedinthedistrictsstilldominatedbylargelatifundios.ThecaseofAyopayaProvince,theoneprovinceinCochabambathatexperiencedsignificantlevelsofpeasantunrestduringaperiodofconsiderableresistanceinotherpartsofBolivia,showsthattensionscontinuedtobuild,duetopopulationgrowthandincreasedlaborexactionsbyhaciendaowners.Thepresenceof
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thousandsofpeasantlandownersinthenearbycentral-valleydistrictsprobablycontributedtoagrowingexpectationamongcolonosthattheymightimprovetheirlivesbyacquiringland;andthegrowingpoliticizationofpeasantsinthecentralvalleysinthe1930sand1940sspilledoverintoAyopaya.ThetensionsresultedinopenrebellioninAyopayain1927andagainin1947.
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5CaseStudiesofLand-TenureChangeinCochabambaDepartmentThepreviouschapteroutlined,inageneralway,changesinthestructureoflandtenureintheCochabambaregion.Casestudiesofland-tenurechangesintheValleBajo;ValleAlto;SacabaValley;Palca,intheAyopayahighlands;theColomihighlands,whichformapartofChapareprovince;CantónParedón,whichborderstheValleAlto;MizqueProvince;andtheArquehighlandsfurtherillustratesthetransformationsoutlinedabove.Thedatadescribedheredocumentthegrowthinthenumberofproperties,thefragmentationofhaciendas,andcontinuityandchangeinlandtenure.
ValleBajo
Theliquidationofthecorporateindigenouscommunitycontributedtotherapidfragmentationofagriculturallandandtheproliferationofminifundio.However,thesubdivisionoflandalsooccurredinthesectionsofthevalleydominatedbyhaciendasattheendofthecolonialperiod.Moreover,somesubdivisionofruralestatestookplaceinthe1840s,1850s,1860s,and1870s.Forexample,therewere58privatepropertiesinCantónQuillacolloin1844,and940in1882.Similarly,thenumberofpropertiesinCercadoProvince(CalaCala,Itocta)increasedfrom39in1835to1,766in1882(seeTable5.1).
Thegrowthinthenumberofpropertiesacceleratedfollowingtheimplementationofthelawofvinculaciónandtheeconomiccrisisofthe1890s.In1882,therewere3,469propertiesintheValleBajo;thenumberdoubledto7,269around1900;anditmorethandoubledagainto18,384about1924.Between1924and1945,urbanization
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andlandconsolidationtookplace:inthelatteryeartherewere15,566propertiesinthevalley(seeTable5.1).
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Table5.1PrivatePropertiesintheValleBajoinSelectedYearsJurisdiction 1828 1835 1844 1882 1900QuillacolloProvincePasso ? 12 99 347Colcapirhua 3 32 216 1518SipeSipe 16 22 304 401Tiquipaya 5 16 144 1054Quillacollo 25 58 940 2006CercadoProvince 1766CalaCala 16 819ltocta 23 1554Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ArchivoNacionaldeBolivia,variousjurisdictionsandyears;GustavoRodriguez,"Economiacampesina,mercadoycrisisagraria(18801952).Notasparasuestudio,"1329;ElHeraldo,September23,1898;ElHeraldo,October25,1907;RafaelPeredoAntezana,Quillacolloensayomonografico(Cochabamba,1963),p.183;RafaelReyeros,Elpongueajedelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.
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Thepartitionofcolonialhaciendascanbedocumentedbystudiesoftheinternalstructureoflandtenureoftwoestatesintheearlytwentiethcentury.VilomayVilomilla(describedinmoredetailbelow)wasasinglelargehaciendaaslateas1828.In1924,thebulkoftheformerhaciendalandswascontrolledby3propertieswithanareaofmorethan100hectares.However,therewerealso50parcelswithanarealessthan50hectares,including43smallpropertieswithanarealessthan1hectareinextension.Anocaraireactually,twoneighboringhaciendaslistedinthecadastralsurveysimplyasAnocaraireevidencedevengreaterfragmentation.In1912,172parcelswithanextensionoflessthan10hectaresoccupied26.4percentofthelandofthetwoformerhaciendas(seeTable5.2)
InowdiscusslandtenureinCantónSipeSipe,ajurisdictionintheValleBajothathadamixedhacienda-communitylandowningpatternattheendofthecolonialperiod.SipeSipe,locatedatthespotwheretheTapacariRiverValleyjoinstheValleBajo,embraceswell-wateredlandsofconsiderablefertility.ThefertilityofthesoilandlaborattractedSpanishlandownerswhocreatedhaciendasontheedgesofSipeSipecommunity,andusurpedcommunitylands.TenhaciendasexistedinSipeSipeinthe1690sonthemarginsofcommunityterritory,andthetributerollslistedfifteeninthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury.Therewassomesubdivisionofexistinghaciendasbetweenthelatecolonialandearlynationalperiodsduemostlikelytoinheritance.Moreover,therewasinstabilityinhaciendatenurebetween1828and1867,withninecasesoftheapparenttransferoftitlebysale.In1867,forexample,JuandeSanzetenea,whoreportedlyhadnolandsinSipeSipeinthe1840s,ownedthreehaciendas.Theevidencesuggeststhedivisionoffourhaciendasforinheritanceduringthesamefortyyears(seeTable5.3).
HaciendasinSipeSipeexperiencedfurthersubdivisioninthesixtyyearsbetweenthe1860sand1920s,andmanyfamiliesthatowned
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landin1867hadlosttheirpropertiesbythe1920s.Thecadastralsurveypreparedabout1924listedsixty-twopropertieswithanareaofmorethantenhectares,whichindicatesadegreeofsubdivisionofthelargercolonialhaciendasaswellastheformationofsmallfincasfromcommunitylands.ThirteenofthehaciendaslistedinTable5.3experiencedachangeinownershipbetweenthe1860sand1920s,largelyasaresultofthelate-nineteenth-centuryeconomiccrisisandthegrowingdebtcrisis.Onlytwofamiliesthatownedlandsinthe1860sretainedownershipinthe1920s.EstanciaUchuUchuremainedinthehandsofthePradofamily,andmembersoftheGarnicafamilystillhadsubstantialholdingsaslateasthe
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Table5.2StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaViloma&VilomillaandHaciendaAnocaraireSizeofParcel
NumberofProperties %
AreainHectares %
VilomayVilomilla0.99 43 81.1 16.87.75 .9514.99 2 3.8 2.97.51 .171049.99 5 9.4 137.60.30 7.7100499.99 2 3.8 624.79.20 35.11000+ 1 1.9 1,000.00.00 56.1Total 53 100 1,782.24.76 100.02
Anocaraire0.99 133 72.7 51.15.01 8.614.99 34 18.6 66.56.48 11.259.99 5 2.7 39.59.63 6.61049.99 7 3.8 174.56.16 29.35099.99 4 2.2 264.69.28 44.4Total 183 100 596.56.56 100.1Source:CPR,APC;QuillacolloProvince,CantonQuillacollo,CantonSipeSipe.
1920s.
1In1924,therewere27parcelswithanareaofmorethan10hectareswithintheboundariesofthecolonialperiodhaciendas,inadditiontomanysmallerparcels.
Haciendasexperiencedfragmentationbytheseparationofsuyosandthesaleofsmallparcels,generallyonthefringesofthehacienda.ThereareexamplesofbothinCantónSipeSipe.ThefirstcaseisMolleMolle,whichformedonesuyoofalargerhaciendathatbelongedtotheSanzeteneafamilyinthemid-nineteenthcentury.Threemembersofthefamilydividedthelargerhaciendain1880forinheritance.2In1924,
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HaciendaMolleMollehadasurfaceareaof89.26hectares,andfifty-ninesmallparcelswithameansizeof1.88hectaresoccupiedanother110.43hectaresofland.Oversomefortyyearsthepropertyexperiencedconsiderablesubdivisionthroughthecreationofsmallplotsofland.
ThesecondexampleisHaciendaVilomaandVilomilla,oneofthelargesthaciendasintheValleBajointhelatecolonialperiod.TheheirsofNicolasadeCamberasdividedthehaciendaforinheritancebetween1844and1867,andtheownersfurthersubdividedthepropertyforin-
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Table5.3HaciendasinCantonSipeSipe,18281867
HaciendaNumberofPropertiesin1828
ChangeofOwnershipByc.1924
NumberofPropertiesWithanAreaofMorethanTenHectares
Hamiraya 1 yes 1Suticollo 1 yes 1Coachaca 1 yes 2VilaVila 1 yes 4Chacapaya 1 yes 1Pancuruma 1 yes 2Viloma&Vilomilla 1 yes 8UchuUchu 1 no 1Caramarca 1 yes 2Cocaraya 1 yes 1Sorata 2 yes 1Siquisquia 1 yes 1Huancarani 1 ?Caramarca&MolleMolle 1 yes 2Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,TapacariProvince;CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantonSipeSipe,APC.
heritanceandthroughlandsales.FourmembersoftheQuirogafamilyownedmanysuyosofthesectionofthehaciendalocatedinCantónQuillacollo,withacombinedsurfaceareaof107.85hectares.TheQuirogalandsapparentlywerealargerpropertypreviouslydividedforinheritance.OneAdriandelaTorreownedafifthsuyowithanareaof178.51hectaresofland.Therewasoneparcelwithanareaoflessthanonehectares.ThesectionoftheformerhaciendalocatedinCantónSipeSipecontainedthreemedium-largepropertieswithanareaofmorethantenhectares,andforty-foursmallparcelsoflessthanonehectare.Onelandownertookadvantageofthelate-nineteenth-centuryeconomiccrisistoconsolidatecontroloveralargeshareofhaciendalands.GeneralJulianLopezownedonesuyoofVilomaby1861,andpurchasedmoreinsubsequentyears.In1924,hisheirsownedaproperty
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purchasedmoreinsubsequentyears.In1924,hisheirsownedapropertywithintheareaoftheformercolonialhaciendawithanextensionof446.28hectaresofland.Inthe1920s,theownersofoneofthelargerLopezpropertiesdividedapartofthelandsintolotswithasizeoflessthanonehectareforsale.
IhavearepresentativesampleofeightyhaciendasalesinCantónSipeSipefromthe1860sthroughthe1920sabstractedfromthenotarialprotocolsandthelandregister.
3Thesampledocumentsthecrisisofthe
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1890swithanelevatednumberofsales.Therewere,however,fewertransactionsrecordedduringthecrisisofthe1920s.Therewerefoursalesduringthedecade18601869,fivebetween1870and1879,eightintheyears1880to1889,thirty-fourfrom1890to1899,twentybetween1900and1909,threeintheyears1910to1919,andsixinthedecadeof1920to1929.
Asnotedinapreviouschapter,membersofthelocalelitecarvedasmallnumberofmediumsizedfincasoutofformercommunitylandsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Accordingtodataabstractedfromthecadastralsurveythenewlycreatedfincasoccupiedatleast426.38hectaresofland,or21.6percentofcommunitylandsin1826.Thecreationoftheseproperties,however,didnotconstituteanexpansionofexistinghaciendasoroftheholdingsofthepre-1860shaciendaowningfamilies.Rather,anewgroupoflandownersboughtupformercommunitylands.In1924,forexample,threemembersoftheQuirogafamilyownedsmallhaciendasintheformerSipeSipecommunityterritory,butdidnothavelandsinthecolonialperiodhaciendas.AnothernewlandownerwasJoséGuzman,whoownedfoursmallhaciendasinthesamedistrictwithatotalareaof89.71hectares.OneexceptiontothepatterndescribedabovewastheownershipbyValerioSaavedraofthecolonialHaciendaTarguaniandHaciendaUrinsaya,oneofthepropertiescreatedfromcommunitylands.Saavedra,whomayhavebeenamemberofapre-1860slandowningfamilyinCantónSipeSipe,expandedhisholdingsthroughthepurchaseofpropertiesworthBs71,124beginningin1895.Saavedratookadvantageoftheinstabilityofhaciendatenureinthe1890stobuyland,butthenapparentlyover-extendedhimself.DuringthesameperiodSaavedrasoldandresoldlandswithavalueofBs68,214.
Thelong-termchangeinlandtenurealsocausedsignificantsocialchange.Bythe1920stherewasalargegroupofpiquerosinSipeSipe
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largelyconcentratedinthefertilevalleylands.Accordingtothec.1924cadastralsurveytherewere3,289parcelsinthejurisdictionwithanareaoflessthantenhectareswhichoccupied19.9percentoftheagriculturalland.Mediumandlargesizedhaciendaswithanareaofmorethanfiftyhectarescontrollednearly74percentoftheland,butinsomecasesmuchofthelandofthehaciendasconsistedoflessfertilelandslocatedathigherelevationsorestanciasinthehillssurroundingthevalley(seeTable5.4).ThepatternofthegrowthinthenumberofpiqueroswasgeneralizedthroughouttheValleBajo,andbythelate1920smuchofthelandlocatedintheterritoryoftheothertwocommunitieshadexperiencedfragmentation.
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Table5.4StructureofLandTenureinCantonSipeSipe,c.1924SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 2,807 83.5 1,025.90.66 9.614.99 456 13.6 913.41.41 8.659.99 26 .77 176.48.88 1.71049.99 32 .95 676.66.50 6.45099.99 14 .42 1,068.69.69 10.0100499.99 12 .36 2,411.49.60 22.6500999.99 1 .03 892.56.00 8.410004999.99 3 .09 3,500.00.00 32.8AreaNotGiven 12 .36Total 3,363 100.1 10,665.22.74 100.1Source:CPR,APC;QuillacolloProvince,CantonSipeSipe.
ValleAlto
WhentheSpaniardsconqueredandsettledtheCochabambaregioninthe1530sand1540s,theValleAltowasamosaicofdifferentethnicgroupsthatexploitedcorn-producinglandsinthevalley.
4However,duringtheformativeperiodofthecolonialstructureoflandtenure(thesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies),haciendasdedicatedtograinproductioncametodominatetheValleAlto.5In1692,thereweretwenty-fourhaciendasintheValleAlto.6Attheendofthecolonialperiodthereweremorethanonehundredhaciendasinthevalley.7HaciendasintheValleAltospecializedinwheatandcornproduction,andthusweresensitivetochangesinandtheerosionofmarkets.Intheearly1920s,forexample,landownersinClizaProvince(Cliza,Tolata,andToco)shiftedtocornproduction,onlytoseethemarketforcorncollapseafter1925.8
ThestructureoflandtenureintheValleAltoexperiencedsignificant
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changeintheseventyyearsbetween1860and1929.Haciendatenurebecameunstable,andhaciendaowners,manyalreadywithlargedebts,soldorsubdividedtheirestates.Therewasaproliferationinthenumberofsmallandmediumproperties,manyownedbypeasantsmallholders.Moreover,thecompositionofthelandowningelitechangedasmanyfamilieslosttheirlands.Therewasalsoaproliferationofminifundio.
AswasthecaseintheValleBajo,therewasarapidgrowthinthenumberofpropertiesintheValleAlto.From142haciendasin1831,thenumberincreasedto5,864in1882,and16,998in1912.Thisrepresents
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a41-foldgrowthinthefiftyyearsbetween1831and1882,andnearlyathree-foldgrowthfrom1882to1912.Theincreaseinpropertiescontinuedoverthenext30years.In1945,atotalof37,083propertiesexistedintheValleAlto,atwofoldincreasefrom1912(seeTable5.5).
ThefragmentationofhaciendasoccurredthroughouttheValleAlto,asshownintwocasestudies.ThefirstisthecolonialHaciendaMamata,locatedinCantónTarata.Shortlyfollowingindependence,in1831,tenpropertiesexistedinMamata,andthehaciendawasfurthersubdividedforinheritance.
9In1869,forexample,onepropertywithanareaof295.88.30hectareswasdividedintothreesections.Anothersectionofthehaciendawasdividedintothreesectionsin1884.10Byabout1900,601propertiesexistedinthebodyofthecolonialhacienda:380withanareaoflessthanonehectare,63.2percentofallpropertiesoccupying9.5percentoftheland;and4propertieswithanareaofmorethan50hectaresoccupying35.1percentoftheland(seeTable5.6).
Similarly,HaciendaCollpa,locatedinCantónArani,experiencedrapidfragmentationduringthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Asnotedinchapter2,CollpabelongedtotheAugustinians,untilsoldbythenewlyindependentBoliviangovernmentinthelate1820s,followingtheconfiscationofAugustinian-ownedlandsin1826.ToribioCano,anofficialintheprefecturalgovernment,boughtthepropertypriorto1831.11ThePazSoldanfamilyinheritedthehaciendabetween1846and1850.12Thehaciendawasdividedforinheritanceonseveraloccasionsduringthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury.In1892,forexample,onepropertywithanareaof644.78.31wasdividedintotwelvesections.Sixyearslater,in1898,
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anotherlargesectionofCollpawasdividedintotwosections.13Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912,membersofthePazSoldanfamilycontinuedtoownlargesectionsofHaciendaCollpa,butfamilymembersalsosoldsmall,medium,andlarge-sizedparcelstoothers.Sixtypropertiesexistedinthebodyoftheformerhacienda.Thirty-six,60percentoftheproperties,hadanareaoflessthanonehectare.Anotherthirteen,21.7percentoftheproperties,hadasizeofmorethanfiftyhectares(seeTable5.6).
ThepatternofthefragmentationofagriculturallandwasgeneralizedthroughouttheValleAlto.Therewasarapidgrowthinthenumberofproperties.Muchofthegrowthinpropertiesresultedfromthesaleofsmallplotsoflandfromhaciendaterritory,thedivisionandresaleofsmallplots,andaproliferationinthenumberofplotswithanareaoflessthanonehectare.Forexample,inabout1900,therewere2,449smallparcelswithanareaoflessthanahectareinCantónTarata,69.1percentofall
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Table5.5NumberofPropertiesintheValleAltoinSelectedYearsJurisdictionJurisdiction 1831 1882 1900 1912 c.1945Punata 16763
Punata 30 1467 1634 3218SanBenito 7 231 479 1194Muela 542 718 2194
Arani* 5517Arani 27** 220 309 559
Tarata* 7316Tarata 69*** 2151 3542 5246
Cliza 7487Cliza 1 1 437 515Toco 8 678 2227 2780Tolata 574 N.D. 1292
Total 142 5864 16998 37083*Includeshighlandjurisdictions.**IncludespropertiesinMuela.***IncludespropertiesinTolata.Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,1831;HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblacion18441939(Lima,1978),Pp.3234;ElHeraldo,October25,1907;CPR,APC,variousjurisdictions;RafaelReyeros,Elpongueaje.Laservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.
properties.In1912,therewere1,039smallpropertiesinCantónTolata,84.6percentofallproperties.Parcelswithanextensionoflessthantenhectaresoccupied16.8percentofthelandlistedinthecadastralsurvey(seeTable5.7).Itwas5,059plotswithanareaoflessthanahectareinPunataProvinceabout1912,79.96percentofallparcels,and353smallpropertiesinCantónAraniinthesameyears,63.2percentofalllandsinthejurisdiction.
14In1924,therewere1,112propertiesinCantónCliza,941or83.9percentwithanareaoflessthanahectare.15
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ThefragmentationofagriculturallandledtoconsiderablesocialchangeintheValleAlto.Forexample,thenumberofservicetenantsdropped.Manycolonosbecamelandowners,acquiringparcelsoflandtheypreviouslyrented.OtherslefttheValleAltotoworkintheminesintheBolivianaltiplanoandnorthernChile,orinthesugarplantationsinnorthernArgentina.16
ThechangesinlandtenureandruralsocialrelationsintheValleAltohadaprofoundimpactonsubsequentBolivianhistory.Thedepressioninthe1930sforcedmanymineworkerstoreturntotheland,whenthe
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Table5.6StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaMamataandHaciendaCollpaSizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %
Mamata0.99 380 63.2 153.23.68 9.514.99 176 29.3 356.84.88 22.05.9.99 19 3.2 143.39.90 8.91049.99 22 3.7 398.74.11 24.65099.99 1 0.2 69.92.97 4.3100499.99 3 0.5 498.45.46 30.8Total 601 100.1 1,620.61.00 100.1
Collpa0.99 36 60.0 14.15.54 1.214.99 5 8.3 7.47.46 0.61049.99 5 8.3 145.62.68 12.55099.99 10 16.7 635.96.33 54.5100499.99 3 5.0 364.33.50 31.2SizeNotGiven 1 1.7Total 60 100.0 1,167.55.51 100.1Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonTarata,AraniProvince,CantonArani.
largeminingcompaniesfiredthousandsofworkers.Ex-mineworkershadexperienceincollectiveorganization,andtookaleadintheorganizationofpeasantleagues(sindicatos)thatattemptedtoimprovethequalityoflifeoftheirmembersandensureaccesstoland.In1936,theleadersofthefirstpeasantleaguefoundedinAnaRanchopressuredthegovernmenttonegotiateanagreementwiththenunsoftheconventofSantaClaratorent,andlatertheyconsentedtoselllandtotheresidentservicetenants,andgaveimpetustotheorganizationofpeasantleaguesinotherpartsofCochabamba.
17
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Thegrowingmomentumofreformpoliticsinthelate1930s,1940s,andearly1950sincludedagrowingrecognitionoftheneedforchangesinthecountryside,especiallytheeliminationofwhatwereseenasanachronisticcolonialinstitutions,suchaselementsofservicetenantryandthefeudalhacienda.TheMovimientoNacionalistaRevolucionariopartyincorporatedthecallforagrarianreformintoitsreformagendainthelate1940s,andformallyimplementedanagrarian-reformdecreeafterseizingpowerinacoupin1952.18However,inmanysensesthepeasantleagues
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Table5.7StructureofLandTenureinCantonTolatain1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 1,039 84.6 319.82.12 6.814.99 183 14.2 348.50.54 7.459.99 16 1.2 119.94.48 2.61049.99 38 2.9 808.94.33 17.25099.99 3 0.2 193.36.80 4.1100499.99 13 1.0 2,914.51.28 61.9Total 1,292 100.1 4,705.09.55 100.0Source:CPR,APC,ClizaProvince,CantonTolata.
themselvesforcedthenewgovernmenttomakegoodonitscommitmenttoenforcetheagrarian-reformmeasure.PeasantsintheValleAltoandsurroundingdistrictsinvadedanddividedhaciendalands,attackedhaciendaownersandadministrators,and,insomeinstances,evenattackedruraltowns.
19Moreover,forabouttwentyyearsthepeasantleaguesbecamethepowerbrokersinthecountryside,andinthecaseoftheso-calledCliza-UcurenaWarinthelate1950sandearly1960s,individualpeasantleagueslaunchedmilitaryattacksagainstrivalleaguesinpoliticaldisputes.20ThemassacreatTolata,intheValleAlto,bythearmyofpeasantsinJanuary1974endedthepoliticalprominenceofpeasantleaguesintheValleAlto.21
SacabaValley
TheSacabaValleydevelopedapatternoflandtenuredominatedbylargehaciendasthatproducedgrain,especiallywheat,andpotatoesforlocalconsumptionandexport.Inthe1690s,therereportedlywereelevenhaciendasinthevalley,andtwenty-sevennearlyacenturylater,inthe1780s.22Thegrowthinthenumberofhaciendasindicatesthecreation
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ofnewproperties,orthedivisionofexistingestatesforinheritanceorforothermotives.
Therewerefurtherchangesinhaciendaownershipandlandtenureinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Ofthe27haciendasinSacabainthe1780s,4weredividedbyinheritanceorsaleby1835,whenthetributerollslisted32haciendas.Overthenextfiftyyears,thenumberofprop-
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ertiesincreasedmorethansixtytimesto1,967in1882.Thenumbersgrewto3,114in1894,and4,597in1912.Theproliferationofsmallpropertiescontinuedoverthenextthirtyyears.In1945,therewere6,320parcelsinChapareProvince(Sacaba,Colomi,Tablas,Mendozayungas),mostofthemlocatedintheSacabaValley(seeTable5.8).
NocommunitylandsexistedintheSacabaValleyattheendofthecolonialperiod.Therefore,therapidgrowthofpropertiesafter1835resultedfromthepartitionofhaciendasandthegrowthofminifundio.Table5.9recordsthenumberofhaciendasin1835,instancesofdivisionduetoinheritance,andthenumberofpropertiesin1912withanareaofmorethantenhectares.Therewereatleastnineinstancesofthedivisionofestatesforinheritance,andin1912,ninety-twoparcelslargerthantenhectaresexistedwithintheboundariesoftheformercolonialhaciendas(seeTable5.9).
ThepartitionofruralestatescanalsobeseenthroughdetailedcasestudiesofHaciendasLaAbraandTucsapucyo(seeTable5.10).
TherearedataonthepartitionofLaAbraforinheritanceaswellasanumberofsales,andevidenceofinstabilityoftenure,especiallyduringthecrisisofthe1890s.In1865,fourindividualsdividedthehaciendaforinheritance.In1905,theheirsofoneModestinoGarcíaRevollodividedlandswithanextensionof185hectares.In1918,theheirsofFelicidadValencia,oneoftherecipientsoflandsfromtheinitialdivisionofthehaciendain1865,dividedapropertywithanareaof100hectares.
23Duringthecrisisofthe1890sand1920s,therewasinstabilityofownershipoflandsinLaAbra.Forexample,oneJuanMoyanoboughtasectionofthehaciendain1888,butsoldthepropertyeightyearslatertothreeindividuals.Oneofthethreepurchasers,amannamedBernabeZelada,experienceddebtproblemsandhadtosellhis
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shareayearlater,in1897.In1929,CarlosSalamancaboughtlandsinLaAbrafromtheBancoHipotecarioNacional.Thebankhadforeclosedon,andtakenpossessionof,theproperty.24
In1912,thereweresixty-fivepropertiesinLaAbra,fifty-eightofwhichmeasuredlessthantenhectaresinextension.Thesmallpropertiesoccupied22percentofthelandsofthehacienda.Incontrast,fourlargeparcelsgreaterthanfiftyhectaresinextentcontrolled63.2percentofthehaciendalands(seeTable5.10).
HaciendaTucsapucyobelongedtotheUrquidifamilyin1835.Familymembersbegansellinghaciendalandsinthe1860s,ifnotearlier.IhavefoundatleastsevensalesbymembersoftheUrquidifamily,includingfourtransactionsin1866forlandswithatotalareaof103hectares.In
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Table5.8NumberofPropertiesinCantonSacaba(SacabaValley)inSelectedYearsYear NumberofProperties1835 321882 1,9671894 3,1141912 4,597c.1945 6,320
*Includespropertiesinhighlanddistricts.Source:RobertH.Jackson,''TheDeclineoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseoftheSacabaValley,18701929,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),Pp.259281;GustavoRodriguezandHumbertoSolares,Sociedadoligarchica,chichayculturapopular(Cochabamba,1990),p.21;RafaelReyeros,Elpongueaje.Laservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.
1912,onlyonefamilymemberownedalargeparcelwithanareaof107hectares,or7.6percentofthetotalareaofthehaciendaregisteredinthecadastralsurvey.Thepurchasersofhaciendalandssoldandresoldparcels,furthercontributingtotheparcelizationofthehacienda.
25
In1912,therewere131separatepropertiesinHaciendaTucsapucyo,includinglargenumbersofsmallplots.Ofthese,118hadanarealessthan10hectares,occupying13.2percentoftheareaoftheestate.Therewere6medium-tolarge-sizedpropertieswithanareagreaterthan50hectares,whichoccupiedmorethan70percentoftheland(seeTable5.10).
Theimpactofperiodiceconomiccrises,suchasthoseinthe1890sandlate1920s,canbemeasuredbyincreasesinhaciendasales.Arepresentativesampleofeighty-eighthaciendasalesbetween1860sand1929showstwoperiodsofelevatednumbersofsalesinthe1880sand
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1890s,andagaininthe1920s.Intheformerperiod,atotalofthirty-sixsaleswererecorded,tenduringthe18951899quinquennium,attheheightofthecrisisintheregionaleconomy.Anumberofthesesalesresultedfromforeclosurefordebt.Haciendasalesdroppedoverthenexttwentyyearstosixteenfrom1900to1909,andeightoverthefollowingdecade.Butthetempoofsalesincreasedtosevenrecordedin19201924,andthirteeninthelastquinquenniuminthedecade.26
AgriculturallandintheSacabaValleyhadexperiencedconsiderablefragmentationbytheseconddecadeofthepresentcentury,andthenum-
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Table5.9HaciendasinCantonSacaba,18351912
HaciendaPropertiesin1835
DivisionForInheritance
Propertiesin1912
Laicacota 2 ? 4Chimboco 3 Yes 16Curubamba 1 Yes 5MolinoBlanco 1 No 1MayoMolino 1 No 1Ucuchi 1 ? 2Laquina 2 Yes 16Corihuma&Corimayu 1 Yes 5LabaLaba 1 ? 11Tucsapucyo 1 Yes 13Chacacollo 1 No 1SauceArocagua&Quintanilla 1 Yes 4LaAbra 1 Yes 7Puntiti 1 No 3GuaillaniChico 1 Yes 1Guaillani 1 Yes 2GrandeSource:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,CercadoProvince1835,1844,1850,1855,1868,1878;CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonSacaba.
berofmediumtolargehaciendashadgrown.The1912cadastralsurveyrecordsatotalof4,418propertieswithanextensionoflessthan10hectaresthatoccupiedaquarterofthelandregisteredinthesurvey.Therewere64haciendas(seeTable5.11).
