PRIVATIZATION 09ME(34-70-84-134) 1 | Page PRIVATIZATION 01. INTODUCTION: Privatization is the incidence or process of transferring ownership of a business, enterprise, agency or public service from the public sector (the state or government) to the private sector (businesses that operate for a private profit) or to private non-profit organizations. In a broader sense, privatization refers to transfer of any government function to the private sector - including governmental functions like revenue collection and law enforcement. The term "privatization" also has been used to describe two unrelated transactions. The first is a buyout, by the majority owner, of all shares of a public corporation or holding company's stock, privatizing a publicly traded stock, and often described as private equity. The second is ademutualization of a mutual organization or cooperative to form a joint stock company. This article attempts to clarify the meaning of privatization as an idea, as theory and rhetoric, and as a political practice. In the process I hope to explain why I generally oppose privatization, even though I favor some specific proposals that privatization covers. But apart from this political judgment, I take privatization seriously as a policy movement and as a process that show every sign of reconstituting major institutional domains of contemporary society. 02. HISTORY: A long history of privatization dates from Ancient Greece, when governments contracted out almost everything to the private sector. In the Roman Republic private individuals and companies performed the majority of services including tax collection (tax farming), army supplies (military contractors), religious sacrifices and construction. Perhaps one of the first ideological movements towards privatization came during China's golden age of the Han dynasty. In Britain, the privatization of common lands is referred to as enclosure significant privatizations of this nature occurred from 1760 to 1820, coincident with the industrial
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PRIVATIZATION 09ME(34-70-84-134)
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PRIVATIZATION
01. INTODUCTION:
Privatization is the incidence or process of transferring ownership of a business, enterprise,
agency or public service from the public sector (the state or government) to the private
sector (businesses that operate for a private profit) or to private non-profit organizations. In a
broader sense, privatization refers to transfer of any government function to the private sector
- including governmental functions like revenue collection and law enforcement.
The term "privatization" also has been used to describe two unrelated transactions. The first is
a buyout, by the majority owner, of all shares of a public corporation or holding company's
stock, privatizing a publicly traded stock, and often described as private equity. The second is
ademutualization of a mutual organization or cooperative to form a joint stock company.
This article attempts to clarify the meaning of privatization as an idea, as theory and rhetoric,
and as a political practice. In the process I hope to explain why I generally oppose
privatization, even though I favor some specific proposals that privatization covers. But apart
from this political judgment, I take privatization seriously as a policy movement and as a
process that show every sign of reconstituting major institutional domains of contemporary
society.
02. HISTORY:
A long history of privatization dates from Ancient Greece, when governments contracted out
almost everything to the private sector. In the Roman Republic private individuals and
companies performed the majority of services including tax collection (tax farming), army
supplies (military contractors), religious sacrifices and construction. Perhaps one of the first
ideological movements towards privatization came during China's golden age of the Han
dynasty. In Britain, the privatization of common lands is referred to as enclosure significant
privatizations of this nature occurred from 1760 to 1820, coincident with the industrial
The concept of privatisation is not new to the policy makers of this country. It may be traced
as back as in 50s, when Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation (PIDC) was established
in 1952 to boost up the industrial development in the country. This premier Corporation
established over 50 industrial undertakings in the length and breadth of the country and after
their successful operation and management, these units were transferred from the public to
the private sector. The tide of nationalisation, which swept the whole economy in the first
half of 70s, was reversed in 1977. The privatisation of State Owned Enterprises (SOE)
became an important instrument of economic policy of the government in late 80s. However,
it was in 1991 that privatisation process in Pakistan became effective.
Privatisation of SOEs is a multi-faceted, complicated as well as politically and socially
sensitive process. A well-devised privatisation plan of SOEs essentially takes care of all the
stakeholders, which include labour, consumers, investors, government and the economy. It
helps to promote capital, goods and labour markets in the country. The privatisation process
in Pakistan has passed through different phases and it has been very instrumental to redefine
the relationship of private and public business with the government institutions. The
following paragraphs elaborate the history and evolution of privatisation process in Pakistan.
