Page 1 of 11 IUSSP/ APHRC International Seminar: Gender and Empowerment in the 21st Century in Africa Dr. Epifania A. Amoo‐Adare Real Agency is in Building(s)?: Women, Empowerment and Urban Space Abstract: In the State of the World’s Cities Report 2008/9, UN Secretary‐General Ban Ki‐moon stated that with more than half of the world’s population living in urban areas, we must define this period as an urban century that heralds many challenges, as well as expectations of rapid and dramatic change. Ironically, urban growth is most rapid in the developing world—with the highest rate of change in urban population being in Africa—where there is often less political stability, economic resources and physical infrastructure to meet these challenges and expectations. Among these millions of migrants to urban centers, are significant numbers of women who come to cities not only to join their spouses and/or other family members, but also increasingly on their own volition due to domestic violence, discrimination, abandonment, stigmatization or a search for economic opportunity. While both men and women are exposed to urban challenges, it is often women who are particularly disadvantaged in these contexts due to cultural and/or religious norms, as well as inequitable access and rights to economic, legal, political and social structures. The continued growth of cities and female‐headed households in the developing world, especially the dramatic increases on the African continent, necessitate an increased development focus on humanitarian architecture and other built environment considerations as part of the global agenda to tackle poverty by addressing issues of gender inequality and women’s empowerment particularly within the urban context. Additionally, it begs for a nuanced approach to policy research on urban development and regeneration, which takes into consideration a gender perspective; including a specific focus on poor women’s spatial experiences. Such an approach would speak to what Secretary‐General Ban Ki‐moon also describes, in the report, as the promotion of harmonious urbanization by supporting pro‐poor, inclusive and equitable urban development. In further discussing the above, this paper makes a case for the importance of the built environment in any gender and social development agenda that seeks to work towards fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), especially the third goal (MDG3), while simultaneously working towards the fulfillment of Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Epifania Akosua Amoo‐Adare, Pg.Dip. Arch., Ph.D. Independent Development Consultant (Gender, Education, Urbanization & Social Development)
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Real Agency is in Building(s)?: Women, Empowerment and Urban Space
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IUSSP/ APHRC International Seminar: Gender and Empowerment in the 21st Century in Africa Dr. Epifania A. Amoo‐Adare
Real Agency is in Building(s)?: Women, Empowerment and Urban Space
Abstract: In the State of the World’s Cities Report 2008/9, UN Secretary‐General Ban Ki‐moon stated that with more than half of the world’s population living in urban areas, we must define this period as an urban century that heralds many challenges, as well as expectations of rapid and dramatic change. Ironically, urban growth is most rapid in the developing world—with the highest rate of change in urban population being in Africa—where there is often less political stability, economic resources and physical infrastructure to meet these challenges and expectations. Among these millions of migrants to urban centers, are significant numbers of women who come to cities not only to join their spouses and/or other family members, but also increasingly on their own volition due to domestic violence, discrimination, abandonment, stigmatization or a search for economic opportunity. While both men and women are exposed to urban challenges, it is often women who are particularly disadvantaged in these contexts due to cultural and/or religious norms, as well as inequitable access and rights to economic, legal, political and social structures. The continued growth of cities and female‐headed households in the developing world, especially the dramatic increases on the African continent, necessitate an increased development focus on humanitarian architecture and other built environment considerations as part of the global agenda to tackle poverty by addressing issues of gender inequality and women’s empowerment particularly within the urban context. Additionally, it begs for a nuanced approach to policy research on urban development and regeneration, which takes into consideration a gender perspective; including a specific focus on poor women’s spatial experiences. Such an approach would speak to what Secretary‐General Ban Ki‐moon also describes, in the report, as the promotion of harmonious urbanization by supporting pro‐poor, inclusive and equitable urban development. In further discussing the above, this paper makes a case for the importance of the built environment in any gender and social development agenda that seeks to work towards fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), especially the third goal (MDG3), while simultaneously working towards the fulfillment of Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Epifania Akosua Amoo‐Adare, Pg.Dip. Arch., Ph.D. Independent Development Consultant (Gender, Education, Urbanization & Social Development)
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An Urban Century with Challenges: In the State of the World’s Cities Report 2008/9 (UN‐HABITAT, 2008), UN Secretary‐
General Ban Ki Moon stated that with more than half of the world’s population living in urban areas, we must define this period as an urban century that heralds many challenges, as well as expectations of rapid and dramatic change. Ironically, urban growth is most rapid in the developing world, where there is often less political stability, economic resources and physical infrastructure to meet these challenges and expectations. The growth spurt is such that as also stated in the UN‐HABITAT report; cities of the developing world are increasing their populations by as much as three million people per week, with the most dramatic increases within Asia and Africa.1 Asia is urbanizing rapidly with about 40 percent of its inhabitants living in cities; such as the burgeoning populations of the contemporary Asian mega cities Delhi, Mumbai, Shanghai, Dhaka, etcetera. Not far behind, on the African continent the estimated rate of increase is that of 38 percent of its population now being classified as urban; hence, locations such as Lagos2 and Kinshasa are presently expected to be new mega cities in 2025.
