Public and higher education policies influencing African-American women

Higher Education 17:563-580 (1988) �9 Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht - Printed in the Netherlands

Public and higher education policies influencing African-American women*

BEVERLY L I N D S A Y

College of Education, University of Georgia, Athens', Georgia 30602, USA

Abstract. This article examines critically the position of African-American women in relation to public and higher education policies. Post-baccalaureate students (graduate and professional), faculty, and administrators are the foci. The article examines the following: (1) legislative, judicial, and executive decisions influencing African-American women; (2) the development and implemen- tation of public and higher education policies with special focus on the State of Georgia; (3) a descriptive statistical analysis of where African-American women are situated in higher education; (4) the establishment of programs to enhance African-American representation in higher edu- cation; and (5) future policy research issues including those which analyze interactive nexuses among federal and individual state and higher education policies.

I believe that we still have not moved far enough along in our efforts to reach

a point where we can be un i fo rm in our admin is t ra t ion of policies. [Certain]

policies, such as af f i rmat ive action, can be just i f ied phi losophical ly and

polit ically for a test of fairness if we can say a certain group exists [in its

present condi t ion] because of past government policies that have denied

oppor tun i ty . (Terrel H. Bell, Former Secretary of the Uni ted States Depart-

ment of Educa t ion , June 1987).

W h e n mak ing these comments , former Secretary Bell was acknowledging the

rote of the state in the process of policy fo rmula t ion and change affecting

educa t iona l oppor tuni t ies for discr iminated groups. In the Uni ted States of

Amer ica , these groups most of ten mean minori t ies - Blacks, Hispanics ,

Asians , and Native Amer icans - and women.

Cur ren t compara t ive educat ion research (Stromquist , 1987; Ca rnoy & Le-

vin, 1985; Ruggie, 1984; Jaggar, 1983)focuses on the " s t a t e " as the med ia t ing

agency which affects par t ic ipat ion in social ins t i tut ions and in formal edu-

ca t ional systems. Dur ing historical and con tempora ry periods the state - at

both the federal and individual state level - has always had direct impact on

the lives of all Af r i can-Amer icans .

This article examines critically Af r i can -Amer ican women in publ ic and

* Initial research for this article was collected while the author was an American Council on Education Fellow at the National Institute of Education, United States Department of Edu- cation. The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect those of the Education Department, or any other bodies with which the author has been affiliated.

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higher education. Post-baccalaureate students (graduate and professional), faculty, and administrators are the foci. It is these groups who are or can become policymakers. Yet, there is relatively little work which concentrates on African-American women who are in post-baccalaureate studies or po- sitions which are requisities for moving into executive or policymaking roles (Blackwell, 1981; Thomas, 1986; Trent & Copeland, 1987; Pruitt, 1987b). Various conditions influencing African-American women are similar to those of Black men, and of women in general. Hence, data and illustrations for these groups are presented. Moreover, there are judicial and legislative decisions which are often viewed as pertaining exclusively to minorities, exclusively to women, and /or both women and minorities (La Morte, 1987; Cheng, 1987).

This article examines the following: (1) legislative, judicial, and executive decisions at the federal and individual state levels which affect African- American women; (2) the development and implementation of public and higher education policies with special focus on the State of Georgia; (3) a descriptive statistical analysis of African-American women in higher education with some special focus on the contributions of historically African-American colleges; (4) the establishment of programs to enhance African-American representation in higher education; an d (5) future policy research issues including those which analyze interactive nexuses among federal and individu- al state and higher education institutional policies.

Legislative, judicial, and executive judicial decisions affecting African-American women

While historically Black colleges contributed to the education of African- Americans during the past century, most public institutions operated within a framework of federally imposed de jure segregation within individual states. Indeed, the 1890 federal Morrill Act establishing land grant institutions for Black Americans further solidified dual education systems. This and other

segregated systems were completely legalized by the 1896 Plessy vs. Ferguson Supreme Court decision.