HighlandDistrictsinCochabambaDepartment
ThehighlanddistrictsofCochabambaDepartmentexperienceddifferentchangesinland-tenurepatterns.Thesmallerrivervalleyslocatedata
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higherelevationthanthethreecentral-valleydistricts(Capinota,Caraza,Itapaya)sawagrowthinthenumberofsmallparcels.Attheendofthecolonialperiod,anindigenouscorporatecommunityand2haciendascontrolledthefertilelandsofCapinotaValley.
27In1912,therewere908separatepropertiesinthearea,including814lessthan10hectaresinsizethatoccupied22percentoftheland.28Carazawasdominatedby18
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Table5.10StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaLaAbraandHaciendaTucsapucyo
SizeofParcelNumberofProperties %
AreainHectares %
LaAbra0.99 27 41.5 13.70.58 3.014.99 28 43.1 62.61.85 13.859.99 3 4.6 23.42.77 5.21049.99 3 4.6 67.08.55 14.85099.99 4 6.2 285.79.81 63.2Total 65 100.0 453.63.56 100.0
Tucsapucyo0.99 67 51.2 32.57.87 2.314.99 44 33.6 103.21.22 7.359.99 7 5.3 51.61.58 3.61049.99 7 5.3 179.07.72 12.65099.99 1 0.8 59.50.40 4.2100499.99 5 3.8 991.79.39 69.95Total 131 100.0 1,417.78.18 99.95Source:CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonSacaba.
haciendasin1835.
29In1912,therewere748,including690withanextensionoflessthan10hectaresthatoccupied21.7percentofthelandsregisteredinthecadastralsurvey.30In1912,CantónItapaya(QuillacolloProvince)counted370properties,351measuringlessthan10hectaresembracing26.8percentofthelandsinthejurisdiction.31
Aswasthecaseinthethreecentral-valleydistricts,thefragmentationofagriculturallandinthethreedistrictsdiscussedabovewasexceptional.Largehaciendascontinuedtodominatemostofthehighlandsectionsof
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CochabambaDepartment,includingTapacari,Arque,Totora,Mizque,Ayopaya,Campero,andothersmallerjurisdictions.
Theearlydevelopmentofthelowlandcoca-producingyungas,especiallyapushattheendofthenineteenthandinthefirstdecadesofthepresentcentury,ledtothegrantingbytheBoliviangovernmentofextensiveconcessionstounderdevelopedorpartiallydevelopedtropicalrainforestlands.In1912,forexample,theheirsofoneManuelZarateownedMaicaMonte,anestatelocatedintheTablasyungaswithareportedsurfaceareaof50,500hectaresandworthonlyBs12,500,avalueofonly
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Table5.11StructureofLandTenureinCantonSacabain1912SizeofParcel
NumberofProperties %
AreainHectares %
0.99 3,387 73.7 1,223.49.82 7.914.99 911 19.8 1,813.70.91 11.759.99 120 2.6 842.20.96 5.51049.99 101 2.2 2,229.49.39 14.45099.99 31 0.7 2,183.96.74 14.1100499.99 31 0.7 5,807.77.10 37.6500999.99 2 0.004 1,362.60.16 8.8SizeNotGiven 14 0.3Total 4,597 100.004 15,463.25.08 100.0Source:CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonSacaba.
Bs4.04perhectare.ThepropertyproducedanannualincomeofBs500.
32ThecadastralsurveyoftheYungasofYcunaandYungasofArepucho(TotoraProvince),landsdescribedasfertiletropicalrainforest,didnotevenrecordtheextensionofproperties;thesurveymerelyestimatedthevalueofthelandconcessions.33
Nevertheless,changesdidoccurinhighlandlandtenure.Therewasinstabilityofownership,andthedivisionofestatesforinheritance.Thefollowingsectionsexamineland-tenurechangesinfourhighlanddistricts,CantónPalca(AyopayaProvince),theColomihighlandslocatedinChapareProvince,CantónParedón,andMizqueProvince.
TheAyopayaHighlands(CantónPalca)
TheadministrativejurisdictionofAyopayaProvinceincludeslandslocatedatdifferentecologicalzonesfromthepunoatfourthousandmetersinelevationusedprimarilyforpasture,tolow-lyingrivervalleys(yungas)atseventeenhundredmetersinelevation,suitableforthe
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productionofsugar,cotton,chilipeppers,andothersemitropicalcrops.34Somehaciendascontrolledlandsatalloftheecologicalzonesfoundintheprovince,andproducedawidevarietyofcrops.Forexample,HaciendaMansanani(CantónPalca)producedcorn,wheat,barley,potatoes,fruitsandvegetables,andsugarcane.35
ThreeactivitiesdominatedtheeconomyoftheAyopayahighlands.LandownersinCantónChoquecamata(Cocapata)exportedquantitiesof
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Peruvianbarkontheinternationalmarketfortheproductionofquinine.
36Mosthaciendasintheregionspecializedingrainandpotatoproduction,eitherforthemarketinthecentral-valleydistrictsorinthealtiplano.Finally,apatternofseasonaltranshumanceexisted,basedupontherentalofpasturelands(yerbaje)intheAyopayapuno.Dr.FedericoBlancodescribedthelong-distancetranshumancethatbroughtsheepfromsurroundinghighlanddistrictstopastureinAyopaya,andcattleandotheranimalsfromthethreecentralvalleys.37Thehighlandhaciendaspecializedincerealandtuberproduction,andgenerallyonlyasmallareaofthebestagriculturallandwouldbecultivatedatagiventime.Thevastpastureproducedarentthroughyerbajethatperhapsprovidedlandowningfamilieswithenoughincometosurviveinthefaceoflimitedorunstabledemandforcerealsandtubers.IncomeproducedthroughyerbajeenabledsomeAyopayalandowningfamiliestoretaincontroloverthelandattheendofthenineteenthcentury,whilemanylandownersinthecentralvalleyslosttheirlandsandfaceddownwardsocialmobility.
TherewasnopatternofthefragmentationofagriculturallandinAyopayaProvince.ThenumberofpropertiesinAyopayaincreasedduringthenineteenthcentury,butnottothesamedegreeasinthecentral-valleydistricts.Theincreaseinthenumberofpropertiesmostlikelyresultedfromthedivisionoflargerpropertiesforinheritanceorsaleandthecreationofnewpropertiesalonganexpandingagriculturalfrontier.Therewere70haciendasinAyopayaProvincein1839.38In1912,thenumberwas676.Inthethirtyyearsbetween1912and1945,however,thetotalnumberofpropertiesactuallydecreased,whichsuggestsadegreeoflandconsolidation.Largelandownersstrengthenedtheirmonopolyoveragriculturalland(see
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Table5.12).AnexaminationofthelandmarketinAyopayaProvincefromthe1880stothe1920sshedslightonthedynamicofchangesinthestructureoflandtenure.CantónPalca,whichisrepresentativeoftheotherjurisdictionsintheprovince,andthehistoryofoneimportantPalcalandowningfamilytheCrespos,whohadextensivelandholdingsinthejurisdictionbyatleastthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyareusedtoillustratethetransformationoflandtenure.
ThelandmarketwasfairlyactiveinCantónPalca.Ihavearepresentativesampleof344salesinCantónPalcabyvaluerecordedbetween1860and1929.TheareaofagivenpropertyrarelyappearsinthesalecontractsforAyopayaProvincerecordedinthelandregister(derechosreales),soIusethesalepriceasaroughgaugeoftherelativesizeofaproperty.Therewere170salesofsmallandmedium-sizedproperties,thosewithasalepriceoflessthanBs500,or49percentofthesample.
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Table5.12NumberofPropertiesinAyopayaProvinceinSelectedYearsYear NumberofPropertiesc.1882 461c.1902 548c.1912 676c.1948 616
Source:FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),p.13;HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblacion18441939(Lima,1978),Pp.3234;CPR,APC;AyopayaProvince;RafaelReyeros,ElpongueajelaservadumbrepersonaldelosIndiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.
Thesaleofsmallandmedium-sizedproperties,however,doesnotnecessarilyindicatethatlandlesspeasantswereabletobuyland.Therewerealsosalesofmedium-andlarge-sizedproperties,thosewithasalepriceofmorethanBs1,000.Twenty-fiveproperties(7percent)hadasalepriceofmorethanBs10,000,andanotherninety-eight(29percent)soldforapriceofbetweenBs1,000andBs10,000.
39
ThelatifundioremainedthedominantformoflandtenureinPalca.Smallparcelsoccupiedarelativelysmallamountoflandasregisteredinthecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912.Therewere179smallandmedium-sizedpropertieswithanareaoflessthanfiftyhectares,whichoccupiedanareaof912.80hectares,lessthan1percentofthetotalarearegistered.Someindividualsownedmorethanonesmallormedium-sizedproperty,andmembersofelitelandowningfamilies,suchastheCrespos,alsoownedsmallparcels.Ontheotherhand,fiftyhaciendaswithanareaofmorethan500hectaresoccupiedsome162,150hectaresor96percentofthelandinPalca(seeTable5.13).
Thepatternoflandsalesinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury
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suggestsadegreeoffluidityintenureinPalcawhichenabledcertainfamiliestoexpandtheirholdings.AnexaminationoftheCrespofamily,whichownedlandsintheregionbyatleastthe1870sandstillownsomeland,illustratethesetrends.Accordingtoonememberofthefamily,theCresposoriginallyownedlandsintheValleBajo,andmovedintoAyopayaatthetimeofthePeruvianbarkexportcycleinthemiddletolatenineteenthcentury.40In1879,forexample,oneGenaroCrespoownedextensivelandsinboththeValleBajoandAyopaya.TheeconomyofCrespo'sholdingsinAyopayacomplementedthatofhislandsintheValleBajo.CresporentedpastureintheValleBajoforpartoftheyear,during
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Table5.13StructureofLandTenureinCantonPalcain1912
SizeofParcelNumberofProperties %
AreainHectares %
0.99 13 5.1 6.75 .004149.99 166 64.6 906.05 .545099.99 15 5.8 1,020 .61100499.99 13 5.1 2,352 1.4500999.99 8 3.1 6,500 3.910004999.99 31 12.1 70,150 42.250009999.99 9 3.5 53,500 32.11000014999.99 1 .39 12,000 7.220000+ 1 .39 20,000 12.0Total 257 100.1 166,434.80 100Source:CPR,APC,AyopayaProvince,CantonPalca.
andimmediatelyfollowingtherainyseason,andthenmovedthelivestocktohisAyopayapropertiesduringthedrypartoftheyear.TheCresposapparentlysoldofftheirlandsintheValleBajoattheendofthenineteenthcentury.
41NofamilymemberappearsasalandownerintheValleBajointhecadastralsurvey,preparedintheearlytwentiethcentury.
TwopatternsemergefromananalysisofasampleoflandtransactionsinvolvingdifferentmembersoftheCrespofamilyinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.42ThePalcalandedeliteintermarried,andmany,ifnotmost,landsalesinvolvedtransactionsbetweenmembersoftheextendedCrespofamilyorothermembersofthelocalelite.Nineofatotalofthirty-six(25percent)salesoflandbymembersoftheCrespofamilyinvolvedothermembersofthesameextendedfamily.Anothertwotransactions(6percent)involvedtheAntezanafamily,alliedtotheCresposthroughmarriage.TheCresposalsoownedagriculturallandof
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varyingsizes.In1902,forexample,CesarCrespoboughtaparceloflandwithanareaofonehectareinChallani.
In1912,differentmembersoftheCrespofamilyownedfifteenpropertieswithatotalsurfaceareaof17,515.50hectares,or11percentoftheareasurveyedinCantónPalca.CesarCrespoownedHaciendaMataraniwithanareaof5,000hectares,oneofthelargerhaciendasinCantónPalca.Moreover,membersofthefamilyownedsmall,medium,andlargeproperties.Threeofthefifteenparcelshadanareaofbetween10and49hectares,andanotherthreewithanareaoflessthan10hectares.Inotherwords,theexistenceofsmallandmedium-sizedpropertiesinCantón
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Palcadoesnotindicatethepresenceofagroupofindependentpeasantproprietors.
43
CantónColomi
ThelatifundioremainedthedominantformoftenureinCantónColomi,ChapareProvince,althoughthetrendduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieswasthepartitionoftheestanciasthroughsaleanddivisionforinheritance.TheColomiestanciasproducedpotatoesandothertubersformarkets,whichmayhavebeenstableinrelationtothevolatilegrainmarkets,andtheyhadareputationforthequalityofthepotatoesproduced.Thisreputationattractedsomecapitalinvestmentintheearlytwentiethcentury.In1907,anunidentifiedgroupofinvestorsorganizedtheNewLindiAgriculturalCompanytoexploitagriculturallandsinColomi.44
AgricultureinColomiwasnotintensivenorextensive.Thelowerqualityofthesoiland,especially,thecoolerclimatedictatedalongerperiodoffallowwithinthesystemofcroprotation.Accordingtoonesource,landsinColomiproducedtwocropsinafive-yearsystemofrotationwiththreeyearsoffallow.45Onlyasmallpercentageofestancialandwasactuallycultivatedatanyonepointintime,andtherentalofextensivepasturelandsprobablyearnedadditionalincomeasinAyopaya.
TheAguirrefamilyownedEstanciaColomi,thesinglelargepropertyinthejurisdiction,inthe1860s.46Theincreaseinthenumberofpropertiesbetween1870sand1920sresultedfromthepartitionofEstanciaColomiandseveralotherpropertiesoverseveralgenerationsthroughsale,inheritance,orlegaldisputesoverownershipbetweenmembersoftheAguirrefamily.Theprocessofpartitionbeganin
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1871,whenMiguelAguirredividedthepropertybetweenhisthreechildren,Nataniel,Modestino,andJosefa.NatanielAguirrerealizedanumberoftransactionsandalawsuitthatconsolidatedcontroloverthelandsinheritedbyhisbrother.Atthesametime,AguirresoldsectionsofEstanciaColomiwhichfurthercontributedtotheprocessofthesubdivisionoftheproperty.47
AnanalysisofthepatternoflandsalesinCantónColomiindicatesthefollowingtendencies.Thegreatestnumberofsalesoccurredinthe1880swithnine(31percent),andagaininthe1920switheight(27.6percent).NatanielAguirre,whoheldvariouspostsinthegovernmentinthe1880s,soldsectionsofEstanciaColomi.Severalpurchasersapparentlyboughtthelandasaspeculation,orelsefacedfinancialdifficultiesandhadto
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resellthelandswithinashortperiodoftime.In1881,forexample,oneJoséMoscosoboughtashareofEstanciaColomi,butsoldhisholdingswithintwoyears.Theelevatednumberofsalesinthe1920smayhavebeenrelatedtodebtproblems.Althoughnotacorn-producingdistrict,landvaluesinColomimayalsohaverisenduringtheearlytwentiethcentury,andlandownersmayhavecontracteddebtstotakeadvantageofthegrowingequityintheirlands.Debtsprobablybecametoomuchofaburdenwiththegeneraldownturninagricultureinthe1920s,andparticularlyfollowingthedevastatinglocustinvasionafter1922.ThefirstsalesofsmallparcelsinColomiwereregisteredinthe1920s,andmayhavereflectedanattemptbylargelandownerstoraisecash.
48
AnanalysisofthedatafromthecadastralsurveyfurtherdocumentsthepartitionofEstanciaColomi.In1894,thereweresevenpropertiesinCantónColomi,thelargestofwhichhadanareaofmorethantwothousandhectares.ThemajorchangeinlandtenureinColomiwastheincreaseinthenumberofsmallestanciaswithanareaofbetweenonehundredandfivehundredhectaresseparatedfromlargerproperties.Table5.14comparesthestructureoflandtenurein1894and1912.Itshouldbenotedthatthereisadiscrepancyinthetotalsurfacearearecordedin1894and1912,whichcanbeattributedtoinaccuraciesinthemeasurementofextensivehighlandproperties.Servicetenantryremainedthemostimportantformofhaciendalabor,althoughthenumberofcolonosdroppedattheendofthenineteenthcentury,mostlikelyduetoout-migration.Therewere818colonosinColomiin1894,and643in1912.49
HaciendaandPiqueriainCantónParedón
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Inthelatecolonialperiod,Paredónwasadistrictdominatedbyhaciendasthatproducedwheat,barleyandpotatoesandothertubers,whichweregenerallygrownwithoutthebenefitofirrigation.Therewerealsocattleestancias.50TheeconomyofParedónwas,andstillis,closelytiedtomarketsintheValleAlto,especiallythegrainmarketsinClizaandTarata.Theimportationofgrowingvolumesofforeign(primarilyChilean)wheatflourunderminedtheprofitabilityofhaciendaproduction.ParedónhacendadosalsoownedlandsintheValleAlto.TheJordanandBarrientosfamilies,forexample,ownedhaciendasinParedónandtheValleAlto.EvidencefromthetributerollsindicatesthattherewerenineteencolonialhaciendasandestanciasinParedón-Izataattheendofthecolonialperiod,andtwenty-fourin1831.51Severalhaciendasbelonged
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Table5.14StructureofLandTenureinCantonColomiin1894andc.19121894 1912
SizeofPropertiesinHectaresNumberofProperties AreainHectares
NumberofProperties
AreainHectares
100499.99 2 618.52.94 11 2134.46.49500999.99 4 3093.65.45 2 1309.18.8010004999.99 1 2447.54.50 2 2443.50.87Total 7 6159.72.89 15 5887.08.16Source:ElComercio,March13,1895;andCPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonColomi.
tocorporateinstitutions,includingTijrascaandMorochata,whichbothbelongedtothenunsofSantaClara.
52
Divisionsforinheritanceandlandsalescontributedtothepartitionofhaciendas,andinthelatenineteenthcenturythenumberofpiquerosgrewrapidly.Iexaminethecasesofthesubdivisionoftwohaciendas,LlallahuaniandKhalaLlusta.TheheirsofJoséGandarillasdividedHaciendaLlallahuanipriorto1846,althoughtheGandarillasfamilyapparentlylostorsoldtheirinterestsinthepropertypriorto1912sincenomemberofthefamilyislistedinthecadastralsurveyasowningland.Thirty-sixsmallandmedium-sizedpropertieswithanextensionoflessthanfiftyhectarescontrolledthemajorityoftheland,andthesinglelargestproperty,thecoreoftheformerhacienda,occupiedsixtyhectaresofland(seeTable5.15).53HaciendaKhalaLlustawasdividedintotwoseparatepropertiespriorto1831,andthesectionofthehaciendathatbelongedtotheFerrufinofamilywasfurthersubdividedforinheritancebetween1855and1872.AswasthecasewithLlallahuani,theprincipalownersofKhalaLlusta,theFerrufinoandAngulofamilies,donotappearinthecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912.54Ninetyproperties
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withanareaoflessthanfiftyhectarescontrolledsome70percentoftheland(seeTable5.16).
TherewasarapidgrowthinthelandmarketinParedónandIzatainthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Forexample,between1870and1905,258landsaleswereregisteredinCartónParedón,withthegreatestnumber112(43percent)duringthedecade18901899,attheheightofthecrisisintheregionaleconomy.Thebulkofthelandsalesweresmallandmedium-sizedparcels.55Similarly,between1893and1922therewasagrowingnumberoflandsalesinCantónIzata;atotal
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Table5.15StructureofLandTenureLlallahuani,c.1912
SizeofParcelNumberofProperties %
AreainHectares %
0.99 17 45.9 7.25 4.6149.99 19 51.4 89.70 57.25099.99 1 2.7 60.00 38.2Total 37 156.95Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonParedon.
of23intheyears18931902,47between1903and1912,and59from1913to1922.Thenumberoflandsalesthendroppedto19overthenexttenyears.
56Therelativeavailabilityoflandallowedpiquerostobuyseveralparcelsoflandlocatedatdifferentlocationswithinasmallarea,astrategydesignedtospreadtheriskofpotentialcroplossduetofrostorotherecologicalfactorsoverseveralplotsofland.Forexample,inKhalaLlusta53ofthe91parcelsregisteredbelongedtolandownerswhoownedbetween2and10parcelsofland,andthenumberoflandownerstotaledfifty-five.OneKhalaLlustasmallholder,PantaleónSoto,reportedlyowned10separateparcels,withacombinedextensionof7.42hectares.57
Tables5.17and5.18summarizethestructureoflandtenureinCantónParedónandCantónIzataaround1912.Haciendasstilldominatedthecountrysideinbothjurisdictions,buttherewasasignificantnumberofpiqueros.InParedón,therewere1,005separatepropertieswithanextensionoflessthan1hectare,andanother570withanareaofbetweenIand49.99hectares.Similarly,inIzatatherewere145propertieswithanareaoflessthanIhectare,andanother66withanextensionoffrom1to49.99hectares(seeTables5.17and5.18).Alltold,smallandmedium-sizedpropertiesoccupied22percentofthe
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registeredlandinParedón,and41percentinIzata.
HaciendatenureinParedón-Izataexperiencedsomeinstabilityinthelatenineteenthcenturyasaconsequenceofthedeteriorationoftheagriculturaleconomyandgrowinglevelsofdebt.ThehistoryofHaciendaSacabambatypifiestheinstabilityinhaciendatenure.Sacabamba,madeupofthreesuyos(sections)namedSacabambayYuncathaqui,Matarani,andChallaque,occupiedanareaofsome10,400hectaresinthreemountainbasins.Inthemid-nineteenthcentury,thehaciendabelongedtoManuelJordan,buthisthreeheirsdividedthehaciendain1853.Thedivisionofthehaciendaresultedinthecreationsofthreeestates:Sacabambay
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Table5.16StructureofLandTenureKhalaLlusta,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 44 48.4 9.99 2.8149.99 46 50.6 244.30 68.9100499.99 1 1.1 100.00 28.2Total 91 354.29Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonParedon.
Yuncathaqui(4,000hectares),Matarani(3,800hectares),andChallaque(2,600hectares).
58
Oneofthethreeheirs,NinfaJordan,marriedamerchantnamedPabloBarrientos,whorealizedanumberoflandtransactionsonbehalfoftheJordanfamily.In1879,BarrientoscontractedadebtofBs20,000withamortgageonHaciendaSacabamba.Barrientosapparentlyencounteredsomedifficultyinservicingthedebt,andin1888hesoldthehaciendatooneDiogenesPradoforBs38,000.ThesalecontractstipulatedthatPradopayofftheoutstandingdebttotheCreditoHipotecariodeBolivia,whichheldthemortgage.However,adisputearoseoverthepaymentofthemortgageandthepurchaseprice,andBarrientosinitiatedlitigationtoregaincontrolofthehacienda.AccordingtoBarrientos'sattorney,Pradodidnotpaythepurchasepriceinthetimeperiodstipulatedinthesalecontract,andhedidnotverifythecancellationofthedebt.Moreover,Barrientosclaimedthathisheir,MercedesBarrientos,paidoffthedebt.59Barrientostookhiscasetothenewspapers.
Mr.Revollo[Prado'slawyer]saysthattheseller[Barrientos]receivedthe[purchase]priceforSacabambainletrashipotecarias[interest-bearingbonds],banknotes,andmoney[Bs700],thathiscreditorsgavetohimwiththemortgageonthefinca....Thathe[Prado]didnot[payoffthedebt]isclear,theseletras[hipotecarias]andmonieshavenotremainedinthepowerofthe
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sellernorhisheir[MercedesBarrientos],rathershehasreturnedtheseletras[hipotecarias],notes,andmoney[theamountofthedebt]tothecreditorsfromherpeculium,withoutthesupposedbuyerhavingpaidasinglecent.60
Thecaseremainedinlitigationthroughoutthe1890s,butMercedesBarrientostookpossessionofHaciendaSacabambaby1893.Inthatyear,
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Table5.17StructureofLandTenureCantonParedon,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 1,005 61.9 293.46 9.9149.99 570 35.1 3,673.00 12.45099.99 18 1.1 1,294.00 4.4100499.99 20 1.2 3,763.00 12.7500999.99 5 .31 3,788.00 12.81,0004,999.99 5 .31 16,800.00 56.7Total 1,623 29,611.46Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonParedon.
sherentedthehacienda.MercedesBarrientosdiedin1896,andwilledthehaciendatotheSociedaddeBeneficencias.TheBishopofCochabambaadministeredthepropertyonbehalfofthecharity.However,PradodidnotabandonhisclaimtoSacabamba.In1896,PradorentedthehaciendatooneDanielLemoine.By1902,PradoapparentlyregainedundisputedcontrolofSacabamba.Inthatyear,PradowasnamedinadebtactionbroughtbytheCreditoHipotecariodeBoliviatocollectanoutstandingdebtofBs6,287.77,securedwithamortgageonSacabambaandHaciendaLiquinas,locatedinCantónTarata.
61Finally,PradosoldSacabambain1916toManuelaUreydeSalamanca.
ManuelaUreydeSalamancaboughtallthreesectionsofthelargerHaciendaSalamancabetween1900and1916,payingBs260,000forthethreehaciendas.Thereconsolidationofthehacienda,firstdividedin1853,wasfacilitatedbythecrisisfacedbymanylandownersinthe1890s,whichwasrelatedtodebtproblemsandthedeteriorationoftheregionalagriculturaleconomy.LandownersinParedón-Izataappeartohavebeenparticularlyhardhitbythedeclineindemandforlocally
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producedwheatflourinthe1890s.HaciendaChallaque,forexample,wassoldthreetimesduringthedecade.
Paredón-Izataprovidesaconcreteexampleoftheimpactonhighlandhaciendasofthedeteriorationinthedemandinthe1890sforlocallyproducedwheatflour,coupledwithgrowinglevelsofdebtandtheinabilitytopayoffloans.Haciendaownershadtoselltheirestates,orsellsmallparcelsoflandtosmallholdersorlandlesspeasantstoraisemoney.Theeconomiccrisisofthelatenineteenthcenturyacceleratedtheprocessofmestizajeinlegalandfiscalterms,althoughnotinculturalterms.A
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Table5.18StructureofLandTenureCantonIzata,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 145 66.5 44.14 2.7149.99 66 30.28 639.01 39.15099.99 3 1.4 207.00 12.7100499.99 4 1.8 745.00 45.6Total 218 1,635.15Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonIzata.
superficialreadingofcensusfiguresindicatesrapidmestizationofthepopulationofParedón.Betweenthelate1780sand1900,theIndiansegmentdeclinedfromconstitutingamajorityofthepopulationofParedóntoamere22in1900,orlessthanIpercentofthetotal.In1900,8,351mestizoslivedinParedón,77percentofthetotalpopulation.AcloserexaminationofthevitalratesofthepopulationofParedóninthelateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturiesdemonstratesthatthepatternofrapidmestizationthatoccurredinthenineteenthcenturywasafunctionofchangesinthecriteriausedintheregistrationofnewbornchildren,andnotofculturalorbiologicalchangeinthepeasantpopulation.SamplestakenfromtheextantbaptismalregistersfromParedónparishindicateasuddendiscontinuationoftheuseofthefiscal-legalcategory''indio"intheregistrationofnewbornchildren.Between1788and1792,776"indios"(55percentofthetotal)receivedbaptisminParedón.Intheyears1831to1835,amere156"indios"(12percentofthetotal)werebaptized,andafter1837theterm"indio"nolongerappearsintheParedónbaptismalregister.
62
Aswithallfiscal-legalrecordsfrequentlyusedtodescribethestructureofruralsocietyinBolivia,theParedónparishregistersreflectthesocio-racialviewsofthepriestsregisteringtheethnic-racialidentityof
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newbornpeasantchildren.TheshiftfromIndiantomestizoinParedóndidnotentailasignificantculturalorbiologicalchange,butratherachangeinthewayinwhichtheywerecategorizedbypriests,censustakers,andthegovernmentcommissionsthatassignedtributestatustothepeasantswhomthestatelegallydefinedas"Indians."63InthespecificcaseofParedón,ownershipofindividualparcelsoflandwasakeydeterminantinthedefinitionofapeasantasbeingmestizo,andthegrowthinthenumberofsmallholdersinthelatenineteenthcenturyspeededuptheprocessof
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Table5.19StructureofLandTenureMizqueProvince,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %149.99 129 16.8 1,924.60.75 0.65099.99 74 9.6 5,950.05.27 1.8100499.99 386 50.3 104,779.29.20 31.3500999.99 126 16.4 90,191.98.62 27.01,0004,999.99 45 5.9 82,514.89.13 24.75,0009,999.99 6 0.8 38,739.70.00 11.610,000+ 1 0.1 10,333.56.00 3.1SizeNotGiven 1 0.1Total 768 334,431.08.97Source:CPR,APC,MizqueProvince.
mestizajeasincreasingnumbersofpeasantsbecamelandowners.Peasantssharingalargelyuniformculture
64changedinlegalstatusasaresultofthewaytheygainedaccesstoland.Finally,theabolitionoftributeinthelatenineteenthcenturyandthegeneralizationoftherequirementtopaythelandtaxintroducedinthe1880salsocontributedtothechangingperceptionofParedónpeasantsasbeingeither"indio"ormestizo.SmallholdersinParedónalsopaidthelandtax,whichforcedthemintothemarketeconomysincetheyhadtoearnmoneytosatisfytheirtaxobligations.
