Radicalization in Pakistan: A Critical Perspective

Radicalization in Pakistan

This book offers a critical analysis of radicalization in Pakistan by deconstructing the global and the official state narratives designed to restrain Pakistani radicalization.

Chapters are centered around three distinct themes: educational norms, religious practices, and geopolitical aspects of radicalization to examine the prevalent state and global practices that propagate Pakistani radicalization discourse. The book argues that there is both a global agenda, which presents Pakistan as the epicenter and sponsor of terrorism, and a domestic, or official, agenda that portrays Pakistan as the state that sacrificed and suffered the most in the recent War on Terror, which allows the country to gain sympathy as a victim. Delineating both conflicting agendas through a critical analysis of global and state practices in order to understand the myths and narratives of radicalization in Pakistan constructed by powerful elites, the book enables readers to gain a better understanding of this phenomenon.

A multidisciplinary critical approach to comprehending radicalization in Pakistan with innovative prescriptions for counter-radicalization policy, this book will be of interest to researchers working in the fields of International Relations, Security Studies, Asian Politics, as well as Religious Studies and Education, in particular in the context of South Asia.

Muhammad Shoaib Pervez is an Associate Professor and the Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at University of Management and Technology Lahore, Pakistan. His book Security Community in South Asia, also published by Routledge (2012), was awarded the National Outstanding Research Award for the best book in Social Science 2012 by the Higher Education Commission, Government of Pakistan. He was also the Fulbright Post-Doctoral Fellow at Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies at SIPA, Columbia University, USA from 2014 to 2015.

Routledge Advances in South Asian Studies Edited by Subrata K. Mitra, Heidelberg University, Germany and Rani Mullen College of William and Mary, USA

South Asia, with its burgeoning, ethnically diverse population, soaring econo-mies, and nuclear weapons, is an increasingly important region in the global context. The series, which builds on this complex, dynamic, and volatile area, features innovative and original research on the region as a whole or on the coun-tries. Its scope extends to scholarly works drawing on history, politics, develop-ment studies, sociology, and economics of individual countries from the region as well those that take an interdisciplinary and comparative approach to the area as a whole or to a comparison of two or more countries from this region. In terms of theory and method, rather than basing itself on any one orthodoxy, the series draws broadly on the insights germane to area studies, as well as the tool kit of the social sciences in general, emphasizing comparison, the analysis of the structure and processes, and the application of qualitative and quantitative methods. The series welcomes submissions from established authors in the field as well as from young authors who have recently completed their doctoral dissertations.

36. Ethno-political Conflict in Pakistan The Baloch Movement Rizwan Zeb

37. Perspectives on Contemporary Pakistan Governance, Development and Environment Ghulam Ali and Ejaz Hussain

38. Radicalization in Pakistan A Critical Perspective Edited by Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

39. Society, Resistance and Civil Nuclear Policy in India Nuclearising the State Varigonda Kesava Chandra

For a full list of titles, please see: https://www.routledge.com/asianstudies/series /RASAS

Radicalization in Pakistan A Critical Perspective

Edited by Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

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Dedicated to the loving memory of my late father, Wajeeh Uddin Pervez (1941–2019)

(who inculcated me with the values of honesty, truthfulness, and straightforwardness)

Contents

List of tables List of boxes List of appendices List of contributors Acknowledgments

ix x

xi xii xiv

1 Introduction: Conceptual conundrum and the approach of the book MUHAMMAD SHOAIB PERVEZ

1

PART I Educational aspect 15

2 Education and radicalization in Pakistan: A post-colonial perspective FATIMA WAQI SAJJAD

17

3 Teaching toward a culture of peace: Analysis of Islamiat and Ethics textbooks ASHAR JOHNSON KHOKHAR

35

4 Infusing cultural diversity into Pakistan Studies textbooks: An analysis of textbooks and teachers’ perspectives YAAR MUHAMMAD AND PETER BRETT

61

PART II Religious aspect 77

5 Pacifying Sunni–Shī’ite relations in Pakistan: Patterns of (de)humanization and prospects of trust-building SOHAIB ALI AND FATIMA WAQI SAJJAD

79

viii Contents

PART III Geopolitical aspect 103

6 The radicalized regional order of India–Pakistan and prospects of a security community MUHAMMAD SHOAIB PERVEZ

105

7 Deconstructing the myth of Pashtun as a nation of extremists and warriors: Causes of radicalization in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa ARSHAD ALI AND FAZAL SUBHAN

129

8 Conclusion MUHAMMAD SHOAIB PERVEZ

149

Index 153

Tables

3.1 Tri-phase analytical framework 43 3.2 List of textbooks analyzed in this study 44 3.3 Outline of Ethics textbook content 48 3.4 Ethics textbooks Classes 9 and 10 49 3.5 Islamic Education Classes 9 and 10 53

Boxes

3.1 Excerpt from Ethics textbook explaining to pupils how ethics is rooted in religion 45

3.2 Excerpt from Ethics textbook explaining reasons for studying religions and their basic teachings 45

3.3 Excerpt from Ethics textbook explaining to pupils (non-Muslims) Pakistan’s pluralistic aspect 46

3.4 Excerpt from Ethics textbook explaining the reasons for selecting the Ethics textbook content 46

3.5 Excerpt from Ethics textbook explaining the objectives of teaching Ethics as a subject 47

Appendices

7.1 List of interviewees 145 7.2 Questionnaire 146

Contributors

Arshad Ali (PhD, Otago University, New Zealand), Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology. Co-author: The Evolution of the National Security State in Pakistan: 1947-1989, in the journal Democracy and Security, 2019.

