Page 1 of 28 REEXAMINING THE KAABA OF ISLAM By Asar Imhotep (August 2, 2012) The MOCHA-Versity Institute of Philosophy and Research luntu/lumtu/muntu In this essay we will suggest a more precise meaning of the name for the Islamic holy shrine known as the Kaaba located in Mecca (Bekka) in the ‗Middle East‘. There have been attempts to connect the kaaba to the ancient Egyptian spiritual concepts of the kA and the bA. This author finds these linguistic associations to be the result of folk-etymology for reasons to be explained below. We find that there is an association with Egyptian concepts, however, this term cannot be connected, linguistically, with the Egyptian kA and bA. We suggest here that the word kaaba is simply a word for shrine. We turn to African languages to support our suggestion. Before we get into the meat of our discussion, let‘s first take a look at what the kaaba is and what it means for Muslims around the world.
I hope all is well. I just completed another preliminary article reexamining the word Kaaba associated with the sacred shrine of Islam. I had recently been asked some questions in regards to claims that the Kaaba's name derived from the combining of the ancient Egyptian concepts of the kA and bA. I decided to tackle the question as best as I could and here are my preliminary findings. I appreciate the read and I look forward to your feedback and critiques.
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Page 1 of 28
REEXAMINING THE KAABA OF ISLAM
By Asar Imhotep (August 2, 2012)
The MOCHA-Versity Institute of Philosophy and Research
luntu/lumtu/muntu
In this essay we will suggest a more precise meaning of the name for the Islamic holy shrine known as the
Kaaba located in Mecca (Bekka) in the ‗Middle East‘. There have been attempts to connect the kaaba to
the ancient Egyptian spiritual concepts of the kA and the bA. This author finds these linguistic associations
to be the result of folk-etymology for reasons to be explained below. We find that there is an association
with Egyptian concepts, however, this term cannot be connected, linguistically, with the Egyptian kA and
bA. We suggest here that the word kaaba is simply a word for shrine. We turn to African languages to
support our suggestion. Before we get into the meat of our discussion, let‘s first take a look at what the
kaaba is and what it means for Muslims around the world.
Page 2 of 28
ABBREVIATIONS
PB Proto-Bantu
PWS Proto-Western Sudanic (Westermann)
PWN Proto-Western Nigritic (Mukarvosky)
PNC Informal. No systematic reconstruction available
PCS Proto-Central Sudanic (Bender)
PAA Proto-Afro-Asiatic (Ehret, Diakonoff)
PPAB Proto-Potou-Akanic-Bantu (Stewart)
Bantu Proto-Bantu (Meeussen, Meinhof)
BANTU Common Bantu (Guthrie)
“Bantu” Bantu & Semi-Bantu (Johnston)
A-A Afro-Asiatic (Diakonoff, Ehret, Greenberg)
ES Eastern-Sudanic (Greenberg)
CS Central-Sudanic (Greenberg)
CN Chari-Nile (Greenberg)
NS Nilo-Saharan (Greenberg)
[I have used Greenberg’s abbreviations (numbers & letters in brackets) to identify languages].
N-C Niger-Congo
Mande B Banbara, D Dioula, M Malinke (Delafosse, Westermann)
TogoR Togo Remnant (Heine)
Polyglotta Koelle’s Polyglotta Africana
Page 3 of 28
THE KAABA
The Kaaba (or Qaaba; Arabic: بة كع al-Kaʿbah IPA: [ʔælال ˈ kæʕbɐ]; English: The Cube) is a cuboid-
shaped building in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, and is the most sacred site in Islam. The Qur'an (the Muslim
Holy book) states that the Kaaba was constructed by Abraham and his son Ishmael after they were to
have settled in Arabia. During prayers all Muslims face towards the Kaaba and this act is called Qibla in
Arabic.
There are five pillars of Islam and one of those pillars requires Muslims to perform the Hajj1
pilgrimage at least once in his or her lifetime if able to do so to the city of Mecca. Once there, they are to
walk around the Kaaba seven times counter-clockwise (as viewed from above). This act is called the
Tawaf and is performed by pilgrims during the Umrah (lesser pilgrimage).
Before Islam, the Ka'aba was an important shrine, and perhaps a source of pilgrimage for many
in the Arabic world. The early Arabs worshipped many deities, usually local ancestral 'gods', and inside
the Kaaba were housed many of the representative statues or idols. Since the Kaaba was allegedly built
by Abraham, it was meant to be a place of worship of Allah only, according to Muslim doctrine. When
the Prophet Muhammad first began to preach in Mecca, he advocated for the removal of the other idols in
the Kaaba which led to them being thrown out after Muhammad's return to Mecca after his exile in
Medina.
Of particular interest in the Kaaba, to certain Islamic sects, is a black cornerstone surrounded by
silver. To some Muslims, the stone is merely a point of reference in counting the ritual circling of the
Kaaba during the Hajj. Others believe the stone was discovered by Abraham and Ishmael, and
1 The Arabic word hajj ―pilgrimage‖ is cognate with Hebrew Hag ―pilgrim feast, pilgrimage festival‖ (plural Hagg-
specifically placed there. It is known that many prior to the advent of Islam worshipped the stone. Some
Islamic sects still revere it as having been important to Muhammad and perhaps once kissed by him.