5.1.PRIVATISATION POLICY DURING LATE 1970s
The nationalisation policy of the early 70s increased the size of the public sector to an
unmanageable extent. The nationalisation process also failed to deliver what was expected
from it. In July 1977, the new government introduced the policies of denationalisation,
disinvestment and decentralisation to restore the confidence of private investors. As a part of
these policies, the government announced denationalisation of around 2000 Agro-based
industries, in September, 1977. Apart from that, the government offered a number of SOEs
on Management Contract and introduced performance signaling system, in order to improve
their performance and bring efficiency in operation and management.
In September 1978, Transfer of Managed Establishment Order, was promulgated, which
empowered the Federal Government to offer to the former owners of nationalised industries,
the shares or proprietary interest in acquiring their establishments. This Order explicitly
recognised the pre-emptive right of the previous owners for transferring management.
However, in case there was no positive response from former owners, the government was
free to transfer the management and control to any other party on whatever terms it
considered fit. The Order also envisaged the transfer of management of profit making units.
Due to limited scope of disinvestment policy of the government and lack of any legal and
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institutional framework not much headway was made and only two industrial units were
returned to their former owners, during this period.
5.2.PRIVATISATION POLICY IN 1988 - 90
In December 1988, the new government appointed a British firm M/s N.M. Rothschild in
April 1989, as consultants, to undertake a study on privatisation strategy and selection of
prospective candidates. The consultants submitted their report to the government in May
1989, namely ―Privatisation and Public Participation in Pakistan.‖
The report recommended privatisation on widespread ownership basis as an appropriate
strategy for Pakistan. By "Wide Spread Ownership" the consultants meant development of
Pakistan's capital markets by bringing hundreds of thousands of small savers into share
ownership for the first time. The report, however, warned that wide spread participation
strategy should be carefully structured so as to avoid over ambition on price or size
(particularly at the start), inadequate preparation, inappropriate regulation, insufficient
marketing and lack of communication with the workers. After analysis of more than 50
companies, the consultants short-listed seven companies as potential first candidates for
widespread offers. These included Habib Bank, Muslim Commercial Bank Pakistan National
Shipping Corporation (PNSC), Pakistan International Airlines Corporation (PIAO). Pakistan
State Oil (PSO), Sui Southern Gas Company (SSGC) and Sui Northern Gas Pipelines Ltd
(SNGPL).
On the basis of detailed analysis, SSGC was recommended as the first candidate for
widespread offering. In addition, the report recommended that for further seven companies, a
minority stake could be divested during the five-year programme to the consortia of workers
and private sector parties. The first three such disinvestments were recommended to be in
respect of Pak Saudi Fertilizers, Pak Suzuki and National Refinery.
The consultants also suggested that a new department should be established under the
Ministry of Finance, to co-ordinate the complex transactions involved in wide spread offers.
The establishment of the new department was also recommended on the grounds that it would
be helpful in implementing future privatisation programme of the Government. The report
also indicated the need of financial restructuring of the units identified for privatisation, in
order to make them an attractive proposition. The report further suggested the need of
adopting special techniques, new procedures and incentives to attain wide dispersal of offers
both within the country as well as abroad.
The Government, following the advice of the consultants, first made efforts to privatise
SSGC that was recommended as a leading candidate. However, after having done all the
spade work, the proposal to privatise Sui Southern was abandoned. Instead, it was decided by
the Government in January, 1990 to disinvest 10% shares of PIAC, amounting to Rs 274
million, 30-40% shares of Pak Saudi Fertilizer and 60% shares of Muslim Commercial Bank
(MCB) (Later reduced to 49%) shares). The decision, however, could not be implemented in
full. Only ten percent shares of PIAC were disinvested in May 1990 at par value. Again due
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to lack of institutional framework, legal and other complications the privatisation programme
could not make any headway.
5.3.PRIVATISATION POLICY IN 1991 - 93
Soon after assuming power in November 1990, the then government declared privatisation as
its primary economic policy objective. The agenda of privatisation announced by the
Government covered a wide spectrum of fields like industries, banks, development finance
institutions, tele-communications and infrastructure facilities.