Ashar Johnson Khokkhar, doctoral candidate, Assistant Professor, Forman Christian College (a chartered university). Author: ‘Women academic lead-ers in higher education in Pakistan: Perspectives of female students enrolled in higher education degrees,’ Pakistan Journal of Women's Studies: Alam-e-Niswan (2018); ‘National identity clarity or confusion: English and Urdu Textbooks’ (2017); ‘Why do teachers educators not practice what they believe: ICT integration gaps’ (2016); ‘Students and teachers perceptions of ICT use in classroom: Pakistani classrooms’ (2016). Co-author: ‘Content analysis of lan-guage textbooks (English, Urdu, Sindhi) for Inclusivity,’ Journal of Education & Social Sciences (2018); ‘Information communication technology integra-tion: Trained secondary school teachers’ dilemma,’ Journal of Research in Social Sciences, JRSS (2017).

Fatima Waqi Sajjad (PhD, Punjab University), Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology Lahore. Author: book chapter ‘Countering radicalization through education: Global policy trends and the case of Pakistan,’ Radicalization in South Asia (2019); ‘De-radicalizing Pakistani society: the receptivity of youth to a liberal religious worldview,’ Journal of Peace Research (2017); ‘Countering extremists’ narratives in Pakistan,’ Journal of National Defence University, Pakistan (2015); ‘Reforming madrasa education in Pakistan: Post 9/11 Perspectives,’ Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization, Pakistan (2013); co-author ‘Revisiting arms race between India and Pakistan: A case of asymmetrical causal relationship of military expenditures,’ Journal of Defence and Peace Economics (2019).

Fazal Subhan (MS), Subject Specialist in Economics, Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

Contributors xiii

Muhammad Shoaib Pervez (PhD, Leiden University), Fulbright Post-Doctoral Fellow Columbia University, New York, Associate Professor and Chairperson Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology Lahore. Author: Security Community in South Asia, Routledge, 2012 (winner of outstanding Research Award by Government of Pakistan); single-authored peer- reviewed articles ‘Strategic culture recon-ceptualised: the case of India and the BJP,’ International Politics (2019); ‘The association of South East Asian nations (ASEAN): A galactic security community?,’ South East Asia Research (2019); ‘The normative structure of the European Union: A constructivist analysis,’ Journal of European Studies (2018)

Peter Brett (PhD, University of Durham), Senior Lecturer in Humanities and Social Sciences Education, University of Tasmania, Australia. Co-editor: Teaching Humanities and Social Sciences: Teaching and Learning across Australia (2019); co-author: Education for Democratic Citizenship (2009); author ‘Citizenship education in England in the shadow of the Great War,’ Citizenship Teaching & Learning (2013); ‘Beyond “navel-gazing” and “mush”: Learning about identity in Australian classrooms,’ Citizenship, Social and Economic Education (2013); ‘“The sacred spark of wonder”: Local muse-ums, Australian curriculum history, and pre-service primary teacher education: A Tasmanian case study,’ Australian Journal of Teacher Education (2014); ‘Discovering argument: Linking literacy, citizenship education, and persua-sive advocacy,’ Journal of Social Science Education (2014).

Sohaib Ali, doctoral candidate in International Relations, Freie Universität Berlin; MSc Social Science Research Methods, Middlesex University, London; lec-turer, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology, Lahore.

Yaar Muhammad (PhD, University of Tasmania), Assistant Professor, University of Management and Technology, Lahore. Co-author ‘Islamic habi-tus in English language textbooks produced by boards in Pakistan,’ The Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization (JITC) (2020); ‘Pakistani national identity, curriculum reform and citizenship education textbooks: Understanding teach-ers’ perspectives,’ Journal of Research & Reflections in Education (2020); ‘Some challenges in teaching citizenship in an Islamic context: Pakistan stud-ies teachers’ perspectives and practices in relation to teaching about identity,’ Citizenship Teaching & Learning (2017); ‘Beyond binary discourses? Pakistan studies textbooks and representations of cultural, national, and global identity,’ IARTEM e-Journal (2017).

Acknowledgments

I must thank the Almighty Allah for giving me the courage to complete this ardu-ous task. I am also very grateful to all the contributors of this book who always responded to my calls in spite of having very hectic schedules of their own at their universities. Special thanks to my departmental colleagues, especially Sohaib Ali, and good luck with his PhD at Freie Universitat, Germany. I am also indebted to my trustworthy comrade and departmental colleague Fatima Sajjad for her exhaustive work and meticulous planning in organizing an international confer-ence and also for her incisive comments during the initial phase of planning this book. This endeavor is the fruit of an international conference on ‘Contemporary education and countering violent extremism practices in Pakistan’ organized by the Department of Political Science and International Relations at University of Management and Technology Lahore (27 to 28 March 2019). It was at this venue that all the contributors of this book decided to work together for a better under-standing of the radicalization discourse of Pakistan.

This book encompasses my own intellectual growth, as I am obsessed with the question of why Pakistan is in such a mess and how can it be rescued from this colossal abyss. This is a country with immense potential and abundant natural resources that has become trapped in a pit of radicalization: the question is, why? After seeing the fruits of peace in Europe where I did my PhD (Leiden Holland, 2010) and after closely watching the American dream (before the era of President Trump) during my post-doctoral study at Saltzmann Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, New York (2015), I was at a loss with regard to my own homeland. This country has made a mockery of the pristine credentials of her founding father, Jinnah. All forms of governments, be they democracy or dictatorship, have been practiced in their extreme, perverted forms in this land of the pure. On top of that, the tsunami of radicalization in the post-9/11 era has severely jolted the very foundations of Pakistan. The radicalization phenomenon will take time to subside but, importantly, the Pakistani state needs to adopt a criti-cal approach based on popular perceptions toward countering violent extremism by dismissing conventional methods; these tactics have so far failed to bear any fruit. The state has to question its own practices and should allow its people some form of liberty to critically analyze its policies. This book points toward some of these key areas through a critical perspective.