This decision remained in effect until 1935 when the Court considered Murray vs. University of Maryland. In that case the African-American plaintiff was deniedadmiss ion to the law school. Because Maryland had provided no law school for African-Americans, the state court issued a writ of mandamus wherein the University was to admit Murray. In the 1938 Supreme Court decision, Gaines vs. Missouri, the principle was established that if individual states did not provide educational facilities for African- Americans equal to those provided for whites, then African-Americans were to be admitted to white institutions. Ironically, more graduate and profession-

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al schools were established within public African-American institutions. In Sweatt vs. Painter (1950), the Supreme Court ordered the admission of an African American to a professional school previously restricted to whites because the African American school (established by the state) did not offer equal educational facilities (Haynes, 1978:I-3 - I-8; Fleming, 1981: 13-15). Despite these decisions and ostensible higher education policies to admit African-Americans, statewide dual systems of public higher education remained in the South.

As a result of precedents established in these cases which involved higher education, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) challenged the doctrine of "separate but equal" in public edu- cation. The Supreme Court decided in 1954, in Brown vs. Board o f Edu-

cation, that separate but equal (that is, de jure segregation) was unconstitution- al in elementary and secondary public schools. During the 1960s, several legislative and executive decisions were enacted which affected minorities and women in higher education. The United States Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to prohibit discrimination due to race, color, religion, sex, or national origin in employment policies and practices.

Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibits federal support of public educational institutions which practice discrimination and segregation. In 1970, the Legal Defense Fund of the NAACP filed suit against the then Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) in Adams vs. Richard-

son. The suit was filed on behalf of students who attended public colleges that segregated and discriminated on the basis of race and on the part of citizen taxpayers whose taxes were being expended by HEW in the form of grants to public colleges. The plaintiffs contended that:

HEW had thus knowingly failed, and continues to fail, to withhold federal funds from public colleges and universities which segregate and discriminate on the grounds of race. HEW has thus declined to exercise its jurisdiction under Title VI with respect to institutions of higher education. (Haynes, 1979: 3).

Title VI was not being enforced in 10 (primarily Southern) states: Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklaho- ma, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. Nineteen states were eventually included since they maintained dual systems of higher education.

The structure of higher education did not lend itself readily to desegregation solutions developed for primary and secondary public school districts.

The problem of integrating higher education must be dealt with on a statewide rather than a school-by-school basis. Perhaps the most serious

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problem.., is the lack of statewide planning to provide more and better trained minority group.., professionals. A predicate for minority access to quality postgraduate programs is a viable, coordinated statewide higher education policy that takes into account the special problems of minority students and black colleges. (Haynes, 1979: 5).

The role of the federal, state, and institutional policies are inextricably linked. In 1973, plans were submitted by the A d a m s states (except Louisiana and

Mississippi) in accord with Office for Civil Rights (OCR) criteria which stipulated that desegregation requires an effective statewide approach; that African-Americans must have input into the state planning process; that the plans must not place a disproportionate burden of implementation upon African-American students, faculties, or institutions; and procedures must be undertaken to upgrade predominantly African-American institutions so they can become viable partners in the states' higher education system. The Legal Defense Fund contended that the state plans which were accepted by OCR in June 1974 did not fulfill the court requirements.

In 1977, as a result of new orders, the criteria for revising plans from the A d a m s states provided for: (1) increasing minority presence at predominantly white institutions by admitting a larger number of African-American students and by providing services aimed at retention; (2) enhancing predominantly African-American institutions in terms of facilities and resources that are provided and insuring quality programs; (3) having a significant percentage of other-race faculty at predominantly white and predominantly African- American institutions; (4) increasing the Black presence on governing boards; (5) reviewing institutional programs and ending duplication; and (6) develop- ing reporting and monitoring mechanisms to evaluate progress in the imple- mentation of the plans (Haynes, 1979: 9-11; Nettles, forthcoming).

The Center for Law and Social Policy, as Counsel for the Women's Equity Action League, argued successfully that the academic marketplace is biased against women. Hence, gender considerations were included "in the A d a m s

case. Title IX of the 1972 Education Amendment Act, which forbade discrimi- nation based upon sex, was central to the Center's argument. Affirmative action plans pertaining to women were included in the revised criteria (Var- gyas, 1987; Pruitt, 1987b: 181). Both racial desegregation and gender discrimi- nation were then integral to the Adams ' legislative and judicial decisions.