Previously, urban‐rural migration was known to result in large sex imbalances at either end of the bus or train route, with a preponderance of men in cities and many more women left in the countryside; however, with the exceptions of Latin America and the Caribbean where the opposite imbalance was more the norm (Sadik, 1990). But now, this has substantially changed and among the millions of urban‐rural and urban‐urban migrants across the world are significant numbers of women who come to cities not only to join their husbands and/or other family members, but also on their own volition due to domestic violence, discrimination, abandonment, disinheritance, stigmatization3 or a search for educational and/or economic opportunities. While both men and women are exposed to urban challenges, it is often women who are particularly disadvantaged in these contexts due to cultural and/or religious norms, as well as inequitable access and rights to economic, legal, political and social structures (UN‐HABITAT, 2008). Urbanity and West African Society:
Taking the example of West Africa, traditionally, the compound and the family it encompassed was usually the minimal unit of political organization, and decisions within the compound had implications for the wider political units in villages, towns and urban centers. In effect, the Western notion of the house being female, private and about reproductive roles versus the outside being male, public and about productive roles, was non‐existent in West Africa. Therefore, women could exert direct political influence over males or they themselves play important political roles by virtue of their positions of authority, power or influence in their natal and/or affinal compounds (Sudarkasa, 1981/1994). For this reason, it was common for women to have important roles within patrilineages as well as matrilineages in West Africa.
The onset of colonization, modernization and urbanization reconfigured space in West African countries along an uneven spatial development that favored urban centers over rural settlements; and within urban centers men over women. This then produced a tendency in populations to migrate from rural areas to urban centers in search of jobs, and changes in
1 UN‐HABITAT (2008) states that by 2025, half of Africa’s population will be urban and would consitute nearly a quarter of the world’s urban population if the current growth trends on the continent continue. 2 UN‐HABITAT (2001a, 2001b) predicts that Lagos would be the third most populated city in the world in the year 2010 with an estimated population of 20.2 million. 3 In the case of some sub‐Saharan Africa countries, women have been forced to migrate to urban centers due to stigmatization as a result of a dead spouse’s or their own HIV/AIDS status.
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traditional social relations between men and women, within and amongst families. This uneven development was an important factor in some West African women’s reduced economic autonomy and public role, and increased dependence on their spouses (Pellow, 1977; Robertson, 1984b), especially when they moved to live in conjugal household configurations in urban cities (Oppong, 1974/1981; Robertson, 1984a).