MizqueProvince
MizqueProvinceembracesawiderangeofecologicalzones,fromhigh-altitudeplains(altiplano-puna),suitedtocerealandpotatoproduction,towarmervalleyslocatedatlowerelevations,characterizedbychronicproblemswithmalariaandothertropicalfevers.Attheendofthecolonialperiod,IntendantFranciscodeViedmacharacterizedMizqueasbeingidealfortheproductionof"wheat,corn,wine,etc.,"andashaving
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goodpastureforgrazinglivestock.65Historically,haciendasdominatedMizque,andthetrendcontinuedinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Intheseconddecadeofthepresentcentury,haciendasvirtuallymonopolizedagriculturallandinMizque.Therewere178haciendaswithanextensionofmorethan500hectares,whichcontrolled66.4percentoftheagriculturallandregistered,andanother386haciendasofbetween
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Table5.20LandSalesofIndalecioGalvarroin1896and1897Property AreainHectares Buyer PriceinBsTotoral 381.95.25 CecilioRicaldez 1,060Torre 370.05.17 FernandoMejia 600Quehuinal 381.35.25 CiriacoSalazar 1,000TamborMayu 363.08.13 JuanGarcia 400PataTorreMayu 348.22.53 ManuelEscobar 400PuccaOrcco 356.15.09 ManuelBalderrama 240Cochi 363.08.13 JoseVillarroel 440PucaOrccoPampa 363.08.13 BenitoCaceres 560Gillapani 300.20.00 CantalicioCamacho 600Gillapani 355.15.09 SamuelArnez 400CcayaraPucru 367.07.65 DamasoVillarroel 655PucaOrccoyAlalay 453.50.61? RaimundoSejas 8,000Total 4,376.63.35 14,355*Salecancelledbecausethebuyercouldnotpaythepurchaseprice.Mayhaveincludedthesaleoftheentireestate.Source:RobertH.Jackson,"AportesparaelestudiodelacrisisregionalafinesdelsigloXIX,"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),115.
100and500hectares,whichoccupiedanother31.3percentoftheland(seeTable5.19).
HaciendaownersinMizqueProvinceweremorecloselytiedtoregionalmarketsinneighboringPotosíDepartment,particularlythesaleofgrainsandtubers.Thelatenineteenth-centurycrisisintheregionaleconomyaffectedhaciendaownersinMizque,althoughnottothesamedegreeasinthecentral-valleydistricts.Haciendaswerebrokenup,somewereforecloseduponfornon-paymentofdebt,andinsomeinstancessilver-miningentrepreneursinvestedmoneyinlargehaciendas.
66
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Adetailedcasestudyofthedivisionofonelargeestanciadocumentstheimpactofthecrisisinagricultureinthe1890s.In1896and1897,oneIndalecioGalvarrofirstattemptedtosellhisentireestate,namedPucaOrccoyAlalayandlocatedinCantónVilaVila(apunaregion);andthenhedividedthelargeestanciaintosmallerparcelsforsalewhenthefirstsalefellthrough.Galvarrodividedtheestancia,whichoriginallyhadanextensionofatleast4,376hectares,intoelevenseparatepropertieswithextensionsofbetween300and453hectares(seeTable5.20).Ownershipofthenewlycreatedestanciasprovedtobesomewhatunstable.Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedaround1912,fiveoftheelevenestanciashaddifferentownersthanthosewhopurchasedtheestanciassomefifteenyearsearlier,in1897.67
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ConclusionsFollowingthearrivaloftheSpaniardsintheCochabambaregionin1539,aruraleconomyandsocietyevolved,shapedbyroyalpolicy,marketforces,anddemographicchange.Inthesixteenth,seventeenth,andeighteenthcenturies,amixedpatternoflandtenureevolved,dominatedbyhaciendasandcorporatecommunitiescreatedbyViceroyFranciscodeToledointhe1570s.Althoughthecrowngavelegalrecognitiontothecommunitiesand,atleasttheoretically,providedfortheprotectionofthecommunitylandbase,influentialSpanishlandownerswereabletousurpcommunitylands.Thegrowthofthehaciendaandthehaciendaeconomywaslinkedtothepolicyofcomposicióndetierras,whichenabledlandownerstolegalizetitletolandstowhichtheyhadquestionabletitle,andtomigrationbyAndeanpeasantswhosettledonhaciendasasyanaconasandservicetenants.TheagriculturaleconomyofCochabambawaslinkedfromthemiddleofthesixteenthcenturytothegrowinginterregionaleconomythroughthesaleofgrainandflour.Fromthelatesixteenthcentury,PotosíevolvedasadominanturbanmarketinthesouthernAndesbecauseofthelargesizeofitspopulationandtheneedforfoodstuffsthatcouldnotbeproducedlocally.However,Potosíwasnottheonlylargeurbancenterintheregion,andasthepopulationofPotosídroppedasaresultofaseculardeclineinsilverproduction,othertownsandminingcampsgrewinsize.Oruro,equallydependentonfoodstuffs,grewinthelateseventeenthcentury,andmostlikelyitabsorbedalargepartofthepopulationleavingPotosí.ThedeclineofthemarketcreatedbythespectaculargrowthofPotosíintheearlyseventeenthcenturydidnotcauseadeclineinCochabamba'sgrainandflourtrade.Onthecontrary,changesinlandtenureandrurallaborrelationsonlyoccurredinthemiddleandlatenineteenthcentury,and
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notthelatecolonialperiod,andtheywererelatedtothedeclineofBolivia'sminingeconomyandtheCochabambagraintradeinthedecadesfollowingBolivianindependence.
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Moreover,Cochabambagrainandflourproducerscontinuedtoexportlargequantitiesofgrainandflouruntilthenineteenthcentury,aswellaschicha,whichhadagreatervaluepervolumethancorn.AlackofconcreteglobalfiguresonexportsfromtheCochabambaregioninthelatesixteenthcenturypreventsamoreaccurateevaluationofthedynamismofCochabamba'sgrainandflourtradeintheeighteenthcentury.
ThestructureoflandtenureandruralsocialrelationsthatevolvedinCochabamba,beginningin1539,tookitsfinalformbytheendoftheseventeenthcentury,andexperiencedrelativelylittlechangeuntilthenineteenthcentury.Haciendasweredividedforinheritance,andestatesweresoldandresold,buttheorganizationofproductionremainedunchanged.Yanaconajediedout,butservicetenantryevolvedandpersistedastheprimaryformofhaciendalaboruntilthetwentiethcentury.Servicetenantsprovidedcheaplaborforhaciendaproduction,buttherentstheypaidwerenotimportantsourcesofincomeforhaciendaowners.Thefactorsthatmostcontributedtothefinancialdifficultyoflandownersweretheweightofcensosandcapellaníasonhaciendaincome,andperiodicsubsistencecrisiswhichaffectedallofAltaPeruand,insomeinstances,Peruaswell.
1
Intheperiodfrom1840to1929,thestructureoflandtenureandhaciendalaborinCochabambaunderwentchange.Haciendaownerswhofaceddecliningincomelevelsandgrowingdebtsoldalltheirland,orsubdividedsectionsoftheirestatesintosmallparcelsforsystematic,well-organizedsales.Shiftsinregionalmarketsandgovernmentpoliciesunderminedtheprofitabilityofhaciendaagriculture,andchangesingovernmentpolicyinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyledtothelegalabolitionofcorporate
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indigenouscommunities,andtherapidparcelizationofcommunitylands.
AcomparisonofchangesinthestructureoflandtenureintheCochabambaregionwithamoredynamicagriculturalregion,Chile'scentralvalleyinthelatenineteenthcentury,providesfurtherinsightsintotheprocessofchangeinCochabamba'sagrarianstructure.Chileanhaciendaownersexpandedtheareaofwheatproductiontosupplyexpandinginternational,regional,andlocalmarketsbyconvertingpasturetoagriculture.Anabundanceoflaborallowedhaciendaownerstoexpandproductionlevelswithminimalcapitalinvestment,andpopulationgrowthduringthelateeighteenthandnineteenthcenturiesleftasurpluspeasantpopulationwillingtobecomeinquilinos(servicetenants),whoprovidedlaborinreturnforasmallsubsistenceplot.Moreover,withtheabundanceofcheaplabor,levelsoftechnologyremainedstatic.Forexample,seed
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wasbroadcastwithaminimumpreparationofthesoil,andthecropwaslargelyharvestedbyhand.HaciendaownersinChiledidnotneedtoinvestinmechanizedharvesters,aswasthecaseinAustraliaandinCalifornia'sSanJoaquín,bothareaswithinsufficientlabor,whichbecamemajorwheatproducersinthemid-nineteenthcentury.Chileanhaciendasweredividedforinheritance;landownersalsofacedchronicdebtproblems,butthehacienda-owningclassremainedrelativelyintactanddidnotexperiencethesamedegreeofturnoveraswasthecaseinCochabamba.
2
HowdidthecollapseofmarketschangeCochabambahaciendaproduction?BothBrookeLarsonandGustavoRodríguez,intryingtoapplytheoreticalmodelsbaseduponhistoricalconditionsinEuropeintheearlymodernperiodtoadistinctagrarianstructure,arguedthatCochabambahaciendaownerswererentierswho,becauseofthestagnationofthedemandforgrainandflour,reliedheavilyonmoneyrentspaidbyservicetenantsasasourceofincome.3Thisassumption,however,isbasedonanincompleteunderstandingoftheevolutionoftheCochabambahacienda.AdiscussionoftheexistenceofarentiermentalityamongtheCochabambahacienda-owningclasscanbenefitfromacomparativeanalysis,inthiscaseacomparisonoftheagrarianstructureofBritishIndiainthenineteenthcentury,whereatruerentierclassemergedasaconsequenceofBritishrevenuepolicy.
Village-dwellingpeasants(ryots)workedtheland,andtheruralelitesonlycontrolledthesurplusincomegeneratedfromagriculture.EastIndiaCompanyofficialsattemptedtomodifyruralsocietybyconvertingindividualswhohadarighttocollectsurpluspeasantproductionintolandownerswithanobligationtopaytaxestothecompany.Theseindividuals,knownaszamindars/taluqdars,were,in
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someinstances,formerrevenueofficialsoftheMoghulempirewhoassumedorreceivedtherighttocollectrevenuefromagivendistrictfollowingthecollapseofeffectiveMoghuladministrationduringtheeighteenthcentury,orlocalstrongmenwhohadbeenabletoestablishbyforcetherighttocollecttherevenuefromagriculture.Thezamindars/taluqdarshadnodirectrelationtothelandotherthantoextractasurplusfrompeasantproduction,oftenthroughtheuseofforce.TheBritishattemptedtomodifytheexistingagrarianstructurebygivingzamindars/taluqdarsproprietaryrightsoverthelandasaclassoflandedgentry,similartotheEnglishgentryattheendoftheeighteenthcentury.ArchitectsoftheBritishrevenuesystemhopedthatthezamindars/taluqdarswouldnotonlyextractrevenue,butwouldalsoinvestcapitalintheimprovementofagriculture.Inpractice,
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however,thenewproprietorswereaprivilegedrentierclasscreatedbytheBritishRaj,whomerelysiphonedoffasmuchsurplusfrompeasantagricultureaspossible,andthisclasswasimposeduponanextremelycomplexsystemoflandtenurethathadevolvedovercenturies.
4
PatternsincolonialIndiahadmoreincommonwithearlymodernSpain,asdescribedinarecentstudybyRichardHerr,wherethechurch,nobility,andcrownownedlargequantitiesoflandworkedbypeasantsincomplextenureswhopaidrent.5LatinAmericanruralsocietyevolveddifferently,andwasinfluencedbyotherfactorssuchasmarketdemandandtheavailabilityoflaborand,lessimportantly,land.IncolonialMexico,forexample,changingmarketforcesmodifiedlanduse.InastudyoftheGuadalajararegion,EricVanYoungshowshowthegrowthofthelocalurbanmarketledtoaconversionfromranchingtograinproductiononhaciendas.6Bauer'sanalysisofruralChile,discussedabove,providesanexampleoftheimpactofpopulationgrowthonhaciendalaborrelations.ThegrowthoftheruralpopulationallowedChileanhaciendaownerstoextractmorelaborfromservicetenants.7Scobie'sstudyofnineteenth-centuryArgentinewheatdevelopmentprovidesanotherexampleoflaborshortagesandanabundanceoflandgivingrisetotenantries.8
Cochabamba'sagrarianstructuredevelopedinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesinarelativevacuum.Haciendaownersorganizedcommercialagricultureonunusedorunderutilizedland,andattractedlaborthroughtheofferofasubsistenceplotandsomeprotectionfromtheexactionsofthecolonialstate,inreturnforlaborservices.TheSpanishelitethatemergedincolonialCochabambadidnotimposeitselfuponanexistingagriculturalsystem.Hacienda
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ownersorganizeddirectexploitationoftheland.Althoughservicetenantsmayhavepaidamoneyrentaswellasprovidinglaborservices,theevidenceshowsthatlaborwasthemostimportantinputinthehaciendaeconomyandmosthaciendaownersderivedmostoftheirincomefromthesaleofgrainand/orflour.9Therentalofhaciendaswascommon,butdoesnot,initself,constitutearentiermentality.Certaingroupsroutinelyrentedentirehaciendasorestancias:thedifferentreligiouscommunitiesandparishesthatownedland;thecolonialand,later,therepublicanstate;andwomen.Itmayhavebeensociallyunacceptableforwomentodirectlyadministerland,andrentalappearstohavebeenanacceptedformofestatemanagement.IncontrasttotheIndianproprietorwho,insomeinstances,hadtousearmedretainerstocollectrentsorevenvisitthevillagesthatconstitutedtheir"property,"theCochabambalandownerorhis/herrepresentativeexerciseddirectcontrolovertheland,includingdecisionsaboutwhatcropstoplant
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onthedemesne.TenurepatternsinIndiaandotherpartsofAsiawerecenturiesoldandhadexperiencedconsiderablemodification,bothbeforeandfollowingtheestablishmentofcolonialcontrolbydifferentEuropeancountries;whereasinCochabambathelandtenurethatexistedattheendofthecolonialperioddevelopedonlyfollowingtheestablishmentofSpanishrule,andwasnotascomplex.Itwasonlywiththedeclineofservicetenantryandthegrowthinimportanceofsharecroppinginthetwentiethcenturythattherelationshipofthehaciendaownertotenantchanged.
Thedeclineofregionalmarkets,coupledwithdebtproblems,ledtotheinsolvencyofmanyhaciendaowners,thefragmentationoflargecolonial-eraestates,agrowthinthenumberofpeasantlandowners,andamodificationoflaborrelationsonthehaciendasthatsurvivedintactorexperiencedsubdivisionintosmallerhaciendas.ThesealterationsdidnotchangethementalityofCochabambahaciendaowners,butmerelymodifiedlandownershipandthenatureoflaborrelationsonhaciendas.
The1953AgrarianReform:TheCaseoftheValleBajo
Structuralchangesinthecentral-valleydistrictsinCochabambainthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturiessetintomotioneventsleadingtotheimplementation,after1953,ofanagrarianreformthatliquidatedmostoftheremaininghaciendasintheregion.Theemergenceofthefirstpeasantleagues(sindicatos)intheValleAltointhe1930s,perhapsthemostdynamiclong-termfactorinthetransformationofCochabamba'sruralsocietyinthetwentiethcentury,canbedirectlyrelatedtothechangesinlandtenuredocumentedabove,and,inparticular,thesaleoflandsfromHaciendaClizaownedbytheconventofSantaClara.Thecolonoswholivedonthelandsretainedbytheconventhadtheexpectationofimprovingtheirstatusbyacquiringtitletoaparcelofland,asthousandsofpeasantshad
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alreadydone.Moreover,followingthebeginningofthedepressionandthecurtailmentofminingintheBoliviantinminesandnorthernChileannitratemines,manypeasantswhohadfoundemploymentintheminesreturnedtoCochabambawithanewsenseofclassidentityandexperienceinnewformsofcollectiveorganization.Formerminers,alongwithreturningChacowarveterans,assumedanimportantroleintheorganizationofthefirstpeasantleagueestablishedatAnaRancho.Theleadersofthesindicato,withsupportfromreformistmilitaryofficers,lobbiedthegovernmentofColonelDavidToro(1936
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1938)tonegotiatetherentaland,later,thesaleoflandfromtheconventofSantaClara,althoughtheconventadministratortriedtopreventthesaleofhaciendalandstoservicetenants.
10
Ataboutthesametime,thepeasantslivingontheestanciasinCantónVacas,administeredbytheCochabambamunicipalcouncil,organizedasindicato,andin1936theyrentedtheestancias.TheoriginsoftheVacaspeasantleaguewasalsorelatedtoattemptstomodifylaborrelationsbetweentheresidentservicetenantsandtheindividualwhorentedtheestanciasfromthemunicipalcouncilinmuchthesamewayasoccurredinChuquisacaduringthesameperiodoftime.11In1929,acolononamedGabrielCantónchargedthatJulioHumerez,therenteroftheestancias,hadmodifiedthetasksassignedtotheservicetenants,occupiedfallowlandsassignedtothecolonos,andgenerallymistreatedthetenants.Accordingtothetenantstheconflictbeganwithanattemptbytherentertoextractadditionallaborfromtheservicetenants.12Humerezmayalsohavewantedtomodifyoreliminatereciprocityinhaciendalaborrelations.FromthepointofviewofthecolonosHumerezupsetthemoraleconomyofthepatron-tenantrelationship.
Thepressureforreformandlandtenureandhaciendalaborrelationsgainedimpetusinthemid-1940s,followingamilitarycoupwhichbroughtcochabamba-bornGualbertoVillarroelandtheMovimientoNacionalistaRevolucionarioblockofpoliticianstopower.Villarroelsponsoredacongressin1945ofrepresentativesofBolivia'speasantryinLaPaz,anddecreedtheabolitionofpongueaje,personalserviceduehaciendaownersbyservicetenants.However,obstructionbylocalgovernmentofficialsalliedtohaciendaownersandthesuspensionofVillarroel'ssocialprogramfollowinghisfallfrom
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powerin1946stalledchangeinthecountryside,whichledtoabloodyrevoltinAyopayain1947.13
TheM.N.R.andthepeasantmovementthatemergedinthe1930sandduringVillarroel'spresidencyfailedtoachievechangebetween1946and1952,eventhoughlawspromotingruralsocialchangeremainedonthebooks.OligarchicgovernmentsalliedwiththeBolivianmilitaryandhaciendaownerssuccessfullykepttheM.N.R.frompowerinBolivia,andrepressedcollectivepeasantactivities.However,inAprilof1952theM.N.R.,ledbyVictorPazEstenssoro,seizedpowerinanarmedrevolution.14
TheM.N.R.includedagrarianreforminitspoliticalagenda,butBolivia'speasantrytookanactiveroleinacceleratingchangeinthecountryside.Intheyearfollowingtherevolutionthepeasantmovementthroughoutthecountryreorganized,andrapidlychangeditstacticsfrom
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legalismtoconfrontation.Peasantsorganizedsindicatosthroughoutthecountry,and,insomeinstances,beganlegalproceedingstoreclaimlandlostduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.InJulyof1952,forexample,alegalclaimwasfiledwiththegovernmenttolandsinHaciendaTamboradalocatednearCochabambaCity.OnAugust6,1952,fivemonthsfollowingtherevolution,peasantsorganizedasindicatoinSipeSipe.InthemonthsthatfollowedadditionalsindicatoswerefoundedintheValleBajo.PeasantsandM.N.R.representativesorganizedmassmeetings,suchasthemeetingof3,000peasantsinPassoinNovemberof1952and10,000inCochabambaCityinthefollowingmonth.Servicetenantsonhaciendasbeganworkslow-downsinthefirstmonthsfollowingtherevolution,andviolenceinthecountrysideescalatedascolonosattackedhaciendaownersortheiroverseers,sackedhaciendahouses,andbeginninginMarchandAprilof1953seizedanddividedhaciendalands.Forexample,peasantsoccupiedlandsinHaciendaViloma.Finally,attheendof1952andin1953,bandsofarmedpeasantsattackedtownsandblockedroads.OneofthefirstsuchattacksoccurredatColomiinChapareProvinceinNovemberof1952,anareastilldominatedbylargeestates.
15
Haciendaownersattemptedtoorganizetoprotecttheirinterests,andusednewspaperstocounterthegrowingcallforlandreformandmobilizesupporttocontrolthegrowingunrestinthecountryside,butwithlittlesuccess.16OnAugust2,1953,thegovernmentissuedadecreeofagrarianreformwhich,inthewordsofhistorianJamesKohl,"soughttolegislateorderintotheexpropriationprocess."17Thegovernmentsetupajuzgadoagrarioin1954inQuillacollotown,andbegantheprocessofliquidatingthesurvivinghaciendasintheValleBajo.18Thereformdecreetargetedinefficient"feudal"estatesthat
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stillemployedwhatthereformersclaimedwerebrutalformsoflaborthroughservicetenantry.InQuillacolloprovince,thejuzgadoagrarioidentified20haciendasthatfellintothiscategory,includingeightpropertiesthatbelongedtomembersoftheSalamancaclan,andHaciendaVilomaandVilomillaownedbyoneCarlosdelaTorre.19Intheeightyearsfollowingthe1952revolution,thenumberofpropertiesinQuillacolloprovince(excludingCantónItapayawhichisnotapartoftheValleBajoproper)grewfrom14,104c.1950to23,734c.1960,andthrough1961thejuzgadoagrariodistributed1,552titlesto3,066peasantsandformerminersthroughoutQuillacolloprovince.20AsofAugust31,1967,thegovernmentdistributed1,209,350hectaresoflandthroughoutallofCochabambaDepartmentunderthetermsoftheagrarianreformdecree.21
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IntheValleBajolargehaciendascontinuedtoexistuntil1953andoccupiedalargepartofthelandinthevalley,butnolongerdominatedthecountrysideastheyhadintheearlynineteenthcenturyandcontinuedtodoinmostofthehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentandtherestofBolivia.TheagrarianreformliquidatedthelastremnantsoftheruralsocietythatbegantoevolveafterthefirstSpaniardsarrivedintheregioninthelate1530s.Today,rurallandtenureintheValleBajoischaracterizedbysmallholdings.ThemeanamountoflandgrantedinQuillacolloandCercadoprovincesrespectivelywas2.50and2.07hectares.However,consolidationintolargerpropertieshasoccurred,creatingpropertieswithameansizeof13.0hectaresinQuillacolloprovinceand12.7hectaresinCercadoprovince.Inthequartercenturyfollowingthereform,agriculturalproductionhasincreased,andregionaleconomyflourishedasshown,forexample,bytherapidgrowthofthecancha,anopenairmarketinCochabambaCitynexttotherailroadstation.
22Thedynamismofthepost-reformpeasanteconomycontrastswiththebitternessofmanyformerhaciendaownerswholosttheirlands,privilegedsocialstatus,andpoliticalinfluencefollowingtheagrarianreform.23
FurtherinsightsontheimportantroleofpeasantsintheBolivianreformcanbegainedthroughacomparisonwiththecontemporaryGuatemalanagrarianreform,implementedfollowingtheissueofdecree900whichwasapprovedbyGuatemala'scongressonJune17,1952.DespitetheorganizationofapeasantleagueinGuatemalain1950,decree900wasatoptobottomreform.Aprovisionofthelawstipulatedthatlocalpeasantorganizationshadtofilealegaldenunciotolayclaimtolandeffectedbythelaw.Thismeasurecausedtherapidorganizationoflocalpeasantleaguesthat,accordingtocontemporary
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sources,numbered2,500by1954.24Incontrast,theCochabambapeasantleaguesprecipitatedacrisisinthecountrysidewhichforcedthehandofthenewlyinstalledM.N.R.governmenttobringordertotheunilaterallandseizuresbylandlesscolonos.Moreover,thepushtoorganizelocalsindicatosbeganpriortotheagrarianreformdecreein1953.TheCochabambapeasantleagueswereagrass-rootsorganizationthatemergedinresponsetochangesinthestructureoflandtenureoverthepreviouscentury,andtheywerenotmobilizedbyreformistpoliticians,asintheGuatemalancase,whowerelookingtocreateanewpoliticalcoalitiontochallengetheoligarchicintereststhathaddominatedthecountryforcenturies.
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Appendixes
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Appendix1.DivisionofSelectedPropertiesintheCentralValleyDistrictsForInheritanceYear Property AreainHectares
ValleBajo1828 Chimba 75.29.631862 Caracota 639.83,621862 GuachiR. 146.48.011863 Itocta 91.38.211864 CacicasgodeChiquicollo 22.23.301864 Capacachi 100.22.631864 Collpapampa 32.26.251866 ElRosal 197.74.381868 Challacaba 3.53.441868 Sorata 59.20.831869 Sumunpaya 81.25.701869 Collpapampa 8.92.721873 Sarcobamba 61.39.291875 Mayorazgo 133.01.121875 CalaCala 142.23.381875 Caramarca 166.09.591875 Challacaba 112.65.731875 Linde 19.45.421875 Sumunpaya 22.99.861877 ConaCona 38.92.141877 Caico 115.12.691877 Collpapampa 64.18.171877 Yquircollo 78.41.081877 Sumunpaya 27.17.381877 Colca 6.16.251878 ChimbaChico 91.13.96
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(tablecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Year Property AreainHectares ValueinBolicianosValleBajo
1878 QueroQuero 64.01.99 30,074.741878 QueruQueru 52.00.14plusestancia 38,100.401879 Tamborada 35.04.37 4,294.401879 Asirumarca 206.11.49 21,560.501879 Cambuyo 11.23.751879 Colcapirhua 11.72.08 10,098.001880 Higuerani 17.94.491880 Chimba 3.15.24 3,466.651881 Lacma 22.47.50 1,955.001881 Suticollo 48.26.48 15,983.371881 Illataco 2.76.79 3,822.501882 Capellania 17.64.17 2,906.701882 Itocta 3.03.12 374.401882 Ladera 68.95.56 2,593.401882 Machacamarca 34.85.14 4,659.301883 Challacaba 149.35.00 47,518.841883 Paucarpata 749.48.89 42,486.901883 LaMaica 42.37.22 15,354.901883 Chiquicollo 40.68.06 14,537.401883 ConaCona 32.54.30 19,602.201885 LandsinPasso 7.82.89 1,475.801885 LaMaica 22.22.901885 ConaCona 2.66.211885 QueruQueru 0.58.40 1,664.801885 Yllataco 19.97.77 6,641.321888 StoDomingo 87.77.10 28,369.611888 PotoPoto 87.77.10 28,369.611888 Pocpocollo 24.89.17 7,724.991888 Pucara 171.00.28 12,525.00
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Appendix1.ContinuedYear Property AreainHectares ValueinBolivianos
ValleBajo1888 Cuturipa 88.46.291888 Tamborada 5.09.251890 Ucuchi 4.44.921890 Chimba 109.44.831890 CalaCala 1.28.361890 Lambiasu 4.91.391890 Apote 3.72.971891 Llanquenqueri 3.83.441891 Villcataco 13.23.371891 Tacata 63.15.551891 StoDomingo 12.58.681892 Tiquipaya 9.45.751892 QueruQueru 32.67.041892 Esquilan 55.66.381895 Esquilan 25.66.031895 Pucara 22.10.991895 Linde 7.24.621895 Chiquicollo 0.45.311896 VintoChico 32.48.881896 Chocaya 33.66.011897 Itocta 6.38.581898 Tiquipaya 0.96.141898 Chimba 42.00.181898 Itocta 46.70.551898 Chiquicollo 8.95.171898 Esquilan 25.93.40
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(tablecontinuedfrompreviouspage)
Year Property AreainHectares ValueinBolivianosValleBajo
1898 ApoteChico 18.84.231899 Collpapampa 3.03.461899 Montecillo 4.22.761899 KanaRancho 0.77.36Source:CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,ArchivoHistoricoMunicipaldeCochabamba;andEscriturasPublicas,ArchivoHistoricoMunicipaldeCochabamba.
Year Property AreainHectaresSacabaValley
1856 Rodeo1862 Quintanilla1865 LaAbra 514.38.111870 Chimboco1870 Sangangoche1871 Arocagua 269.11.061871 Monjas&Chacacollo1874 Chequemayu&MolleMolle 223.50.001874 Cuadras 211.08.331874 Linde1875 Arocagua 1,248.62.001875 Catachilla1877 Atoc-Rancho 26.90.281877 Chacacollo 272.79.431878 6thsuyoChacacollo1879 Linde 652.99.25
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Appendix1.ContinuedYear Property AreainHectares
SacabaValley1879 Guaillani 1,250.85.50
plusmonte&pasture1879 Guaillani 651.00.591880 Patiti1881 Recreo&Monjas1881 GuaillaniChico1885 Ucuchi1886 ElSastre1886 Recreo&Monjas 132.99.581886 Larati1888 suyoofArocagua 24.02.851888 Choquechambi 29.77.521889 CurubambaGuaillani1889 Chico 41.23.37
Ulutunto 20.11.50Tucsapucyo 9.39.52
1891 Querarani 23.34.331891 Chacacollo 8.01.621892 Chimboco1892 Lloquemayu1895 Alalay 111.75.001895 Coluyo&Curubamba1895 2ndsuyoTucsapucyo1897 Tucsapucyo 117.63.811899 Pucara 368.31.14
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Year Property AreainHectares ValueinBolivianosSacabaValley
1900 Monjas1900 Churituyo1900 1stsuyoTucsapucyo1902 Parati1902 Temporal1903 Laquinas1905 Esmeralda1905 LaAbra 185.12.521907 Tucsapucyo1907 Tutimayu1909 Huayllani1912 Esmeralda1912 Chacacollo1913 ElSalto1916 Quintanilla 223.30.271918 suyoLaAbra1918 Laquinas1924 Pucara1926 Chimboco1926 Recreo&Monjas1929 CatachillaSource:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;EP,AHMC;DR,APC,ChapareProvince.