The development of policies and plans and mechanisms for implementation became central concerns of African-Americans affected by Adams. Martin (1977: 9-10) and Blackwell (1987: 16-18) present concerns of administrators, professional organizations, and local citizens regarding the planning and implementation of Adams. Particular lessons from the Brown case were foremost in their minds. For example, many African-Americans schools were

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closed and their administrators and faculty displaced. Central policy and planning questions included: What does dismantling a dual system of higher

education entail? What will be the continuing or new roles of historically African-American colleges? What impact will the dismantling have on overall post-secondary educational opportunities for African-Americans?

Quite noticeable was the absence of questions focusing on women, although prohibitions against gender discrimination were now included. This absence may reflect the centrality of race as the dominant issue for African-Americans. Gender, in this context, is relegated to a lesser concern (Joseph & Lewis, 1981; Lindsay, 1983). Two women state-level leaders in North and South Carolina, were at the forefront of the Adams case and their concerns primarily centered on racial discrimination. The absence of gender considerations also highlights the secondary status for African-American women in higher education. It reflects fundamentally divergent perspectives regarding racial issues as well. Some African-American administrators and scholars advocate the idea of a higher education system whereby all institutions are integrated. Others argued that total integration would make African-American institutions anachron- isms and displace their distinct culture and education. Still others contend that Adams could foster desegregation and simultaneously enhance historically African-American colleges, which is the central intent of the legal arguments contained in the original Adams litigations (Blackwell, 1987: 11, 13, 15).

Such disparate views among African-Americans, state-level agencies, and federal agencies illustrate the herculean task of translating judicial and execu- tive decisions into policies and plans.

Public and higher education policies

Public policies may be viewed as the plans of action to accomplish some goals of the federal or state governments or organizations. Legislation, judicial decisions, or executive actions are the bases for public policies which are often influenced by fiscal and budgetary considerations (Klein, 1987). Federal and state legislators may pass laws ranging from those which contain very compre- hensive statements to those which are quite specific and detailed. Often the executive branches of the federal or individual state governments develop regulations specifying how the laws should be implemented. The development of policy statements or regulations are influenced by judicial decisions as in the Adams case.

Within higher education, polici~es are overall procedures or methods design- ed for program administration. Policy implementation should be based upon a comprehension of the major program components, that is, as part of a state system and as an individual unit within the state. In a somewhat ideal sense,

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policies are based upon an underlying philosophical premise as part of the milieu of that higher education system, as fundamental premises in laws, or

in interpretations by the judiciary. With reference to the A d a m s case, the nexuses are among overall Federal policies as called for in the judicial decision, outlined by the OCR, and responded (to) by state bodies such as the Board of Regents. Individual higher education institutions, while developing some institutional policies, are responding as units within the statewide system. Both state and institutional policies are designed to bring about formal change, although change may not be in the anticipated direction since informal patterns

are constantly operating. Hatvany (1982), Blackwell (1981: 320-321) and Klein (1987) posit that

planning is central to policy formulation, The Board of Regents at the state level engages in overall strategic planning for the system, individual univer- sities or colleges formulate strategies and engage in operational or logistical planning. All types of planning are necessary and must be continually inter-

related. With this framework for policy and planning in mind, illustrations are cited

from the state of Georgia. There are several reasons for focusing on Georgia. In Georgia, there are three historically Black colleges; it is often perceived as

being moderate on desegregation pertaining to Adams; and the Board of Regents is the governing body for the 34 public higher education institutions. The Board receives an annual appropriation from the Georgia Legislature and determines the allocation of funds for each constituent institution. It is the Office of the Chancellor, on behalf of the Board of Regents, which prepares responses to the OCR guidelines pertaining to A d a m s for the entire state public higher education system. This Office and the Board are responsible for anticipated and unanticipated outcomes of state and higher education poli-

cies. In July 1974, the A d a m s desegregation plans submitted by the Board of

Regents were appi-oved. Subsequently, the OCR required revised plans for Georgia and other A d a m s states. New litigation specifically stated that Georgia had made little progress in desegregation and some regression had occurred. Other concerns for Georgia focused on the absence of a comprehensive statewide plan since all individual units of the University System were not included in long-range assessments of program duplication; the plan ignored the African-American land grant college's status and failed to provide ade- quate resources to upgrade research, training, and extension in agriculture and related areas; and special programs differed greatly from college to college.