The uneven development of space in West Africa is clearly expressed in Ghana’s capital city, Accra, which is located in the Greater Accra Region4 and has been the capital since 1877. The city’s present state of housing and infrastructure underdevelopment has its roots in British colonialism. The housing problems in Accra are not only a colonial legacy caused by urbanization policies that were insensitive to the local cultural context, but are also a result of the failure of successive governments to derive appropriate housing policies and their incorporation of Ghana into a global capitalist economy (Konadu‐Agyemang, 2001). Accra is the largest of Ghana’s ten urban centers. The population in Accra is 1,657,856 of which 57.1 percent (i.e., 843,516) are female (Government of Ghana, 2000a). Presently in the city of Accra, females head 28.1 percent of households, even though there are nearly as many female migrants as male (Government of Ghana, 2008).5 Accra alone accounts for 30 percent of the urban population of Ghana and 10 percent of the total population of Ghana. In fact, Accra has the highest rate of urbanization in Ghana and one of the highest in West Africa (Konadu‐Agyemang, 2001).6 Housing occupancy rates are high in Ghana’s capital. In 1990, the United Nations Development Program and Ghana government conducted a survey in Accra that found that the average number of persons per room was 2.9, i.e., greater than the United Nations standard of 2.5, and that 46.3 percent of the city’s households occupied single rooms.7 This lack of space has grave implications for Ghanaian women living in Accra because they spend more time in their houses than the men do (Asiama, 1997), and in some cases they operate their livelihoods from these very locations.
Uneven urban development in Accra has had an effect on residential units, lineage groupings, rules of descent, and inheritance among the Ga population (Robertson, 1984a). These effects are also experienced in other parts of Ghana, for example, the land tenure system in Asante society has undergone change. Land now has an economic value, which was not the case in traditional Asante society. The strong links that existed between land ownership and Asante social and political structures have weakened. Land ownership structures no longer support the continuation of the kin group, and kinship ties are being weakened. In its place the conjugal family has begun to assert itself against the extended uterine family (i.e., one’s
4 The Greater Accra Region is the smallest region in Ghana. This region, which is also called Greater Accra Metropolitan Area, is comprised of the Accra, Tema, and Ga districts. Its total population is 2,909,643 of which 51 percent are female. This region has experienced the highest growth rate from 3.3 percent to 4.4 percent, as a consequence of high in‐migration (Government of Ghana, 2000a). Four in every ten of the Greater Accra population are in‐migrants. In terms of gender, 42.9 percent of the migrant population is female and 46.6 percent are male (Government of Ghana, 2000b). In 1984, the Greater Accra Region experienced an increase in the number of female‐headed households, from only 25 percent in the 1960s to 46 percent in that year. Greater Accra, thus, became the region with the third highest proportion of female‐headed households after the Asante and Central regions (Government of Ghana, 1995). The incidence of increased female‐headed households was attributed to enrolment in education, widowhood, late marriage and spouse migration (Appiah, cited in Government of Ghana, 1995). Currently, housing expenditure is higher in the Greater Accra Region than in any other region. (Government of Ghana, 2008). 5 Other urban areas outside of Accra have a higher porportion of female‐headed households at 35.1 percentage. 6 Konadu‐Agyemang (1990) also states that within the African continent, West African cities have been experiencing more rapid rates of urbanization and population growth as compared to any other region. West African urban centers have grown at rates of five to thirteen percent per annum. 7 Currently the mean number of persons per room in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area is 2.1 (Government of Ghana, 2008).
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matrikin). This means that Asante women’s relationship with their kin group have altered, especially in terms of inheritance and their becoming more dependent on their spouses versus their matrilineal families (Asiama, 1997). This is a condition that is further magnified within more urbanized locations such as the Asante region’s capital, Kumase. Women’s Homelessness and the Link to Urban Poverty
In the urban context, a place to live is much more than just the physical reality of finding a roof over your head. It is also about one’s socio‐economic ability to obtain and maintain shelter, thus, the provision of housing is a major issue as it is often times linked to one’s ability to obtain employment, have a bank account and maintain credibility within that environment. In many cases, for the better off individuals living in cities, property is an assured source of income, which is then used for business ventures, one’s children’s education, or to purchase more property that ensures income during retirement. These individuals are able to capitalize on the exorbitant rents charged in overcrowded urban contexts. For example in Accra, rents at as much as $3,000 per month are often paid one to two years in advance. This makes property an asset with ever increasing value, and since in many cases individuals build their homes from scratch, they are not plagued with the negative equity issues that come with a mortgage economy.8
Based on this premiss, the importance of housing for women in finding ways to challenge their position in urban centers should not be underestimated. For as Hermanuz (1996) argues:
“Home, thus defined in political terms as the nexus of social and economic activities, is the place that offers women equitable access to resources and a stake in community. It is a means to overcome poverty and re‐create a community. Home is also the place that provides safety in the midst of the insecurities created by fluctuating economies. It is not only the space where womenʹs traditional reproductive role unfolds but also a place that can fulfill much deeper yearnings for empowerment and control over one’s life” (pp. 234‐235).