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Appendix1.ContinuedYear Property Areain
HectaresValleAlto
1861 Sunchupampa 356.08.581869 Mamata 295.88.301869 Laguna 472.33.751869 Cotani 122.11.99
plusestancia1870 Loma 77.10.751871 Chullpas1874 Loma 49.41.831876 Torolapa 2,151.23.971877 Paracaya 553.98.051884 Mamata1886 Cuchupunata 31.33.611892 Collpa 644.78.311895 1stsuyoLoma 42.85.551898 CebadaJichana 727.32.231898 CollpaSource:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;andEP,AHMC.
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Appendix2LandTransactionsandLandsoftheSalamancaFamilyYear Property Seller Buyer
SelectedLandTransactionInvolvingMembersoftheSalamancaFamily1863 Collpapampa DionicioGuzman JoseSalamanca1863 Collpapampa ManuelPozo JoseSalamanca1878 Yanacaca,etc JoseAviles JoseSalamanca1879 Collpapampa JoseVargas JoseSalamanca1881 Collpapampa JosefaBustamante JoseSalamanca1883 Pocpocollo EliodoroSalamanca JoseSalamanca1883 ShareEstanciaMarquina EstefaniaHidalgo JoseSalamanca1884 EstanciaTambo,etc JoseBalderrama JoseSalamanca
Estancias,Lakes,etc1885 AlturasdeTiquipaya MelchorCamacho JoseSalamanca1885 Challacaba CatalinaOmonte JoseSalamanca1885Montecillo NicanorGandarillas JoseSalamanca1889 F.Bellavista&Estancias MelchoradeGuzman JoseSalamanca1890 CalaCala JoseArze JoseSalamanca1890 Pocpocollo AureliaHinojosa JoseSalamanca1890 «fincaPocpocollo JacintaMaldonado JoseSalamanca1891Montecillo ManueladeSalamanca PedroMolina1891MolleMolle ManueladeSalamanca ToribioBarrientos1894 Pocpocollo JoseMaldonado ManueladeSalamanca1895 Pandoja FranciscoOrellana ManueladeSalamanca1895 Pocpocollo FranciscoRomero ManueladeSalamanca1895 Pocpocollo JulianBustamante ManueladeSalamanca
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Appendix2.ContinuedYear Property Seller Buyer
SelectedLandTransactionInvolvingMembersoftheSalamancaFamilyMariano Manuelade
1895 CantonPaso Aguilar Salamanca1895 CantonPaso ManueladeSalamanca MarianoAguilar1895 Paucarpata ManuelaPol ManueladeSalamanca1895 Paucarpata ManueladeSalamanca NicanorDaza1896 Sumunpaya FranciscoSaavedra MariaSalamanca1896 Sumunpaya SebastianSaavedra MariaSalamanca1896 Paucarpata ConcepcionPol ManueladeSalamanca1896/1897 Paucarpata ManuelPol ManueladeSalamanca1897 Pocpocollo JuanaGuzman ManueladeSalamanca1897 CalaCala CarlosSalamanca M.Saturnino
Salamanca1897 Collpapampa MariaVargas ManueladeSalamanca1897 FincaBellavista CarlosSalamanca OctavioSalamanca1898 Paucarpata ManueladeSalamanca CarlosUrquidi1898 CantonPaso JulianBustamante ManueladeSalamanca1898 CantonPaso ManuelSotelo ManueladeSalamanca
1899 Sumunpaya JuanaSaavedra MariaSalamanca1899 Taconi ManueladeSalamanca MelchorCadima1899 Taconi ManueladeSalamanca MelchorCadima1899 EstanciasCotani VictorQuiroga CarlosSalamanca
(Colomi)&Comer-cocha
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Year Property Seller BuyerSelectedLandTransactionInvolvingMembersoftheSalamancaFamily
1900Matarani&Chaupicollo NinfaJordan ManueladeSalamanca1906 Chilimarca NicanorCabrera DanielSalamanca1907 Collpapampa VictorTellez DanielSalamanca1909 Collpapampa DanielSalamanca RosendoArze1909 Paucarpata GabrielArroyo MSaturnino
Salamanca1910 Challaque WenceslaoChirvechis ManueladeSalamanca1916 Sacabamba&Yuncathaqui DiogenesPrado ManueladeSalamancaSource:CochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC;CPR,APC;Tapacari,Quillacollo,andTarataProvinces.
Property AreainHectaresDivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894
HouseinCochabambaHouseinCochabambaHouseinCochabamba 9,663.30Furniture,Silver,Animals,etc.LetrasHipotecariasBankStockMiningStock 52ActiveDebts 86,572LandsCalaCala 1.12.35
.93.061.42.81.55.43Total
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Appendix2.ContinuedProperty AreainHectares ValueinBs
DivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894LandsSumunpaya 3.60.32 1,994.41
4.11.47 2,547.804.44.82 2,304.592.95.31 936.2531.89.19 13,314.252.67.28 322.702.93.70 1,515.83Total 22,935.83
LandsPandoja 4.28.31 2,550.25.41.40 1,009.302.07.02 1,126.793.17.79 1,850.321.70.93 994.171.74.80 1,045.963.46.95 2,019.111.88.90 2,888.983.95.20 1,983.302.97.08 368.802.52.30 1,043.501.88.50 1,176.599.05.04 5,893.332.32.72 821.851.89.70 1,106.951.53.53 381.203.36.88 1,132.134.34.03 1,366.53
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Property AreainHectares ValueinBsDivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894
3.48.08 1,051.25.91.43 227.007.36.11 4,068.1324.08.61 9,048.14
LandsCollpapampa 95.89.33 259,388.9712.84.45 7,590.109.09.06 4,620.901.48.70 868.27.97.06 745.383.40.75 2,338.011.78.91 1,089.58Total 276,641.21
LandsMolleMolle 71.05.40 8,845.01251.19.47 27,132.89Estancia 3,560Total 39,537.90
LandsBellavista 273.87.27 44,877.34Estancia 2,471.67Total 47,349.02
LandsMontecillo 155.27.08 33,051.70Estancia 1,040Total 34,091.70
LandsChapicirca 146.45.00cultivatedplsuextensiveuncultivatedlands 7,400LandsChacnacollo 107.58.19 64,550.95
1.84.55 240.00Total 64,790.95
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Appendix2.ContinuedProperty AreainHectares
DivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894TotalValueofEstateHijuelasbyValueManueladeSalamancaCarlosSalamancaJoseSalamancaDanielSalamancaMariaSalamancaOctavioSalamancaManuelSaturninoSalamancaSource:EPExpediente#154,AHMC.
Property AreainHectares ValueinBsDivisionofLandsofManuelaUreydeSalamanca,1904
Paucarpata 39.91.85 ManuelSaturninoSalamanca93.80.533.23.995.12.65
Chacnacollo 112.64.48 JoseSalamanca.23.111.84.79
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Property AreainHectaresDivisionofLandsofManuelaUreydeSalamanca,1904
Pandoja&Pocpocollo 67.29.28 OctavioSalamanca4.83.011.56.842.05.252.05.255.77.422.05.25.32.062.56.73.49.709.07.292.55.0319.27.77.83.45
HijuelasbyValueJoseSalamancaOctavioSalamancaDanielSalamancaCarlosSalamancaManuelSaturninoSalamancaMariaSalamancaSource:DR,APC;TapacariandQuillacolloProvinces.
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Appendix3.LandTransactionsinCantonPalcaInvolvingMembersoftheCrespoFamilyYear Property Seller Buyer PriceinBolivianos1872 Totorani (inheritance) AparicioCrespo&siblings1879 Tablahuasi RosaCrespo ManuelTejada1881 Aguada ModestoMendizabal Isaacderespo1881 Cocayoca LorenzoCrespo CesarCrespo1883 Manzanani GenaroCrespo CesarCrespo1885 Rodeo AparicioCrespo MaximilianoCrespo1886 Aguada MaximilianoCrespo MarianoCardozo1887 Pairumani MelchoraCrespo JulianZurita1888 LandsPalca LorenzoCrespo MelchoraZubieta1888 Chochocani AparicioCrespo ManuelCastellon1889 Vinto* GenaroCrespo RosaPrado1891 Rosasani PalermoAlvarez LorenzoCrespo1895 Chacarilla VenancioTamez MaximilianoCrespo1895 Aramasi SinforosaCrespo MariaCrespo1896 Pucapampa MacedonioCrespo SebastianCardozo1899 Pairumani VicenteMorales AndresCrespo1901 PotreroChico MacedonioCrespo EloisaFernandez
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Year Property Seller Buyer PriceinBolivianos1902Challani EustaquioParra CesarCrespo1902Tacopampa EzequielOrlinda H.Bascope&I.Crespo1902LaVega JoseZelada CesarCrespo1905Tablado&Chalapuncru JoseCrespo ManuelGarnica1910Mamuta MartinaSaavedra CedarCrespo1910Chochocani JacintaCastellon AbrahamCrespo1911 Chochocani AbrahamCrespo AndremaPonce1913Mamuta AnicetoAntezana CesarCrespo1918Mamuta FranciscoAntezana CesarCrespo1918Laguna ManuelaLopes EugeniaCrespo1918Aguada CelimaCrespo LupencioVargas1918Aramani FelicianoCrespo TeodosioHinojosa1922CoallacoChico MariaValenzuela CesarCrespo1922Tacucuno RosaCrespo CesarCrespo1922ShareAguada AparicioCrespo JoseCrespo1922Aguada LauraCrespo ValentinOchoa1923Aguada AparicioCrespo ValentinOchoa1925Condorillo LeandroVilalo JoseCrespo1929Rodeo JoseCrespo JoseSandoval1929Guaillipaya ElroyTejada JesusCrespoSource:DR,AyopayaProvince;CochabambaNotarialProtocols1889,AHMC.
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Appendix4.LandTransactionsinCantonColomiSalesofEstanciasinCantonColomi
Year Estancia Seller Buyer1878 1/4Colomi ModestinoAguirre NatanielAguirre1878 ShareColomi NatanielAguirre ManuelOrtega1880 1/4Colomi NatanielAguirre EulogiaGranado1880 Cuchicancha&Malaga NatanielAguirre RamonQuiroga1881 1/8Colomi NathanielAguirre JoseMoscoso1881 1/8Colomi NatanielAguirre JoseMoscoso1883 1/4Colomi JoseMoscoso SalomeAntezana1883 Chullpani hManuelOrtega RaimundoSolis1884 1/2Colomi FranciscoGranados ManuelAnzoleaga1885 Colomi ManuelAnzoleaga NicanorPatino1886 Chomoco SalomeAntezana FedericoJimenez1890 1/2Cuchicancha AlejandrodelaReza MarianoVillarroel1896 2suyosColomi NicolasCespedes ManuelAnzoleaga1900 1/3Yanamayu SalvadorJordan JulioJordan1904 Yanamayu ManuelMontano PedroAntezana1908 Chomoco FedericoJimenez CarlosJimenez1908 HilariGrande SamuelMorato BenitaGonzales1910 Toncoli&Canco CarlosAguirre JoseAguirre1910 Canco&Parati JavierBaptista JoseAguirre1918 1stsuyoColomi hEnriqueAguirre JoseLopez1918 ElCentro ManuelCespedes RosendoSaucedo1918 ElCentro ManuelCespedes MaximoAlbornoz1924 2ndsuyoColomi LuisGuzman JoseLopez1924 Canco&StaYsabel JoseGuzman JoseLopez1925 SanAntonio ManuelPatino EmilianoRios
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SalesofEstanciasinCantonColomiYear Estancia Seller Buyer1926 Tranca&Chullcumayo LuisZegarra ToribioCanas1927 Chomoco&Huarmacha A.JimenezdeBeltran DoloresJimenez1927 Quinsamayu EduardoLopez RosalioOlmosSource:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;EP,AHMC;DR;ChapareProvince.
PartitionofColomiEstanciasForInheritanceorDuetoLegalDisputeYear Estancia Owner ValueinBs1871 Colomi* MiguelAguirre1874 Quinsamayu 4,4481879 SarnaLoma hMariaCespedes
Nataniel1880 Colomi* Aguirre 58,854.98
LorenzoMoscoso&1883 Centro&Parati NicolasCespedes 10,685
NatanielAguirre&1898 Pucara* hNestorPatino 26,732.40
CarmenAguirre1908 Centro* Guzman
JosefaAguirrede1908 SuyoColomi* Guzman1922 3rdsuyoColomi* hFelipeGuzman
hJoseGuzman1924 4thsuyoColomi* Aguirre
hLuisFelipe1925 Canco&StaYsabel* Guzman1925 Canco&StaYsabel* hMercedesGuzman*PropertiesthatbelongtomembersoftheAguirrefamilyortheirdescendents.Source:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;EP,AHMC;andDR;ChapareProvince.
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Abbreviations
CPR,APC
CatastrodelaPropiedadRústica,ArchivodelaPrefecturadeCochabamba.
DR RegistrodeDerechosReales
AHMC ArchivoHistóricoMunicipaldeCochabamba
EP EscriturasPúblicas
ANB ArchivoNacionaldeBolivia,Sucre
DUSCLPDispatchesoftheUnitedStatesCounseltoLaPaz
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Notes
Introduction
1.CarlosSempatAssadourian,Elsistemadelaeconomíacolonial:Mercadointerno,regiones,yespacioeconómico(Lima,1982).AntonioMitredefinedregionalmarketsinthesouthernAndesinthenineteenthcentury,inElmonederodelosandes:RegióneconómicoymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986).
2.See,forexample,SteveStern,Peru'sIndianPeoplesandtheChallengeofSpanishConquest:Huamangato1640(Madison,1982);BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988);LauraEscobarideQuerejazu,Producciónycomercioenelespaciosurandinos.XVII(LaPaz,1985);andFlorenciaMallon,TheDefenseofCommunityinPeru'sCentralHighlandsPeasantStruggleandCapitalistTransition,18601940(Princeton,1983).
3.Adetailedmicrohistoricalapproachprovidesthenecessarydataonagriculturalprices,changesinlandtenureandtheprofitabilityofruralestates,haciendalaborrelations,andothermattersneededtodefinemacrohistoricalpatterns.ExcellentmicrohistoricalstudiesincludeLuisMiguelGlaveandMariaIsabelRemy,Estructuraagrariayvidaruralenunaregiónandina:OllantaytamboentrelossiglosXVIXIX(Cuzco,1983);KeithDavies,LandownersinColonialPeru(Austin,1984);SusanRamírez,ProvincialPatriarchs:LandTenureandtheEconomicsofPowerinColonialPeru(Albuquerque,1986);ErickLanger,RuralResistanceinSouthernBolivia,18801930(Stanford,1989).
4.Larson,Colonialism.ForamorecompletediscussionofLarson's
Page 410
useofinvolution,seebelow,chap.3.Larson'sinterpretationisechoedingeneralstudiesofBolivianhistory.See,forexample,HerbertKlein,Bolivia:TheEvolutionofaMulti-EthnicSociety,2ded.(NewYork,1992),p.65.AccordingtoKlein,''Cochabambathusbecamethemajorcenterforsmall-scale,non-community,freehold-stylefarming,andthemostimportantregionofminifundioagricultureinUpperPeru"attheendofthecolonialperiod.BasinghisviewsonapartialreadingofdatafromJoséDalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia(LaPaz:repr.ed.,1975),areportonBoliviapreparedinthemid-1840s,Kleinhypothesizesthat"thehaciendapopulationofyanaconas(orlandlesslaborers)[actuallycalledarrenderosorcolonosservicetenantsbyDalence]probablynumberedbe-
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Page224
tween375,000and400,000,andtheother200,000personsoftheruralpopulationwereprobablyfreeholdersinthesouthernregionsorlandlessmigratingworkerswhorentedlandsfromeitherthecommunitiesorthehaciendas"(p.124).Inhisreport,Dalencelistsfourruralgroups:haciendaowners;communityresidents;arrendadores,asmallgroupofindividuals,describedbelowinmoredetail,whorentedhaciendasorlargesectionsofhaciendas;andarrenderosoarrendadoresmenores,who,asnotedabove,Dalencealsodefinedascolonosorservicetenants(p.21011).Klein'sdescriptionofBolivianruralsocietydoesnotagreewithDalence's.
5.DavidBrading,HaciendasandRanchosintheMexicanBajio:León,17001860(Cambridge,1978);EricVanYoung,HaciendaandMarketinEighteenth-CenturyMexico:TheRuralEconomyoftheGuadalajaraRegion,16751820(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1981);CherylEnglishMartin,RuralSocietyinColonialMorelos(Albuquerque,1985);Ramírez,ProvincialPatriarchs.
6.ArnoldBauerdescribesthechangesinChileanservicetenantry(inquilinaje)asaresultofthegrowthintheruralpopulation.SeeChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975),pp.1316,5057,15758,16063.Brading,HaciendasandRanchos,alsodescribesservicetenantryinLeón,althoughinnotasmuchdetailasBauer.
7.CharlesGibson,TheAztecsunderSpanishRule:AHistoryoftheIndiansoftheValleyofMexico,15191810(Stanford,1964),chap.10;WilliamTaylor,LandlordandPeasantinColonialOaxaca(Stanford,1972),chap.3;WayneOsborn,"IndianLandRetentioninColonialMetztitlan,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview53(1973),pp.21738.
8.RobertKeith,ConquestandAgrarianChange:TheEmergenceof
Page 412
theHaciendaSystemonthePeruvianCoast(Cambridge,Mass.,1976);Ramírez,ProvincialPatriarchs.
9.Larson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformation.
10.Contemporaryurbanopinionmaintainedthatagricultureinthecentralvalleyscouldnotprogresswhiletechnologyremainedatlowlevels.See,forexample,ElHeraldo,October23,1904.
11.Ibid.,October22,1907.
12.Ibid.,September23,1898.
13.Ibid.
14.Dalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia,p.238.
15.ElHeraldo,September23,1898.
16.ElRepublicano,July22,1926,andJuly24,1926.
17.CPR,APC;ChapareProvince,CantónSacaba.
18.FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeográficodelaRepúblicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),p.114.
19.InterviewwithJulioCésarCrespo,Cochabamba,March12,1986.CrespoisamemberofaformerelitelandowningfamilyfromCantónPalca,inAyopayaProvince.
20.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince.
21.CPR,APC,CercadoProvince,CantónCalaCala.
22.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1863.
23.CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantónTarata;ElRepublicano,July22,1926,andJuly24,1926.
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24.ElRepublicano,July22,1926.
25.CPR,APC,TapacariProvince,CantónTapacari,CantónChalla.
26.ElHeraldo,March18,1907.
27.ElFerrocarril,November1,1915,andDecember1,1915.
28.ElHeraldo,"Homenajealprimercentenariodel14deSeptiembrede1910,"publishedonSeptember14,1910.
29.ElAvisador,April7,1878.
30.Majorsubsistencecrisesoccurredin17221723,1741,17821785,18031805,and1807.SeeBrookeLarsonandRosarioLeón,"DosvisioneshistóricosdelasinfluenciasmercantilesenTapacari,"inEnriqueTandeter,OliviaHarris,andBrookeLarson,eds.,Participaciónindigenaenlosmercadossurandinos(Cochabamba,1987),p.323.
31.WalterSánchez,GuidoGuzmán,DavidMercado,andAbelBustamante,"Crisis,sequíayepidemias:Tarata18001809,"unpublishedmanuscriptinthepossessionoftheauthors.
32.Severalgeneralstudieshavediscussedthe18771879crisis:RobertoQuerejazuCalvo,Guano,salitre,ysangrehistoriadelaguerradelpacifico(LaPaz,1979);DanieleDemelas,NationalismesansNation?LaBolivieauxXIXeXxeSiècles(Paris,1980).
33.LicenciadoJorgeRodríguezFlores,PersonalCommunication,Cochabamba,January17,1987.LicenciadoRodríguezFloresisanagronomistwithextensiveexperienceinagricultureinthecentralvalleys.
34.ElAvisador,April11,1878.
35.RobertH.Jackson,"CiclosdemortalidadenTarata(18771885),"
Page 415
Nispa-Ninku11:28(1987),11.
36.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1876,1877,1879,1881.
37.Demelas,Nationalisme,p.15.
38.QuerejazuCalvo,Guano,p.253.
39.ErwinGreishaber,"SurvivalofIndianCommunitiesInNineteenthCenturyBolivia"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,1977),pp.29899.
40.ElAvisador,April11,1878.
41.QuerejazuCalvo,Guano,pp.25557.
42.Jackson,"CiclosdeMortalidad."
43.Sánchez,Guzmán,Mercado,andBustamante,"Crisis,sequíayepidemias."
44.ElFerrocarril,January13,1910.
45.FortheevolutionofBolivianeconomicpolicyinnineteenth-centuryBolivia,seeTristanPlatt,EstadotributarioylibrecambioenPotosí(sigloXIX)(LaPaz,1986).AconventionalintellectualhistoryofBoliviaisGuillermoFrancovich,ElpensamientobolivianoenelsigloXX,2ded.(Cochabamba,1985).
46.ElFerrocarril,October28,1912.
47.Ibid.,February12,1912.
48.Ibid.,January13,1910.
49.Ibid.,February1,1910.
50.Ibid.,January11,1910,January13,1910,andJanuary14,1910.
51.Ibid.,February1,1910.
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52.Ibid.,January18,1910.Thegovernmentprogramtocreatepublic-worksjobsfortheurbanunemployedwasashort-termexpediencythat,however,failedtoaddressthelong-termconsequencesofcyclicaldroughtforCochabambafarmers,particularlydecapitalizationwiththelossofseedstockanddraftanimals.ContemporaryBritishdroughtpolicyinIndiaprovidedshort-termsupportthroughemploymentonpublicworksandapublicdole,butitalsoprovidedfarmerswithcredittorebuildseedstocksandtopurchasenewdraftanimalsinordertoresumeagricultureoncerainfallhadreturnedtonormallevels.SeeMichelleBurgeMcAlpin,SubjecttoFamine:FoodCrisisandEconomicChangeinWesternIndia,18601920(Princeton,1983),chap.6.Ontheotherhand,farmersmayhavebeenabletoobtainloansfrombanksandmoneylenderssecuredwithmortgagesontheirland.Withrisinglandvalues,banksandmoneylenderswillinglylentmoneytofarmers,includingsmallholders.
53.Ibid.,January20,1910,January24,1910,andJanuary25,1910.
54.Ibid.,February10,1910.
Chapter1
1.BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),p.28.
2.Ibid.,pp.2627.
3.NathanWachtel,"TheMitimasoftheCochabambaValley:TheColonizationPolicyofHuaynaCapac,"inGeorgeCollier,RosaldoRenato,andJohnWirth,eds.,TheIncaandtheAztecStates,14001800(NewYork,1982),pp.199235.
4.NicolásSánchezAlbornoz,ThePopulationofLatinAmerica:AHistory,trans.W.A.R.Richardson(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,
Page 418
1974),p.46.
5.Larson,Colonialism,pp.4042.
6.RaimundoSchramm,"MosaicosethnohistoricosdelvalledeCliza(vallealtocochabambino),sigloXVI,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),pp.341.
7.Ibid.,pp.413.
8.ThierrySaignes,Losandesorientales:Historiadeunolvidado(Cochabamba,1985),p.2425.
9.Ibid.,p.74.
10.ForausefuldiscussionofToledo'sreforms,seeSteveStern,Peru'sIndianPeoplesandtheCballengeofSpanishConquest:Huamangato1640(Madison,1982),pp.7679.
11.JoséGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,"Formation,Crisis,andTransformationoftheAgrarianStructureofCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseofHaciendaPaucarpataandPassoCommunity,15381645and18721929,"unpublishedmanuscript.
12.Ibid.
13.lbid;MercedesdelRíoandJoséGordilloClaure,LavisitadeTiquipaya(1573):Analisisetno-demográficodeunpadróntoledano,forthcomingCERES.
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14.BrookeLarson,"EconomicDeclineandSocialChangeinanAgriculturalHinterland:Cochabamba(Bolivia)intheLateColonialPeriod"(Ph.D.diss.,ColumbiaUniversity,1978),p.337.
15.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadísticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),pp.6397.
16.Ibid.,pp.7073.
17.NicolásSánchezAlbornoz,IndiosytributosenelAltoPeru(Lima,1978),p.176.
18.Larson,Colonialism,pp.7879,notesthatthefirstdataonCapinotadatesfrom1612.Capinotamayhavebeenorganizedafter1573,eitherfortributariesfromtheValleBajowhoresettledintheArqueRiverValley,and/orforhighlandethniccoloniesthatestablishedindependencefromtheirethniclords.
19.JoséGordilloClaure,"AnalisisdeunpadróngeneraldeladoctrinadeSanPedrodeSipeSipe(Cochabamba)-1798,"Estudios-UMSS1(1987),pp.4163.
20.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónPasso.
21.Larson,Colonialism,pp.8788.
22.Viedma,Descripcióngeográfica,Appendix4,p.280.
23.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.153.
24.JoséGordilloClaure,"EmpadronamientodeindiosmitayosentornoaundocumentoineditodelsigloXVIII,"Nispa-Ninku2:28(April30,1987),p.13.
25.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,pp.16163.
26.Ibid.,pp.2930.
Page 420
27.Viedma,Descripcióngeográfica,pp.86,93,95.
28.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.163.
29.Ibid.,p.163.
30.Ibid.,p.30.
31.Larson,Colonialism,pp.9697.
32.Ibid.,p.97,andchap.4.
33.Ontheinstitutionalbackgroundoftheencomienda,seeLesleyB.Simpson,TheEncomiendainNewSpain(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1950);andJamesLockhart,"EncomiendaandHacienda:TheEvolutionoftheGreatEstateintheSpanishIndies,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview49(1969),41129.OntheencomiendaintheAndeanregion,see,forexample,JamesLockhart,SpanishPeru,15321560:AColonialSociety(Madison,1968);RobertG.Keith,ConquestandAgrarianChange:TheEmergenceoftheHaciendaSystemonthePeruvianCoast(Cambridge,1976);EfrainTrellesArestegui,LucasMartínezVegazo:Funcionamientodeunaencomiendaperuanainicial(Lima,1982);Stern,Peru'sIndianPeoples;(Madison,1982);KarenSpalding,Huarochiri:AnAndeanSocietyunderIncaandSpanishRule(Stanford,1984);SusanRamírez,ProvincialPatriarchs:LandTenureandtheEconomicsofPowerinColonialPeru(Albuquerque,1986);andJosepBarnadas,Charcas,15351563:Originesdeunasociedadcolonial(LaPaz,1973.
34.Ramírez,ProvincialPatriarchs,pp.3536.
35.Ibid.,pp.3741.
36.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElorigendelahaciendaenelValleBajodeCochabamba:Conformacióndelaestructuraagraria(15501700)"(thesisforthelicenciatura,UniversidadMayordeSanSimón,1987),p.51;andSánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.158.
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Page228
37.Wachtel,"Mitimas,"p.202;andJosepBarnadas,"LosorigenescolonialesdeCochabamba,"RevistadeEstudiosBolivianos"Kollasuyu"86(1974),p.24.
38.Barnadas,Charcas,pp.32425.
39.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.158;GordilloClaure,"Elorigen,"p.52;Barnadas,Charcas,pp.29596.
40.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,chap.1.ForstudiesofotherAndeanregions,seeNobleDavidCook,DemographicCollapse:IndianPeru,15201620(Cambridge,1981);SuzanneAlchon,NativeSocietyandDiseaseinColonialEcuador(Cambridge,1991).
41.Larson,Colonialism,p.75.
42.GordilloClaureandJackson,"Formation,Crisis,andTransformation."
43.Larson,Colonialism,p.77.
44.GordilloClaure,"Elorigen,"p.74.
45.Onthebackgroundofthecomposicióndetierras,seeFrancoisChevalier,LandandSocietyinColonialMexico:TheGreatHacienda,trans.AlvinEustisanded.LesleyB.Simpson(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1963),pp.26577.
46.GordilloClaureandJackson,"Formation,Crisis,andTransformation."
47.Ibid.
48.GordilloClaure,"Elorigen,"pp.261,33348.
49.Ibid.,pp.32021.
50.Larson,Colonialism,pp.8387.
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51.Barnadas,Charcas,pp.29596.