As a first step towards privatisation, a Committee on Dis-investment and De-regulation was
formed. The Committee in its preliminary report, submitted to the government in January
1991, recommended the disinvestment of 118 industrial units, which included 45 nationalized
units taken over during the period 1972-74. The government approved this disinvestment
plan and announced the creation of a Privatization Commission on 22nd
January 1991 to
implement the disinvestment programme within theshortest possible time. The birth of
Privatisation Commission institutionalised privatisation efforts in Pakistan. At the same time,
a Cabinet Committee on Privatisation (CCOP), with the Minister for Finance and Economic
Affairs as its Chairman, was constituted to approve the recommendations of Privatization
Commission.
NOW HIGHLIGHTING THE NEW ERA OF PAKISTAN PRIVATIZATION
5.4. NAWAZ SHARIF PRIVATIZATION.
As Chief Minister Punjab, Nawaz Sharif presided over the liquidation/ privatization of
several units of Punjab Industrial and Development Board (PIDC) like Pasrur Sugar Mills,
Samundri Sugar, Rahwali Sugar, Paras Textile, Harapa Textile and Ghazi Textile. How and
on what prices these units were sold is still a secret but according to Company Review in the
daily DAWN in May 1991, Pasrur Sugar Mills was sold to United Sugar Mills of United
group for a " token price of Rs one only".
Samundri Sugar Mills was sold to Monoos and Rahwali Sugar to a Muslim League politician
Sheikh Mansoor, following single line advertisement in newspapers under the caption, " Bids
invited for Rahwali Sugar Mills". The recklessness and favoritism shown in privatization of
the PIDB units by Chief Minister Nawaz Sharif was to become the hallmark of his
privatization as Prime Minister.
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British Prime Minister from 1979-90 Margaret Thatcher carried out one of the most
successful privatization programme under which nearly four dozen govt. entities including
British Steel, British Airways, the telephone system, water, electric and gas companies, the
coal mines and the railroads were sold for nearly 100 billion dollars. Her promise to " roll
back the frontier of the State" got the fancy of many world leaders. Both Benazir who ruled
Islamabad as prime minister in 1988 and Nawaz Sharif who was the uncrowned King of
Punjab during Bhutto's rule started peddling privatization as the linchpin of their economic
agenda.
In April 1989, within four months of coming into power, Benazir govt. employed
N.M.Rothschild & Sons to undertake study of privatization strategy and selection of projects
suitable for privatization. The consultants who submitted report on 22nd May, 1989
suggested a strategy of widespread ownership and identified 14 units for privatization in two
phases. These units were Muslim Commercial Bank, Habib Bank, PIA, PSO, Sui Northern
Gas Pipeline, Sui Southern, Pakistan National Shipping, Pak-Saudi Fertilizer, National
Refinery, Pak-Suzuki Motors, Gharibwal Cement, Al-Ghazi Tractors, Millat Tractors adn
Mustehkam Cement.
In its first term, Benazir govt. tried to privatize Sui Southern Gas Company and engaged a
British Consultant Morgan Grenfell who were paid US $ 39,431 and a Pakistani Consultant
Sidat Hyder Aslam was paid Rs 4,20,000. However after considerable spade work, proposal
to privatize Sui Southern was dropped and it was decided that 10% shares of PIA, 30-40%
shares of Pak-Saudi Fertilizer and 60% shares of MCB will be privatized. The govt. however
could not carry out the proposed plan and only 10% shares of PIA were divested before
Benazir was dismissed on August 5,1990 giving way to the first Nawaz Sharif government.
Nawaz Sharif was a reaction to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and like Bhutto's nationalization his
privatization was swift. He lacked Bhutto's chrisma but he countered Bhutto's idealogy, by
imitating him. In many ways he imitated Bhutto better than Bhutto's own daughter Benazir.
Within Six weeks of coming into power he privatized Muslim Commercial Bank (MCB) to a
national group of 12 leading industrialists led by Mian Mansha of Nishat . A Privatization
Commission was set up under the chairmanship of General Saeed Qadir who sold off the
State enterprises as hearily as he had poured billions of tax payer's money into building them
as Minister for Production under Zia ul Haq.
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The Commission invited bids for 25 units between March and July 1991 but the results were
not encouraging since no bid was received for nine units and the response for the remaining
units was also poor. In August 1991 the Commission invited bids for 100 units and the
national newspapers described it as the world's single biggest lot offered for privatization. A
total of 235 bids for 81 units were received for which 26 bids were accepted by the govt. In
addition to Privatization Commission of Saeed Qadir, govt. set up a Commission for
Privatization of WAPDA headed by former Secretary Abdul Rahim Mahsud, a committee for
privatization of Pakistan Telecommunication under Deputy Chairman Planning Commission
A G N Kazi and another for privatization of banks headed by Governor State Bank. Completely diverse and independant procedures were worked out for privatization of units of
these four entities.