Yet unfortunately, this feminist perspective of defining housing for women as a location of control, security, community building and economic sustenance is very far from the truth in many an urban context. Instead, and even though women’s reproductive and productive roles are often tied to their home, women generally have little to no voice in the decision‐making processes around urbanization, such as housing development (Sutton, 1996), and in some cases have no access whatsoever to housing itself.
In fact, at the 4th world conference in Beijing (September 1995), while looking at the status of women, it was acknowledged that there is a global need for housing. However, this acknowledgement came only after the application of pressure on the United Nations by groups of grassroots women. These women proposed a platform that defined housing as a social and economic investment and, as a home, an essential institution that roots people in place and culture (Hermanuz, 1996). Recognizing this housing need then was appropriate, especially as it was at a time when a quarter of the worldʹs population did not have adequate and affordable housing (Weisman, 1994).
This condition of inadequate housing provision or homelessness is still prevalent and is predominantly located in urban centers. It is manifested for example through the growing number of rough sleepers and the many slum dwellings located worldwide, especially in the
8 This could well change in the future since a mortgage culture has infiltrated many African cities and is growing rapidly.
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global south; in which inhabitants are subject to a lack of clean water and sanitation, insufficient living space, low quality, unaffordable housing structures, and no security of tenure. In cities in the developing world, one in every three persons lives in a slum, with the greatest number being located in sub‐Saharan Africa where 62.2 percent of the total population are slum dwellers;9 that is, referring to the high numbers living in entrenched slums in the Central African Republic, Chad and Ethiopia, who suffer from three or more of the shelter deprivations listed above,10 as well as the many others subject to at least one shelter deprivation in countries such as Kenya, Ghana and Senegal (UN‐HABITAT, 2008).11
In any analysis of homelessness, and in order to develop sustainable solutions, there needs to be a fundamental recognition that homelessness and poverty are not mutually exclusive (Daly, 1996). Additionally, the poor are disproportionately comprised of women, children, and people of color; in that gender, race, ethnicity, age, family type, as well as education greatly affect the probability of being poor (Albelda & Tilly, 1997). It is also important to recognize that urban poverty in contrast to rural poverty is more likely to result in homelessness, as it has been argued that in rural areas the poor are able to construct adequate shelter from local materials using traditional buildings methods (Bergholz, 1993). Therefore, poor people most likely live in cities (Albelda & Tilly, 1997), where now there are also a growing number of female‐headed households. Again, the highest levels of urban poverty are in sub‐Saharan Africa with more than 50 percent of urban populations living below the poverty line, and probably residing within a slum (UN‐HABITAT, 2008).
Poverty is most definitely a female issue and has been for a long time. Of all poor adults two‐thirds are women. Poverty is also a childrenʹs issue and as children more often than not are in female care, this adds another dimension to womenʹs experiences of poverty. In many instances, female poverty has been shaped by four major trends; that are the decline of manufacturing work, the declining marriage rate, the growing labor market and the poverty trap (Albelda & Tilly 1997). Women, along with other groups such as ethnic minorities, are especially vulnerable to homelessness and face special problems when they are homeless or subject to inadequate housing provision. For example, in Kenya one‐third of female‐headed households suffer from four shelter deprivations (UN‐HABITAT, 2008).