52.GordilloClaure,"ElprocesodeextincióndelyanaconajeenelvalledeCochabamba(analisisdeunpadróndeyanaconas1692)"(Cochabamba:mimeo,1987).
53.Larson,Colonialism,p.197.
54.Ibid.,p.101.
55.Ibid.,Fig.5,p.100.
56.Ibid.,pp.190201.
57.JoséDalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia,repr.ed.(LaPaz,1975),p.211.
58.ArnoldBauer,ChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975),pp.5057,15970.
59.RobertH.Jackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),pp.14562.
60.Dalence,Bosquejoestadistico,p.211.
61.Larson,Colonialism,pp.190201;Jackson,"Evolución."
62.Ibid.,p.5.
63.Larson,Colonialism,pp.78,191,19497,210,29697.LarsonappliesCliffordGeertz'sconceptofinvolution,developedtodescribetherealitiesofIndonesianagriculture,toCochabamba,arguingthat
Geertz'semphasisontheelaborationoflaborrelationsonestatesappliesequallywelltothemaizevalleysofCochabamba.Itwaseconomicinvolution"frombelow":thegradualdispersionofhaciendaresourcesamongadensepeasantpopulationthatengagedinintensivecultivationofmaizeonparcelsoflandthatoftenyieldedtwoharvestsayear.Thesesmall-scalecultivatorsrarelyappearincontemporarysources,buttheir
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proliferationsignaledadiversificationofagriculturalinputsandoutputsthatcontinuedtocharacterizeagrarianpatternsinCochabambaintothetwentiethcentury.(p.197)
LarsonrelatesservicetenantryonCochabambahaciendastothetypeoftenantrythatexistedinpartsofsoutheastAsia,includingIndonesiaandalsonorthernIndia.ServicetenantrywasimportantonCochabambahaciendasasaformoflabor.InIndonesiaandIndia,ontheotherhand,"landlords"weretruerentierswhohadlittleinputintheday-to-dayorganizationofagriculture,andmerelyskimmedoffapartofthesurplusproducedbypeasantproducers.OnIndianagriculture,seeEricStokes,ThePeasantandtheRaj:StudiesinAgrarianSocietyandPeasantRebellioninColonialIndia(Cambridge,1978);EricStokes,ThePeasantArmed:TheIndianRebellionof1857,ed.C.A.Bayly(Oxford,1986);ThomasR.Metcalf,Land,Landlords,andtheBritishRaj:NorthernIndiaintheNineteenthCentury(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1979).ForamorecompleteevaluationofthisaspectofLarson'sinterpretation,seeRobertH.Jackson,"Evolución,"pp.14562;RobertH.Jackson,"Markets,Peasantry,andtheFormationandFragmentationoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia,"PeasantStudies16:1(1988),pp.3952.
64.ThediscussionofminingisbaseduponOrlandoCaprilesVillazón,Historiadelamineríaboliviana(LaPaz,1977);ClaraLópezBeltrán,Estructuraeconómicodeunasociedadcolonial:CharcasenelsigloXVII(LaPaz,1988);HarryCrossandDavidBrading,"ColonialSilverMining:MexicoandPeru,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview52(1972),54579;JohnFisher,MinasyminerosenelPerucolonial,17761824(Lima,1976);EnriqueTandeter,"LaRenteCommeRapportdeDistribution.LeCasdeL'IndustrieMinieredePotosí,17501826"(Thesede3eCycleenHistoire,EcoledeHautesEtudesenSciencesSociales,Paris,1980);
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CarlosSempatAssadourian,HeraclioBonilla,AntonioMitre,andTristanPlatt,MineríayespacioeconómicoenlosAndes(Lima,1980);HerbertKlein,"TheImpactofCrisisinNineteenth-CenturyMiningonRegionalEconomies:TheExampleoftheBolivianYungas,17861838,"inDavidRobinson,ed.,SocialFabricandSpatialStructureinColonialLatinAmerica(AnnArbor,1979);andRosarioJiménezandHonorioPinto,MineríaenBolivia:Docurnentos(Lima,1979).Forlatefifteenth-centuryEuropeanmining,seeHarryMiskimin,MoneyandPowerinFifteenth-CenturyFrance(NewHaven,1984).
65.CarlosSempatAssadourian,Elsistemadelaeconomíacolonialmercadointerno,regiones,yespacioeconómico(Lima,1982)p.122.
66.Barnadas,Charcas,p.379.
67.Ibid.,p.388.
68.LauraEscobarideQuerejazu,Producciónycomercioenelespaciosurandinos.XVII(LaPaz,1985),p.39.
69.Ibid.,pp.4243.
70.LuisMiguelGlave,"Trajines:Uncapituloenlaformacióndelmercadointernocolonial,"RevistaAndina1:1(1983),p.14;HerbertKlein,Bolivia:TheEvolutionoraMulti-EthnicSociety(NewYork,1982),p.58.
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Page230
71.JiménezandPinto,Minería,p.17.
72.Ibid.,p.43.
73.EnriqueTandeteretal.,"ElmercadodePotosíafinesdelsigloXVIII,"inEnriqueTandeter,OliviaHarris,andBrookeLarson,eds.,Participaciónindigenaenlosmercadossurandinos(Cochabamba,1987).Larson,Colonialism,p.234,recordsthevalueoftradetoPotosíin1794as2,806,700pesos,ofwhich39.6percentwassuppliedfromMoqueguainsouthernPeru.
74.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"p.451.
75.Ibid.,pp.44346.
76.Ibid.,p.230.
77.LilianaLewinski,"Unaplazadeventaatomizada:LacanchadeOruro,1803and1812,"inTandeter,Harris,andLarson,Participación,p.450.
78.JosephPentland,InformesobreBolivia,trans.JackAitkenSoux(Potosí,1975),pp.99,105.
79.Dalence,Bosquejoestadístico,pp.254,274,and276.
80.NilsJacobsen,"LandTenureandSocietyinthePeruvianAltiplano:AzangaroProvince,17701920"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,1982),pp.8990.
81."LibrodeYnbentariosydeFabricadelaYglesiaenMatrizdeestaCiudad[deCochabamba]correspondientealaYglesiadeSantoDomingo,"ArchivodelArzobispadodeCochabamba,Cochabamba,Bolivia.
82.OnthegrowthofthesouthernPeruvianwooltradeduringthenineteenthcentury,seeAlbertoFlores-Galindo,Arequipayelsur
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andinosiglosXVIIIXX(Lima,1976);ManuelBurgaandWilsonReategui,Lanasycapitalmercantilenelsur:LaCasaRicketts,18951935(Lima,1981);Jacobsen,"LandTenure."
83.Flores-Galindo,Arequipa,p.75.
84.QuotedinAntonioMitre,ElmonederodelosAndes:RegióneconómicaymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986),p.56.
85.Flores-Galindo,Arequipa,pp.8284.
86.MagnusMörner,NotassobreelcomercioyloscomerciantesdelCuzcodesdefinesdelacoloniahasta1930(Lima,1979),p.27.
87.GustavoRodríguez,RicardoAzogue,andHumbertoSolares,"Cochabamba:elprocesohistóricodesuconstitucióncomoregión(18251952),"LosTiempos,September14,1985.
88.EnriqueTandeterandNathanWachtel,Preciosyproducciónagraria:PotosíyCharcasenelsigloXVIII(BuenosAires,1983).
89.Larson,Colonialism,p.235.Foranarrativeaccountoftherevolts,seeLillianE.Fisher,TheLastIncaRevolt,17801783(Norman,1966),chap.7.RebellionbrokeoutinthehighlandsectionsofCochabamba,suchasArque,Tapacari,andAyopaya,aswellasintheValleBajo,theClizaValley/ValleAlto,andtheSacabaValley.IntheValleBajo,residentsoftheSipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipayacommunitiesroseinrebellion.TheaccountbookofTapacariparishdescribedlocaldevastationcausedbytherevolt.SeeManuscript,"LibrodeFab-
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ricaenqueseasientaelCargoyDescargodelasentradaspertenientesalaYglesiadeNuestroPadredeSanAgustíndelPuebloRl.deTapacariqueempiezadesdeeldia8deMayode1781años,"ArchivodelArzobispadodeCochabamba,Cochabamba,Bolivia.Foradiscussionofthebackgroundoftherevolt,seeSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987).
90.Larson,Colonialism,pp.22122.
91.Ibid.,p.329.
92.Reportsfromtheearlytwentiethcenturynotedthatlargelandownerswithstoragefacilitiesforgrainfacedlossesfromvermin,insects,andmildew,andcouldnotkeepgraininstorageforlongperiodsoftime.SeeElFerrocarril,January11,1910,January13,1910,January14,1910,andFebruary1,1910.Thediscussionofthegrain-storagecapacityofCochabambahaciendasresultedfromchargesbeingmadethatinresponsetoweatherconditionsindicatingthatthe19091910harvestwouldbepoor,haciendaownersremovedstoredgrainfromlocalmarkets.Haciendaownerswithgranariescouldprobablyrealizewindfallprofitsfromascarcitylastingayear,buttheywouldhavebeenvulnerabletoasubsistencecrisisthatlastedseveralyears,asinthe1780s.
93.OncensosintheruraleconomyofSpanishAmerica,seeArnoldBauer,"TheChurchintheEconomyofSpanishAmerica:censosandDepositosintheEighteenthandNineteenthCenturies,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview63(1983),pp.70733;MichaelCosteloe,ChurchWealthinMexico:AStudyofthe'JuzgadodeCapellanías'intheArchbishopricofMexico,18001856(Cambridge,1967).OnthegeneralimpactofcensosinCochabamba,seeLarson,Colonialism,pp.22127.Larsonincorrectlyindentifiesallcensosasbeingloans,but
Page 430
doesrecognizethatlandownersdidexperiencefinancialdifficultiesasaresultofthealienationofincometothechurch.
94.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"pp.43435.
95.Manuscript,"Indiceformadodetodoslosinstrumentosu]econtieneesteProtocoloporelCapitan[CapitándeExersitoo]nManuelJosefValderramasiendoAdministradordelasRentasdelMonasteriodeN[uest]raSenora[SeñoradelCarmenenestaCiudaddeCochabamba,"ArchivodelArzobispadodeCochabamba,Cochabamba,Bolivia.Theindex,foundatthebeginningofthevolumeofnotarialprotocolscollectedbytheadministratoroftheMonasteryofCarmen,summarizesthecontractscontainedwithinthevolume.
96.Larson,Colonialism,p.223.
97.Manuscript,"Indice."
98.Larson,Colonialism,p.226.
99.FanorMeruvia,"MercadodetierrasenelvallecentraldeCochabamba,sigloXVIII,"forthcoming,Estudios-UMSS.
100.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"p.91.
101.Larson,Colonialism,p.210.
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Chapter2
1.Foracomprehensivediscussionofthemotivesfortheimplementationofthelateeighteenth-centuryagrarianreformmeasuresinSpain,seeRichardHerr,RuralChangeandRoyalFinancesinSpainattheEndoftheOldRegime(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1989),chap.1andpassim.
2.ForarecentstudyoftheconsolidationpolicyinoneregioninMexico,seeMargaretChownin,"TheConsolidationofValesrealesintheBishopricofMichoacan,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),45178.
3.LiberalisminMexicoduringthenineteenthcenturyhasreceivedthemostattentionfromscholars.See,forexample,CharlesHale,MexicanLiberalismintheAgeofMora,18211853(NewHaven,1968);RichardSinkin,TheMexicanReform,18551876:AStudyinLiberalNation-Building(Austin,1979);CharlesBerry,TheReformInOaxaca,18561876:AMicrohistoryoftheLiberalRevolution(Lincoln,1981);RobertKnowlton,"ExpropriationofChurchPropertyinNineteenthCenturyMexicoandColombia:AComparison,"TheAmericas24:4(April1969),387401;RobertKnowlton,ChurchPropertyandtheMexicanReform(18561910(DeKalb,1976);T.G.Powell,ElliberalismoyelcampesinadoenelcentrodeMéxico,1850a1876(México,D.F.,1974);JanBazant,TheAlienationofChurchWealthinMexico:SocialandEconomicAspectsoftheLiberalRevolution,18561875(Cambridge,1971);andLaurensPerry,JuárezandDíaz:MachinePoliticsinMexico(DeKalb,1978).ForearlyreformmeasuresinColombia,seeFrankSafford,"Race,Integration,andProgress:EliteAttitudesandtheIndianinColombia,17501870,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview71(1991),133;andRichardHyland,"AFragileProsperity:CreditandAgrarianStructureintheCaucaValley,Colombia,185187,"TheHispanicAmerican
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HistoricalReview62(1982),369406.Forageneraloverviewtoeconomicliberalism,seeJosephLoveandNilsJacobsen,eds.,GuidingtheInvisibleHand:EconomicLiberalismandtheStateinLatinAmericanHistory(NewYork,1988).InabookentitledBetweenSilverandGuano:CommercialPolicyandtheStateinPostindependencePeru(Princeton,1989),PaulGootenbergexploresliberal-conservative-nationalistconflictinPeruasrelatedtotheissueoffreetrade.
4.MoststudiesofBolivianliberalismfocusonthequestionofcorporate-ownedlands.See,forexample,ErickLanger,EconomicChangeandRuralResistanceinSouthernBolivia,18801930(Stanford,1989);RobertH.Jackson,"LiberalLandandEconomicPolicyandtheTransformationoftheRuralSectoroftheBolivianEconomy,18631929:TheCaseofCochabamba"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,1988);ErwinGrieshaber,"ExportExpansionandIndianLandSalesintheDepartmentofLaPaz,Bolivia,18811920,"forthcoming,inSpanish,inAndes(Salta,Argentina);GustavoRodríguezOstria,Expansióndellatifundioosupervivenciadelascomunidadesindigenas?CambiosenlaestructuraagrariabolivianadelsigloXIX(Cochabamba,1983);GustavoRodríguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas:LascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajoCochabambino,"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LascomunidadesindigenasenlaregiónandinaduranteelsigloXIX,"Quito,March1989;TristanPlatt,Estadobolivianoyaylluandino:TierraytributoenelnortedePotosí(Lima,1982);andTristanPlatt,''LiberalismandEthnocideintheSouthern
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Andes,"HistoryWorkshop17(1984),318.TheonlystudytoexamineliberalpoliciesthataffectedbothchurchandcommunitylandsisErickLangerandRobertH.Jackson,"ElliberalismoyelproblemadelastierrasenBolivia(18251920),"SigloXIX5:10(1990),932.
5.SeeLangerandJackson,"Elliberalismo."IbasemydiscussionofthechangingorientationofBolivianliberalisminthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,withspecificreferencetochurchandcommunitylands,onthisarticle.
6.ForageneraldiscussionofthedifferentsourcesofchurchincomeinSpanishAmerica,seeArnoldBauer,"TheChurchintheEconomyofSpanishAmerica:CensosandDepositosintheEighteenthandNineteenthCenturies,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview63(1983),70733;andMichaelCosteloe,ChurchWealthinMexico:AStudyofthe'JuzgadodeCapellanías'intheArchbishopricofMexico,18001856(Cambridge,1967).
7.WilliamLofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia(LaPaz,1983),p.120.
8.OnthegeneralconceptualizationofchurchwealthbyLatinAmericanliberals,seeBazant,Alienation,chap.1;andHale,MexicanLiberalism,chap.8.AcomprehensivehistoryofBolivianliberalisminthenineteenthcenturyhasyettobewritten.
9.Lofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia,pp.13342;ThomasMillington,DebtPoliticsafterIndependence:TheFundingConflictinBolivia(Gainesville,1992),pp.9398;LangerandJackson,"Elliberalismo";HerbertKlein,Bolivia:TheEvolutionofaMulti-EthnicSociety(NewYork,1982),pp.10810.Kleinstatesthatthegovernmentseizedandadministeredthelandsoftheconventsandmonasteriesnotclosed.Inthecaseofthefemaleordersin
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CochabambaDepartment,theevidenceindicatesthatlayadministratorsappointedbytheprioressoftheinstitutionadministeredtherentalpropertiesthatremainedintheirhands.AlawofSeptember8,1831,forexamplestipulatedthatthenominalvalueofcanceledcensoscouldbediscountedby50percent,andpaymentmadeincashanddepreciateddebtcertificates.InMarchof1839,JuanAntonioSantibanezpaid85pesosincashanddebtcertificateswithanominalvalueof1,115pesosforacensosonhisHaciendaChimba(outskirtsofCochabambaCity)withanoriginalvalueof2,400pesos.SeeMs."Escrituradecancelación[March4,1839]delcensode1,200pesosquereconocialahaciendadelaChimbapropiadelCiudidanoJuanAntonioSantibanez,"unorganizedSantibanezFamilypapers,UniversityLibrary,UniversidadMayordeSanSimon,Cochabamba,Bolivia.OnthevalueofformerchurchlandssoldinCochabambaDepartment,seeLangerandJackson,"Liberalismo,"p.30,n.9.
10.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadisticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),p.79.
11.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB(hereaftercitedasPT);ClizaProvince,CantónArani,1831.
12.PT;ClizaProvince,CantónArani,1846,1850.
13.DamianRejas,TercercentenariodelafundacióndelMonasteriodeSantaClaradeAsisenCochabamba-Bolivia,años16481948(Cochabamba,1948),pp.1617.
14.ElHeraldo,May23,1923.
15.Ibid.,May7,1926.
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16.RobertH.Jackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),154.
17.ElHeraldo,July1,1901.
18.TheCochabambapriceseriesistakenfromRobertH.Jackson,"TheDeclineoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseoftheSacabaValley,18701929,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),281.
19.See,forexample,ElFerrocarril,July25,1911.
20.Ibid.,January8,1912;andRegistrodeDerechosreales(hereinaftercitedasDR);TarataProvince,1912.
21.ElFerrocarril,July2,1917.
22.DR;TarataProvince,ClizaProvince,18911929;andRobertH.Jackson,"CambiosenlatenenciadelatierraenlaProvinciadeCliza(18601930)yorigenesdelossindicatoscampesinosbolivianos,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),99110.
23.ElFerrocarril,October18,1913.
24.Ibid.,September29,1913.
25.Ibid.,July30,1914.
26.JorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia:CambiosestructuralesunUcurena,19351952(Cochabamba,1983),pp.9091,andmap4.
27.SeeNicolásSánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos(Lima,1978),pp.7491;andBrianEvans,"CensusEnumerationinLateSeventeenth-CenturyAltoPeru:TheNumeraciónGeneralof16831684,"inDavidRobinson,ed.,StudiesinSpanishAmericanPopulationHistory(Boulder,1981),pp.2544.
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28.RobertH.Jackson,"Evolución,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),pp.14748;andBrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),pp.93108.
29.Larson,Colonialism,p.326.
30.Ibid.,p.277.
31.Ibid.,p.278;JoséGordilloClaure,"AnalisisdeunpadróngeneraldeladoctrinadeSanPedrodeSipeSipe(Cochabamba)1798,"Estudios-UMSS1(1987),pp.4849;SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,pp.18085.
32.Larson,Colonialism,pp.33031.
33.GustavoRodríguezOstria,"EntreReformasycontrareformas:LascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajoCochabambino(18251900),"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LascomunidadesindigenasenlaregiónandinaduranteelsigloXIX,"Quito,Ecuador,March1989,pp.1417.
34.EP,AHMC,Expedienteno.113.
35.ErwinGrieshaber,"SurvivalofIndianCommunitiesinNineteenthCenturyBolivia"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,1977),p.294.
36.PT,ANB,CercadoProvince,selectedyears.
37.PT,ANB,ClizaProvince,selectedyears.
38.EP,AHMC,expedienteno.108.
39.PT,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónCapinota,1856,1858.
40.FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeográficodelaRepúblicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),p.22.
41.EP,AHMC,expedienteno.113.
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42.EP,AHMC,expedienteno.109.
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43.PT,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi,1858,1863.
44.Larson,Colonialism,p.225,n.47.
45.Blanco,Diccionario,pp.11516.
46.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi.
47.DR,ArqueProvince.
48.Ontheevolutionofcommunitylandlegislation,seeRamiroCondarcoMorales,Zarateel"temible"willka:Historiadelarebeliónindigenade1899enlarepúblicadeBolivia,2ded.(LaPaz,1982);Platt,Estadoboliviano,chap.2;andErickLanger,"ElliberalismoylaabolicióndelacomunidadindigenaenelsigloXIX,"HistoriayCultura14(1988),5995.
49.QuotedinSilviaRiveraCusicanqui,"Oprimidosperonovencidos":LuchasdelcampesinadoAymarayQuechwa,19001980(LaPaz,1983),p.26.Thetranslationismine.
50.QuotedinLuisAntezana,ElfeudalismodeMelgarejoylareformaagraria(LaPaz,1970),pp.2123.Thetranslationismine.
51.NadineNicollsH.,GloriaMeruviaC.,andOsvaldoGutiérrezA.,"Leydeex-vinculaciónenlaszonasdeserraniadeTapacari(18701905),"unpublishedmanuscript,Cochabamba,1987,p.4.
52.EP,AHMC,expedienteno.114.
53.InformedelaOficinadelCreditoPúblicoalH.CongresoNacional(1900),inJorgeOvandoSanz,EltributoindigenaenlasfinanzasbolivianasdelsigloXIX(hereaftercitedasTIFB)(LaPaz,1985),p.476.
54.CondarcoMorales,Zarate,pp.4344.
55.RodríguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas."
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56.PantaleónDalence,InformedelMinistrodeHaciendaeIndustria1874,inTIFB,p.413.Dalence'sstatementechoedthesentimentsofMexicanliberalreformerJoséMoraofsomefortyyearsearlier.SeeHale,MexicanLiberalism,chap.7.
57.CondarcoMorales,Zarate,pp.4548;andPlatt,Estadoboliviano,pp.7378.
58.TIFB,p.302.
59.EliodoroVillazón,MemoriapresentadaalaConvenciónNacionaldeBoliviaen1880,inTIFB,p.418;PedroGarcía,InformedeHaciendaeIndustria,inTIFB,p.441;andEnriqueBorda,InformequeelMinistrodeHaciendaeIndustriaPresentaalCongresoOrdinariode1893,inTIFB,p.452.
60.RodríguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas."
61.CensodelaRepúblicadeChilelevantadoel28denoviembrede1907(Santiago,1909),pp.127482;Tercercensonacional[deArgentina]levantadoel10dejuniode1914:Población(BuenosAires,1916),passim;andElHeraldo,October28,1925.
62.RafaelPeredoAntezana,LaprovinciadeQuillacollo:Ensayomonográfico(Cochabamba,1963),p.186.
63.OctavioSalamanca,ElsocialismoenBolivia:Losindiosdelaaltiplanicieboliviana(Cochabamba,1931),p.188.
64.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElprocesodelaextincióndelyanaconajeenelvalledeCochabamba(Analisisdeunpadróndeyanaconas,1692),"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),2960;PT,ANBTapacariProvince,1828,1844,1867.
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Page236
65.ThediscussionoflandsalesandchangesinthestructureoflandtenureinCantónSipeSipeisbaseduponCochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR;TapacariandQuillacolloProvince;CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónSipeSipe.Forabriefdiscussionoflong-termpatternsofchangeinthestructureoflandtenureinSipeSipe,seeJoséGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,"MestizajeyprocesodeparcelizaciónenlaestructuraagrariadeCochabamba:ElcasodeSipeSipeenlosSiglosXVIIIXIX,"HISLA10(1987),1537.
66.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónSipeSipe.
67.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi.
68.DR,ArqueProvince.
69.RafaelReyeros,Elpongueajelaservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.219.
70.DR,ArqueProvince.
71.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi.
72.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi,TapacariProvince,CantónChalla;Reyeros,Elpongueajelaservadumbrepersonal,p.219.
73.DR;PunataProvince,1902.
74.Nicolls,Meruvia,andGutiérrez,"Leydeex-vinculación,"p.9.
75.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1878.
76.Ibid.,1885.
77.ElFerrocarril,March25,1912.
78.ElHeraldo,May17,1909,May22,1909,andMay27,1909.
Page 441
79.Ibid.,September18,1909.
80.ElFerrocarril,March20,1914.
81.DR;ArqueProvince,1911.
82.ElHeraldo,November13,1917.
83.Jackson,"LiberalLandandEconomicPolicy,"p.57.
84.LangerandJackson,"Elliberalismo."
85.PeredoAntezana,Laprovincia,p.186.
86.Millington,DebtPoliticsafterIndependence.
87.Bazant,Alienation.
88.Grieshaber,"ExportExpansion;"M.RigobertoParedes,TiahuanacuylaprovinciadeIngavi(LaPaz,1955),pp.17376.
89.OnchangingpatternsoflandtenureinOruroDepartment,seeJackson,"Decline,"27677.OnthechangingstructureoflandtenureofIngaviProvince,LaPazDepartment,seeParedes,Tiahuanacu,pp.7,3031,14647,15455,17071,17374,17677.
90.ForChayanta,seePlatt,Estadoboliviano;onChuquisaca,seeLanger,EconomicChange.
91.ForamorecompletediscussionofchangingpatternsoflandtenureintheValleBajo,seeJackson,"LiberalLandandEconomicPolicy,"passim.
92.MyunderstandingofthemotivesforpeasantresistancerelatedtochangeisinformedbyJohnTutino'snotionoftheimportanceofpeasantsubsistencesecurity,outlinedinhisFromInsurrectiontoRevolutioninMexico:SocialBasesofAgrarianViolence,17501940(Princeton,1986),pp.337andpassim;andErickLanger'sadaptationoftheconceptofthemoraleconomytotherealitiesof
Page 443
Page237
Andeanpeasantlife,inhis"LaborStrikesandReciprocityonChuquisacaHaciendas,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview65(1985),25577;andLanger'sEconomicChange,pp.56.
93.OnpatternsofresistanceinBoliviaduringtheyearsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,seeLanger,EconomicChange;RiveraCusicanqui,"Oprimidosperonovencidos";RobertoChoqueCanqui,LamasacredeJesúsdeMacbaca(LaPaz,1986);ReneArzeAguirre,Guerrayconfiictossociales:Elcasoruralbolivianodurantelacampanadelchaco(LaPaz,1987);TristanPlatt,"TheAndeanExperienceofBolivianLiberalism,18251900:RootsofRebellioninNineteenth-CenturyChayanta(Potosí),"inSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),pp.280323;ErickLanger,"TheGreatSouthernBolivianIndianRebellionof1927:AMicroanalysis,"paperpresentedattheforty-sixthInternationalCongressofAmericanists,Amsterdam,Holland,July48,1988;ErickLanger,"AndeanRitualsofRevolt:TheChayantaRebellionof1927,"unpublishedpaper.
94.OnpeasantuprisingsinMexicofollowingtheimplementationofliberalanti-corporatelandpolicies,seeLeticiaReina,LasrebelionescampesinasenMéxico(18191906)(México,D.F.,1980);JohnCoatsworth,"Railroads,Landholding,andAgrarianProtestintheEarlyPorfiriato,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview54(1974),4871;andGuyP.C.Thomson,"AgrarianConflictintheMunicipalityofCuetzalán(SierradePuebla):TheRiseandFallofPalaAgustinDieguillo,18611894,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview71(1991),20558.
95.Foradescriptionofthe1947Ayopayarevolt,seeJorgeDandierandJuanTorrico,"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inStern,ed.,Resistance,
Page 444
Rebellion,andConsciousness,pp.33478.Onthelong-termsocialoriginsofthe1927and1947rebellions,seeRobertH.Jackson,"LandTenureandHaciendaLabor:TheOriginsofSocialConflictintheAyopayaHighlands,CochabambaDepartment,"unpublishedpaperinthepossessionoftheauthor.
96.RobertKnowlton,"LadivisióndelastierrasdelospueblosduranteelsigloXIX:ElcasodeMichoacán,"HistoriaMexicana40(1990),325.
Chapter3
1.HerbertKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChangeinBolivia,18801952(Cambridge,1969),pp.1013.
2.JamesDunkerly,"ReevaluacióndelcaudillismoenBolivia,"HistoriaBoliviana1(1981),5977.
3.NicolásSánchezAlbornoz,IndiosytributosenelAltoPeru(Lima,1978)p.198.
4.Ibid.,p.198.
5.AntonioMitre,Elmonederodelosandes:RegióneconómicaymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986),p.26.
6.Onthemintingofdebasedcoins,seePlatt,EstadotributarioylibrecambioenPotosí(SigloXIX)(LaPaz,1986),andMitre,Elmonedero.
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Page238
7.AntonioMitre,LospatriarcasdelaplataestructurasocioeconómicadelamineríabolivianaenelsigloXIX(Lima,1981),pp.113,129,15152;andKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChange,pp.2627.
8.CensogeneraldelapoblacióndelaRepúblicadeBolivia(LaPaz,1902),vol.1,p.45(hereaftercitedasCG).
9.Platt,Estadotributario.AccordingtoPlatt,aylluleadersviewedthebreakdownoftheprotectedcolonialmarketandthemintingofdebasedcoinsasaviolationoftheinformalagreementbetweenstateandcommunitytoexchangetributepaymentsforaguaranteeofprotectionforcommunitylands.AccesstothemarketformedthebasisofthetributesysteminChayanta(NorthernPotosíDepartment),asitallowedtheayllutoobtainmoneytopayitstributeobligations.