It is believed that the word Kaaba derives from the word muka’ab ―cube.‖ The etymological
online dictionary states that the word kaaba derives from: 1734, Caaba, cube-shaped building in the
Great Mosque of Mecca, containing the Black Stone, from Arabic ka'bah "square house," from ka'b
"cube." One website argues that the word kaaba in Arabic means a ―high place with respect and prestige.”2
I believe this is partially correct, but is a secondary, maybe even a tertiary meaning as we will see below.
A popular Muslim name for men is Ka’b, however it doesn‘t mean ―cube,‖ but ―glory.‖ This seems to be
a contraction of kabbara ―to glorify [God], to magnify, to exalt [Him].‖
A LINGUISTIC ASSESSMENT
There have been several attempts to connect the word Kaaba to two ancient Egyptian spiritual
conceptualizations known as the kA (vital force, life-creating force, essence (of being)) and the bA (soul,
animation, spiritual manifestation). The earliest suggestion comes from the late Dr. Cheikh Anta Diop in
his work The Cultural Unity of Black Africa (1989: 89) where he states:
It is remarkable that many Arabic religious terms can be obtained by a simple
combination of the three Egyptian ontological notions, Ba, Ra, Ka. As examples we can
cite:
KABAR (a) = The action of raising the arms in prayer
RAKA = The action of placing the forehead on the ground
KAABA = The holy place of Mecca
However, Diop doesn‘t make the statement that the word kaaba in Arabic is composed of Egyptian kA and
bA. He just states that one can take these morphemes and create words in the Arabic language. However,
Dr. Wesley Muhammad in his book Egyptian Sacred Science and Islam: A Reappraisal (2012) attempts
to make such a suggestion.3
Here Muhammad builds off the suggestion made by Diop (1989) and attempts to associate the
concepts of the kA and bA with the concepts of the black stone (also known as kaaba) and the cubed
structure surrounding the stone (bayt Allah, ―house of Allah‖) (Muhammad, 2012: 28). He equates the kA with the statues of Egypt and further associates it with the cubed-structure, while the bA is associated with
the black-stone. Therefore, in essence, the Islamic Kaaba, for Muhammad, is representative and
composed of the kA ―house‖ and the bA ―soul/spirit‖ of the Divine which represents the primordial waters
and a piece of the black-body of the Divine itself.
There are several problems with this approach to figuring out the nature of the term Kaaba in the
Arabic language. Firstly, Muhammad violated a critical epistemological principle in linguistics which
requires that when a lexical cognate is suggested between two or more languages, the words under
comparison must ―stand on two legs.‖ That is to say that the words both match in form and meaning.
The form refers to the structure of the consonants that make up a term. So for instance the word
―bat‖ is composed of the letters b-t. If we wanted to find cognate terms in another language for the word
―bat‖ in English, we would first compare the consonants b-t, or for any morphological mutations in the
sounds. Consonants are more stable and less subject to change over time in comparison to vowels; so the
2 http://www.missionislam.com/knowledge/kaaba.htm 3 There is a print version of this book. I currently have the eBook version and am not sure if anything has changed
between the print and the electronic versions. But I think the print version is a much more expanded version than the
first thing we examine is the consonantal skeleton of a word knowing that vowels change more easily.
Let‘s look at a few examples from the Indo-European languages.
Table 1: Indo-European comparisons Sanskrit Avestan Greek Latin Gothic English
pita pater pater fadar father
padam poda pedem fotu foot
bhratar phrater frater brothar brother
bharami barami phero fero baira bear
jivah jivo wiwos qius quick
('living')
sanah hano henee senex sinista senile
virah viro wir wair were(wolf)
('man')
tris tres thri three
deka decem taihun ten
satem he-katon centum hund(rath) hundred
Let‘s take for instance the first row of the table above for ―father.‖ The vast majority of the words in that
row consist of three consonants: p-t-r. We see that there are some sound changes when we get to Gothic
and English where the /p/ becomes /f/ [p>f ]. The final /r/ sound in the other entries is totally missing
from the equation in Sanskrit. The study of phonology is way beyond the scope of this essay and it will
not be covered here. But what we can say is that based on the words being compared above, these terms
are cognate (come from the same parent).
The words pita, pater, fader and father are cognate terms because they ―stand on two legs.‖ That
means they share the same consonants (or corresponding consonant due to sound mutation) in the same
positions of the words and they all have the same general meaning, ―a male parent.‖ So in the C1 (1st
consonant) position we have either /p/ or an /f/ sound which are known mutations of each other in
historically attested languages. In the C2 position we have /d/, /t/ or /th/ and these sounds are also common
mutations of each other. And finally in the consonant final position, with the exception of the Sanskrit
example, lies the /r/ sound [p-t; p-t-r; f-d-r; f-th-r].
Let us now look at a few examples from Africa. The following basic vocabulary examples
compare some Proto-Bantu (PB) reconstructions4 with one or more continental African terms as well as a
corresponding word in the ancient Sumerian language. We want to know if Sumerian and Bantu share
basic vocabulary terms to determine if we can move forward with other analyses to determineif these two
languages are related. Proto-reconstructions are marked with the asterisk [*] in front of the word.