It is important to note that it is not just an individual’s lack of resources that makes a person poor, but it is also their family’s lack of resources. Poverty then is a family or household concept not an individual one (Albelda & Tilly, 1997); however, how men and women experience homelessness are decidedly different phenomena. Men’s homelessness is often due to a change in material circumstances and is more public in nature, whereas women’s homelessness typically occurs as a result of relationship problems (Douglas & Gilroy, 1994). A woman’s experience of a lack of security of tenure is often more acute than that of a man because of culture and/or a lack of legal and policy frameworks to support her interests (UN‐HABITAT, 2008). Some of the main elements that contribute to women’s particular situations, as compared to men’s, are the segregation of women into lower‐paid work in the informal market; child‐rearing and other care‐giving responsibilities which constrain women to work in the informal market; womenʹs lower levels of education and training in job skills; womenʹs vulnerability to physical and sexual abuse; absence of affordable childcare; and diminished access to credit (Bergholz, 1993).
9 In contrast, 14.5 percent of the population in North Africa lives in slums. 10 Other countries with high populations of slum dwellers who suffer from several shelter deprivations are Angola, Guinea‐Bissau, Madagascar, Mozambique, Niger, Sierra Leone and Sudan. 11 Other countries with populations subject to at least one shelter deprivation are Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon and Gabon.
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A Loss of Built Environment Awareness:
As an individual trained as an architect and from my autobiographical relationship with the built environment12, it is natural that I agree with the belief that building is a complex activity that has a significant place in our repertoire of basic human needs. Furthermore, Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights lists adequate housing, among other essentials, as a basic human right. Building, as a noun and an adjective, makes people aware and take heed at various different levels. Firstly at the level of having to make pragmatic decisions, secondly at the level of envisioning architectural spaces in the mind and on paper, and finally at the level of committing oneʹs whole being, mind and body, to the creation of a material form that captures an ideal (Tuan, 1977). Our buildings, neighborhoods and cities are indeed cultural artifacts shaped by our human intention and intervention (Weisman, 1994). The built environment, both historically and as we know it, clarifies social roles and relations. (Tuan, 1977), thus, the built environment provides an essential framework for thinking about the world and the people within it; in that the spatial language used constantly signifies its function (Weisman, 1994).
In looking at modern societyʹs understanding of their built environment, it is obvious that that there is less awareness about space and building construction than there was in a traditional context. This is most probably the result of the specialization of the building trades, which in turn makes it impossible for there to be active participation in the construction of the urban built environment. This is unlike in past societies in which there were no architects and individuals were more likely to be engaged in building their own houses (Tuan, 1977). This making of one’s own house is important, because constructing one’s house is imbued with a functional, aesthetical and philosophical essence that is representative of that individual’s interpretation of social relations. For this reason, Tuan posits that:
“In some societies the building is the primary text for handing down a tradition, for presenting a view of reality. To nonliterate people the house may be not only a shelter but also a ritual place and the locus of economic activity. Such a house can communicate ideas even more effectively than can ritual. Its symbols form a system and are vividly real to the family members as they pass through the different stages of life” (p. 112).
Yet Tuan further argues that because in the modern world people no longer participate in the construction of their homes, or in the construction of public monuments, the rites and ceremonies that relate to the construction of the built environment have greatly declined. In other words, the “house is no longer a text encoding rules of behavior and even a whole world view that can be transmitted down the generations” (p. 118).
Although I would agree with the argument that within the urban context the majority of people do not actively participate in the design and construction of built space, I would entirely disagree with Tuan’s notion that the house is no longer a text encoding rules of behavior. I propose that the inadequate urban housing arrangements that many poor women and their families are forced to occupy are sites of oppression for these populations, thus, possibly subjecting them to continuous cycles of urban poverty. In these locations, the lack of adequate housing, infrastructure, services and security of tenure signifies an intense form of social segregation that in no way embodies its inhabitants’ concepts of functional or aesthetic space –which could be achieved through their active participation in the construction of their built environment.
12 Built environment refers to the type of urban planning and dense building construction that is predominant in urban centers, which are plagued by high levels of urban migration.