Acknowledgments xv

On a personal note, I want to thank my beloved parents, Wajeeh Uddin Pervez and Shahida Pervez, for their prayers and also for inculcating values of honesty and straightforwardness in me, especially my late father Wajeeh Uddin Pervez (who died on 16 June 2019), in whose loving memory, I am dedicating this book. My father was a gem of a person, strong on values and silent over miseries and joys. A very contented man, he made no complaint over the complications of his Parkinson’s disease, nor about anything. He made sure that all of his four chil-dren were brought up with honest money for which he toiled very hard. He was a dedicated civil servant and worked day and night for the welfare of Pakistan Railways with an unblemished career record until his retirement in 2001. At home he was very strict in the upbringing of his children but at the same time very particular about high-quality education and career-making for them. He sent me to Pakistan’s premier institutions, such as Crescent Model School Lahore, Cadet College Hasanabdal, Government College Lahore. My bond with him was more about awe and respect than love and compassion. I learned from him the virtues of being straightforward, calling a spade a spade in front of superiors, helping others silently, and justifying your job in an optimal way. These virtues have provided me with the bedrock from which to rise more strongly every time I am down and out in my life. I am very glad that I never looked toward greener pastures and was able to be with him during his difficult times, and my time spent at his bedside during his illness is the most precious time of my life. May Allah bless him with the highest place in paradise (Janatul Firdous) and let me reunite with him (Ameen).

I am also grateful to my father-in-law, Pirzada Riffat Nawaz, whose intel-lectual acumen is far ahead of many scholars of today and with whom I have enjoyed many scholarly debates. Many of the ideas in this book are the result of my interaction with him. I am also grateful to my mother-in-law, Bushra Riffat, for her prayers. Part of this book was completed at the home of my dear brother, Muhammad Saleem Pervez, in Dubai with warm hospitality given by his wife, Ujala Saleem, and by my nephews, Hadi and Haisam. It was an excellent intellec-tual sojourn and was desperately needed to refine my work for this book. Saleem is always a helping hand to me and my family thoroughly enjoyed his conviviality in Dubai. Thanks to my sisters, Huma Majid and Ayesha, too, and my sister-in-law, Tehmina, who herself is a genuine scholar in the making.

The biggest debt, however, that I owe for my intellectual growth is reserved for my lovely wife Sadia, whose love and affection is beyond any words. She always remains steadfastly behind me, has provided me with peace of mind for my intel-lectual work, and has always encouraged me to strive hard for my true potential against all odds and despite immense pressures. This unflinching support of my better half during all of my scholarly growth is a great asset in my life. Lastly, I am thankful to my sons, Muneeb and Moiz, for giving me time to follow my intel-lectual pursuits. I hope that one day they will find a better world to live in and both of them will also contribute for its betterment through values inculcated in them by their forefathers, InshAllah.

1 Introduction Conceptual conundrum and the approach of the book

Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

Radicalization, counter-radicalization, terrorism, countering violent extremism: these have been some of the buzz words in contemporary politics since 9/11. The rhetoric of globalization for peace has finally given way to dark forces of radi-calization. This can be ascertained from the surge in far-left racial nationalism in Europe, religious fundamentalism in Asia, and the rhetoric of white supremacy in America. All this has a devastating impact on world peace today, resulting in a great increase in the suffering of common people, caught in the crossfire of these contrasting ideologies. At the epicenter of all this chaos and mayhem is the state of Pakistan, which, in her chequered history, has suffered greatly, first, by playing the role of a proxy state for the USA in the Cold War and, second, by becoming the closest ally of the USA in its war against terrorism in the post-9/11 era. The geostrategic location of Pakistan has played a pivotal role in global politics but at the popular level it has turned out to be a geostrategic curse for Pakistani soci-ety. The state is now facing its worst existential crisis in the wake of a faltering economy, bad governance, and growing indicators of societal radicalization. At an empirical level, or historically speaking, the seeds of radicalization were sown precisely at the time of the movement for an independent Pakistan.

The aim of the movement for an independent Pakistan was for a piece of land where Islam could be practiced; however, since independence only half-hearted efforts have been made in this regard. There is no implementation of any Islamic system of governance in Pakistan. Islam was used instrumentally by the found-ing fathers of Pakistan to rally the Muslims of the subcontinent around the flag of an independent Pakistan. For the millions of common Muslims who emigrated to Pakistan on its birth in 1947, this was the promised land where they would be able to order their lives according to Islamic Shariah law. However, that did not transpire, especially after the early demise of the founding father, Jinnah, in 1948, barely a year after Pakistan’s independence. Interestingly, a majority of the Ulema were against the formation of Pakistan as an independent entity; however, once it became a reality, they unanimously demanded an Islamic form of govern-ment. The polarization of society began at an early stage: the religious elites, with lot of street power, were clamouring for an Islamic form of government while the liberal elites, with effective representation in parliament, resisted such changes and clung to the colonial state apparatus for governance. This was the

2 Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

common fate of the majority of post-colonial Muslim states who achieved inde-pendence in the 1950 and 1960s, remaining as they did, attached to the vestiges of the old, neo-colonial economic order. There is no new world out there for the majority of hapless people who dreamt of such a place after having thrown off the colonial yoke. This is the point at which radicalization in third-world Muslim societies such as Pakistan is born; there is a clash between the liberal-minded minority and the Islamic-minded majority clamoring for change by labeling their state elites stooges of the colonial masters of the past. Radicalization in Pakistan moved up a gear in the mid-1980s when the then President of Pakistan, General Muhammad Ziaul-Haq through his practices almost declared Pakistan a Sunni state, which started a decade-long feud between the Sunni majority and Shia minority. Furthermore, the Afghanistan imbroglio began in 1979 and Pakistan became the frontline proxy state of the United States for the defeat of commu-nism. This continued until the death of Zia in a mysterious plane crash in 1988 (various conspiracy theories were hatched, including one that put the blame on the Shia pilot of the C130 aircraft carrying Zia and his top military brass).