Table 2: Sumerian and Niger-Congo comparisons5 *-beede
i-bal
ubar
breast
breast
breast
PB
Konyagi (North Atlantic)
Sumerian
*-bodo
-bollo
-foro
-foto
bur
penis
penis
penis
penis
crotch
PB
Kisi (S. Atlantic)
Bambara (Mande)
Mandinka (Mande)
Sumerian
4 The Proto-Bantu examples are taken from the BLR3 Database. 5 Taken from Fari Supiya‘s article ―Afterword: Where from Here?‖ in Robin Walker, When We Ruled: The Ancient
and Medieval History of Black Civiliations, Black Classic Press. Baltimore, MD., 2006, pp. 666-668.
Page 6 of 28
*-ciici
sisindgo
kisi
ant
ant
ant
PB
Kisi
Sumerian
*-cUb-
suuwo
sub
to rub
to rub
to rub
PB
Kisi
Sumerian
*-dl-
dio
di
lekk
rig6
eat
eat
eat
eat
eat
PB
Kisi
Ewe (Kwa)
Wolof (North Atlantic)
Sumerian
*-dongo
longio
dug
pot
cooking pot
pot
PB
Kisi
Sumerian
*-dug-
louwo
digi
rig
to boil; be cooked
be cooked
be cooked, to boil
to boil down
PB
Kisi
Buli (Gur)
Sumerian
*-jijIb
sebi
jibe
jube
zu
to know
to know
to know
to know
to know
PB
Buli
Mandika
Mandika
Sumerian
*-cUki
cokk
kok
siki
hair
public hair
hair
hair
PB
Wolof
Buli
Sumerian
*-co-
so
su
sunset
sunset
to go down, sink
PB
Wolof
Sumerian
*-gend-
genn
g-en
to go
to go, come
to go
PB
Wolof
Sumerian
*-nyo-
naan
nwong
nag~7
to drink
to drink
to drink
to drink
PB
Wolof
Efik (Lower Cross)
Sumerian
*-kodi-
cooli, ceeli
koli
kudei~
hurin
Bird of prey; hawk
kite
hawk
kite
eagle
PB
Wolof
Akan (Kwa)
Proto-Ijoid
Sumerian
*-cad-
chali
sar
to hurry
to run; rush
to run, hasten
PB
Buli
Sumerian
*-mUd-Ik-
moolim
mole
mul
to shine; give light
to shine excessively
to be bright
to shine, radiate
PB
Buli
Yorùbá
Sumerian
-*med-o
mI~I~I
meli
throat
throat
neck
PB
Proto-Potou-Akanic-Bantu
Sumerian
6 The sounds /d/, /l/ and /r/ are common sound mutations of each other in Kongo-Saharan languages. 7 The [~] symbol means that the previous sound has been nasalized.
Page 7 of 28
As we can see from the examples above, the Proto-Bantu and Sumerian languages share many basic
vocabulary terms. These items match in both form and meaning. When it comes to comparing the
Egyptian terms (kA, bA) and the Arabic kaaba/ka’ba/ka’bah/, no such analysis had taken place by either
Diop or Muhammad. Without these preliminary steps being taken, one is almost always assured to end up
in the pit of folk-etymology and that is exactly the case here.
We have to ask ourselves, ―Did the Egyptians have a term kAbA and does it mean the same thing
(or something similar) as the Arabic word kaaba?‖ We find no such combination in the Egyptian records.
The words kA and bA are two separate conceptualizations and were never, at least to this author‘s
recollection, brought together to create a greater concept (like the word blackbird in English: black +
bird). Secondly, although many in Egyptology pronounce the /A/ sound as an [a], it was actually, at least
initially, pronounced as an /l/ sound. So the kA wasn‘t originally ka, but k-l (kala?); the same with bA (b-l).
Alain Anselin, in his article ―Some Notes about an Early African Pool of Cultures from which
Emerged the Egyptian Civilisation‖ (Exell, 2011: 49),8 provides some examples of this phenomenon in
compared African languages with Egyptian. He starts off with one of the very words under examination,
the bA, symbolized by a bird with a human head .
b39 < *b-l, ‗soul‘ (Old Kingdom; Wb I, 411; on the identification of /3/ as /l/, see above and
Anselin 2007a): West Chadic (Nigeria): Angas-sura: bĕl, ‗reason, sense, to be wise, intelligence,
8 Keren Exell (Ed.). (2011). Egypt in its African Context: Proceedings of the conference held at The Manchester
Museum, University of Manchester, 2-4 October 2009.Hadrian Books, Ltd. Oxford. 9 The bA ―soul‖ is symbolized by a bird (a turtle dove) and the ―soul‖ carries the same consonant cluster set as the
word for ―bird‖ in African languages: e.g., Western Chadic: Bole: mbólé, Mupun, Sura: mbul, Angas, bul, Ankwe:
14 r/l/d/t are common sound shifts (so is r/l/n). 15 See Georg Ebers Aegypten und die Bucher Mose's: sachlicher Commentar zu den aegyptischen Stellen in Genesis
und Exodus (1868: 44)
Page 14 of 28
ci-bobo "empty shell" (like a pea shell)
ma-bobo "former site of the village / city"
These terms go further and provide us with an underlying sense of ―closure‖ or to ―be enclosed.‖ The
concept of ―closing‖ is commonly represented by a door. We find that the word for ―door‖ often has the
same or similar spelling to the word for ―home.‖ We have the following examples to support this: PWS pí
―house‖, PWN BUDA, BHULA ―door‖; Bantu pito, bedo ―door‖; Igbo obube ―door.‖ It is the "door" (lid)
that "closes and conceals" a place.