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Mills‐Tettey (1992) also raises the issue of a need for women’s active participation in building construction by looking specifically at African women’s involvement in contemporary architectural design and development of their living spaces; i.e., the roles of the architect and the female client/user in relation to each other. Mills‐Tettey argues that “the functionality of the individual spaces affects efficiency” (pp. 168); meaning that for there to be good architecture the spaces designed must be able to accommodate the functions of its clients/users, suit them, and be able to adjust to their changing needs. With these key factors in mind Mills‐Tettey then looks at the African women’s cultural role, which invariably gives them the responsibility of running the home, and from this location the childcare roles that they undertake. There are also many situations in urban African centers where women run small businesses from these same sites, e.g., as dressmakers. In this kind of context, it follows that these women must influence the design of their homes in order for them to best suit their needs and functions.
Mills‐Tettey goes on to argue that the female client/user roles in contemporary Africa differ to traditional roles mainly by the degree of contribution to the design of their living space. She posits that in traditional African society, female contribution to housing design was mainly towards the aesthetic spatial qualities of the home, e.g., concern with plastering and decorating walls and the like; whereas the advent of the architect has greatly reduced even that marginal role. To support this argument Mills‐Tettey conducted a limited survey, of thirty‐two housing commissions, to measure the levels of female client/user involvement in the design of their houses. The survey results demonstrated that men were more involved in determining the design of their homes than women irrespective of whether the architect was male or female.
In conclusion, Mills‐Tettey recommends the increased participation of women in the creation of their houses by architects encouraging them to get involved in the design process in order to exercise their spatial imagination. She also advocates the development of spatial imagination among all female students, while in secondary school, by developing this faculty in subjects such as domestic science, fine art and technical drawing.
In the Western context, Weisman (1994) similarly argues that women need to be made aware of their housing rights and their potential to influence government policy. In other words, women need to play more important and active roles in shaping housing through participation in all aspects of the planning, design, construction and development of neighborhoods and communities. Further more, one could argue that it is important for women to be active participants in the process of designing and developing housing policy and housing itself. The development of housing for women and by women would enable their sense of empowerment, through the ownership of the housing development and management process.
A female sense of empowerment in relation to housing is essential when you understand that the increasing percentages of single female‐headed households and the issue of homelessness of women are some of the problems that describe an actual social crisis for which theoretical inquiry and architectural explorations should begin to provide answers (Mangana, 1993). It is then inevitable logic that those who experience homelessness, inadequate housing provision and their effects are best placed to provide sustainable built solutions for their own predicament. This is not to say that all homeless or poorly housed women are in a position to adequately analyze their circumstances and efficiently design suitable housing solutions, but that women must be spoken to, so as to map their spatial literacy and if lacking, they must be provided with the educational tools to develop critical spatial literacy,13 thus, spatio‐political agency.
13 That is, the ability to read codes embedded in the built environment in order to understand how they affect people’s social life, cultural practices, and sense of place.
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Self‐Help Housing Provision – The Cuban Microbrigades:
It is awareness of the centrality of housing in the general well being of individuals that has driven various self‐build projects around the world, as complements to state‐provided social housing. As a prime example, the work of the Cuban Microbrigades illustrates how political will, along with government backing and individual interest can work together to answer a nation’s housing need, while simultaneously empowering individuals (including a substantial number of women). The Microbrigades were responsible for supplying a significant percentage of housing within Cuba from 1959 through to 1981, and yet the Microbrigades were made up of ordinary citizens who were not necessarily trained in architecture or the building trade.
During and after the literacy campaigns in Cuba there was no formal market for exchange of both rented and/or owned housing, resulting in the fact that most Cubans were living in whatever housing was given to them in the 1960s (Dunlap, 1985). In 1959 more than 50% of the population lived in conditions of poverty and relied on self‐built constructions for shelter ‐ in the form of traditional bohios. 14 Cuba also lacked a tradition in the creative use of local building crafts and materials. The growing scarcity of housing and a need to live in central locations propelled the public into using their own resources to create additions and modifications to their houses. This was in tandem with the state‐initiated housing development programs. In 1970, Fidel Castro initiated a plan for housing construction that was to run parallel with the state initiatives. This was in the shape of the Microbrigade Movement. This movement was the bringing together of individual workers released from their usual jobs, with pay, to construct their own homes even though they were inexperienced in construction methods (Coyula 1985, Hamberg 1986a, Hamberg 1986b, Luzon 1988, Mathey 1997). From the period of 1959 to 1981 the individual’s own efforts, i.e. the Microbrigades, co‐operatives and individual labor, met 56 percent of the country’s housing need.