As a result of the disparity between Pakistan’s foundational ontology and its epistemological practices, a dilemma exists in the minds of Pakistanis as to how to make a distinction between what they perceive as being their own national iden-tity and the acquired identity of the Pakistan state. This confusion has a polarizing affect in society, resulting, on the one hand, in religious fundamentalism and, on the other, ultra-liberal fascism, with no possibility of a dialogue between the two camps. Due to this, terrorist movements such as Tahrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, whose uncompromising aim was to enforce Sharia law by the use of firearms, were successful in 2008 of getting a foothold in settled areas of Pakistan such as Swat. At the same time, most of the people residing in urban areas considered reli-gion of little relevance to their daily practices. The phenomenon of radicalization is born at this critical junction, as confusion leads to divergent practices which may become violent due to a radical mindset. The simmering tension between the opposing groups lead to violent clashes, such as the one witnessed in the anti-blasphemy movement of Tehreek-e-Labbaik party (TLP) prior to Pakistan’s 2018 general election. Even the statistics of the general election of 2018 are an eye-opener, as this far-right Islamist Party, TLP, was able to get the third-highest number of votes in the populous province of Punjab and was placed in overall fifth position nationally. The question is: How can we understand this polarization of Pakistani society which is leading to radicalization? There is a plethora of books and articles on radicalization in Pakistan, so how can this book add to an already burgeoning literature on this issue? The answer lies in its radically different criti-cal approach.

This book is a critique of how the issues of radicalization in Muslim countries, including Pakistan, are conventionally understood both by policymakers and schol-ars. For example, in the recent edited volume titled Eradicating Terrorism from the Middle East: Policy and Administrative Approaches, (Dawoody et al. 2016) used the Western constructs of globalization, good governance, and Islamophobia to discuss issues of terrorism in the Middle East. There is nothing wrong in this

Introduction 3

approach but our emphasis is to apply indigenous constructs for first understand-ing radicalization and then to prescribe measures for counter-radicalization. It is akin to what Robert Cox describes as the difference between problem-solving and critical theory, with the former merely content to aim for minor alteration of the existing analytical framework while the later considers the existing analytical framework as part of a problem that must be replaced (Cox 1981). Similarly, on the policy side, a recent RAND study titled Deradicalizing Islamists Extremists, a fascinating account of counter-radicalization policies adopted by various coun-tries, explains, using a rational methodological approach, how successful the deradicalization policies of these countries have been (Rand Report 2010). In our book, we have questioned the policies adopted by the state as well as by other actors involved in constructing knowledge through educational curricula in Pakistan. Our approach is evolutionary, with radicalization and counter-radicali-zation requiring a lengthy overhaul. There is no rationalist model of cost–benefit calculations at work, rather a ‘logic of appropriateness’ better explains Pakistani radicalization (Olsen and March 1989). This logic defines behavior through the binding force of hidden norms working as an institution to prescribe or proscribe behavior. Even the so-called ‘new approaches to countering terrorism’ (El-Said 2015) are like old wine in new bottle as the various case studies remain bound to the historical context of what has gone wrong in various countries. For example, in the case study of Turkey scant discussion is made on how and why the polariza-tion of Turkish society into pro-Kemalist and pro-Islamist has made every succes-sive government a firm autocrat ready to quell any form of dissent.

An epistemological reorientation is needed to fully explain many facets of rad-icalization. This requires shifting the focus of understanding radicalization from an elite centric approach to a popular centric one. The current focus of almost all of debate about radicalization is based on carving out dichotomies of ‘Us versus Them,’ the Muslims versus the Christians and Jews, East versus West, or haves versus have-nots, all constructed from the position of strength (elite perspective). These binaries have blurred the actual fault lines behind radicalization and have proven to be an easy scapegoat in order for powerful actors to solidify their own hegemonic practices. The societal level (people perspective) is missing in most of the scholarship on radicalization in Pakistan. The ontological basis of this book is a post-positivist framework, with reality being socially constructed. The main argument of this book, followed by all its contributors, is based on a presumption that the epistemological reorientation of radicalization requires interpolation by critically examining the practices of the powerful elites in order to deconstruct the motives behind their actions. Radicalization and its antidote, de-radicalization, are both evolutionary processes which are initiated by the authoritative actions of the powerful.

The process of radicalization in a country is generally understood as beginning with the phenomenon of smoldering tensions faced by the state from disgruntled elements as a reaction to its own policies. This is a state perspective of radicaliza-tion as the state is generally considered to be the harbinger of peace and prosperity for its citizens. So, any anomic activity inside the state is considered anti-state,

4 Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

legitimately allowed to be dealt with by coercive power of state. This traditional conceptualization of the state has been taken to task in the critical perspective of international relations, which work for the emancipation of people from all realms of oppression and where the state is sometimes also considered to be one of the forms of persecution. This book looks at radicalization in line with this critical perspective, which asks for a popular discourse on radicalization by questioning the established narratives, myths, policies, and practices of the state. A critical radical approach primarily questions the conventional wisdom of existing litera-ture; it is, therefore, pertinent to first mention some of the assumptions of this conventional discourse on radicalization.