Four of the major Office for Civil Rights' goals included: eradication of a dual system of higher education; racial mix among students in all institutions and at all levels; adequate representation of African-Americans and women as faculty, administrators, and on governing boards; and establishment of an

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ongoing system of monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of the plan (Holmes, 1979: 128-130; Hill, 1984: 15).

After considerable debate, the Georgia Board of Regents decided upon several system-wide changes to meet OCR's four major goals. One such change involved transferring programs from one site to another. The School of Education at Savannah State College (a historically African-American insti- tution) was transferred to Armstrong State (a white institution). The School of Business was transferred from Armstrong State to Savannah. The Georgia plan entailed eliminating duplicate programs in close proximity and all vestiges of de facto segregation. Other race students, faculty, and administrators would be present at the respective institutions (Godard, 1981: 38).

The Board of Regents agreed to continue affirmative action plans which were originally specified in 1977. Through this mechanism, a clearinghouse vitae bank was established. The plan specifically called for measures to increase the number of minorities and women in categories where their present employment is less than that expected by the available job market. Each unit of the system was to prepare and monitor its own affirmative action plan; and individual unit presidents were to establish goals at their institutions (Holmes, 1979: 136). Each of the very specific OCR recommendations regarding insti- tutional mix for faculty and administrators and monitoring and evaluation, were to be addressed thoroughly by the respective offices of the president. The higher education system-wide plans were approved in 1978 and amended in 1983.

The Governor of Georgia appoints the Board of Regents. In 1978, the Governor reappointed one African-American Board member; later he appoint- ed others. Currently, three African-Americans, two men and one woman, are members of the 15-person Board. The immediate past Chair and the Vice- Chair are African-American men who were eminent leaders in expressing African-American concerns regarding the impact of the Adams case on minorities. Thus, it appears that Georgia has addressed OCR's concerns.

Overall Georgia statewide statistics indicate a guardedly optimistic portrait for both public and private institutions regarding degrees awarded - the real indicator of success for the institution and individual students. In Georgia, for instance, 47 Blacks (26 men and 21 women) earned doctorates in 1975-76; the figure increased to 56 in 1984-85 (U.S. Dept. of Ed., 1979; forthcoming). The former year represents the first academic year after several initial individual state plans were approved in accord with the Adams case. The latter year represent nearly a 10-year span and the period for the most recent comprehen- sive statistics.

The portrait is not as bright at two comprehensive public universities. At the University of Georgia, in 1975-76, eight doctoral degress (7 men and 1 woman) were awarded to African-Americans. In 1984-85, only five were

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awarded - all to African-American women. The law school awarded three degrees to African-Americans in 1975-76 (all to men) and 12 in 1984-85 (8 men and 4 women). At the masters and educational specialist levels, 93 were awarded in 1975-76 (29 men and 64 women). In 1984-85, 37 (12 men and 25 women) were awarded (University of Georgia, Office of Institutional Re- search, t976, 1985). At Georgia State University, 10 doctorates were awarded in 1975-76 to African-Americans (7 men and 3 women). By 1984-85, the figures increased slightly to 14 (5 men and 9 women). In 1975-76, the law school had not awarded degrees to anyone. Five law degrees were awarded in 1984-85 to African-Americans (3 men and 2 women). In 1975-76, 297 masters and specialist degrees ware awarded (105 men and 192 women). Unfortunately, this figure decreased to 142 (38 men and 104 women) in 1984-85 (Georgia State

University, Office of the Registrar, 1976, 1985). As points of comparison, the University of Georgia awarded 273 doctorates

to whites in 1975-76 (209 men and 64 women) and 288 (182 men and 106 women) in 1984-85 (University of Georgia, Office of Institutional Research, 1976, 1985). Georgia State University awarded 85 (61 men and 24 women) doctorates to whites in 1975-76 and 103 (40 men and 63 women) in 1984-85 (Georgia State University, Office of the Registrar, 1976, 1985).