Nawaz Sharif had earmarked 115 units for privatization and when his government was
dismissed on April 18,1993, he had privatized two banks, 68 industrial units and 10% Shares
of Sui Northern Gas Pipeline for a consideration of Rs 12,018 million. As opposition leader,
Benazir hounded his privatization with charges of corruption and leading to concentration of
wealth in few hands. So widespread were the charges of concentration of wealth that his
government was forced to set up a committee headed by former Finance Secretary H U Beg
to investigate into it. The report of the committee never saw the light of the day.
A committee was also set up in the Monoply Control Authority to look into the allegations
that cement prices have escalated in the market because of the monoply created by the
privatization of five cement factories to Mian Mansha and his associates. Out of 88 industrial
units privatized to date, 19 were vegetable ghee units and 16 roti plants and rice-husking units
while 20 bigger units accounted for more than half of the privatized assets and it were these
units which were privatized to the big business.
Mansha and his associates walked away with MCB and five cement plants, Schon group got
Pak-China Fertilizer and National Fibre, Takakkal got Baluchistan Wheels adn Naya Daur
Motors while Bibojee group of Habib Ullah Khattak got back the National Motors
(Originally Gandhara Motors). An unknown person Sikandar Jatoi was successful in bidding
for Metropolitan Steel, Zeal Pak Cement and Shikarpur Rice.
When Nawaz was dismissed on April 18,1993, the Dissolution Order listed " the lack of
transparency in the process of privatization and in the disposal of public/ govt. properties" as
one of the grounds for dismissal. The Attorny General in his written reply and arguments
before the Supreme Court charged that the process of privatization lacked transparency, the
reference prices were changed, methodology for fixing the reference prices was not made
within the stipulated time and the mode of transfer of management enabled the new owners to
pay the balance from windfall profits.
Although Nawaz government was restored by Supreme Court, three judges found its
privatization to be faulty and in conflict with the provisions of the constitution. The
dissenting Justice Sajjad Ali Shah found corruption in privatization as a valid ground for
dismissal of the government.
5.5. BAYNAZEER BHUTO PRIVATIZATION (1993-96) Benazir Bhutto summed up the corruption in Nawaz Sharif's privatization when she told the
workers of Larkana Sugar Mills in August 1996 that " Ab karkhana sahi keemat per bikey ga
aur sahi aadmi ko meelay ga, (Now the factories will be sold to right people, at right price)".
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Her choice of words conveyed that she was fully aware that under Nawaz Sharif, units had
been privatized to front men at throwaway prices. But instead of plugging the loopholes in
the privatization procedures used by her predecessor she capitalized on them. Though, being
an amateur in corporate matters, and because of poor craftiness of Naveed Qamar as
compared to his predecessor, her bids to privatize United Bank (UBL), Pak-Saudi Fertilizer,
Oil and Gas Development Corporation (OGDC) and sale of Pakistan Petroleum Limited
(PPL) to front men and favorites were aborted by the hue and cry raised by the opposition,
labour unions, press and presidential intervention.
One of her first move, on coming to power, for the second term was to reconstitute
Privatization Commission, merging into it the other three committees dealing with
privatization of WAPDA, Pakistant Telecommunication and banks, appointing Naveed
Qamar, a close friend of her husband Asif Ali Zardari, as its chairman.
Privatization in Pakistan, policy and programme published in January 1994 said that the new
government has carried out a review of the privatization work of Nawaz Sharif and was
preparing to implement its own new mandate.
About Nawaz Sharif's privatization it simply said that " the policy pursued in recent past,
both in its concept and implementation specifically suffered from poor and hasty planning
and a naive assumption taht a complex procedure could be reduced to the level of ordinary
auction. The failure was compounded by weak legal arrangements adn inconclusive labour
issues.
"All this deprived the nation of the fruits of privatization, which were well within reach" it
lamented and went on to identify what PPP government felt was a meaningful privatization
and what ought to be its objectives.