The pr O1 determinative is also present in the Egyptian word dwA ―door, gate, pylon.‖ That
same glyph can also be pronounced sbA ―door, gate, pylon‖ (ciLubà cibèlu(o) ―entry, door, gate‖; ciibi
―door‖; mbelu ―door, house‖; kumbèlu(o) ―at home, in the home‖; pambèlu(o) ―at home, where you live
at‖; mfundu ―rear side of the home‖).16
The underlying premise is that the words with the p-t/p-r or b-t (b-d, b-l) root deal with being
"closed off" or "shut out" from something/someone or elements of some sort: to be separated from. We
know the -t in bt/bait ―house, family, clan‖ is not feminine because it is a morphological variation of the
word pr "house." Knowing this, I argue that the Egyptian word bA ―vase‖ falls into this same category as
pr/ipt/bt ―house‖ (A = l). Also the word pt ―sky, canopy, heaven, cover‖ falls into this category as
well because it ―envelopes and encloses‖ the earth from above.
Our terms above are cognate with Egyptian ibt ―walled enclosure, abode, cave, rest-house.‖ All
of these stem from a root bw that means ―place.‖ We can see the variations of this root in the following
African examples:
CITY [Mari] Sumerian Mari (city of)
MA “city” -r
PWS má ―city, town, people‖
TogoR *o-má ―city‖ (Heine 1968)
[PNC *ma ―mountain‖].
PWS bu ―hut‖
PWS ba ―be in a place‖ and PWS bia ―place‖ (ba).
PNC (Armstrong) ma(h) ―build‖ (mud house), Fula mah ―mud house‖, Bini má ―make pots or bricks‖, Tiv
màà ―build, mould‖
PWS ma, man ―to finish‖
Bantu ba ―courtyard, enclosure‖
Bamana bō ―house‖,
Mande suru-ma, kuru-ma ―courtyard‖, so-ba ―city‖
Mangbetu oma ―to assemble‖, bari ―village, enclosure‖
ES Midob tuma ―all‖
CN Kunama tumma ―all‖
[Mediterranean substrate ma ―hill‖, Maori marae ―raised meeting place‖]
[Presumably ma is a nasal grade of ba].
*M = m *A = a *D = r * I = i
The following reconstructions are taken from the Tower of Babel online Nostrotic database.
16 The Egyptian dwA.t was a place where the spirits of the deceased went after death. We could make the argument,
given the data above, that the dwA.t is synonymous with the word ―home.‖ If true, this idea would be mirrored in the
spiritual system of Ifa of the Yorùbá where we say, ―Heaven is our home. Earth is the market-place.‖
Page 15 of 28
Proto-Afro-Asiatic: *baw-/*bay-
Meaning: place, house
Borean etymology: Borean etymology
Berber: *bVw- 'enclosure'
Egyptian: bw 'place' (pyr)
Western Chadic: *bayi- 'place' 1, 'hut' 2
Central Chadic: *bi- 'place' 1,'hut' 2
East Chadic: *baHi- 'place' 1, 'hut' 2, 'fence' 3
High East Cushitic: *bay- 'place'
Notes: Related to *bay- 'build' and *bayit- 'house'?
Notes: Arabism in Ch is possible. Dgh bat-iwe "hut" < *bayVt-?
Proto-Afro-Asiatic: *bi/ur-
Meaning: fortified place, dwelling
Borean etymology: Borean etymology
Semitic: *bīr- 'fortress, palace'
Western Chadic: *bi/ur- 'town' 1, 'place' 2, 'hut' 3
Central Chadic: *bur- 'town' 1, 'house' 2
Low East Cushitic: *bor- 'back (of a house)'
As we can see from above, /b/ is often nasal-graded into /m/; so ba and ma, here, have the same
connotation. We see this play out in Egyptian with the words: mAA ―sanctuary, shrine, holy relic‖ (Wb II S
11) and mait ―abode, dwelling, workshop‖ (Budge 278a). We know that the /A/ sound was an /l/ which
informs us that there should be an /r/ variation of the word mAA in the Egyptian hieroglyphs. I propose that
mAA is just a variation of the word mr (Coptic mere) ―pyramid, pyramid tomb‖ and that the word
mr should be interpreted to mean ―shrine, sanctuary, holy relic.‖ Egyptian mr is cognate with Yorùbá
bara ―royal mausoleum.‖17 Not all shrines are squared. Many are circular and triangular.
Giza Pyramids (mr) of Egypt
17 We should note that the m/b/f/v are common sound shifts. With that said, another variation of mr ―pyramid tomb‖
may be nfr.t ―grave, tomb, sepulcher.‖ Here n- is a prefix, m>b>f, and -t is a feminine suffix.
Page 16 of 28
G.I. Jones posing in front of a pyramid in Nsude village alusi/arunsi (shrine), Abaja, Northern Igbo-land Nigeria.
Photo taken in 1935.18
Nuer mound of Deng Kur, 200 kilometers north of the Kenya-Sudan boundary. Image by E.S. Crispin who visited
and photographed the pyramid as part of the Sudd cutting expedition along the White Nile during 1901-1902.