There were seven African-American faculty level appointees in 1974 and 1975 and 25 in 1986 (17 men and 8 women) although several were not tenure line positions and only one male was a full professor. African-Americans still were only 1.4% of the faculty at the University of Georgia. No African-Ameri- cans were in senior administrative positions in 1974. Nine administrative appointees were listed for 1986; only one was in a senior administrative position (Reid, May 17, 1987:1; UGA Affirmative Action Office, June 1987).

It may be helpful to present national statistics on African-American women in higher education in comparison to men and white women. This portrayal may lead to a closer identification of institutional and state policies which have affected the participation of Black women in colleges and universities.

African-American women in higher education

Baccalaureate degrees form the pool for graduate and professional schools. In 1975-76,1 white males were awarded 444,682 degrees followed by white females (366,917), African-American women (33,488), and men (25,634). By 1984-85, the highest numbers were awarded to white women (407,349), men (391,164). African-American women (331080), and men (21,794). While the percentage for white men declined by 12.04% of that in 1975-76, that for African-American men and women decreased by 14.98 % and 1.22 %, respective- ly (U.S. Dept. of Ed., forthcoming a, b, and c).

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White men received the highest number of doctoral degrees in 1975-76 and 1984-85; that is, 20,852 and 14,328, respectively. Similar statistics are evinced for professional degrees earned by white men in 1975-76 and 1984-85:47,819 and 41,513. The smallest number of doc~ral and professional degrees were earned by African-American women. In 1975-76, 442 doctorates and 678 professional degrees were earned. In 1984-85,513 doctorates and 1,348 prof- essional degrees were awarded. Although this represented an increase of 16.06% in doctorates and 98.82% in professional degrees earned by African- American women, the overall numbers are still quite small. Doctorates concen- trating in education are the top field of study regardless of race and gender. Doctorates in psychology represent the second area for African-American and white women. For white men, the physical sciences constitute the second area, while it is social science for African-American men (U.S. Dept. of Ed., forthcoming a, b, and c).

In the geographical area where most historically African-American colleges are located, primarily the South, the awarding of small number of degrees is also the reality. For example, 191 African-American women earned doctorates in 1975-76 and 594 in 1984-85. One hundred thirty-five and 594 professional degrees were awarded to this group during this period.

Hill (1984) provides an in-depth profile of African-American colleges from 1860 to 1982. From the 1860s to the mid-1950s, virtually all African-American professionals attended these institutions. In 1953-54, just before the historical Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka decision, there were approximately 75,000 undergraduates and about 3,200 graduate students in historically African-American colleges. About 1,200 baccalaureate and first-professional and 1,300 master's degrees were awarded. From 1954 to 1982, women students consistently represented 50 to 55% of the undergraduate student body. Of the 3,200 students who matriculated in graduate (essentially masters') programs, 1,351 were men and 1,856 women (Hill, 1984: xii, 13). That is, approximately two-thirds were women. In 1982, women constituted about 56% and 36% of the graduate and professional students (respectively) in historically African- American colleges. In white institutions, women represented about 50% and 28%, respectively. In short, in historically African-American colleges, women constituted about 56% of the baccalaureate, 60~ of the master's, 32~ of the doctorates, and 36~ of the first professional degrees awarded in 1982 (Hill, 1984: 23, 39).

After 1954, African-Americans could legally attend any white institution; yet, there was a continued increase in enrollment athistorically African-Ameri- can institutions through 1980. Baccalaureate and higher degrees awarded increased from about 13,000 in 1954 to 32,000 in 1974, and then declined to about 28,000 in 1982 (Hill, 1984: xiii, xiv). Doctoral programs were established after 1954 and have grown slowly. By the mid-1980s, six African-American

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institutions offered academic doctorates (Prestage, 1984: 63). These colleges awarded 87 doctoral degrees in 1981. Professional degrees (for example, law, medicine, pharmacy, and veterinary medicine) were established in the early 1900s. The number of first-professional degrees remained about 450 per year throughout the 1960s, nearly doubled in the 1970s, and remains about 900 in the mid-1980s (Hill, 1984: xv, 36). The total percentage of African-American degree recipients from African-American and white institutions, represents only about 5% of all doctoral and first-professional degrees earned.