It is important to note that, in this aspect of the built environment, gender discrimination and sexual division of labor was reduced by the inclusion of women in the construction labor force. Within the conventional Microbrigades women made up 22 percent of the group’s labor force and within the social Microbrigades women made up, in many cases, over 50 percent of the group. However one should not be deceived into assuming that this meant complete equality for the women in this industry as they often were allocated “female” roles, e.g., running the canteen, interior finishing jobs, or operating the lifts (Mathey, 1997).
Additionally, although the Microbrigades received technical assistance, equipment and materials from the state, it appears that there was no wide‐ranging state initiated built environment education provision for them. The only training initiatives available were developed by the Microbrigades themselves with limited financial and skill resources. Despite this fact, the Microbrigades were not only considered to be successful but also were “the most dynamic element of Cuban housing provision both in terms of new building and in the maintenance and renovation of the existing housing stock” (Mathey, 1997, p. 170). What was critiqued however was the quality of their artisan building technology, which is understandable because they were laypersons with no skill or training in the building trades.
14 Bohios (huts) are one room houses that Native Indians lived in, from as early as 1492. This type of home is most likely to be found only in Cuba’s rural areas, at present, as the state initiated housing program actively substituted these homes for modern buildings in the urban centers and their suburbs (Hamberg 1986a, Hamberg 1986b).
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Ways Forward – Policy‐Based Research on Women’s Spatiality: The continued growth of cities and female‐headed households in the developing world,
especially the dramatic increases on the African continent, necessitate an increased development focus on humanitarian architecture and other built environment considerations as part of the global agenda to tackle poverty by addressing issues of gender inequality and women’s empowerment particularly within the urban context. Additionally, to‐date development focuses on rural livelihoods have not staunched rural‐urban migration flows and most likely will not, since it is not only environmental crisis and/or economic markets that bring individuals to cities –but also various political, social, and ideological reasons. This then begs for a better understanding of the causes of urban migration, thus, a nuanced approach to policy research on rural development and urban regeneration, which takes into consideration a gender perspective; including a specific focus on poor women’s spatial experiences and what can be done to improve and/or mitigate their circumstances.
An example of such policy‐research would be a comparative study of African cities currently undergoing rapid urbanization; in particular, utilizing a gender lens to investigate poor women’s spatial experiences in those locations with a focus on the feminization of urban poverty by looking at how these women understand and negotiate their urban spatial environments in their searches for employment, education, housing, and other social services. More specifically, investigating into areas including:
• The women’s reasons and motivations for migration to the city, and how they may differ from those of the men in their lives.
• The impact of transnational economic and cultural flows on their increasing motivations to migrate to urban centers, despite the costs and challenges involved, with specific focus on how these may be different for women as opposed to men.
• How the women with or without their families negotiate urban contexts with particular regard to their basic needs for socio‐economic development such as housing, and how this may differ across gender lines.
• The impact of national policies and international development agendas or interventions on women’s access to housing and services.
• The necessary mechanisms required to enable these women’s voices and/or participation in urban development or regeneration policies that address their various needs.
Conducting policy‐based research of this nature would begin to provide foundational basis
for then developing appropriate strategies for engaging women and other stakeholders in urban development and regeneration that addresses the gender‐sensitive needs and priorities of urban dwellers; that is, strategies that may or may not capitalize on lessons learned from self‐build approaches such as that of the Cuban Microbrigade movement. These research‐based approaches must emphasize the importance of the built environment in any gender and social development agenda that seeks to work towards fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals, especially the third goal,15 while also speaking to what Secretary‐General Ban Ki‐moon describes in the State of the World’s Cities Report 2008/9 (UN‐HABITAT, 2008), as the promotion of harmonious urbanization by supporting pro‐poor, inclusive and equitable urban development.
15 That is, Millennium Development Goal 3, which is to promote gender equality and empower women.
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