The last image above is a view of the mound built by the Nuer prophet Ngundeng (d.1906) at the end of
the nineteenth century, and added to by his son Gwek (d.1928), who also became a prophet. Seligman, in
his 1932 publication The Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, describes it in his list as a grave pyramid,
possibly since he was informed that Ngundeng was buried within his hut at the base of the mound. At one
time the mound, known as Deng Kur and associated with the Dinka-originating cult of the spirit Deng19,
was furnished by elephant tusks around its 300-foot circumference, standing over 50 feet high. Made
from the baked earth, ashes and dung of old cattle camp floor layers, it became an important political
symbol of Nuer resistance to colonial rule, and was eventually bombed by the administration in 1928.
Continuing, there is added support for the notion that the Egyptian mr derives from the same root
as our terms above for ―shrine, house, etc.‖ Observe the following from the TOB database:
Proto-Afro-Asiatic: *mar-
Meaning: house, building
Borean etymology: Borean etymology
Egyptian: mr 'pyramid' (OK)
18 Courtesy of the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology at University of Cambridge. 19 The Nuer name Deng is associated with their god of storms, lightning and thunder and is cognate with the Yorùbá
deity known as Ṣàngó, the god of lightning and thunder. See this author‘s upcoming publication Dyalusha-Dya-
ciKam: Rescue, Reinterpretation and Restoration of Major Egyptian Themes.
Page 17 of 28
Western Chadic: *mawar- 'roof'
East Chadic: *mawar- 'granary'
Central Cushitic (Agaw): *mar- 'yard'
Low East Cushitic: *mōr- 'manger' 1, 'home' 2
Warazi (Dullay): *mor- 'meeting area'
South Cushitic: *mar- 'house'
The pyramids were the home, meeting place of the divinities and ancestors (nTrw). This explains the
elaborate rituals carved on the pyramid walls known as the pyramid texts, which later gave rise to the Prt-m-Hrw ―Book of Coming Forth by Day‖ (or the ancestralization ritual book).20
This is good information, but how does all of this relate to concept of the Islamic Kaaba housed
in Mecca? This will be the focus of the remaining sections below.
DEFINING THE WORD KAABA
Thus far we have suggested that the word kaaba derives from a root -b- that means ―location, place,
house, walled structure, shrine.‖ We have taken examples from many African languages, but our
grounding has been in the ciLubà-Bantu and the Ancient Egyptian languages. Both ciLubà and Egyptian
have the word bw meaning ―place.‖ Also, both languages have variations on this root that include prefixes
and suffixes. We have not examined the variations of bw or bt/pt ―place‖ in ciLubà, but we will take a
look into that now.
In the ciLubà language, the /b/ in the -bw- root has three forms: aba, mu, and pa. The b, m, and p
sounds are known to morph into each other in Kongo-Saharan languages. These roots are usually not
isolated unto themselves, but exist with prefixes. So the root aba can be pronounced mw-aba, my-aba; ka-
aba, tw-aba. An expanded variation of the root aba is buloba/bulaba (<Egyptian bw-ra-bA) ―soil, land,
countries, region, domain‖ (Bilolo, 2011: 118). One can also reduplicate the terms: pa > papa, popo;
mu/mo > momu; mwa; munda.
From our first example we can see how the word Kaaba derives from bw(a,o). In ciLubà we have
the following:
mwaba ≋ kaaba
(A) place, location, area, site
(B) occasion, time, chance, opportunity
kushììla muntu Mwaba
(A) make room (make a way) for somebody
(B) mark of respect, have regard for somebody21
As we can see here it still retains its association with a ―place, location, area, or site.‖ The word kaaba in
ciLubà doesn‘t carry the connotation of a ―sacred space‖ (like a shrine), but it retains its spatial
association. The question now becomes, ―Can we find equivalent terms in the ancient Egyptian?‖
As a result of constantly engaging Egyptian texts and examining Egyptian words and comparing
them to cognate terms in other African languages, I note that often the /k/ sound in Kongo-Saharan
languages (especially Bantu) corresponds with the /H/ sound in the Egyptian. In this case, my first step
would be to see if the ciLubà k-b root corresponds with an Egyptian Hb root, and we find out that this is
the case. But before we go that route, we must demonstrate that the ciLubà /k/ does in fact correspond
with the Egyptian /H/.
20 See my article ―Prt-M-Hrw: Reinterpretations,‖ available on my website,
that elders were the leaders of traditional communities and their titles were just words that reflected an elder‘s ―age.‖ 23 It should be noted that within ciLuba, the /l/ is often interchangeable with /m/. The ciLuba /l/ corresponds to
Egyptian /m/ and /n/ as well.