Radicalization literature gained momentum after 9/11 due to the shift in US policies of pre-empting terrorism with a specific focus on Muslim societies. Radicalization and Islam became synonymous terms, with a plethora of article and books written in the post-9/11 era defining Muslims as terrorists who are hell-bent upon crushing the dominant Western order. Radicalization is generally attributed to a reaction by discontented Muslims toward the actions of Western governments or toward those of their own governments. Remarkably, in almost all major global events, it is Muslims who are on the receiving end, so generally scholars have attributed their Islamic beliefs to a natural recourse of radicaliza-tion. The older version of terrorism has a political motive but in its newer and most virulent form, Islamic fundamentalist ideology is the sole impetus behind it (Walter Laqueur 1998)

Generally, radical tendencies are more rampant in Muslim societies as they have a clear belief system based on a worldview of life after death, and the bad governance of their respective states spurs on this mindset. The burden of radicali-zation is placed squarely on Muslim shoulders as generally they are the only ones ready to wear suicide vests in their quest to enter paradise.

Muslim ruling elites are inefficient and corrupt and have failed to curb radi-cal tendencies in their societies; radicalization is measured solely as a threat to Western values and the rulers of these Islamic regimes constantly need the finan-cial support of Western governments in order to survive politically. Interestingly, the elites of the Muslim states have also poignantly played a double game: they ask for Western financial support to curb radicalization in their societies and at the same time have also played the victim card to their masses by portraying them-selves as helpless against Western aggrandizement. They thus perpetuate their own corrupt rule by using the rhetoric of a danger from the West that is hell-bent upon crushing Muslim states.

The discourse of radicalization is constrained by the donor agencies, which, most of the time, is the hegemonic state or a global financial agency who are involved in constructing recipient state security narratives through policy pre-scriptions. Most of the time, the policy prescriptions submitted by the epistemic community or intelligentsia are in line with the objectives of their donors.

At the popular level, it is considered that radicalization in Pakistan has only become a global problem because of the state’s possession of nuclear weapons (weapons of mass destruction or WMDs). Had this not been the case, Pakistan

Introduction 5

would long have been another Syria, Iraq, or Afghanistan. It is the global fear that nuclear weapons should not get into the hands of radical elements in Pakistan that has led to the glut of research on radicalization in Pakistan.

Now let me briefly sketch out the critical assumptions of this book. Radicalization in Pakistan is conceptualized as a phenomenon that has arisen

due to the practices of elites being discordant with the aspirations of the people. Radicalization in this book has also been explained as a ‘thick signifier’ as it privi-leges dominant norms constructed for countering radicalization and suppresses all forms of dissent. This book has studied these dominant norms and values by arguing that these ways of imposing a worldview are creating more radicalization in Pakistan. It can also be termed an ‘empty signifier,’ its meanings ‘temporar-ily fixed, and continuously contested and rearticulated, in political settings deter-mined by power struggles’ (Isabel 2017). This explains that there is a deliberate empty space constructed around counter-radicalization policies in order to serve the vested interests of those in power. The large-scale funding of counter-radicali-zation by various governments of the world also demonstrates a fascinating trend, wherein most academics write tailor-made policy documents to facilitate gov-ernments’ practices aimed at counter-radicalization (Kundnani 2015: 17). This has resulted in a ‘systematic failure’ of the understanding of ‘political conflicts,’ let alone calling for their prognosis or for the re-examination of the radicalization that emerges as a result of these conflicts (Kundnani 2015: 17).

Radicalization is a multifaceted phenomenon which needs not only introspec-tion with a close focus on what is happening inside the state but also extrapolation of the global trends that are influencing the sociocultural makeup of society. A critical perspective on radicalization questions the conventional wisdom used to explain the underlying assumptions, presumptions, as well as the suggested pre-scriptions for eradicating radicalization (Kundnani 2015).

Radicalization as a phenomenon can be understood if we critically examine and challenge the constructed narrative of state security. Kundnani notes that radicalization ‘owe[s] more to the aims and objectives of the states that are the primary consumers of their literature, than to an objective study of the subject’ (Kundnani 2015: 17). Radicalization is a slow process aimed at transforming, through indoctrination, the mindsets or beliefs of citizens who abide by the law into those of mobs who break it; hence, its prognosis through de-radicalization is also an evolutionary process whose steps involve not only isolating the root causes and treatment of the symptomatic causes of radicalization but also the allo-cation and mobilization of resources for redressing grievances and incorporating disgruntled elements into the mainstream of the body politic.

Radicalization in Pakistan has mostly been studied from the established posi-tional framework of either a state perspective or a global one. In the state-guided discourse, the governmental sector has manipulated radicalization as a deterrent, in order to coerce people into accepting national security policies, with the risk of marginalizing all forms of dissent. Interestingly, the global discourse of the eradi-cation of the menace of radicalization has also been framed in the same confronta-tional way, with convenient labeling of Pakistan as a radical state on account of its

6 Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

religious identity and the remedy being sought through the imposition of Western values via controlled educational curricula. A critical view of de-radicalization should bring to light the popular perceptions and apprehensions constructed by the majority of the population, not merely those constructed by the elite.

The literature on radicalization was demarcated by Kundnani into two branches: radicalization as a ‘theological process’ and radicalization as a ‘psy-chological process’ (Kundnani 2015: 22, 23). In the former variety, a radical indi-vidual is purely following their constructed religious belief, which orders them to privilege their own worldview over any prevalent ones and, if necessary, adopt violent means for the fulfillment of their agenda. In the latter, the radical tenden-cies are the offshoots of the ‘cultural-psychological predispositions’ of an indi-vidual, which develop radical tendencies and a commitment to carry out terrorist activities (Kundnani 2015: 20). Here the psychological makeup of an individual, or the sociocultural environment, plays a dominant role in the radicalization pro-cess (Baker-Beall et al. 2015). Remarkably, it is the psychological explanation that is most often invoked. For example, in the case of a white Western terrorist, phrases such as ‘lone-wolf attack’ or ‘mentally deranged individual’ are used in most mass-media outlets; however, in the case of a non-white Muslim perpetrator involved in a terrorist attack, the line of argument is that of ‘an organised terrorist activity, an Al-Qaeda plan, or a state sponsored activity.’ Sedgwick explains: ‘So long as the circumstances that produce Islamist radicals’ declared grievances are not taken into account, it is inevitable that the Islamist radical will often appear as a “rebel without a cause”’ (Sedgwick 2010: 480–482).