10.Mitre,Elmonedero,pp.8287.
11.Ibid.,pp.92.
12.Platt,Estadotributario,p.40.
13.ArnoldBauer,ChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975),pp.6465,andpassim.
14.ThomasWright,"AgricultureandProtectionisminChile,18801930,"JournalofLatinAmericanStudies7(1973),4558.
15.J.D.PortertotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,May9,1886,DespatchesfromUnitedStatesConsulsinLaPaz,Bolivia,NationalArchives,Washington,D.C.(hereaftercitedasDUSCLP);GerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,March12,1894,DUSCLP;SergioSepúlveda,Eltrigochileñoenelmercadomundial(Santiago,1959),pp.70,12728.
16.ElHeraldo,March11,1910,andMarch14,1910.
Page 446
17.JoaquínAguirreLavayen,GuerradelPacificoPactodeTregua(Cochabamba,1987),pp.7879.
18.GustavoRodríguezOstria,"Cochabambaylaguerradelpacifico,"EconomíaySociedad2(1987),p.5.
19.WilliamSater,ChileandtheWarofthePacific(Lincoln,1986),pp.106,202,n.43.
20.OficinaCentraldeEstadística,SinopsisestadísticaygeográficadeChile(Santiago,1879).
21.AguirreLavayen,Guerra,pp.53159.
22.PascualAhumadaMoreno,GuerradelPacifico:RecopilacióncompletadetodoslosdocumentosoficialescorrespondenciasydemaspublicacionesreferentesalaguerraquehadadoluzlaprensadeChile,PeruyBolivia(Santiago,1982),vol.8,p.485.
23.Ibid.,vol.8,pp.48788.
24.Ibid.,vol.8,p.488.
25.OnthepoliticalchangesinBoliviafollowingthefallfrompowerofHilarionDaza,seeKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChange,chap.1.
26.Sater,Chile,chaps.24.
27.RobertH.Jackson,"RegionalTradeandtheWarofthePacific:ChileandtheOpeningoftheBolivianNationalEconomy,"UniversityofMinnesotaWorkingPapersoftheSocialHistoryWorkshop(April5,1989),pp.1315;ElHeraldo,March11,1910,andMarch14,1910;ElComercio,March14,1910.
28.ElRepublicano,November21,1919.
29.Platt,Estadobolivianoyayulluandino:TierraytributoenelnortedePotosí(Lima,1982),p.70.
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Page239
30.JuanAlbarracinMillan,Elpodermineroenlaadministraciónliberal(LaPaz,1972),p.34.HightransportationcostspreventedtheUnitedStatesfromexportinggoodstoBolivia.Inan1870report,theAmericanconsulgeneralinLaPaz,CharlesRand,notedthat"theheavyfreightratesfromthecoastrenderourtradeinsignificant."AccordingtoRand,itcostfromeighteentotwenty-fivepesostoship300lbsofgoodsbymulefromTacnatoLaPaz.Randconcludedhisreportbystatingthat"untilrailroadsorevengoodordinaryroadsarebuiltfromthecoasttotheinterior,itwillbeidletoexpectthetradeofBoliviawiththeouterworldtoshowactivityorprogress";CharlesRandtotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,September30,1870,DUSCLP.Twenty-fouryearslater,in1894,AmericanconsulgeneralGerardoHallesreportedmoreenthusiasticallythatLaPazconsumerswerereadytobuyAmericanwheatflour;GerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,March12,1894,DUSCLP.
31.ElComercio,January13,1898.
32.Takenfromasampleofpricesfortheyears18981929abstractedfromCochabambanewspapers,includingElHeraldo,ElComercio,14deSeptiembre,ElFerrocarril,ElRepublicano.ThefigureforthecostofChileanflourinLaPazcomesfromGerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,July11,1899,DUSCLP.
33.ElHeraldo,March11,1910,andMarch14,1910;ElComercio,March14,1910.
34.ElHeraldo,June5,1913.
35.PanAmericanUnion,TheCommerceofBoliviafor1913(Washington,D.C.,1915).
36.ElComercio,March20,1926.
37.ElHeraldo,October8,1920.
Page 449
38.CG,vol.1,pp.18,132.
39.ElFerrocarril,June24,1913.
40.ElHeraldo,January27,1917.
41.Ibid.
42.ElRepublicano,September24,1917.
43.ElHeraldo,April26,1918.
44.ElRepublicano,November22,1921.
45.Ibid.,March7,1922,March22,1922,andApril7,1922.
46.Ibid.,April3,1922.
47.ElHeraldo,December8,1918.
48.Ibid.,September25,1923,andSeptember27,1923.
49.ElRepublicano,November25,1926,January6,1927,andJanuary14,1927;ElComercioSeptember30,1926.
50.ElHeraldo,June30,1920.
51.ElComercio,October30,1926.
52.Ibid.,October18,1928.
53.ElHeraldo,May5,1903,January16,1904,July20,1904,October9,1907.TheClizaalcoholfactorymayhavebeenavictimofthecreationofthealcoholmonopolyin1894.Theowner,oneCarlosBlumering,wasforcedtosellthefactoryatpublicauctionin1898becauseofdebt.ThecommercialhouseC.H.CanejaBrothersandCompanyboughtthefactoryforBs150,000.CochabambaNotarialProtocols1898,AHMC.
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54.ElRepublicano,October11,1917.
55.Ibid.,May9,1921.
56.ElHeraldo,December10,1925.Wecanassumethattheestimateislowbecauseofthemotivethatproducershadtoattempttoavoidpayingtaxes,whichwouldhavecontributedtoanunderregistrationoftheamounttaxable.
57.ElRepublicano,March13,1924.
58.ElHeraldo,August27,1926.
59.Dalence,Bosquejoestadistico,pp.238.
60.ElHeraldo,September12,1926.
61.ElComercio,August20,1927.
62.Ibid.,October26,1926;ElRepublicano,October31,1926,andSeptember12,1926.
63.ElHeraldo,July25,1927;ElRepublicano,October8,1926.
64.ElComercio,December7,1926.
65.Ibid.,December7,1926.
66.ElRepublicano,October8,1926.
67.ElHeraldo,July25,1927.
68.NestorCuetoVidaurre,MemoriadelMinistrodeHaciendaalHonorableCongresoNacional(LaPaz,1917).
69.ElRepublicano,,November25,1926.
70.ElComercio,February28,1928.
71.Ibid.,September30,1926.Foradiscussionoftheuseofcreditto
Page 452
financeagriculturalproductioninCochabamba,seeJackson,"DeclineoftheHacienda,"pp.27274.
72.ElComercio,February28,1928,February3,1929,andMay11,1929.
73.Ibid.,May12,1927.
74.Ibid.,November11,1927.
75.Ibid.,May11,1929.
76.Ibid.,January26,1928.
77.Ibid.,December27,1927.
78.ElComercio,May5,1926.
79.Ibid.
80.ElFerrocarril,October6,1915.
81.LaPatria,November6,1906,andNovember27,1906.
82.ElComercio,November23,1926.
83.ElRepublicano,December18,1926.
84.Ibid.,November1,1926.
85.Ibid.,November2,1929.
86.Ibid.,December2,1929.
87.ElComercio,August25,1927.
88.Ibid.,August30,1927.
89.Ibid.,June1,1927.
90.Ibid.,January26,1929.
91.ElRepublicano,February13,1929.
Page 453
92.ElComercio,March22,1928.
93.Ibid.,April28,1928.
94.ElRepublicano,October13,1927.
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Page241
95.Ibid.,February7,1928.
96.ElFerrocarril,March11,1910.
97.ElComercio,November13,1928.
98.Ibid.,June5,1928.
99.ElRepublicano,February9,1928.
100.Ibid.,July12,1929.
101.Ibid.,March12,1928.
102.JorgeDandier,JoséBlanes,JulioPrudencio,JorgeMuñoz,ElsistemaagroalimentarioenBolivia(LaPaz:CERES,1987),pp.13436.OntheLaPazwheatflourmillingindustryinthe1930sand1940s,seeLuisPenaloza,LaPazensuIVCentenario15481948:monogrfíaeconómica(LaPaz,1948),pp.7475.Accordingtothissourceimportsofwheatandwheatflourintheperiod1928to1932totaled36,037and69,543tonsrespectivelydistributedasshownintable,page242.
103.ChristineWhitehead,"CochabambaLandownersandtheAgrarianReform"(Bachelor'sthesis,St.Hugh'sCollege,OxfordUniversity,1970),p.7.
104.Dandier,Blanes,Prudencio,Munoz,Elsistemaagroalimentario,pp.13637.
105.ElComercio,October30,1926.
Chapter4
1.JoséDalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia,repr.ed.(LaPaz,1975),pp.211,24041.
2.OctavioSalamanca,ElsocialismoenBolivia:Losindiosdela
Page 455
altiplanicieboliviana(Cochabamba,1931),pp.56.
3.ElHeraldo,September24,1923.
4.JosephDorsey,"ACaseStudyoftheLowerCochabambaValley:Ex-HaciendasParotaniandCaramarca,"LandTenureCenterResearchPaper64(Madison,1975),p.12.
5.RafaelReyeros,Elpongueaje:Laservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),pp.11,26970.
6.JosephDorsey,"ACaseStudyofEx-HaciendaToralapaintheTiraqueRegionoftheUpperCochabambaValley,"LandTenureCenterResearchPaper65(1975),pp.2,9.
7.Dorsey,"CaseStudyoftheLowerCochabambaValley,"pp.7,10.
8.ArchivoHistoricoMunicipaldeCochabamba.
9.JoséGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,"MestizajeyprocesodeparcelizaciónenlaestructuraagrariadeCochabamba:ElcasodeSipeSipeenlossiglosXVIIIXIX,"HISLA10(1987),1537.
10.CochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC.
11.ElHeraldo,February22,1915.
12.ElRepublicano,January14,1927,andJanuary5,1928.
13.DR,TapacariProvince,SipeSipeProvince,CantónSipeSipe.
14.AntonioMitre,Elmonaderodelosandes:RegióneconómicaymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986),p.107.
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Page242
WheatandWheatFlourImports,19281932Year WheatinTons WheatFlourinTons1928 492 17,0311929 737 21,1671930 2,322 19,2751931 10,476 9,1001932 22,010 2,970Inthe1930sand1940s,thevolumeofArgentineangrainexportstoBolivia,primarilywheat,increased.
ArgentineanGrainExportstoBoliviainTons,19341944Year Corn Wheat1934 57 5,0001935 37 11,5781936 229 26,1591937 985 37,1091938 277 29,8791939 15 33,9711940 2,439 44,1891941 8,772 51,1301942 1,896 57,2511943 15 55,1141944 81 46,690
Source:AnuarioestadisticodelaRepublicadeArgentina:1948(BuenosAires,1949).
15.OnthedevelopmentofBolivianbanking,seeLuisPenalozaCordero,NuevahistoriaeconómicadeBolivia:Comercio,moneda,ybancos(Cochabamba,1984).Thereis,however,stillaneedforacriticalratherthanastrictlynarrativeaccountofthedevelopmentofbankinginBolivia.
16.Mitre,Elmonadero,p.121.
Page 457
17.See,forexample,theloanmadein1879toPabloBarrientosforBs20,000bytheCreditoHipotecariodeBolivia;inCochabambaNotarialProtocols1879,AHMC.Thetermsoftheloan,whichranthrough1903,stipulatedtherepaymentoftheprincipaloftheloaneachsemester,plusinterestanddividends.
18.ElHeraldo,February18,1893.
19.ElComercio,April30,1897.
20.MagdaCastellóndeGarcía,HectorRojasVacas,andClaudioMontano,''ElmercadodecreditoenCochabamba(18711890),"Cochabamba,mimeo(1987),Tables14.
21.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1879.
22.DR;TarataProvince,1888.
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Page243
23.EugeneWeimers,"AgricultureandCreditinNineteenth-CenturyMexico:OrizabaandCordoba,18221871,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview65(1985),51946.
24.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC.
25.ElHeraldo,May29,1894.
26.Ibid.,April7,1897,September23,1897,andSeptember7,1898.
27.Ibid.,October26,1901.
28.GustavoRodríguezOstria,"Laacumulaciónoriginaria,capitalismoyagriculturaprecapitalistaenBolivia(18701885),"Avances2(1978),11943.Onthequestionofinvestmentinbanksasanalternativetoinvestmentinlandorstocksduringtheperiodofcrisisinthesilverminingindustry,seeErickLanger,EconomicChangeandRuralResistanceinSouthernBolivia,18801930(Stanford,1989),chap.3.
29.AgustínAspiazu,Diccionariorazonadodelderechocivilboliviano(LaPaz,1923),pp.19398.
30.ElHeraldo,September6,1895.
31.Ibid.,March27,1897.
32.EscriturasPúblicas,Expediente146,AHMC.
33.ElComercio,August15,1895.
34.BrookeLarson,"EconomicDeclineandSocialChangeinanAgrarianHinterland:CochabambaintheLateColonialPeriod"(Ph.D.diss.,ColumbiaUniversity,1978),p.80.
35.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,18311872.
36.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR,TarataProvince,
Page 459
ClizaProvince.
37.ElHeraldo,June21,1921.
38.OlenLeonard,CantónChullpas:estudioeconómicosocialenelValledeCochabamba(LaPaz,1947),pp.9,2326.
39.ElFerrocarril,July2,1917.
40.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"pp.7980.
41.ElFerrocarril,October18,1913.
42.Ibid.,September29,1913.
43.Ibid.,July30,1914.
44.DR,TarataProvince.
45.DR,ClizaProvince.
46.OntheoriginsandearlyactivitiesofthepeasantleaguesintheValleAlto,seeJorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia:CambiosestructuralesenUcurena,19351952,2ded.(Cochabamba,1983),pp.6376.
47.Ibid.,pp.9091,andmap4.
48.Thefollowingtablesummarizesthreeten-yearsamplesofhaciendarentalsbyregion.Seetableattopofpage244.
49.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,CercadoProvince,18351878.
50.CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1863.
51.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,TapacariProvince,CantónTiquipaya.
52.EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC,Expedienteno.154.
53.CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1895,1897.
Page 460
54.DR,TapacariProvince,QuillacolloProvince.
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SampleYears ValleBajo ValleAltoChapareProvince/SacabaValley
HighlandProvinces
18601869 65 19 8 4318761885 75 16 11 3818901899 59 10 12 45Total 199 45 31 126Source:RobertH.Jackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),p.153.
55.RafaelPeredoAntezana,LaprovinciadeQuillacollo:Ensayomonográfico(Cochabamba,1963),p.186.ThethreehaciendasinSacabambadistrict,CantónParedón,wereSacabamba,Matarani,andChallaque.
56.Forageneraldiscussionofservicetenantry,seeJackson,"Evolución."
57.Ibid.,p.155.
58.LaPatria,April17,1907.
59.Jackson,"Evolución,"p.152.
60.Salamanca,Elsocialismo,pp.16970,describesthemethodsusedbypeasantstoaccumulatecapitalforthepurchaseofland.
61.CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantónParedón.
62.Salamanca,Elsocialismo,p.173;Reyeros,Elpongueaje,pp.22526.
63.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadísticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),p.57.
64.Onlythe1947revolthasreceivedadetailedscholarlyexamination.SeeJorgeDandierandJuanTorrico,"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inSteveStern,
Page 462
ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),pp.33478.
65.PabloMacera,Boliviatierraypoblación,18251936(Lima,1978),p.15;MemoriaquepresentaelpresidentedelHonorableConcejoDepartamentalde1887(Cochabamba,1888);CensosgeneraldelapoblacióndelaRepúblicadeBoliviasegúnelempadronamientode1deseptiembrede1900(LaPaz,1902);andCensodemográficode1950(LaPaz,1955).
66.HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblación,18441939(Lima,1978),pp.3234.
67.TheremayhavebeenIndianlandsinonesectionofAyopayaProvince.ThecadastralsurveyofCantónCharapaya,preparedca.1912(CPR,APC,AyopayaProvince,CantónCharapaya)listedeightseparatepropertiesintheLivimanidistrictassayanas,atermusedforcommunitylands.Aco-ownerofoneofthepropertieslistedasasayanawasnamedInocencioApasa,clearlyanAymarasurname.ThecommunityorformercommunitylandsinCantónCharapayamayhavebeenanethniccolonyfromanAymaraayllufromOruroor,morelikely,neighboringLaPazDepartment.Theexistenceofcommunitylandswouldbeanexceptiontothecharacterizationoflandtenuredominatedbythelatifundio.
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Chapter5
1.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElprocesodellaextincióndelyanaconajeenelvalledeCochabambasiglosXVIIXVIII,"EconomíaySociedad2:12(1987),pp.67;PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,TapacariProvince,1828,1844,and1867.Foradiscussionofchangingpatternsoflandtenureandthepartitionofthecolonialhaciendainthenineteenthcentury,seeJoséGordilloClaureandRobertJackson,"MestizajeyprocesodeparcelizaciónenlaestructuraagrariadeCochabamba:ElcasodeSipeSipeenlossiglosXVIIIXIX,"HISLA10(1987),1537;RobertH.Jackson,"TheDeclineoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseoftheSacabaValley,18701929,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),pp.25981.
2.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,1880,AHMC.
3.ThediscussionoflandsalesandchangesinthestructureoflandtenureinCantónSipeSipedrawsuponCochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR;TapacariProvince,QuillacolloProvince;andCPR,APC;QuillacolloProvince,CantónSipeSipeandCantónQuillacollo.
4.RaimundoSchramm,"MosaicosetnohistóricosdelvalledeCliza(vallealtocochabambino),SigloXVI,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),341.
5.BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),pp.18184.
6.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElorigendelahaciendaenelValleBajodeCochabamba:Conformacióndelaestructuraagraria(15501700)"(Thesis,UniversidadMayordeSanSimón,1987),p.349A.
7.Larson,Colonialism,p.183statesthattherewere153haciendasand24estanciasintheValleAlto.However,hercountmayinclude
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propertieslocatedinhighlanddistrictsthatformedpartoftheadministrativejurisdictionsintheValleAlto.
8.RobertH.Jackson,"CambiosenlatenenciadelatierraenlaprovinciadeCliza(18601930)yorigenesdelossindicatoscampesinosbolivianos,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),99110.Also,seechap.4,below.
9.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,CantónTarata,1831.
10.CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1869,1884.
11.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,CantónArani,1831.
12.Ibid.,1846,1850.
13.EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC,1892;DR,PunataProvince.
14.CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantónTarata,ClizaProvince,andAraniProvince,CantónArani;AlbertoRivera,"LosterratenientesdeCochabamba,"unpublishedmanuscript.
15.GustavoRodríguezOstriaandHumbertoSolaresSerrano,Sociedadoligarquica,chichayculturapopular(Cochabamba,1990),p.39.
16.OnmigrationtoaltiplanotinminesandChileannitrateminesfromCochabamba,seeibid.,pp.4648;Larson,Colonialism,pp.31619.Accordingtothe1914Argentiniannationalcensus,therewere17,993BoliviansinArgentina,12,728livinginJujuy,and3,965inSalta.Tercercensonacionallevantadoel1°dejuniode1914,vol.2,Población(BuenosAires,1916).
17.JorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia:CambiosestructuralesenUcurena,19351952(Cochabamba,1983);Jackson,"Cambios."
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18.OnthepoliticalbackgroundtoBolivianreformpolitics,seeHerbertKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChangeinBolivia,18801952(Cambridge,1971).
19.Onruralviolencefollowingthe1952BolivianRevolution,seeJamesKohl,"PeasantRevolutioninBoliviaApril9,1952August2,1953,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview58(1978),23859;GabrielPonceArauco,"Insurgenciacampesinayrespuestaestatalenelperiodo,19521953,"inHistoriayevolucióndelmovimientopopular(Cochabamba,1986),pp.35175.
20.OntheCliza-UcurenaWar,seeJamesKohl,"TheClizaandUcurenaWar:SyndicalViolenceandNationalRevolutioninBolivia,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview62(1982),60728.
21.SilviaRiveraCusicanqui,"Oprimidosperonovencidos":LuchasdelcampesinadoAymarayQhechwadeBolivia,19001980(Geneva,1986),p.115.
22.Jackson,"Decline,"pp.26364.
23.Ibid.,p.269.
24.Ibid.,p.269.
25.Ibid.,p.268.
26.Ibid.,p.266.
27.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónCapinota,1835.
28.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónCapinota.
29.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónCaraza.
30.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónCaraza.
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31.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónItapaya.
32.CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantónTablas.
33.CPR,APC,TotoraProvince,YungasdeYcuna,YungasdeArepucho.
34.JorgeDandierandJuanTorricodiscussedthe1947Ayopayauprisingin"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),p.336.
35.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1879.
36.JoséSamueldeUgarte,VidayobradeSamueldeUgarte(18441907)(BuenosAires,1949),pp.2326.IwouldliketothankAlbertoRiveraforlettingmereadacopyofthislittle-knownbook.
37.FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeográficodeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1901),p.13.
38.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,AyopayaProvince,1839.
39.DR,AyopayaProvince,18881929.
40.InterviewwithJulioCésarCrespo,Cochabamba,December3,1986.
41.Ibid.
42.DR,AyopayaProvince.
43.CPR,APC,AyopayaProvince,CantónPalca.
44.LaPatria,July5,1907.
45.EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC,Expedienteno.130.
46.OntheownershipofColomiinthemiddletolatenineteenthcentury,seePadronesdeTributarios,ANB,CercadoProvince,Cantón
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Colomi,variousyears.
47.NatanielAguirrewasanabsenteelandownerduringmuchofhispoliticalcareer,andin1884,herentedoneruralpropertytotheprefectofCochabambaDepartment,Dr.FedericoJiménez.JiménezreturnedthepropertytoAguirre's
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directcontrolattheendofthe18831884agriculturalyear,butapparentlyheadministeredthepropertyforAguirre.NatanielAguirretoDr.FedericoJiménez,LaPaz,April4,1884.InJoaquinAguirreLavayen,GuerradelPacifico:PactodeTregua,1884(Cochabamba,1987),pp.2089.ThediscussionofthepartitionofAguirrelandsdrawsuponasampleoflandsalesandothertransactionsfromCochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,variousyears;EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC;DR,ChapareProvince.
48.DR,ChapareProvince,variousyears.
49.HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblación(Lima,1978),p.127;CPR,APC,CantónColomi.
50.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadísticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),pp.7778.
51.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince.
52.Ibid.
53.Ibid.
54.Ibid.
55.FernandoGalindo,"MercadodetierrasenCochabambaafinesdelsigloXIXyprincipiosdelXX:ElcasodeParedón,"unpublishedpaperinthepossessionoftheauthor.
56.GuidoGuzmán,"MercadodetierrasenCantónIzata,18931950,"unpublishedpaperinthepossessionoftheauthor.
57.RobertH.Jackson,"EstructuraagrariaymestizajeenelCantónParedónaprincipiosdelsigloXX,"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),1314.
58.Unlessotherwisenoted,thediscussionoftheownershiphistoryofhaciendaSacabambaisbaseduponPadronesdeTributarios,ANB,
Page 470
Tarataprovince,CantónParedón;CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR,TarataProvince.
59.ElComercio,December15,1896.
60.Ibid.
61.ElComercio,November8,1902.
62.Jackson,"Estructuraagraria,"1624.
63.Inaninsightfularticleentitled"Ladefinicióncambiantedeunindio.Comparacióndeloscensosbolivianosde1900y1950"(HistoriaBoliviana5:1and2(1985),4565),ErwinGrieshaberalsoquestionstheuseoffiscal/legalcategoriesinthedescriptionofruralBoliviansociety.GrieshaberdemonstratesthatthelegaldefinitionofIndianchangedbetween1900and1950.
64.MyobservationsonthepeasantcultureofParedón(modernCantónAnzaldo)arebaseduponnumeroustripsthatImadeduring1986and1987todifferentpartsofthejurisdiction,andmyparticipationinandcontributiontoanethnographic/ethnohistoricalstudyoftheParedónpeasantryorganizedbyLic.ItalaD'MamanthroughtheUniversidadMayordeSanSimón.Eventoday,urbanresidentsinBolivialargelydefineIndianandnon-Indianpeasantsbytheirstyleofdress,although,atleastinthecaseofCochabambaDepartment,mostpeasantstodayspeakQuechuaandinmanycasesspeakSpanishonlyasasecondlanguage.ResidentsofCochabambaCitytodayreactindifferentwaystopeasantsdressedinEuropean-styledress,theregionaldressoftheCochabambapeasant,especiallypeasantwomenwhowearpolleras(pleatedskirts),andpeasantsfromoutsideCochabambaDepartmentwhoweartraditionalclothesgenerallyidentifiedwithIndians.
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65.Viedma,Descripción,84.
66.ForastudyoflandtenureinthelatenineteenthcenturyinCamperoProvince,ajurisdictionverysimilartoMizque,seeLuisRojasandClaudioMontano,"HaciendasdeCampero(Crisisyexpansión),"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),pp.6186.
67.RobertH.Jackson,"AportesparaelestudiodelacrisisregionalafinesdelsigloXIX,"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),115.
Conclusion
1.EnriqueTandeter,"CrisisinUpperPeru,18001805,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview71:1(1991),pp.3571.
2.ArnoldBauer,"ChileanRuralHistoryintheNineteenthCentury,"TheAmericanHistoricalReview74(1971),pp.105983;ArnoldBauer,"TheHaciendaElHuiqueintheAgrarianStructureofNineteenth-CenturyChile,"AgriculturalHistory46(1972),pp.45570;ArnoldBauer,ChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975).
3.BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),chap.5,chap.6.
4.OntheagrarianstructureofnorthernIndia,seeBernardCohn,"StructuralChangeinIndianRuralSociety,15961885,"inRobertFrykenberg,ed.,LandControlandSocialStructureinIndianHistory(Madison,1969),pp.53121;AsiyaSiddiqi,AgrarianChangeinaNorthernIndianState:UttarPradesh,18191833(Oxford,1973);EricStokes,ThePeasantandtheRaj:StudiesinAgrarianSocietyandPeasantRebellioninColonialIndia(Cambridge,1978);andThomasMetcalf,Land,Landlords,andtheBritishRaj:NorthernIndiaintheNineteenthCentury(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1979).ServicetenantryonCochabambahaciendaswasalsodifferentfromtherural
Page 473
tenantryinSpainintheeighteenthcentury.SeeRichardHerr,RuralChangeandRoyalFinancesinSpainattheEndoftheOldRegime(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1989).
5.Herr,RuralChangeandRoyalFinances.
6.EricVanYoung,HaciendaandMarketinEighteenth-CenturyMexico:TheRuralEconomyoftheGuadalajaraRegion,16751820(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1981).
7.Bauer,ChileanRuralSociety.
8.JamesScobie,RevolutiononthePampas:ASocialHistoryofArgentineWheat,18601910(Austin,1964).
9.RobertJackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),pp.14562.
10.JorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia.CambiosestructuralesenUcurena,19351952(LaPaz,1983).
11.ErickD.Langer,"LaborStrikesandReciprocityonChuquisacaHaciendas,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview65(1985),pp.25578.
12.GacetaMunicipal,October1929,citedinAlbertoRivera,"LosterratenientesdeCochabamba,"unpublishedmanuscript.
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Province Granted ConsolidatedCercado 2.07 12.7Campero 4.20 47.6Ayopaya 2.80 69.4Tarata 4.90 14.4Arani 4.70 9.2Arque 6.11 13.4Capinota 10.40 15.5Jordan 1.10 7.7Quillacollo 2.50 13.0Chapare* 12.20 64.1Tapacari 3.20 9.3Carrasco* 10.30 36.1Mizque 8.70 17.8Punata 2.20 9.5DepartmentalMean 5.70 27.7NationalMean 42.50 51.4
*Includeszonesofcolonizationintropicallowlands.
13.JorgeDandierandJuanTorrico,"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),pp.33478.
14.HerbertKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChangeinBolivia18801952(Cambridge,1971),chap.12.
15.RafaelPeredoAntezana,LaprovinciadeQuillacollo:Ensayomonográfico(Cochabamba,1963),p.195;JamesKohl,"PeasantandRevolutioninBolivia,April9,1952August2,1953,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview58(1978),pp.23859;GabrielPonceArauco,"Insurgenciacampesinayrespuestaestatalenelperiodo,
Page 475
19521953,"EstudiosSociales1:1(1987).
16.Kohl,"PeasantandRevolutioninBolivia,"pp.25556.
17.Ibid.,p.259.
18.PeredoAntezana,Laprovincia,p.203.
19.Ibid.,p.186.
20.Ibid.,pp.49,183,203.
21.DwightHeath,CharlesErasmus,andHansBuecher,LandReformandSocialRevolutioninBolivia(NewYork,1969),p.373.
22.RobertoLaserna,Espacioysociedadregional(ConstituciónydesarrollodelmercadointernoenCochabamba)(Cochabamba,1984),Table36,andpassim.LandgrantedandconsolidatedinhectaresintherestofCochabambaDepartmentissummarizedintableabove.