Page 19 of 28
xrwyw ―war, rebellion, revolt‖
kn ―brave man, hero, soldier, mighty, capable,
active‖
Kanda ―prohibit, prevent, defend, be blocked, ‖
kala ―strength, power‖
nkama ―force, might, power, strength‖
Hrw [drink] Wb III S 148 nwa ―drink‖ [r>n] (elision of k- prefix?)
munù≋munwì ―drinker‖
-pùùkila ―absorb, drink‖ (pùù- ―diminutive‖)
Hrw ―apart from‖ Wb III S 146 Mu-kàlu ―boundary line, border, limit‖
Sound correspondences
Egyptian /H/ = ciLubà /k/24
Egyptian /H/ = ciLubà /h/
Egyptian /r/ = ciLubà /l/
Egyptian /r/ = ciLubà /n/
Egyptian /n/ = ciLubà /n/
So with that established, we note the following terms in Egyptian:
Hbt/HbiAt "niche" (in house, tomb);25
Hbt "altar, festival kiosk, niche";
Xry Hbt "Lector Priest"
Hbt "ritual book, festival roll, festival rules"
Hbt ―part of a tomb‖ Wb III S 62
Remember the variations of bw include bt/pt/ibt/ipt. We know the H- is a prefix because of the following
words:
abt "a funerary ritual object"
abt "a container"
I would also include in this set: Abt "family, kin, tribe, parents, Greater Family.‖ In indigenous cultures,
the word for ―house‖ is the same word for ―family‖ (e.g., Egyptian bt ―house, family, clan‖). We are
familiar with this concept through the Biblical text where the ―chosen people‖ of God is known as being
the descendants of the ―House of David.‖26
The Arabic word kaaba, we argue, is cognate with Egyptian Hbt without the final -t suffix. The
Kaaba is an altar that once was the center of worship of many ‗deities‘, but now is the sole shrine of
Allah. It is a container that houses the black-stone. All Kaaba technically means is ―house‖ and this can
be seen with a set of reconstructions from the TOB database that is closer to the pronunciation of kaaba
(b>p):
Proto-Afro-Asiatic: *kaʔup-
Meaning: house
Semitic: *kupp- 'building'
Egyptian: kp 'house' (MK)
Western Chadic: *kap(VH)- 'hut'
Central Chadic: *kup- 'house'
Notes: Connected with *kaʔup- 'cover, close'?
24 We can also argue for an Egyptian /g/ = ciLuba /k/. 25 A niche = ―a place, slot, position, function, role‖; a place or position suitable or appropriate for a person or thing: 26 For example, Isaiah 7:2 ―Now the house of David was told, "Aram has allied itself with Ephraim"; so the hearts of
Ahaz and his people were shaken, as the trees of the forest are shaken by the wind.‖
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We noted that /b/ and /p/ interchange and this appears to be the case here in our examples above.
Remember the Arabic word k-a-b means ―square house‖ and as we can see, our two compared terms
―stand on two legs.‖
Arabic kaaba ―square house‖
Egyptian kp ―house‖
Arabic kaaba ―high place with respect and prestige‖
Arabic ka’b ―glory‖
Egyptian Hbt "altar, festival kiosk, niche";
We can get some additional insights into the concept of the Kaaba by examining cognate terms in the
Yorùbá language as it pertains to the spiritual system of Ifa. Given all that we have discussed thus far, the
following terms are relevant to this discussion:
Yorùbá:
ojúbọ òríṣa, ilé òríṣà ―shrine‖
ibi, ipó, ubo ―place‖
pẹpẹ ―altar‖
ebute ―landing place, harbor, wharf‖
bò ―to cover, to hide, to overwhelm‖
The most relevant term for us now is the Yorùbá word ojúbọ ―shrine.‖27 Awo Falokun, a Babalawo
(priest) of Ifa, gives us some insight into the concept and function of the ojúbọ within a larger discussion
of rituals associated with the Adimu Orisa festival. He informs us that:
To understand this topic requires a preliminary explanation of several ritual procedures. First in
most cases initiation in traditional Yorùbá culture is about placing the initiate in an altered state of
consciousness so the initiate can access information from spirit. In traditional Yorùbá spiritual
practice a shrine called Ojubo is built to function as a sacred place used to enhance [the]
connection between the ori or consciousness of the initiate and the ori or consciousness of the
spirit. The word Ojubo, from the elision oju ebo, 28 means place I face when making an
offering.29 Ojubo is considered a place of easy access to spirit it is considered a portal to the
invisible realm. The word portal in Yorùbá is Odu meaning womb and the invisible realm is called
Orun which is not easily translatable but essentially means Spirit of unseen things. In traditional
Ifa the key to opening the portal of Odu and guiding the ori to the invisible realm where
communication with Spirit is possible is the Spirit of Esu. In traditional Ifa Orisa Esu opens the
door to communication with Spirit so in theory we can use Esu to communicate to any of the
Spiritual entities worshipped in traditional Yorùbá spiritual discipline. 30
(emphasis mine)
For those readers who are aboriṣa (practitioners of Ifa), you are familiar with the fact that Èṣú is
represented by a rock/stone or hardened laterite clay known as yangi.31 Èṣú represents the force that opens
―doors‖ (provides opportunities) and we should remember that our linguistic roots for ―house, shrine,
enclosure, etc.,‖ are also the same roots meaning ―door.‖ A shrine, therefore, would be center for gaining
access to spirit: it is a spiritual portal of some sort.
As noted by Robert Farris Thompson in his work Flash of the Spirit (1984: 21), ―Laterite is said
to be the oldest and most important medium for representing Eshu, Eshu-Yangi, father of all Eshu.‖
27 The Yorùbá language no longer has the Niger-Congo prefixes that the Bantu languages still retain. So the k-b / k-p
root in Bantu and Egyptian is simply reduced to -b- or -p-. 28 It should actually be oju + ubo. But in many respects, ẹbọ can be correct. Ẹbọ is a ―sacrifice‖ or ―offering‖ in
generally. 29 The word oju means ―front, face, forward.‖ 30 http://falokunsblog.com/?p=522 31 In more modern times, in places like Cuba, Èṣú is made out of concrete.