In 1981, African-American institutions employed faculty and administra- tors representing various demographic characteristics. Women accounted for about 40~ of the faculty and other racial and ethnic groups accounted for approximately 30%. Women represent about 27~ of the faculty in white institutions. Two-thirds of African-American faculty members in the southern states were employed by the historically African-American colleges. In 1981 African-Americans composed about 3~ of all full-time faculty in public white colleges and about 2~ in private white colleges (Hill, 1984: 71-72). Within historically African-American colleges, the percentage of women administra- tors (executives, managers, and staff administrators) increased from about 31% in 1975 to 37% in 1981. Three women were presidents (Hill, 1984: 69, 70, 72). In this same year, the approximately 2,900 African-American adminis- trators in these schools represented about 50% of all African-Americans employed as administrators in higher education in the southern states.

An examination of the preceding statistics suggests the continuing need for programs and strategies to increase women's participation despite the contri- butions of historically African-American colleges and federal judicial and executive policies. Specific institutional programs are needed to implement state and institutional policies.

Programs and strategies to increase participation of African-Americans

Programs designed to increase African-American student enrollment at the baccalaureate and graduate levels and the representation of African-Ameri- cans as faculty and administrators at the University of Georgia (the flagship university), other A d a m s states, and throughout the nation have some com- mon characteristics. These include programs designed to enhance chances for success by informing potential students of academic opportunities; addressing academic deficiencies; providing financial assistance; presenting the opportu- nity to work with senior faculty and researchers to pursue graduate and professional degrees; and providing the background to move into administra- tive positions (Blackwell, 1981; Clewell & Ficklen, 1986: 52-53).

Throughout the country developmental education programs are used to

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recruit minority students who need additional preparation to succeed in undergraduate programs. Students who enter through these or similar pro- grams are stigmatized and have difficulty being accepted by their white peers (Loury, 1987; Clewell & Ficklen, 1986). While this view commonly exists, the University of Georgia began revising its developmental studies programs as part of Adams. At this University an overwhelming majority, 87o70, of the developmental studies students are white (Reid, 1987, May 17). Perhaps with this type of balance, the potential exists for providing developmental education to increase chances for success without carrying a burden of stigmatization.

Moreover, minority recruiters and counselors are assigned to admissions offices to extend outreach efforts and to advise African-American students. At the University of Georgia, this institutional mechanism was also used as part of the A d a m s criteria. At the University of Georgia, over 45% of the students transfer from other colleges; in the College of Education approxi- mately 50O/o transfer from two year institutions. Research by Olivas (1979) and Thomas (1981) indicate that approximately 50o/0 of African-Americans are in two year institutions and often fail to transfer to four-year sites. With this in mind, an Associate Dean at th~ College of Education required that recruitment visits be made to two-year sites with a notable percentage of African-American students. It remains to be seen whether this additional effort is successful.

The Regents Opportunity Scholarship was established to attract African- American graduate students as part of Adams. Cooperative educational specialist degree programs are offered between the University of Georgia and Albany State College, a historically African-American institution. Both of these endeavors should increase participation in graduate schools and provide employment opportunities for Black faculty.

The Regents Administrative Development program was established by the Chancellor of the University System in response to A d a m s to increase the pool of potential African-American administrators. Twenty-six faculty - 11 women and 15 men - have completed the program since its inception in 1984 (Regents Administrative Development Program, May 29, 1987). Two have moved into senior line administrative positions at predominantly white institutions.

Despite these and similar programs in Georgia and elsewhere, persistent institutional problems remain. Concurrent with recruitment efforts are the problems of retention and promotion for faculty and administrators, the group that can be role models and mentors. Menges and Exum (1983: 130-133) and Hyer (1985: 282-283) discuss the consistent problems encountered by African-Americans, other minorities, and women when evaluated for tenure and/or promotion. Teaching, research, and service are the three major eval- uation criteria. One problem is that a substantial percentage of these groups engage in teaching and service, more often than their white male colleagues. Studies of select comprehensive research universities clearly indicate that

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women faculty often taught more hours a week than men (Astin, 1981). Research is weighted more heavily in the decision-making process for tenure and promotion.