23.AsseenininterviewswithformerhaciendaownersbyAlbertoRivera,reportedinhis"Losterratenientes."
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24.JimHandy,"'TheMostPreciousFruitoftheRevolution':TheGuatemalanAgrarianReform,19521954,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview68:4(1988),pp.675705;JimHandy,"TheCorporateCommunity,CampesinoOrganizations,andtheAgrarianReform,"inCarolSmith,ed.,GuatemalanIndiansandtheState:15401988(Austin,1990),pp.16382.
Page 477
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Page 506
Page265
Index
A
Agrarianreform(1953):comparedwithGuatemala,202;
conventpropertyunder,84;
decreeof,201;
dividesHaciendaCliza,159;
factorsleadingto,199-200;
haciendaownersoppose,201;
affectsSalamancafamily,161;
salesofchurchlandsunder,66;
andValleBajocase,199-202
Agrarianstructure:ofBritishIndiacomparedtoBolivia,197-98;
theoriesof,198
Agriculturalcrisis(1890s):anddebtandforeclosure,144;
effectof,150;
haciendasin,178,191;
landlossin,151
Agriculturalcrisis(1920s):cadastralvaluein,11;
comparedtoU.S.,124;
andcornproduction,14;
Page 507
effectof,150;
andfreightrates,119-20;
governmentresponseto,120-22;
andhaciendas,154,178;
andrecovery,118-22;
inValleBajo,11;
wheatin,120.SeealsoDebtcrisis
Agriculturaleconomy:colonialevolutionof,195-96;
andinstabilityandhaciendadivision,150
Agriculturalland:inCantónAnzaldo,6(il.);
consolidationof,138;
andelites,148,150;
encomenderosin,32;
entailofabolished,150;
expropriated,201;
fragmentationof,5,7,137-41,179-80,181;
largelandownersmonopolize,183;
overevaluationof,118;
rentalof,150;
stabilityof,186
Agriculturalproduction:andagrarianreform,202;
comparative,11,12-16;
Page 508
andmining,40-41;
andpriceincreases,10;
ofSacabaValley,11,13;
ofValleBajo,11,13
Agriculture,Cochabamba:andChileanwheat,96;
incrisis,96-106,115-16;
andfreetrade,96;
andgovernment,123;
andlowproductivity,8-9;
mechanizationof,139;
overviewof,8-16;
andprofitability,16;
andrevival,108-9;
stagnationof,92,124;
transformationof,92;
andwheatproduction,120.
SeealsoAgriculturalcrisis(1890s);Agriculturalcrisis(1920s)
Agriculture:andbanks,120;
inCantónColomi,186;
andChileanexports,98(3.1);
Chileanpolicieson,98-100;
andliberalism,19;
Page 509
andmodernization,7;
peasantproducersin,40;
andproducepriceincrease,10
Aiquile&Totora:landdistributionin,27;
reduccionesof,26(1.1)
Alcoholindustry:andagriculturalcrisis,92;
collapseof,109;
controlson,119-20;
corncropin,116(3.10);
crisisin,112-13;
de-
Page 510
Page266
clineof,115;
expansionof,111;
importanceof,113;
andimports,111,113-14(3.90);
monopolyon,108-11,120;
policyon,108-12;
underprotectionism,109,111-14;
quantityof,112(3.8),114;
stagnationof,124;
taxationof,95,111
Alcohol:cane,113;
contraband,112-13;
costof,112;
factoriesof,113-14
Anocaraire:createdbyInca,24;
hacienda,34,169,170(5.2)
Anti-clericalpolicies:ofBoliviaandMexico,85,88;
inliberalreforms,59-63,65-70;
underSucre,84-85
Anti-communitypolicies:factorsin,85;
legislationon,70-81;
Page 511
inMexicoandBolivia,87-88;
profitfrom,82-83
Antofagasta:importschileangoodsafter1889,103
Anzaldo,Cantón:fieldsin,6(il.),130(il.),131(il.);
haciendahousesin,128(il.),129(il.),130(il.)
Arani:agriculturalproductivityin,13;
marketplacein,127(il.);
minifundioin,175;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
statelandsin,83(2.9);
tributariesin,68
Arcamoqui,Estancia:resaleof,82
Argentina:exportsflourtoBolivia,193
ArqueHighlands;agriculturelandsin,14;
alcoholfactoriesin,114;
colonosin,164(4.12);
HaciendaChangollain,162;
haciendasdominate,181;
landconsolidationin,138;
landdistributionin,27;
propertiesin,52,139(4.1);
statelandsin,83(2.9)
Page 512
Arrendadores:buyland,151;
inCochabamba,159-60;
inruralsociety,137;
socialmobilityof,159
Assadourian,CarlosSempat:influenceshistoriography,3
Augustinians:ownHaciendaCollpa,174;
propertylossof,62
Ayllus:ethnicconflictofinreduccion,26
Aymara:resettleValleBajo,24
Ayopaya:casestudyof,182-86;
colonosin,164(4.12);
ecologicalzonesof,182;
economyof,182-83;
haciendasdominatein,181;
landconsolidationin,138;
landtenurein,183;
peasantrevoltin,87,89;
propertiesin,52,139(4.1),184(5.12);
rebellionin,166;
servicetenantryin,164-65;
socialtensionsin,166.
SeealsoPalca,Canton
Page 513
B
Baldíos:inhaciendaformation,33
Banks:andcreditmarket,142;
foreclosuresby,178;
initiatedebtactions,144,47;
andsilverpurchases,44
Baptista,Mariano(1894-1898);
createsalcoholmonopoly,109
Barley:productionof,14;
salesanduseof,114
Barrientosfamily:anddebtobligation,143;
andHaciendaSacabamba,190-91;
ownshaciendas,187
BeniandColoniasDepartment:alcoholproductionin,112(3.8);
importsandexportsof,110(3.7)
Bienesdeinstrucción:statelandsinCochabambaDepartmentas,82
Blanco,Federico:onHaciendaQuirquiavi,70;
onproductivity,11;
ontranshumance,183
Bondmarket:relatedtocreditmarketgrowth,142-43
Bourbonreforms:andcorporateproperty,56
Bureaucracy:andexportearnings,107;
Page 514
andfiscaldebility,93,and
Page 515
Page267
fiscalgrowth,93-95;
andinternaleconomy,124
C
Cadastralsurveys:of1924,118,119-20,169;
ofproperties,146(4.3)
CalaCala:agriculturalproductionin,13;
haciendaownershipin,152(4.7);
privatepropertyin,167,168(5.1);
tributariesin,68
Calliri,Cantón:landusein,14
Camperoadministration:fearsChileaninvasion,102;
andWarofthePacifictreaty,100,102
Campero:haciendasdominate,181;
propertiesin,139(4.1)
Canedofamily:aslandbuyersandspeculators,82
Cano,Toribio:backsanti-clericalpolicies,85;
buyschurchlands,62;
buysHaciendaCollpa,174
Capinota:communitylandof,67,68,75(2.5);
flourmillsin,122;
landdistributionin,27;
Page 516
landtenurein,180;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
inreducción,27;
residentsinValleAlto,25;
tributariesin,69(2.4)
Capitalaccumulation:bypeasants,75,77,166
Capuchinnuns:acquireruralproperties,62-63;
propertylossof,84
Caraza:landtenurestructurein,180-81
Caudillos:andeconomy,92;
andpoliticalinstability,91
CensosandCapellanías:andforeclosure,51-52;
andlandsales,196;
valueof,50-51
Censos:cancellationof,62;
anddebtfunding,84;
andhaciendasales,49-50;
andlandrental,52;
redemptionof,59,64-65,84;
valueof,34,59,60,61(2.2)
Census:ofdispersedsettlement,27;
tribute,67,69
Page 517
CentralValleydistricts:propertydivisionin,204-10(Appendix1)
CercadoProvince:agriculturalproductionin,13;
colonosin,164(4.12);
haciendasin,139;
landreclassificationin,138;
landtenurein,202;
propertiesin,52,139(4.1),167,168(5.1);
tributariesin,68
CerrodePasco:silver-miningexpandsin,43
Chácaras:createdbyInca,24;
ofOndegardos,32;
inValleBajo,33,34
Challa,Canton:communitylandsin,68,75(2.5);
pro-indivisotenurein,81
Challacollo:landdistributionof,27
Challani:Crespofamilylandin,185
ChallomaGrande,Hacienda:buyersof,80;
communitylandsalesof,80;
incomesourcesof,162;
Indiansbuy,70
Changolla:alcoholfactoriesandproductionin,114
ChapareProvince:colonosin,164(4.12);
Page 518
landsalesin,149(4.6);
latifundioin,186;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
smallholdingsin,178
Chayanta:communitylandlossin,86;
andChileanwheattrade,96;
peasantrevoltin,87
Chichaproduction:corncropusedin,114,116(310);
asminifundioproblemsolution,155;
taxon,120
Chile:exportsof,103;
financialstresseson,102;
freetradeagreementwith,96;
landtenurestructureof,196-97;
tradewithBolivia,104-105(3.4);
inWarofthePacifictreaty,100
Chimba,Hacienda:houseof,125(il.)
Chimboate:communitylandsin,75(2.5)
Page 519
Page268
Chullpas,Hacienda:ownershipandpartitionof,153-55
Chuquisaca:alcoholproductionin,111,112(3.8);
communitylandlossin,86;
importsandexportsof,109(3.6),110(3.7);
peasantrevoltsin,87
Churchproperty:alienationof,84-85;
inCochabambaDepartment,64(2.3);
HaciendaSacabambaas,191;
retentionof,63-64;
salesof,61-62,64-66;
ofsecularparishes,63-64
Churchwealth:financialbasefor,59-60;
liberalattackson,57-66
Classinterests:andfreetradequestion,96
Clergy,regular:inCochabamba,60(2.1);
incomeof,59-61(2.2);
liberaloppositionto,60
ClizaProvince:colonosin,164(4.12);
cornproductionin,173;
haciendapartitionin,153-155;
landtaxesin,118;
Page 520
minifundioin,175;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
socialtensionin,155
Cliza,Hacienda:areaof,155;
salesanddivisionof,65-66,155,157-159;
valueof,60
Cliza:agriculturalproductivityof,13-14;
alcoholfactoriesin,114;
alcoholproductionin,114;
cornproductionin,173;
HaciendaClizasoldin,65-66,155;
landtaxesin,119;
sindicatosconflictin,177
Coca:comparativeproductionof,14,15
CochabambaCity:administersstatelands,81-83;
Chileanflourin,106;
ChurchofSantaClarain,134(il.);
churchpropertylossin,62-63;
andcommunitylandsales,75;
andfreetradeagreement,102;
HaciendaChimbahousein,125(il.);
landreclassificationin,138;
Page 521
nunsofacquireland,62-63;
religiousin,59;
regulars'incomein,61(2.2);
Salamancafamilyin,160;
tributariesin,68
CochabambaDepartment:agriculturalcrisisin,115-16,118-23;
andalcoholindustry,108-16;
alcoholproductionin,111,113,114;
altiplanomarketsfor,45;
bienesdeinstrucciónin,82;
churchpropertyin,62,63,84;
churchwealthin,59;
colonosin,163,164(4.12);
andcommunityland,58,70-81;
corncropusein,116(3.10);
economicstagnationin,107;
economictransformationof,92;
vinculaciónin,81;
farmers'interestsin,123;
foreclosuresin,116-18;
grainandalcoholproductionandsalesin,111,112(3.8),113,114-16;
importsandexportsof,107,108,109(3.6),110(3.7),123;
Page 522
andlanddivision,5,7,137-42,166;
landlossin,62,151;
andlandtenure,34,52,79-81,86-87,137-66,167-94;
mapof,2;
innationaleconomy,107-8;
peasantrevoltsin,87;
peasantsbuylandin,89;
populationof,68;
propertiesin,137,139(4.1);
servicetenantryin,161-62;
smallholdersin,87;
stateestanciassalesin,82-83;
statelandsin,83(2.9);
tradeof,45-46
Cochabambafarmingcommission:economicreformproposals,119
Cochabambaflour:competes,106,107;
consumptionof,97;
innationaleconomy,107
Cochabambagrain:marketdeclines,44;
producersinnationaleconomy,107
Cochabambaregion:agriculturalproductionof,8-16;
communitiesin,66-67;
Page 523
encomiendasin,30-32;
estatesin,52;
grainproductionin,39;
haciendasandchácarasin,34,
Page 524
Page269
35(1.3);
Incassettle,23-25;
mapof,2,9;
migrationto,28;
populationof,25;
reducciónin,25;
tributariesin,30-31
Coins,debased:economicuseof,93;
mintingends,96
Colcapirhua:communitylandsin,68,74,75(2.5);
privatepropertiesin,168(5.1)
Collpa,Hacienda:casestudyof,174;
landtenurestructurein,176(5.6)
Collpapampa,Hacienda:divisionandsaleof,160
Colomi,Cantón:casestudyof,186-87;
landtenurestructurein,187,188(5.14);
landtransactions,220-21(Appendix4);
latifundiodominancein,186
Colomi,Estancia:divisionofandspeculationon,186
Colomi:smallholdingsin,178;
tributariesin,68
Page 525
Colonialstate:internaldistributionofcommunitylands,66-67;
tributeincreases,67
Colonias:inexportsector,108;
importsandexportsof,110(3.7)
Colonos:inCochabambaDepartment,164(4.12);
conditionsof,166;
ashaciendalaborers,38,166;
becomelandowners,159,173;
organize,157;
revolt,165;
risingexpectationsof,166;
statusandnumbersof,163.
SeealsoMitayos,Servicetenants;Servicetenantry;Yanaconas
Composicióndetierras:toalienatelands,32;
ofcommunitylands,33-34;
consolidateslandholdings,195;
incorporatecommunities:29;
forHaciendaPaucarpata,34;
andreduccion,26
Comunitarios:communitylandrightsof,87;
andlandpetitions,68;
landtitleof,74.SeealsoForasteros;Originarios;Tributaries
Page 526
Condebamba,Hacienda:valueof,34
Conservativepolicies:asreactiontoliberalregimes,56,57
Consolidacióndevalesreales:implementationof(1804),56
Cornproduction:andalcoholproduction,109,111,114-16;
boom-and-bust,92;
comparative,11,13-14;
underIncas,23,24;
andmortgages,116;
andpricedrop,115-16;
taxeson,95;
inValleAlto,173
Corn:Argentine,115;
inCochabamba,107;
comparativeuseof,114,116(3.10);
exportedbyCochabamba,47;
inPotosimarket,39,42;
pricesof,42,50,116,118,146;0
salesof,114-16;
taxon,119-20;
inValleBajo,11
Corporatecommunities:inIncaperiod,23-25;
liberaloppositionto,57;
Page 527
legalrecognitionof,74;
survivalof,53
Corporatecommunityland;alienationof,29,33,85,86,87-88;
buyersof,75,77(2.7),85-86;
inCochabambaDepartment,75(2.5);
disputesover,69;
expropriationof,70-71;
undervinculación,73,74-79,81,85-89;
fragmentationof,172;
governmentpolicyon,70-81;
mapof,71;
nonexistant,178;
redistributionof,68-70;
returnedtopublicdomain,81;
reversalofsalesof,88;
andsalesof,72-73,74-81,85-89;
stateregulationof,66-81;
tenureof,5,70,72-74,79-80,86-88;
inValleBajo,30.SeealsoStatelands
Corporateownership:liberaloppositionto,56-58
Corregidores:andtributecollection,30
Creditmarket:growthof,142-43;
Page 528
andlandmarkets,142-43;
and
Page 529
Page270
landtenure,142-48;
inMexico,143-44
Crespofamily:landtransactionsof,218-19(Appendix3);
ownland,183,184-85
Crespo,Genaro:landownerinAyopayaandValleBajo,18;
rentsland,15
Crisis,economic:andecologicalcrisis,20-21;
andhaciendatenure,169,171,179;
andprivateproperties,167.
SeealsoAgriculturalcrisis(1890s);Agriculturalcrisis(1920s);Debtcrisis
Crisis,mortality:epidemicsin,18;
reductionoftributaries,68
Crisis,subsistence:16-19;
affectsdemographyandprofitability,16;
affectshaciendas,50-52.SeealsoDebtcrisis
Cropdisaster:anddebtsales,146;
andlandtenureinstability,143;
andmortalitycrisis,18
Crown:attemptstocurbencomenderos,31,32;
credittominingentrepreneursby,43
D
Page 530
Dalence,Joséonimportsandexports,108
Daza,GeneralHilarión:removalfrompower,102
Debtcrisis:andbanks,117-18;
andcornprices,116,118;
foreclosuresin,118;
andgovernment,124;
andhaciendasales,179;
andhaciendatenure,160;
andlandsales,124;
proposedsolutionsfor,11.
SeealsoAgriculturalcrisis(1890s);Agriculturalcrisis(1920s);Crisis,economic
Debtstructure:relatedtolandtenurestructure,142-48
Debt:cancellationsof,117(3.11);
increasein,146;
obligationsof,144;
andownershipretention,147;
andpropertysales,117,144-46,178,187,194;
ofselectedproperties,147(4.4),148(4.5)
Demography:changein,192;
andlaborrelations,5;
mortalitycrisisaffects,18-19
Page 531
Depression,economic:andalcoholconsumption,113;
effectsreturnmigration,175-76
Deslinde:effectoncommunitylanddistribution,69
Dorsey,Joseph:onlandmarketgrowthinCochabamba,140
Drought:affectsagriculturalproductivity,8,13;
anddemandforproduce,15;
opensmarkets,97;
andmortalitycrisis,17-18;
affectsprofitabilityandtenure,16;
intwentiethcentury,20
E
Ecology:relatedtoeconomiccrisis,20-21;
relatedtolandvaluesandproductivity,10
Economicliberalism:causesriot,19
Economicpolicy:free-tradevs.protectionism,91;
protectionist,95-96
Economy,international:effectonminingindustry,19-20
Economy,interregional:andfreetrade,96;
Potosiin,3
Economy,national:exportsectorof,107;
andfreetrade,96;
integrationof,91,92-95;
Page 532
recoveryof,93;
regional,92;
stagnant,92-93;
tradebalancein,108;
transformationof,91-92.
SeealsoImport-exporteconomy
Economy,Peruvian:growthofexportsectorin,45-46
Elite:compositionof,172;
andfamilylandtransactions,185;
incomesourcesof,150;
investmentandinheritance,148-50;
ownsmallparcels,184
Encomenderos,30-32
Encomiendas:incolonialsociety,29-32;
declineof,32;
ethniccom-
Page 533
Page271
positionof,31;
forminelabor,40;
restrictionson,30;
inValleBajo,32.
SeealsoRepartimientos
Entail:abolished,150
Esquilan,Hacienda:alienatedunderagrarianreform,84
Estancias,Vacas:rentalof,81-82;
servicetenantsrent,83;
sindicatoon,83
Estancias:casestudyof,194;
formationof,80;
inheritancedivides,186;
numbersof,187;
inParedon,187;
rentalof,81-82;
salesof,150-51
Ethnicgroups:resettlementunderIncas,23-25
Ex-vinculación,lawof(1874):inCochabambaDepartment,58,81;
oncommunitylands,73,81,172;
comparedwithMexico,87-88;
Page 534
andcorporatecommunities,7,57,85;
andfincas,172;
haciendasafter,86,140;
andmarketgrowth,140;
onpeasantland,89;
andprivateproperties,74,167;
provisionsof,79,87;
inQuirquiavi,79-80
Exportsector:majorareasof,108;
innationaleconomy,107;
supportedbygovernment,123-24
Export-importmodel:asproblemtoday,123
Exports:Chilean,99(3.2),103;
fromCochabambatoPeru,45;
promoteeconomicintegration,91
F
Farmers:affectedbyrailroadconstruction,93
Farmingcommission,Cochabamba:onalcoholproduction,119;
onfreightrates,118;
ontaxstructure,119
Fincas:fromcommunitylands,169,172;
creationof,78;
Page 535
numbersof,34
Flour,Cochabamba:competitionwithimports,107;
consumptionof,97;
innationaleconomy,107
Flour,imported:inBolivia,103;
Chilean,97,103,106;
impactof,106;
sourcesof,106-7
Flour-millingindustry,national:creationof,120-123;
effectoneconomy,123;
andexistingmills,122;
usesdomesticandimportedwheat,123.
SeealsoWheatproduction
Foodprices:inmortalitycrisis,17,18
Forasteros:incensuses,69;
incorporatecommunities,29;
ashaciendalaborers,35-36;
numbersof,36,66-67;
receivecommunityland,67-70;
inValleBajo,28-29.
SeealsoComunitarios;Originarios;Tributaries
Foreclosure:andbankcrisis,118;
Page 536
bybanksormoneylenders,144;
effectonhaciendas,51-52,178,179;
spatialdistributionof,146
Freetrade:agreement,96-102;
andChileanwheatimports,97-107;
andclassinterests,96;
Cochabambaeconomyunder,92;
andlandmarket,140;
partisansof,91;
reasonsforandagainst,96
G
Gasca,Viceroydela:andtasas,30
Governmentpolicy:onagricultureandinternaleconomy,123-24;
oncorporatecommunitylands,5,70-81;
andeconomicintegration,91;
onexports,123;
andlandtenure,55-74,79,81,84,85,87-89;
andmining,44.
SeealsoAnti-communitypolicies
Governmentrevenues:fromalcohol,109;
fromcustoms,102;
ineconomicdepression,95;
Page 537
andtinandalcoholproduction,111;
sourcesof,94-95,109;
fromwheattariff,121
Government,Conservative:supportssilverminingmodernization,94
Page 538
Page272
Government,national:orderscommunitylandredistribution,68;
insubsistencecrisis,20-21
Grain:comparativeproductionof,11,13,14,193;
andimport-exporteconomy,8;
marketdeclines,44;
marketprotectionends,96;
innationaleconomy,107;
andPeruviantrade,46;
pricesof,47,48(1.4)-53;
productiondeclines,41;
productionprotectionof,91;
productivityof,8;
salesof,45,46-47,194;
urbandemandfor,53
Guatemala:agrarianreformin,202
Gutiérrez]Guerra,PresidentJosé(1917-1920):proposesmolassesimports,111-12
H
HaciendaChullpas:fragmentationof,154;
landsalesin,156(4.8);
peasantsownparcelson,154-55
Haciendainstability:relatedtocreditanddebt,142-47;
Page 539
factorsin,47-52;
ofHaciendaLaAbra,178;
inhighlands,182-94;
andlandsales,172;
inMizque,194;
inParedón-Izata,189;
inSipeSipe,169-70;
inValleAlto,173-77;
andwheatflourimports,191
Haciendalabor:evolutionof,195,196,198,199,200,201,202;
factorsmodifying,5;
formsof,35-38;
scarcityof,35;
servicetenantryas,161-62;
structureof,195-96;
yanaconasas,35-36.
SeealsoServiceTenantry
Haciendaowners:asrentierclass,5,36,39-40,197;
comparedwithIndia,197-98
HaciendaTucsapucyo:divisionandsalesof,178-79
Haciendas:inAyopaya,182-3;
disintegrationof,140;
Page 540
dominatein,181,193-94;
andecologicalzones,182;
andeconomicinstability,150;
evolutionof,4-5,39,52-53,195-96;
expansionof,87;
formationof,25,32,33,53,85,86,172;
incomesourcesfor,162;
andindigenouscommunities,85;
laborrelationson,161-62,166,200(SeealsoServiceTenantry);
inMexico,88;
numbersof,34,35(1.3),177,180(5.9),183,187-88;
ownershipof,151,152(4.7),197-98;
inParedon,187-93;
partitioncasestudiesof,153-59;
partitionof,5,137-66,167,150-59,169-72,173,174,177-80,188;
peasantson,77;
productionon,42-43,183;
productivityof,53;
remaining,202;
sabotageon,120;
salesof,151,153;
sharecroppingon,163-64;
Page 541
inSipeSipe,169-170,171(5.3);
sizeof,139;
stabilityof,52;
insubsistencecrisis,50-52;
inValleAlto,173;
valueof,34
Highlanddistricts:agriculturein,14;
landtenurein,180-94;
servicetenantsin,164;
smallholdingsin,180
Historiography:ofSouthernAndes,3-4;
theoryin,4
Huanchaca:railroadopens,103
Huaqui,Cantón,haciendasof,86
I
Ideology:Liberalvs.conservative,56-57
Import-exporteconomy:effectongrainproducers,7-8;
emergenceof,91.SeealsoEconomy,national
Importsandexports:bydepartment,109(3.6),110(3.7)
Imports:fromChile,103,106(3.5);
aseconomicindicator,108;
food,123;
Page 542
in1900s,103
Incaperiod,23-25
India:agrarianstructureof,197
Indian:asobstacletoprogress,72
Infrastructure:andagriculture,123-124;
andeconomicintegra-
Page 543
Page273
tion,91-92;
improvementof,120;
andmining,94.
SeealsoRailroads;Roadsandrailroads
IngaviProvince:haciendasof,86
Inheritance:affectshaciendatenure,4;
lawof,150;
partible,150;
inpropertydivision,150,169,170-71,178,183,186,188,189,204-10(Appendix1)
Instability,political:relatedtoeconomy,92;
reasonsfor,91
Integration,national:governmenteffortstoward,93;
independenceperiod,92
Intendants:distributecommunitylands,67
Interests,regional:effectonalcoholpolicy,110-12
Inventories,estate:reflectinvestmentpatterns,148
Investmentpatterns:agriculturallandin,148,150;
inestateinventories,148;
andprofitability,148
Irpalrpalanddispute,69
Irrigation:asfactorinproductivity,10
Page 544
Itapaya:communitylandsin,68,75(2.5)
Itocta:haciendaownershipin,152(4.7);
landuseof,13;
privatepropertyin,167,168(5.1);
tributariesin,68
Izata,Canton:landtenurestructurein,192(5.18)
J
Jesuits:ashaciendaownersincolonialperiod,69
Jordanfamily:ownsHaciendaSacabamba,187,189-90
K
Kekoma:agriculturallandsin,127(il.);
haciendahousein,128(il.)
KhalaLlusta,Hacienda:divisionof,188;
landtenurestructurein,190(5.16)
Kurakas:asalliesofencomenderos,24;
powerof,26
L
LaAbra,Hacienda:casestudyof,178;
landtenurestructurein,178,181(5.10)
LaPazDepartment:alcoholproductionin,112(3.8);
communitiesdisappearfrom,85;
communitylandalienationin,73,74;
Page 545
haciendasof,86;
importsandexportsof,103,106,108,109(3.6),110(3.7);
mesasrevisitadoresin,79-80;
peasantrevoltsin,87;
regularsin,84
LaPaz:alcoholproductionin,111;
Chileanflourin,106;
consumesChileanflour,97;
importsChileanwheat,96
Labordraft.SeeMita
Labor:colonialevolutionof,195-96;
onhaciendas,52-53,87,166,200;
migrationin,52-53;
inmines,40,41;
organizationof,25(seealsoSindicatos);
pongueaje,38;
scarcityof,38;
valueof,52.
SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mita;Servicetenantry;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje
Landcommissions:SeeMesasrevisitadores
Landsales:inAyopaya,183-85;
buyers'professions,153;
Page 546
inCantonColomi,186-87;
inCantonIzata,188-89;
inCantonPalca,183-85;
fordebt,146;
indebtcrisis,124;
factorsof,49-52;
foreclosureand,52;
foreconomicneed,144;
ofHaciendaChullpas,154-56(4.8);
ofHaciendaCliza,158(4.9);
ofHaciendaViloma&Vilomilla,171;
ofhaciendas,155,169,188;
increasein,140-42,188;
ofIndalecioGalvarro,194(5.20);
ofparcels,140-41,154,155,157;170;
topeasants,140,159,162;
public,145(4.2),149(4.6);
toservicetenants,162;
sizepatternof,154-55;
andsocial
Page 548
Page274
mobility,159;
inValleBajo,51(1.5)
Landspeculation:inEstanciaColomi,186;
ofHaciendaLaAbra,178;
ofHaciendaChullpas,157;
instatelands,82-83
Landtax:introduced,193;
reflectsoverevaluation,118;
replacestithes,74
Landtenurepattern:inCochabamba,34,86-87;
relatedtocolonos,164;
changeinhaciendas,150-59;
ofpeasants,162;
inQuirquiavi,79-80;
inSipeSipe,78,169;
inValleBajo,33,34
Landtenurestructure:changesinValleAlto,173;
ofChile,196-97;
consolidationinAyopaya,183;
ofCantónColomi,187,188(5.14);
ofCantónIzata,189,192(5.18);
Page 549
ofCantónPalca,185(5.13);
ofCantónParedón,189,191(5.17);
ofCantónSacaba,182(5.11);
ofCantónSipeSipe,173(5.4);
ofCantónTolata,177(5.7);
andcreditanddebt,142-48;
ofHaciendaAnocaraire,170(5.2);
ofHaciendaKhalaLlusta,190(5.16);
ofHaciendaLaAbra,178,181(5.10);
ofHaciendaLlallahuani,189(5.15);
ofHaciendaMamataandHaciendaCollpa,176(5.6);
ofHaciendaTucsapucyo,179;
ofHaciendaVilomayVilomilla,170(5.2);
ofhaciendas,169-72;
ofMizqueProvince,193(5.19)-94;
ofPandojaandPocpocoho,161(4.10);
ofPocpocollo,163(4.11);
variesinvalleysandhighlands,137
Landtenure:afteragrarianreform,202;
inCalaCala,13;
casestudies,167-94;
changein,167-72,173,177-80;
Page 550
inCochabamba,7,47-52,137-66;
relatedtocolonos,164;
ofcorporatecommunities,5;
evolutionof,195-96;
governmentpolicyon,55-74,79,81,84-85,87-89;
relatedtograinmarket,40,47,48-52;
ofhighlanddistricts,180-94;
relatedtoIndianmigration,52-53;
liberalreformsof,7,57-58;
marketsaffect,7,39-53;
non-economicfactorsaffect,8;
ofpeasants,162;
inPocpocollo,163(4.11);
andpoliticalhistory,175-77;
inSipeSipe,77-79,169-72;
smallholdersdominate,202;
stabilityof,52;
transformationof,44,69-70,183-86
Landtransactions:inCantónColomi,220-21(Appendix4);
ofCrespofamily,218-19(Appendix3)
Landvalues:inCalaCala,13;
comparedwithencomienda,52-53;
Page 551
decreaseof,117;
deflationof,116;
factorsinriseof,10;
increaseof,142
Land:agriculturallanddivision,138(seealsoAgriculturalland);
debtsalesin,144;
disputesofsubsistenceplots,155;
distributionunderIncas,24-25;
foreclosuresindebtcrisis,116-18;
grantsof,32,33;
lossof,183;
losstoSpaniards,26-27;
marketfor,140-42;
newclassofowner,172;
forpasturerental,186;
peasantsbuy,139;
preventionofloss,52;
qualitydeterminesvaluesandproductivity,10-11;
reclassificationduetourbangrowth,138;
inreducciones,26;
relatedtomestizaje,191-93;
rental,198;
Page 552
rentalrelatedtoforeclosure,52;
Salamancadivisionof,211-17(Appendix2)
Larson,Brooke:4,7,33,36,39-40,41,44,50,52-53,197
Latifundio:consolidationof,138;
dominanceof,184,186
Laws:NewLawsof1542(encomienda),30;
of1826(churchprop-
Page 553
Page275
erty),61-63;
of1831(censosredemption),65;
of1857(communityland),68;
of1866(communityland),72,73;
of1880(pro-indivisotenure),74;
of1900(bienesdeinstrucción),82;
of1918(alcoholimports),111;
oninheritance,150
Lawofex-vinculación:SeeEx-vinculación,lawof
LazarteyMolina,VisitadorGeneralFrancisco:distributeslandtoreduccion,26
Legislation:anti-community,70-74,79,81;
foreconomicrecovery,120-21
Leonard,Olen:ondeclineofpeasanteconomy,155
LetrasHipotecarias:SeeBondmarket
Liberalgovernments:supporttinmining,94-95
Liberalparty:anticlericalismunder,66;
andsalesofstatelands,82-83
Liberalpoliticians:buycommunitylands,86;
self-enrichmentunderanti-communitylaws,83
Liberalpolicies:55-60,84-89;
anticlerical,59-63,65-70;
Page 554
andconservativeideology,56-57;
divisivenessof,60;
onlandtenure,7,57-58,84-89;
limitedimpactof,57;
ofMexicoandBolivia,57,84-89;
opposecorporateownership,56-58
Liberalstate:evolutionof,92-95
Liquinas,Hacienda:foreclosuresaleof,143
LittoralDepartment:asChileanmarket,97,103;
occupationbyChile,99;
undertheWarorthePacifictreaty,100,102;
wheattradeof,96
Livestock:inValleAlto,25
Llallahuani,Hacienda:landtenurestructureof,189(5.15);
subdivisionof,188
Location:asfactorinlandvalueandproductivity,10-11
Londo,Hacienda:valueof,34
M
Mallcorrancho:populationof,27;
landdivisionof,78
Mamata,Hacienda:casestudyof,174;
landtenurestructurein,176(5.6)
Page 555
Mansanani,Hacienda:cropsof,182
Market,interregional:breakdownof,41;
transformationof,46
Markets,urban:affectcommunityland,5;
affecteconomy,39;
andminelabor,41;
encourageproductivity,8
Markets:instabilityaffectslowproductivity,8;
andlandtenure,4,39-53;
local,forcornproducers,115
Matarani,Hacienda:houseof,128(il.),129(il.);
ownedbyCrespos,185
Melgarejoadministration(1864-1871):communitylandsunder,69,73;
implementsfreetrade,96;
resistancetolandprogram,73;
effectonlandsales,72-23,140
Melgarejo,PresidentMariano:fallfrompower,73,85
Mendoza:smallholdingsin,178
Mesasrevisitadores:distributetitlestocommunitylands,74;
suspendactivities,88;
workof,79-80
Mestizaje:relationtoeconomiccrisis,191-92;
Page 556
andsmallholders,193.
SeealsoSocialchange
Mexico:anticlericalprogramof,84-85;
anti-communitylawsin,87-88;
corporatecommunitylandtenurein,5;
landalienationin,88;
liberalreformsin,57
Migration:andencomiendadecline,3;
roleinlandtenureandlabor,52-53;
toandfromValleAlto,175-76
Page 557
Page276
Minifundio:increaseof,178;
problemsof,155;
proliferationof,167,173;
inValleAlto,175
Miningentrepreneurs:promotefreetrade,91
Mining:Chilean,97;
dependenceupon,19-20;
asfactorin1910riot,20;
ingovernmentrevenues,94-95;
modernizationsupportfor,94;
stagnationof,93.
SeealsoSilvermining;Tinmining
Mita:declines,41;
establishmentof,30;
forminelabor,40,43;
ofPotosi,28;
suspensionof,43.
SeealsoHaciendalabor;Servicetenantry;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje
Mitayos:declineof,28.
SeealsoColonos,Servicetenants;Yanaconas
Mitimaes,24,25
Page 558
Mitmaq:inValleBajo,24
MizqueProvince:agriculturalproductionin,15,193;
colonosin,164(4.12);
forasterosin,28;
haciendasin,181;
landdistributionin,27;
landtenurestructurein,193(5.19)-94;
originariosin,28;
propertiesin,139(4.1)reduccionesof,26(1.1);
resettlementof,24;
Spanishattackedin,25
MNR:implementsagrarianreform,176;
oppositionto,200
MolleMolle,Hacienda:dividedareaof,170
Moneylenders:initiateforeclosures,144
Montes,Ismael:buyscommunitylands,83,86;
supportsalcoholmonopoly,110
Montesillo,Hacienda:servicetenantryon,161-62
Moralesadministration(18701872):returnscommunitylands,73
Mortgage:anddebtcancellations,117(3.11);
onlargeproperties,146,190-191;
underliberalreformers,56;
Page 559
relatedtocornproduction,116
N
Nationaleconomies,Andean:integrationintoworldmarket,91
O
Obrajes:encomenderosinto,32
Oligarchy:economicandpoliticaloutlookof,92;
supportedbyexportearnings,107
Ondegardo,Geronimode:composicióndetierrasby,31,32;
aslandowner,32
Ondegardo,JuanPolode:alienatesland,32;
asencomendero,3
Originarios:incensus,69;
incorporatecommunities,29,68-69(2.4),70;
declinein,27-28,67;
forasterosbecome,67-70;
landdistributedto,70;
landusurpationby,6;
aslandowners,80;
relationshiptoforasteros,29;
astributaries,36;
SeealsoComunitarios;Forasteros;Tributaries
Oruro:alcoholproductionin,111,112(3.8);
Page 560
Cochabambaproductsin,45;
communitiesdisappearfrom,85;
communitylandin,74;
consumesgrain,43;
inexportsector,108;
forasterosin,36;
haciendasin,86,139;
importsandexportsof,109(3.6),110(3.7);
importsflour,103;
peasantrevoltsin,87;
regularsin,84;
resistencetomesasrevisitadoresin,79-80
P
Pacajes:communitylandsalesof,73
Paiacollo(SipeSipecommunity):landdivisionof,78;
populationof,27
Pairumani,Hacienda:agriculturallandsof,125(il.)
Palata,ViceroyDuquedela:reformstributesystem,66-67
Palca,Cantón:casestudyof,182-86;
landsalesin,183-85;
landtenurein,183,185(5.13);
Page 562
Page277
landtransactionsin,218-19(Appendix3).
SeealsoAyopayaHighlands
PandojaandPocpocollo:landtenurein,161(4.10);
Salamancalandsin,160,161;
SeealsoPocpocollo
Paredón:agriculturallandsin,130(il.),131(il.);
casestudyof,187-93;
economicactivitiesin,187;
haciendaforeclosurein,143;
haciendahousesin,128(il.),129(il.),130(il.);
landtenurestructurein,161(4.10),191(5.17);
peasanttenurepatternin,162;
Salamancasloselandin,161;
statelandsin,83(2.9);
tributariesdeclinein,68
Passo,Encomienda:ethniccompositionof,31;
passedtosecondgeneration,31
Passo:communitylandsalienatedin,29,34,67,68,74;
communitylandsin,75(2.5);
haciendasin,52;
hamletsin,27;
Page 563
landtenurestructurein,161(4.10);
mitayosin,28;
peasantmeetingin,201;
peasanttenurein,162;
privatepropertiesin,168(5.1);
reduccionesin,26(1.1)asrepartimiento,24;
Salamancalandsin,160;
statelandsin,83(2.9);
tributariesleave,26
Pasture:inValleBajo,13;
rentalinAyopaya,15,16,183,186
Patiño,Simon:managesalcohol
monopoly,110;
ownscasa-quinta,13
Paucarpata,Hacienda:chacaraascoreof,32;
formationof,34;
salesof,153,160
PazEstenssoro,Victor:takespower(1952),200
PazSoldánfamily:ownsHaciendaCollpa,62,174
Peasantleagues:inGuatemala,202;
SeealsoSindicatos
Peasants:buyland,162,166;
Page 564
capitalaccumulationby,75,77,165,166;
deniedlandgrantchallenges,33;
invadehaciendas,177;
landholdingsof,173;
aslandowners,7,58,78-79,137,154;
landownershippatternof,162;
lossofsubsistencelandby,87;
nonexistence,of,182,186;
politicizationof,166;
rebelagainsthaciendaowners,165;
resistlandtenurechanges,87;
roleinagrarianreform,200-202;
inruralsociety,137;
statusof,192-93,200-202;
SeealsoPiqueros;Smallholders
Peru:alcoholoftoBolivia,112-13;
exportsflour,103;
exportsof,45;
landtenurein,5;
tradewithChile,99
Piqueros:increaseof,188,189;
aslandownersinSipeSipe,78-79;
Page 565
inSipeSipe,172.
SeealsoPeasants;Smallholders
Pitutacommunity:landlossin,86
Platt,Tristán:onwheatimportsandprotectedmarkets,96
Poconaworkers:herdlivestock,25
Pocona:communitylandsin,67,75(2.5);
forasterosin,28;
landdistributionof,27;
originariosin,28;
reduccionesof,26(1.1);
repartimientosin,31;
resettlementof,24;
Spanishattackedin,25;
tributariesin,31
Pocpocollo:landtenurestructureof,163(4.11);
peasanttenurepatternin,162.
SeealsoPandojaandPocpocollo
Pol,Manuel:sellsHaciendaPaucarpata,160;
sellshaciendashares,153
Pongueaje:abolished,200;
SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mita;Servicetenantry;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje
Population:declinein,41;
Page 566
dispersalof,25-28;
Indiandeclinein,68;
Page 567
Page278
instabilityof,27;
inValleBajo,26(1.1)
Porfiriato:landtenurepatternschangeunder,88
Potatoesandtubers:comparativeproductionof,11,13-15,193;
saleof,194
PotoPoto:createdbyInca,24
PotosiDepartment:communitylandalienationin,86;
communitylanddivisionresistancein,74;
inexportsector,108;
importsandexportsin,109(3.6),110(3.7);
mesasrevisitadoresin,79-80
Potosi:ineconomicdevelopment,3;
inexportsector,108;
forasterosin,36;
importsof,103;
silverminingin,40;
asurbanmarket,39,40-45
Primicias:replacedbylandtax,74
Privateproperties:divisionof,204-10(Appendix1),211-27(Appendix2);
increaseof,167,173-74,183,186,187;
numbersof,52,137-38,139(4.1),168(5.1),175(5.5),179(5.8),
Page 568
184(5.12)
Pro-indivisotenure:79-81,88;
ininheritance,150;
lawpermitting,74;
lawandWarofthePacific,85
Punata:agriculturalproductivityin,13;
minifundioin,175;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
tributariesin,68
Q
QueruQueruHacienda:divisionplanof,136(il.)
Quillacollo:alcoholproductionin,114;
flourmillsin,122;
haciendaownershipin,152(4.7),haciendasalesin,153;
landrentalin,147-48;
landsalesin,77;
landtaxesin,119;
landtenurein,202;
propertiesin,139(4.1),167,168(5.1);
statelandsin,83(2.9);
suyosin,171
Quirogafamily:buyscommunity
Page 569
lands,172;
ownssuyos,171
Quirquiavi,Hacienda:divisionsin,69-70
Quirquiavi:communitylandsin,69-70;75(2.5),80,81;
landtenurein79-80;
statelandsin,82,83(2.9)
R
Railroadsandroads:effectonregionalcornproduction,115;
andWarofthePacifictreaty,102
Railroads:andCochabambaagriculture,92,108;
andCochabambacornsales,115;
effectoneconomy,92,93,102;
expansioninMexico,88;
facilitatesflourimports,106;
freightrateslowered,119-120;
asimportroute,46,103;
affectmarkets,41;
andminingmodernization,94;
andpeasantrepression,89;
andstatelandrental,82
Rawmaterials:inimport-exporteconomy,91
Reducción:established,25;
Page 570
ethnicrelationsin,25-26;
populationdispersalafter,27;
inValleBajo,25-26(1.1)
Reformpolitics(1930s-1950s):andhaciendastructure,176
Rejas,SenatorDamián:proposalsforeconomicrecovery,120;
resistancetolandtaxes,118
Religiousorders:alienationoflandsof,58-66;
declineof,84;
numbersof,59
Religiousorders,female:anti-clericallawsimpact,84;
economicviabilityof,66;
landlossby,84;
landrentalreduction,64-65;
landsalesby,65-66;
propertiesof,64(2.3);
propertyacquired,62-63;
survivalof,63,85
Religiousorders,male:propertiesof,62-64(2.3)
Repartimientos:createdinValleBajo,24;
escheatmentofinUpperPeru,31.
SeealsoEncomiendas
Page 572
Page279
Republicangovernment:redistributescommunitylands,67-70
Resistance:toagrarianreform,201;
tolanddivision,73,74,80,85;
tolandtaxes,118-20;
toSpanishrule,24;
toSpanishsettlement,25
Resistance,peasant:inAyopaya,89;
lackof,89;
tolandtenurechangesinMexicoandBolivia,87,88
Revenues,government:sourcesof,93-94;
fromtribute,67
Revolts:of1910,19;
ofpeasants,8,73,87;
ofTupacAmaru-TupacKatari,49-50
Rodríguez,Gustavo:oncommunityland,74;
onelite,148;
theoryof,197;
onWarofPacifictreaty,98,100
S
Saavedra,PresidentBautista(1921-1925):onalcoholimportation,111;
onprohibitionofgrainalcohol,112
Page 573
Sacaba:agriculturalproductionin,11,15;
declineoftributariesin,68;
flourmillsin,122;
haciendaownershipin,152(4.7);
haciendasin,25,177-78,180(5.9);
incomesourcesforhaciendain,162;
landsalesin,141;
landtenurein,177-80,182(5.11);
propertiesin,179(5.8);
Salamancasloselandin,161;
smallholdingsin,178
Sacabamba,Hacienda:divisionof,189-91;
landsof,130(il.);
ruinsof,130(il.);
foreclosuresaleof,143
Salamancafamily:159-61;
agrarianreformand,161;
buysland,178;
dividesland,160;
employssharecroppers,163;
landexpropriated,201;
landtransactionsof,211-17(Appendix2);
Page 574
upwardmobilityof,159
Salamanca,ManuelaUreyde:buysHaciendaPaucarpata,153,160;
buysHaciendasSacabamba,191
Salamanca,Octavio:describessubdivision,138;
inheritsPassoland,160;
onsharecropping,163
SanBenito:haciendahousein,126(il.)
SanFrancisco:agriculturallandsat,131(il.)
SantaAnayMolleMolle:populationof,27
SantaClaranuns:haciendasof,188;
landsalesby,66;
respondtosindicatos,176;
sellHaciendaCliza,155
SantaClara,Churchof:inCochabambaCity,134(il.)
SantaCruzDepartment:alcoholproductionin,111,112(3.8);
importsandexportsof,110(3.7);
smallholdersin,139
Sanzeteneafamily:haciendaof,169,170
Sarcobamba,Hacienda:valueof,34
Secularparishes:propertiesof,63-64(2.3)
Servicetenantry:164-65;
comparedtoinquilinaje,38;
Page 575
evolutionof,196,onhaciendas,5,36,38,161-62;
importanceof,38;
inLatinAmerica,198,99;
moneyrentfrom,162;
inproductioncosts,162.
SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mita;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje
Servicetenants:buyland,162,176;
onhaciendas,87;
landtenureand,164.
SeealsoColonos;Mitayos;Yanaconas
Sharecropping:onhaciendas,163-64.
SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mira;Servicetenantry;Yanaconaje
SicaSica:communitylandsalesin,73
Sicaya:communitylandsof,67;
landdistributionin,27
Siles,PresidentHernando(1926-1930):onagriculturecrisis,
Page 576
Page280
119;
createsflour-millingindustry,122;
investigatesalcoholindustryproblems,113
Silverminingindustry:declineandexpansionof,43;
evolutionof,40;
governmentresponsetocrisisin,123;
ingovernmentrevenues,94;
promotionbyliberalstate,93-94;
reasonsforstagnationof,43-44;
recoveryof,93-94;
andtaxation,93.
SeealsoMining:Tinmining
Silvermonopoly:endof,96;
bygovernment,44;
inpost-independenceperiod,93;
underprotectionism,95
Silverproduction:andagriculturalproduction,40-41;
dropin,41;
effectonhacienda,39;
silverpricecomparedto,94(chart);
taxloweredon,44;
Page 577
andtradeliberalization,96
Sindicatos:inagrarianreform,201;
begin,155;
ensurelandaccess,176-77;
evolutionof,199-201;
forcesales,159;
aspower-brokers,177;
onVacasestancias,83
SipeSipe:alcoholfactoriesin,114;
casestudyof,77-79;
communitylandin,33,67,73,74-75(2.5),78;
ethnicgroupsin,23;
forasterosin,29;
HaciendaViloma&Vilomillain,171;
haciendasin,52,152(4.7),169-72;
landdistributionin,27;
landparcelsizein,79;
landredistributionin,68;
landsalesinarea,79(2.8);
landtenurein,169-73(5.4);
landusurpationin,78;
landvaluesin,142;
Page 578
Lawofex-vinculacionin,77;
mitayosin,28;
populationin,27,37(map);
privatepropertiesin,168(5.1);
reduccionesin,26(1.1);
rentalofmortgagedlandsin,147-48;
repartimientoin,24,31;
residentsinValleAlto,25;
saleofcommunitylandsin,172,sindicatosin,201;
tributariesin,31
Smallholders:priorto1953agrarianreform,139;
inCochabambaDepartment,87;
insufficientlandof,154-55;
paylandtax,193.
SeealsoPiqueros;peasants
Smallholdings:consolidated,202;
ofelites,184,185;
increaseinhighlanddistricts,180-8;
inParedónandIzata,189;
proliferationof,173,174-75,178
Socialchange:decreaseofservicetenants,175;
inelitecomposition,172-73;
Page 579
andlandloss,159;
andmobility,183
SocialDarwinism:andmortalitycrisis,18;
reinforcesstate-building,85
Socialrelations:factorsdictating,165;
andlandfragmentation,166;
transformationof,161-66
Society,rural:classesin,137;
evolutionof,198-99.
SeealsoMestizaje
Statecontrol:ofcommunitylands,66-70
Statelands:administrationof,81-83;
areaof,83(2.9);
rentalof,81-83;
salesof,82-83
Sucreadministration:anti-clericalprogramof,84-85,88;
desamortizeschurchwealth,7,57;
economicrestrictionsonclergy,61;
impactonreligiousorders,59,61-66;
liberallandreformin,55
Sugar:PeruexportstoChile,99;
productionof,14
Page 580
Sumunpaya,Hacienda:planofdivision,135(il.)
Suyos:creationof,153;
ofHaciendaSacabamba,189;
ofHaciendaViloma&Vilomilla,171;
ofMolleMOlleinSipeSipe,170;
saleofinHaciendaChullpas,154
T
Tablas:smallholdingsin,178;
tributariesin,68
Page 581
Page281
Tacna:importsChileanwheat,96
Tacopaya,Canton:communitylandsalesof,80;
landsboughtbyIndians,70
Tapacari:agriculturalproductionin,14;
colonosin,164(4.12);
communitylandsin,68,73,75(2.5),81;
consolidationoflandholdingsin,138;
forasterosin,28;
haciendasdominate,181;
originariosin,28;
propertiesin,52,139(4.1);
pro-indivisotenurein,81;
reduccionesandtributariesin,26(1.1);
statelandsin,82-83(2.9);
tributariesin,31
Tapacari,partidoof:Indianpopulationof,67
Taracopeninsula(LakeTiticaca):alienationofcommunitylandsin,86
Tarata:agriculturalproductionin,15;
agriculturalproductivityof,13;
demographyofmortalitycrisisin,18-19;
haciendadivisionin,174;
Page 582
haciendaforeclosurein,143;
irrigationin,10;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
smallholdingsin,174;
subsistencecrisisin,16-17
Targuani,Hacienda:createdfromcommunitylands,172
TarijaDepartment:alcoholproductionin,112(3.8);
importsandexportsof,110(3.7)
Tasas:abuseof,31;
established,30
Taurani:populationof,27
Taxprotests:duringeconomiccrisis,118-20
Taxation:ofalcoholrelatedtotin,111;
andminingmodernization,94;
andagriculture,123-24.
SeealsoGovernmentrevenues
Tinminers:organizecolonos,157;
organizesindicatos,175-76
Tinmining:declineof,113;
governmentsupportfor,84-95;
peasantsin,77
Tinproduction:relatedtoalcoholtaxation,111;
Page 583
tinpricecomparedto,95(chart)
Tiquipaya,Encomienda:passedtosecondgeneration,32
Tiquipaya:ayllusin,26;
communitylandsin,33,67,68,74,75(2.5);
ethniccompositionof,26,31;
haciendasin,52;
landdistributionin,27;
mitayosin,28;
privatepropertiesin,168(5.1);
reduccionesin,26(1.1);
asrepartimiento;
statelandsin,83(2.9);
tributariesleavereduccion,26
Tiraque:declineoftributariesin,68
TiuRancho:landdivisionof,78
Toco:agriculturallandsin,127(il.);
cornproductionin,173
Toco,JuntaAgrícolade:resistancetolandtaxesof,118
Tolata,cantón:cornproductionin,173;
landtenurestructureof,177(5.7);
peasantmassacrein,177;
smallpropertiesin,175
Page 584
ToledoFranciscode:createsreducciónSipeSipe,77-78;
encomiendagrantsby,31;
escheatsrepartimientos,31;
institutesreduccion,25;
landdistributionby,27;
promotesminingtechnology,40;
regulatesyanaconalabor,35-36
Toro,ColonelDavid(1936-38):supportssindicatos,83,199-200
Totora-Aiquile:forasterosin,28;
originariosin,28;
reduccionesof,26(1.1)
Totora:haciendasdominate,181;
landconcessionsvaluesin,182;
propertiesin,139(4.1);
repartimientosandtributariesin,31
Trade,Chilean:declineof,103;
withPeruandBolivia,99,101(3.3);
withminingcenters,103
Trade:expansionof,93;
growthasreasonforliberalization,96
Page 585
Page282
Transportation:andcornpricedrop,115-16;
andhaciendatenure,4;
andregionalcornproduction,115;
andregionalmarkets,41.
SeealsoRailroads
Tributaries:inCantónCapinota,68-69(2.4);
inCochabamba,30-31;
declineof,32;
numbersof,36;
overchargingof,31;
reductionof,68;
inValleBajo,26(1.1);
yanaconasas,35-36.
SeealsoCommunitarios;Forasteros;Originarios
Tribute:abolitionof,193;
inCochabambaregion,25;
collectionof,67;
fromcommunitylands,85;
forgovernmentrevenues,95-96;
afterindependence,67-70;
underliberals,67-69;
Page 586
innineteenthcentury,93;
underprotectionism,96;
reductionof,31;
rollsfor,169;
valuecomparedwithland,52
Tucsapucyo,Hacienda:casestudyof,178-79;
incomesourcesfor,162;
landtenurestructureof,179,181(5.10)
TupacAmaru-TupacKatari,rebellionof(1781):declineinmitayosduring,28;
andlandsales,49-50
V
Vacas,Canton:communitylandsreturnedtopublicdomainin,81;
pro-indivisotenurein,81;
statelandsin,83(2.9)
Vacas:areaofcommunitylandsin,75(2.5);
communitylandstoforasteros,67;
landdistributionin,27
ValleAlto:agriculturallandsinCantónToco,127(il.);
agriculturalproductivityof,13;
alcoholfactoriesin,114;
colonosin,163;
cropproductionin,25;
Page 587
ethniccompositionof,24-25;
haciendahousein,126(il.);
haciendapartitionin,153-55;
landdistributionin,27;
landsalesin,149(4.6);
landtenurechangein,173-77;
landvaluesin,118;
marketplacein,127(il.);
migrationandsocialchangein,175-76;
minersorganizesindicatosin,175-76;
propertiesin,52,173-74,175(5.5);
preColumbianpopulationof,173;
resistancetolandtaxesin,118;
smallplotsalesin,174;
socialchangein,175;
tributariesin,68
ValleBajo:agriculturelandsin,125(il.);
agriculturalproductionin,11;
alcoholproductionin,114;
communitylandsalesin,73,74-79;
communitylandsin,30(1.2),67-68,70-81;
conventpropertyin,84;
Page 588
cornproductionin,24;
ethniccompositionof,23-24;
ethnicinstabilityof,24;
flourmillsin,122;
forasterosandoriginariosin,28,67;
haciendainstabilityin,47-52;
haciendaservicetenantryin,161-62;
HaciendaVilomahousein,126(il.);
haciendasin,25;
Indianpopulationof,67;
irrigationin,10;
landsalesin,51(1.5),140-141,142;
landtenurein,34,167-72;
landusurpationin,29;
mapof,12;
andmitaquota,28;
originariosdeclinein,27-28;
peasanttenurepatternin,162;
piquerosincreasein,172;
populationdispersalin,27;
privatepropertyin,167,168(5.1);
professionsoflandbuyersin,77(2.7);
Page 589
reduccionesin,26(1.1);
rentalofstatelandsin,81;
retentionofownershipin,147-48;
Salamancafamilyin,159-161;
settlementpatternin,24;
sindicatosin,201;
smallholdersin,87;
titletocommunitylandsof,73
Viedma,IntendantFranciscode:distributescommunitylandstoforasteros,67;
onruralsocialrelations,164-65
Page 590
Page283
VilladeOropesa:influenceonlandgrants,33
Villarroel,Gualberto:inpower,200
VilomayVilomilla,Hacienda:expropriationof,201;
fragmentationof,169,170-71;
houseof,126(il.);
landtenurestructurein,170(5.2)
Vinto:alcoholproductionin,114
W
WarofthePacific:effectonanticommunitypolicy,88;
effectoncorporatecommunitylands,85;
opensBolivianmarkets,97-106
WarofthePacificTreaty:andfreetradeagreement,100,102;
opensBolivianmarkets,98-100,102-103
Water:asfactorinlandvalueandproductivity,10
Wheatflour:Chileexports,96-107;
effectofimports,92,187,191;
producersprotected,91,120;
inWarofthePacifictreaty,102
Wheatimports:underfreetradeagreement,95-107;
fornewmills,122-23
Wheatproduction:governmentprogramstoexpand,122;
Page 591
inValleAlto,173;
oppositiontotariffon,121-22;
protectivetariffon,120,122;
stimulationof,120
Wheat:comparativeproduction,11,13-15;
costinPotosi,42;
demandinurbancenters,53;
exportedbyCochabamba,47;
importationunderfreetradeagreement,96-97,99,103,106-7;
andmortalitycrisis,18;
inPotosimarket,39;
pricesinsubsistencecrisis,50;
tradeaffectedbyChileanwheat,96.SeealsoWheatflour
Y
Yanaconaje:diedout,196
Yanaconas:declineofimportance,36;
ashaciendalaborers,35-36;
asminelabor,40;
astributaries,35-36.
SeealsoColonos;Mitayos;Servicetenantry;Servicetenants
Yungas:forasteropopulationin,36;
landconcessionsin,182;
Page 592
landdevelopmentgrantsin,181;
latifundioin,181-82;
producescoca,15