Fa'lokun: The Yorùbá word for shrine is "Ojubo." I'm going to tell you a secret. Every shrine I've
seen in Africa contains a rock. In our religion we pray to rocks. Ojubo means "the place we face
when we say our prayers." So when you are given a rock during initiation by wise and powerful
elders, they bring a Spirit to live in that rock so that you have something to dialogue with when
you face the rock. They also teach that if you don't talk to the rock, that which they brought to the
rock will go away. What you are left with is just a rock. Despite what the Christian missionary's
taught, no one in Africa believes that the rock is Esu or the spirit. They believe that the rock is the
place you face when you are speaking to Esu. This gives you a place to initiate the centering
process.
Fa‘lokun above reaffirms that all shrines in Africa contain rocks and in this case the rock is associated
with Èṣú. The rock itself becomes the ―house‖ of spirit. It is the focal point of prayers, the ―place (ubo)
you face (oju)‖ to keep yourself centered, focused and grounded. This is the function of all shrines.
Although the Arabic word for stone doesn‘t contain the -b- (bw) root, words for stone in other
African languages do. In the Egyptian language we have bw "a gemstone." In ciLubà we have dibwe(a)
―stone, pearl‖; lusàkàbù ―pebble‖; kabwebwebwe ―slab, splendor of rock, stone‖ (k-b-b-b; kaaba the
black-stone?). Additionally we have:
Cambell-Dunn (2009b)
STONE Sumerian ia4, i4 ―pebble‖
BI (BU) “stone” ( -l- )
Sumerian bir6, 7 ―break in pieces‖
PWS bí ―small‖
PNC *ma ―mountain‖
Congolese languages have bu- ―break‖
―Bantu‖ (Johnston 1922 : 391) LuGanda (E. Africa) ija ―stone‖ is close to the Sumerian. Johnston groups
this with viñga, fiñga ―stone‖ from bi ―small‖ ?
Mande bele, bere, M bete ―small stone‖
Mangbetu ébi ―to grill‖ (stones used for cooking)
[Sumerian i4 suggests an accent on i-, making it a root]
[ li may be ―head, one‖ > i ; or bi- ―break‖ > i]
<*B = # *I = i *T = # *A = a>
TOB Database
Proto-Afro-Asiatic: *ʔab-
Bedauye: awe "stone" (Note *-b- > -w- in the intervocalic position.)
Proto-Agaw: *ʔab-
Khamir: abaa "mountain"
Khamta: aaba "mountain"
Qwara: abaa "mountain"
Proto-Low East Cushitic: *ʔeb-
Baiso: eʔebo "stone"
Proto-Afro-Asiatic: *ʔabun-
Meaning: stone, millstone
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Borean etymology: Borean etymology
Semitic: *ʔab(V)n- 'stone'
Egyptian: bnw.t (ME) 'stone, millstone'
Western Chadic: *ʔabun(i)- 'millstone'
Central Chadic: *bun- 'millstone' 1, 'stone (? of grinding)' 2
Notes: Status of *ʔa- is not quite clear. Presumably, it is a prefix not preserved in Eg. On the other
hand, cf. HS *ʔab- suggesting a segmentation *ʔab-u
The latter b-n (l>n) forms remind us of the Egyptian bn/bnbn stone (the sacred stone of
On, city of the sun) which capped the top of the mrw (pyramids) and txnw (obelisks). It is my
contention that bn(bn) is just another dialectical variation of the word mr ―pyramid‖ which we
argue means ―shrine, house, (stone?)altar‖ (m>b; r>n). Note in Egyptian we have bnwt "millstone, hard sandstone, corn rubber, grindstone."
I plan to do a publication in the near future exclusively on the role of stones in African
spirituality. We don‘t have space to go into the intricacies of the paradigm here, but
understanding this common African practice may inform us as to why the black-stone is so
central to the larger conceptualization of the Islamic Kaaba (Egyptian Hbt, kp; Yorùbá ojúbọ;
ciLubà kaaba/mwaaba).