This book is not taking the above line of argument, which would mean add-ing another layer to the heap of ‘Us versus Them’ literature, presenting ‘us,’ the Muslims, as best and ‘them,’ the West, as the beasts. This book is more a reflec-tion on what is wrong in Muslim societies and, in particular, in Pakistani soci-ety, which has suffered considerably in the ‘war on terror’ and which, even after paying the price of the highest body count, has so far not been able to gain one iota of respect within the comity of nations. It basically challenges the notion of the power–knowledge construct in a Foucauldian way. The way in which power connives with knowledge as constructed in the radicalization discourse will be deconstructed through a thematic approach to studying Pakistani radicalization. This thematic approach centers around three main aspects: education, religion, and geopolitics. For example, in Pakistan, the educational system is deliberately divided into three branches: the most impoverished children usually join madras-sas; pupils from the middle class enter government-sector schools, many of which are devoid of basic infrastructure; and privileged children join highly competitive and affluent ‘post-modernist’ schools. I label them ‘post-modernist’ because of their goal of joining the league of UK schools such Eton and Harrow. In these schools, the syllabuses taught are from Cambridge University and they take pride in becoming affiliated to leading UK universities. A case study of the educational system will be discussed in her chapter by Fatima Sajjad, who will examine the pedagogy and curricula of these schools by questioning the Western mantra of madrassas being breeding grounds for radicalization in Pakistan. All the authors

Introduction 7

and contributors in this edited volume are of the opinion that an understanding of radicalization requires a critical examination of prevalent practices by giving space to marginalized popular perspectives. The societal aspect of radicalization can be understood by focusing on the various epochs through which the state of Pakistan state has gone.

Let me briefly recap the history of Pakistan with particular significance to societal radicalization. Pakistan is at the epicenter of global terrorist trends and has suffered greatly but at the same time is also regarded with suspicion at and charged with transnational terrorism by the forces spearheading the war on terror. The people of Pakistan, residing in her four provinces of Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan, and Khyber-Pakhtonkhawa, observe different sociocultural practices and are bound together only by Islam. The state has its own chequered history mired in both external and internal crises; the roller coaster civil–military relation-ship has made a mockery of its democratic credentials by creating a sham democ-racy. On 17 December 2019, for the first time in the history of Pakistan a special court imposed a death sentence on former dictator President General Musharraf (living in exile), under Article Six of the constitution for having, in November 2007, subverted it through an emergency promulgation. This decision was later quashed by the Lahore High Court. Ironically, the sitting government of Prime Minister Imran Khan does not want to pursue the case and even went to the high court in an effort to overturn the verdict because of the fear of a military backlash. The country has faced 33 years of direct military rule and, although it has been sufficiently resurgent to emerge from various crises, the sociocultural fabric of society has paid a heavy price. For example, the country was torn apart in 1971, in the aftermath of President Ayub’s martial law (1958–1969), and Pakistani soci-ety became religiously intolerant due to bigotry during President General Zia’s term of office (1977–1988). Heroin and Kalashnikovs are the other two gifts of Zia’s regime. Then there was the military rule of President General Musharraf (1999–2008); during his tenure suicide bombing became the catch-all activity among religious zealots, all of them prepared to kill fellow Muslim Pakistanis for not practicing a pure form of Islam. Unfortunately, under civilian rule the country fared no better, with widespread corruption, nepotism, and inept leadership lead-ing to economic quagmire. This is a very brief history of Pakistan, but this book is not an elaboration of historical facts, as there is an overabundance of literature available on the state, the society, and the history of Pakistan. This book focuses on contemporary practices of violent extremism fueled by the state itself as part of its national security narrative to curb existential threats to the identity of Pakistan.

Since 9/11 and to date, Pakistan has encountered the worst possible existen-tial threat in the form of societal radicalization on top of political instability and myriad problems of regional insecurity and economic fragility. This book focuses on the domestic sources of radicalization, critically examines them, and, on a prescriptive note, puts forward a case for countering violent extremism (CVE) by exposing such practices. This does not mean that the global forces involved in radicalizing Pakistan society will be totally ignored, as to a large extent the coun-try was at the receiving end of a power struggle between the USA and the former

8 Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

USSR during the cold war and played a part in a long proxy war in Afghanistan at the behest of America. However, the objective of this book is more related to self-examination and primarily on countering violent extremism (CVE) at a societal level. Through an interpretive framework and by focusing on different facets of critical radicalization, this book explains the causes for the failure of the counter-radicalization efforts of the state. It also avoids a theoretical straitjacket, and ‘methodological eclecticism’ is adopted in order to accommodate contribu-tions from varied perspectives (Katzeinstein et al. 2010). Methodological eclecti-cism does not mean that there is no common thread to these chapters; it merely refers to the fact that a free hand has been given to all contributors to analyze data according to their chosen methodological framework. On the use of eclecti-cism, certain features are woven around all contributions, such as criticism of existing practices of powerful actors, a reliance on the perspectives on radicaliza-tion of the people, and a prescriptive tone for counter-radicalization. Furthermore, thematic analysis of this book puts these chapters into three distinct categories. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 focus on educational norms as practiced in Pakistan’s schools and universities and all three criticize the existing curricula taught as well as the pedagogical practices adopted for knowledge dissemination. Chapter 5 critically engages with the religious aspect of radicalization while Chapters 6 and 7 are both geopolitical ones, wherein both regional (India–Pakistan), as well as local case studies on Pakistan’s restive province of Khyber Pakhtonkha (KP), are discussed with reference to radicalization. The synopsis of these chapters are given in detail in the next section. Here it is sufficient to say that eclecticism is not adopted as a free joyride for everyone, rather it is carefully adopted for better understanding of cases through an overarching structure of critique by bringing to light the perspec-tive of the people.