Second, when research is undertaken, often questions are raised about the foci and quality. Publishing research concentrating on minorities or women, and particularly in journals focused on such scholarship, is often viewed as

peripheral or secondary inquiry. Third, African-Americans and women are more likely to have joint appoint-

ments in a traditional department and in an ethnic or women's studies

program. Serving multiple masters wherein one is trying to meet the faculty evaluation criteria for two departments can be arduous. This dilemma is usually not salient with courtesy appointments (Menges & Exum, 1983: 132-134) which is more often the norm for white male faculty with joint

appointments. Keith (1987), Hyer (1985: 295-296), and Menges and Exum (1983: 137-138)

assert that alternative paradigms for evaluation are mandatory. Merit, which ostensibly focuses on objective criteria, should.be aligned with worth - that which is valuable to the university, to the state, and to minority and women faculty and students. Emphasizing worth only, which is viewed as a subjective criteria, would continue to meet staunch resistance by senior faculty. Incen- tives for faculty research and development through concentrated workshops, grants, and fellowships can enhance the research (merit) and teaching and service (worth) of African-American faculty.

In a somewhat similar vein, Blackwell (1981: 255-256) examines criteria for selection for graduate and professional school. It is often asserted that Afri- can-Americans and other minorities are not "qual i f ied" for post-baccalau- reate programs because their scores are lower than their white male peers. Yet, data indicate that the mean grade point average (GPA) and Law School Aptitude Test (LSAT) for minorities matriculating in the early 1980s are comparable to those for white males in the mid and late 1960s. Keen compet- ition forces GPAs and LSATs to be higher. Surely it cannot be argued that white males who graduated in the mid and late 1960s could not complete graduate and professional education and become attorneys. The salient question is what aptitudes and skills, as measured by objective criteria, are needed to succeed.

The Adams criteria specified the need for monitoring or evaluation. For public and higher educational policies, monitoring or evaluation is essential to ascertain the status of the policies and programs. An initial fundamental question confronting state and higher education institutions is their degree of "prescriptiveness" for policy formulation in response to federal guidelines. Some critics (Haynes, 1981) state that the Federal guidelines are too vague. One senior Federal administrative official stated that some states initially

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submitted "paper plans" regarding A d a m s (Blackwell, 1987: 16-18). Never- theless, state policies must be sufficiently comprehensive to respond to state- wide problems and yet prescriptive enough for initiatives by individual presi- dents. For example, evaluations for faculty and administrators at a major flagship university should be different from those of a four year inst i tut ion with limited post-baccalaureate programs. The president and vice president for academic affairs exert key leadership roles in setting the tone for evaluations at their institutions. This tone should be clearly conveyed especially when an institution has only one " fu l l " African-American professor, regardless of sex.

Keith (May 1987:11) and Clewell and Ficklen (June 1986: 52-55) discuss how leadership by top administrators is a key ingredient in effective policy implementation for increased African-American participation at the insti- tutional level. For example, evaluation policies should include those for hiring faculty and administrators; procedures should be systematized and closely monitored by the office of the academic vice president who then reports directly to the president. This writer posits that evaluations or performance appraisals for line managers, or those with budget authority, must take into account their efforts and success for increasing the participation of African- Americans. Policies of accountability are essential components for administra- tors who ultimately affect changes at their institutions.

The interactive relations among federal policies, state policies, and insti- tutional policies must constantly be taken into account regarding endeavors to increase minority participation in higher education. Institutional plans are monitored and evaluated separately and as part of a statewide A d a m s man-

Legislative Executive

Judicial Branches

I I Federal olioy I

Federal Programs* ~ ~ . ~ .

I State Policies I < > Evaluations

State Programs ~ ~ ~ ~ "~

I Instltutional Poliele~ I

Institutional Programs

Figure 1." Components in developing and evaluating public and higher education policies.

* Solid lines depict formal relations among policy components while broken lines represent programs which may effect policies at other levels.