Babatunde Lawal, a professor of art history, in his article "Aworan: Representing the self
and its Metaphysical other in Yorùbá Art,"33 provides us with some additional insight into the
function of the Yorùbá altar. The larger discussion, in the section to be cited below, centers
around the metaphysical concept of ―looking‖ (<wo ―to gaze or look‖; ―nurture, care for, look
after.‖) and how this applies to Yorùbá ritual practices and the actions of deity. As the spirits
―look and gaze‖ upon you (the devotee), you in turn must look and gaze upon the spirits.34
This type of gaze is called oju rere (the benevolent eye) or oju aanu (the merciful eye). (148) It
follows, therefore, that the Yorùbá altar, called ojubo (literally, face of the worshiped), functions
as a kind of mask that facilitates ifojukoju, namely, "a face-to-face communion" between the
worshiper and the worshiped, enabling the latter to appreciate the oriki (eulogy) rendered in its
honor. (149) It is worth noting that the most sacred symbol of a deity--an organic substance or a
collection of charms--is usually concealed inside a wooden bowl with a face carved on it to
provide an ocular outlet for its content (Fig. 24). Such a face also implicates Esu the agent of sight
and receiver and courier of all the sacrifices offered to a deity. (150)
Lawal is interpreting the word ojúbọ as oju + ẹbọ where ẹbọ means ―offerings, sacrifice.‖ A cognate term
for ẹbọ in Yorùbá is bọ ―to worship, to deify.‖ It belongs to the same consonant root as the heteronym bọ́
―to feed.‖ In Tshiluba we have -pa (≋pèèsha)35 ―give, award, provide, to give sparingly‖; dipà ―giving‖;
dyùpa (<-uupa) ―to discharge‖ (a gun or battery); in other words to ―release‖ something. An offering is
the giving away of something valuable as a gift or tribute. But it is also used to discharge/release negative
energy surrounding one‘s life.36The idea is that when you sacrifice and give something of value (to
33 Babatunde Lawal "Aworan: Representing the self and its Metaphysical other in Yorùbá Art." In The Art Bulletin,
Sept, 2001. 34 This is why when we read the mdw nTr (hieroglyphs) we read ―facing‖ into the direction of the glyphs: the
direction in which the animal or people glyphs are facing. It is symbolic of the method by which one understands the
workings of nature, by looking into the face of nature (nTr). 35 The suffix esha in Tshiluba is equivalent to the causative s- prefix in the ancient Egyptian language: i.e., wab
―pure‖; swab ―to purify.‖ 36 In the case of a negative point in one‘s life, this is achieved by the animal being sacrificed absorbing the negative
spirit of a situation and taking it with its spirit as it dies into the spirit realm to be dealt with by the patriarchs there.
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someone else, to the ancestors, or to the Divine), in the spirit of reciprocity (Egyptian mAa.t; ciLubà
Balelela, Cyama), more blessings and protection from harm will come your way.37
Muhammad (2012) provides support for the idea that the stone is a focal point to have
conversations with the Divine in Islam. He cites an excerpt from an article titled ―Origin and Significance
of the Magen Dawid: A Comparative Study in the Ancient Religions of Jerusalem and Mecca,‖ written by
Hildegard Lewy. In this section of the article Lewy is discussing the practice of Muslims facing the
direction (qibla) of Mecca (originally a sacred rock in Jerusalem) during prayers. She goes on to state
that:
The significance of this command becomes apparent if it is kept in mind that the qibla is an
outgrowth of the belief…that man can address his prayers only to a being visible to the
eyes…when praying…the worshipper turned his eyes either to the heavenly body itself or, in it
absence, to the stone or statue representing it on earth. (Muhammad, 2012: 29-30).
Muhammad then reaffirms Lewy‘s statement with a verse from the Hadith of Jibril in which the prophet
Muhammad defines ihsan as ―to worship God as though you see Him, and if you cannot see Him, then
indeed He sees you." My only disagreement, in this section of Muhammad‘s text, is that he argues that
this is a ―Semitic‖ practice when this practice is older than the existence of the Semitic speakers. Unless
he is willing to make the argument that the Semites came into Africa and taught all the Africans to place
stones in shrines, this cannot be considered an exclusively ―Semitic‖ practice.
We noted earlier that the ―rock‖ at the center of the Yorùbá ojúbọ is associated with Èṣú. It
should be noted that in Yoruba mythology, one of the paths of Èṣú is known as Elegbara. This term
consists of two words El ―God‖ + agbara ―power‖(Hebrew Gebuwr-ah ―power,‖ Igbo agbara ―powerful
oracle,‖ Ebira 'Ne Gba' ―spirit‖). Elegbara among the Yorùbá is what became the Biblical angel Gabri-El
(word-order switch). El/Olu/Ala all mean GOD (proto-bantu *y-ulu). This is important here because when
the Arabs say Allahu Akbar which means ―Allah is the Greatest, most powerful,‖ they are invoking an old
African god: Èṣú (> the Biblical angel Gabriel)
Gabriel is also known as the messenger of God: Gaber-iy-el "the gaber of God." In Amharic
gebre means "servant." This g-b-r root in Hebrew lets us know that he is not only a messenger of God,
but a geber "valiant man," and a gibbowr "powerful man." In Yorùbá we have egbere "gnome" and al-
agbara "a powerful man."
Yorùbá: Elegbara, El-egba
Fon: Legba
Ebira: Ne gba (spirit), obi-negba "great spirit" is God)
Owerri Igbo: Agbara
Onitsha Igbo: Agbala
What‘s interesting about this correlation is that according to SalmanSpiritual.com,38
The phrase 'Allahu Akbar' is the opening declaration of every Islamic prayer and is a slogan which
was prescribed by the Holy Prophet Muhammad (upon whom be peace) to the mujahids of Islam.
All prayers among Ifa practitioners open with an invocation to Èṣú-Elegbara first before proceeding with
any aspects of the prayer (or ritual). This cannot be a coincidence. This is so because Èṣú is the one with
access to all the channels of blessings (and curses). He is the messenger and the message will not get to its
place of destination unless there is someone to bring it. The Arabs, following suit with the Hebrews,
37 It is highly probable that before Islam, the pre-Islamic Arabs used to do sacrifices and provide votive offerings at
the Kaaba.
38 http://salmanspiritual.com/akbar.html. Retreived January 2011.