Norman Fainstein Presented at the Built Environment Research Seminars Faculty of Built Environment University of New South Wales, Australia 16 October 2013 Public Housing in Hong Kong and Singapore
Norman Fainstein
Presented at the Built Environment Research Seminars Faculty of Built Environment University of New South Wales, Australia 16 October 2013
Public Housing in Hong Kong and Singapore
Exceptional character of 2 Asian city-states
Despite tide of neo-liberalism still very large public housing programs
Housing development as basis of land planning
Public housing used as driver of economic growth
Public housing as basis of political legitimacy—and in Singapore of social policy: ethnic, family, and retirement
HK and Singapore: similarities
Origins of program in British colonial administration during period of new town development and council housing construction in Britain
Public ownership of land
Perceived need to resettle from squatter settlements (HK) and kampongs (Sg)
Large proportion of resident population in public housing (30% in HK public rental; 18% in subsidized owner-occupied; 83% in Sg, almost all owner-occupied)
Dominance of high-rise landscape
HK and Singapore: Differences
HK: situational responses to disasters and political unrest
under continued colonial rule; Sg: post-independence leadership strategic commitment to planning and an “ownership” (not “welfare”) state
HK: units very small with increasing residualization
(household of 4 @ 45 m2); Sg: better quality, much larger (90 m2) and include middle and UM classes
HK: mainly rental, privatization through right to buy and
subsidies to suppliers; Sg: individual ownership of units in HDB “condominiums”; right to sell in secondary market and keep most capital gains
Hong Kong Character and aims of program have changed
substantially since its inception; increasingly similar to West, influenced by Thatcherism and neo-liberalism
Strong influence of real estate industry, which has suppressed public-sector competition
Most construction in outlying New Territories, not well served with amenities or transit, though with site planning
Eligibility based on need, leading to stigmatization Nonetheless, government retains land ownership and
almost half of “official” population still resides in public housing.
Hong Kong: Shek Kip Mei Estate (oldest public housing project)
Hong Kong—new public housing
Singapore: required individual and employer funds as basis for housing demand along with public subsidy
Compulsory individual savings accounts (Central Provident Fund [CPF]), now about 33% of wages (of which 13% from employer)
Individual ownership of unit paid for by CPF mortgages at
2.6% interest. Housing and Development Board (HDB) ownership of buildings.
All land owned by public; originally acquired through
compulsory taking at confiscatory prices , with public capturing the unearned increment from new investment
HDB housing
One million flats constructed since 1960, housing more than 83% of resident population
Total demolition of pre-existing environment—hawkers removed to hawkers’ markets. Currently, for renewal of early projects, building occupants are moved en bloc
High rise/garden city--high quality landscaping, a lot of greenery, amenities and services for daily needs
Continuous reinvestment—small rooms but high quality
HDB existing housing, Jurong Lake District
HDB housing—”The Pinnacle” + restored shop houses
Issues raised by Singapore program
Ethnic integration policy
Family social engineering through housing policy
Tensions and contradictions of price management Secondary market prices correlate w. private condos “Welfare burden” requires capital appreciation and rising
resale values
Need to maintain and increase aggregate demand—requires immigration given low resident fertility, but immigration unpopular
Failure to plan for housing of large and growing contract-labor population: the new global other
Some lessons from HK and Singapore Even at the huge scale of Hong Kong and with original public
support, steady peripheralization and erosion is accompanying reassertion of private real estate interests
Singapore shows the tensions and limits of even excellent and ubiquitous public housing as the centerpiece of both private ownership and social policy
Neither Hong Kong nor Singapore seem able to address the needs of very large global other labor populations
And as a codicil: it looks to us like the more citizen participation in both cities, the more difficult it is for government to address the housing needs of non-citizens!