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date; state plans are monitored by a federal agency. The evaluation findings at the institutional level can be transmitted to state and federal agencies which can modify criteria in light of what is or is not succesful. The paradigm evinced in Fig. 1 depicts interactive relations. Comprehending the nexuses among federal, state, and institutional policies and the role of evaluation in policy formulation and subsequent program development is essential.

Future policy research issues

An in-depth comprehension of current policies should be examined in light of ongoing policy research questions regarding domestic conditions in the United States and comparisons with those of other societies. Several salient illus-

trations may be cited. The statistics presented earlier in this article indicate that over one-half of

the baccalaureate and masters' degrees awarded by African-American colleges have been earned by women. Approximately 40~ of the faculty and about 37~ of the administrators are women. Are these women represented equitably at all faculty and administrative ranks; or, are they concentrated in entry and middle level positions? For example, only three women occupied the presi- dencies of the 105 African-American colleges in the mid-1980s. Only 15 were presidents throughout the country in 1986 (Ebony, 1986). Spelman College, often viewed as the preeminent African-American women's college, did not have an African-American woman president until July 1987. At African-Ame- rican institutions, one might assert that institutional racial discrimination should not be a factor against African-American women. Thus, to what extent is institutional gender discrimination present? Are the conditions regarding women comparable to those for white women in majority institutions?

To what extent is the absence of African-American women in various positions attributable to problems encountered at majority white institutions where most doctoral degrees are awarded? For example, does gender discrimi- nation become comparable to that experienced by white females, so that race

is less salient? Only two historically African-American colleges are comprehensive research

institutions - Howard and Atlanta Universities. Although the current interim President at Atlanta University is an African-American woman, to what extent are women represented at various levels in such institutions? Do they encounter barriers similar to those encountered at majority institutions? For example, do they have mentors who help them secure their first professional positions regardless of the areas of concentration? In essence, to what extent does the type of higher education institution affect options for African-American

women?

577

Data indicate that white males earn doctorates in education more than in

other disciplines. A body of research does not suggest that white males have

limited their options. It is often asserted that when African-Americans (women

or men) earn doctorates in education, career choices are limited. Doctorates in education can be awarded in over 50 areas suggesting that considerable options should be available. To what extent do recruitment, hiring, and

retention policies still influence employment for women?

Statistics indicate that the percent of white full-time faculty increased by

4.6% from 1977 to 1984. Yet, f rom 1977 to 1984 full-time African-American

faculty in Adams states decreased by nearly 3.7%; the figure was nearly 5.7%

in other states. The decline was slightly less in Adams states. Are public and

higher education policies in such states having a modicum of success so that African-American faculty are being hired and retained more often than in

other states? Or, are non-institutional factors, such as return migration to the

South, the major variables? Related to these questions are the need to assess

manifest and latent functions of public and higher education policies which are influenced by environmental conditions.

As this article goes to press, the United States district judge who issued the

original federal orders calling for the dismantling of dual higher education

systems dismissed the Adams case. Thus, it may become even more important to examine the relationship among environmental factors and manifest and

latent institutional policies. A fundamental question resurfaces: what will be

the impetus within higher education institutions to design policies and pro- grams to enhance participation absent federal and /o r individual state judicial

and executive policies?

How might fruitful comparisons with other countries be undertaken? Are

the conditions affecting women comparable to those observed in domestic policies and programs of developing African countries or in Western European

societies? In many instances, gender discrimination is still witnessed, when race is a constant variable. That is, only one racial group is present, as in most

African nations, and sex discrimination is evident (Lindsay, 1983; Kelly, 1987;

Moore, 1987). What formal state and institutional policies affect women of

African descent in multi-racial societies where race and class distinctions are

quite salient as in England? To what extent does perception of public and

higher education policies emanating f rom legislative and judicial decisions in

such nations affect women of African descent? Responses to such policy-rele- vant questions can contribute to the creation of state and institutional policies so that we can move along in our efforts to reach a point where we can be fair and educational opportunities are not denied.

578

Notes

1. Recall that 1975-76 represents the first academic year after various individual state plans were approved in accord with Adams. The academic year 1984-85 represents nearly a decade and the period for recent comprehensive national statistics.

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