Hence the scope of this book is clearly tilted toward reforming the educational system of Pakistan, whether this is temporal education in the shape of curricula being taught at elite schools, government schools, and universities, or religious education as practiced by the Shia and Sunni sects in Pakistan. This is because there is a close nexus between a radicalized mind and the type of information being imbibed by that mind in the form of education. However, in addition to educational norms the chapters on geopolitical aspects of radicalization discuss these from the vantage point of state policies toward constructing rivalry in the region as well as toward its restive areas, such as KP province.

Structure of the book The overarching structure of this book will engage critically with the phenom-enon of radicalization in Pakistan by discussing it thematically from three dis-tinct aspects; educational, religious, and geopolitical. In these three thematic approaches, the contributors have questioned the prevalent practices of dominant actors that are presumed to curb the flames of radicalization but are in fact pav-ing the way for its conflagration in the state of Pakistan. In sum, there are eight chapters, including this introductory chapter, divided into three distinct sections.

Introduction 9

The first section of this book critically analyzes the educational curriculum in Pakistan in order to devise certain counter-radicalization prescriptions through educational norms. This section is composed of three chapters (Chapters 2 to 4). All three of these chapters look at the educational system of Pakistan and dis-cuss radicalization as the by-product of educational curricula. In Chapter 2, titled ‘Education and radicalization in Pakistan: a post-colonial perspective,’ Fatima Sajjad will question the prevalent post-9/11 global policy of education for secu-rity with an argument that these practices are themselves embedded in dominant forms of subjugation. She will cast a wider theoretical net of critical theories which include Critical Post-Colonial Theory, Critical Pedagogy, and Critical Race Theory. Her analysis will also reflect upon the conventional wisdom of madrassas being the fountain spring of radicalization in Pakistan. The global mind-set is that these madrassas operate within Pakistan with impunity and that the state is fearful of the mushrooming of these institutions. She will debunk this myth and instead will focus on current global neo-liberal educational reforms, which are portrayed as an effective tool to counter violent extremism. In this regard, her analysis will be of global educational practices, particularly of the Cambridge International Examination (CIE) at higher secondary-school level, in Pakistan and how their pedagogical techniques discourage any form of questioning and critical thinking that might lead pupils into a radical mind-set. Her work will further juxtapose the curricula of madrassa education with that of elitist schools in Pakistan. Her argu-ment will reveal the hollowness behind the claim of the neoliberal educational framework to be a conduit for counter-radicalization in developing societies. The prescriptive value of her chapter encourages critical thinking in education with the aim of emancipating thought processes, as the only way forward to halt radicaliza-tion in Pakistan.

In a similar vein, Asher’s contribution in Chapter 3, titled, ‘Teaching toward a culture of peace: Analysis of Islamiat and ethics textbooks,’ looks at religious education (RE) in Pakistan by exploring the state-guided compulsory Islamic studies textbooks, where he will perform a content analysis of these books by arguing that there is no space given to the worldviews of minorities. Minorities in Pakistan are usually given an option to study ethics books in lieu of the religious Islamiat textbooks. He has developed a self-proclaimed criterion of promoting universal ethical values through education based upon positive concept, inner peace, social peace, respect for life in all forms, and peace with nature. The lack of progression of minorities born in Pakistan is a fait accompli wherein the state apparatus does not allow minorities a level playing field. At a normative level, he will argue the case for promoting ‘universal ethical values’ for a multi-ethno-religious pluralistic Pakistani society. He will further elaborate why there is a monolithic construction of religion in books by the Pakistani state elites.

In Chapter 4, titled ‘Infusing cultural diversity into Pakistan studies textbooks: An analysis of textbooks and teachers’ perspectives,’ Yaar Muhammad and Peter Bret will focus on the cultural diversity of Pakistan. Both will discuss the latest Pakistan secondary school curriculum policy and will argue that it inadequately accommodates the cultural diversity of the state. They adopt a methodology of

10 Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

content analysis of the educational policies and also triangulate their data by qualitative interviews of secondary-school teachers. This approach focuses at the cognition level and will highlight how the state conveniently put forward its own (mis)information agenda by sacrificing local voices in the guise of supreme national interests. They will explain how cultural diversity is being sidelined by the state due to its obsession with the ideology of carving out one nation through ethno-linguistically disparate regions. For both authors, the disrespect shown by the Pakistani state toward its own cultural diversity is the source of extremism among various communities living in Pakistan.

The second section deals with religious norms, especially the sectarian issue of Shia and Sunni in Pakistan. In this religious realm, in Chapter 5, ‘Pacifying Sunni–Shī’ite relations in Pakistan: Patterns of (de)humanization and prospects for trust-building,’ Sohaib Ali and Fatima Sajjad will approach the volatile issue of sectarianism in Pakistan from a very different vantage point. Sectarian radi-calization has become an acute problem in Pakistan and this study will employ discursive construction of the humanizing and dehumanizing discourses found in both Shia and Sunni literature. Conventionally, Sunni and Shia practices are considered to be at opposite extremes, with no point of convergence between the two; however in this chapter Sohaib Ali will argue otherwise. He will adopt a Foucauldian discourse analysis to discuss some of the practices and rhetoric used by the Shia and Sunni elites for ‘humanizing’ the other as a means of rapproche-ment between the two and to pacify the radical elements found in abundance in the two opposing sects in Pakistan. This is, again, a unique perspective, as usually, we found violent interaction between the two sects in Pakistan and the rheto-ric and practices that are encouraging cordiality between rival Shia and Sunni sects have hitherto remained unexplored and have been ignored because of vested interests. This Shia–Sunni schism is a major source of radicalization in Pakistani society. He will further elaborate the Pakistani state’s latest initiative of Paigham-e-Pakistan (message from Pakistan) which is a peace declaration jointly issued by all major sects in January 2018.

The third section of this book is on the geopolitical aspects of radicalization in Pakistan. On the geopolitical side, there are two chapters (Chapters 6 and 7) focused on understanding radicalization at the regional level as well as at the state level. At the regional level, in Chapter 6, titled ‘The radicalized regional order of India–Pakistan and prospects of a security community,’ Pervez will examine India–Pakistan societies and will argue that radicalization is part of a perpetual rivalry constructed by the elites of these two states and that their practices are fueling violence in their respective societies. Pakistan lies in South Asia and the whole region is held hostage to the rivalry between India and Pakistan. There are two dominant actors in the societies of both states: the army in the case of Pakistan and Hindu fundamental parties in the shape of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India. The army has ruled Pakistan both directly and indirectly and has been involved in the self-fulfilling prophesy of portraying itself as the savior of the nation by constructing the image of a rival India as the sole nemesis of the state of Pakistan. Ironically, the situation in India is similar in that a right-wing

Introduction 11

fundamental Hindu party (BJP) is on the rise and its electoral success is largely dependent upon an anti-Pakistan stance coupled with slogans of ‘Hindutva,’ an ultra-orthodox ideology of Hindu rule in India with intolerance toward all minori-ties, especially Muslims (Pervez 2013). In August 2019 the Indian Prime Minister Narinder Modi and his BJP party revoked the special status (Article 370 of the Indian Constitution) of the only Indian Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir. In 2019 Prime Minister Modi also brought forward amendments to the citizenship act of 1955 whereby Muslims have been specifically discriminated against when applying for Indian citizenship. There seems to be a connivance of interests between political party ideology (BJP) and the practices of its elites (Pervez 2019).

Ultimately, Pakistan sharing long borders with India and home to a large Muslim population means it is at loggerheads with India and both countries are involved in constructing an antagonistic regional order; an order that needs care-ful inspection as to how the practices of the elites of both states develop patterns of rivalry through sociocultural norms of societies. Pervez’ conceptualization of security is based on the everyday practices of elites and his notion of ontologi-cal security depends upon how elites develop a sense of existential threat among ordinary people for their own vested interests. He critically analyzes the compul-sory history textbooks found in both India and Pakistan and will show how the elites of both states propagate radicalization through educational norms. These norms are found abundantly in the textbooks of both states which are regularly taught to young students from primary to university level, and the excessive use of these books ensures that young minds are not in a position to question conven-tional wisdom and are bound to follow the state-constructed narrative on iden-tity and security. Pervez also adopts a popular culture methodology in which he will perform an interpretative analysis of award-winning Indian films based on India–Pakistan rivalry and how these films portray ‘the other’ as ones’ nemesis. The censorship policies of the state again expose the elites, who are hell-bent on propagating radicalization in each other’s societies. This has so far led to regional chaos and instability coupled with insecurity in the lives of millions of people on the subcontinent. On a prescriptive note, his chapter will further elaborate the contours of a hypothetical security community as a conduit of peace in one of the most radicalized region (South-Asia) of the world.

In Chapter 7, at the local (state) political level, ‘Deconstructing the myth of Pashtuns as a nation of extremists and warriors: Causes of radicalization in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,’ Arshad Ali and Fazal Subhan will produce a case study of radicalization in Pashtun society in the northwest Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province of Pakistan. In 2007, the Pakistani Taliban took over not only the lawless tribal areas (previously the FATA region) but also established control over settled areas in the Malakand Division of the KP province from 2007 to 2009, until the army got it back in 2009. Arshad and Subhan will deconstruct the conventional wisdom, or the myth, of Pashtun being extremist and warrior-like with radicaliza-tion embedded in their social structure and traditional norms and values. They will argue that Pashtun society has been transformed into an extremist society by the

12 Muhammad Shoaib Pervez

post-colonial garrison state of Pakistan for its own strategic interests. This chapter will further explore what went wrong in the Pashtun society and in spite of the tall claims of the state to be the region’s savior, there are still lingering suspicion between the military and the local population which is concocting a radicalized society at the local level.

In Chapter 8, a conclusion will be drawn based on the various arguments offered by the contributors of this volume by stressing upon the need to under-stand radicalization in Pakistan from a popular prespective. This is the only way forward for state elites to devise counter-radicalization strategies and to bring peace and harmony in the volatile South Asian region.

All contributors follow a broad overlay of critical radicalization by questioning the dominant state-constructed narrative and how it carries seeds of radicalization for Pakistani society. All of the chapters also promote a popular perspective for an inclusive radicalization policy. This is because radicalization is a problem of minds, which requires avenues of dialogue for constructive engagement. This can help the Pakistan state come up with tangible results while warding off radicaliza-tion. All contributors to chapters in this book agree on the ‘punchline’ that ‘cogni-tive processes depend fundamentally on and cannot be meaningfully understood independent of socio-cultural and historical processes’ (Nabuzuka et al. 2010). A critical appraisal of current practices will bring to light new thinking on halt-ing the scourge of radicalization in Pakistan. It is this broader overlay which weaves all the individual contributions of this book into one cohesive framework. Furthermore, radicalization is taken to be a process in which means will justify the ends. In this book, we have questioned some of the means adopted for countering violent extremism in Pakistan. I hope that this book will generate more questions for future research in the problematic area of understanding radicalization in post-colonial countries such as Pakistan.

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