" In many countries, benefits of privatization have trickled down to the consumers, workers,
investors as well as government. Large investments were made by new owners, subsequent to
privatization to expand and diversify production. As a result domestic welfare improved. This
we intend to replicate in Pakistan. The privatization policy envisages the creation of a
mechanism for the reduction of debts so that our children inherit an industrialized, not a
bankrupt nation", the document declared.
" The govt. believes that one of the principal benefits to the nation from privatization of its
public assets is by way of reduction of our public sector debt burden. The burden of domestic
and international debt can be reduced from the sale of those very assets for which the debt
was partially created", it said.
In her second term, Benazir privatized 20 industrial units, one financial institution, Kot Addu
Power Plant and 12% shares of Pakistan.
06.ACCORDING TO THE OFFICIAL REPORT THE
PRIVATIZATION DONE IN THE LAST 20
YEARS IS AS FOLLOW
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AND ACCORDING TO THE WORLD BANK STATISTICS
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07. Modes of privitization in Pakistan:
Public enterprises may be liquidated or divested partially or completely, and the
divestiture may take different forms including flotation of shares in the stock exchange
market, sales through financial institutions and equity tap and outright auction.
7.1• Liquidation: Public enterprises making losses due to a number of factors such as
inappropriate location, poor technology, etc. cannot be divested, and as such they
are prime candidates for liquidation and not divestiture. However, losses due to
poor management may be overcome through transfer of management and control
with or without transfer of the assets.
7.2• Sale of Assets: The divestiture of public enterprises may be pursued through
following four methods.
(a) Flotation of Shares: The shares of public enterprises are floated in the Stock
Exchange Market, and government progressively reduces its share holding in
such enterprises. Such flotation has three distinct features. First, induction of
private capital may result in higher levels of productivity. Second, government
retains sufficient control if the firm is of strategic importance. Third, gradual
divestiture would not have an adverse impact on the prices of the shares.
(b) Equity Tap: The only difference in equity tap and floatation of shares is that
the amount of shares being offered is not restricted. Whatever the demand,
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shares would be automatically supplied by the government.
(c) Sales through Financial Institutions: Since capital markets in many developing
countries are quite limited, it is feared that off-loading of shares in a big way
may significantly depress the share prices. With a view to alleviating such fears, financial
institutions may be appointed underwriters to avoid a run on the share prices.
(d) Auction: Auction may be done through sealed bidding or open bidding.
Similarly, bidding may be done for a part of the shares or for the entire company.
7.3• Privatization: By-passing the Sale of Divestiture: Besides liquidation and
sale of
assets through any of the four methods, the public sector may take certain measures
to realize the intended objectives without selling the assets.
(a) Franchising: Government may offer a franchise to private sector, but control
the prices.
(b) Repealing Monopoly: Government may remove the restrictions on entry of the
private sector in all activities.
(c) Contracting out: Instead of carrying out certain services in the public sector,
private contractors may be hired to do the specified work.
(d) Leasing: Public assets are leased to the private sector with a view to improving
productivity.
Following are the six different modes through which public enterprises in Pakistan
were divested until 1997:
(i) Divestiture through bids;
(ii) Sale of suitable amounts of shares through the stock exchange;
(iii) Sale to Workers’ Management Group on the basis of an evaluation of assets,
liabilities and net worth and matching the maximum bid received;
(iv) Sale to modaraba companies, working on the Islamic profit-and-loss sharing
principle, which raise funds for purchasing shares;
(v) Management contracts with modaraba companies, leasing or contracting of
management to private entrepreneurs for a specified period; and, finally,
(vi) Lease management contract with the workers for a specified period to enable
them to buy out the enterprises they have been working in.
The privatization policy of 1998 outlines following four modes for privatization:
• Total disinvestment through competitive bidding
• Partial disinvestment with management control
• Partial disinvestment without management control
• Sales/Lease of assets and property
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These measures may be grouped into:
(i) Sale of assets through bidding to individuals, to workers-management groups, and
to modaraba companies (those working on the profit and loss sharing principle);
and
(ii) Sale of assets through the floatation of shares in stock exchange and leasing.
Liquidations have rarely been used; probably the roti corporation units are the only
ones so far liquidated. Privatization Commission insisted that the units should be operated
after the take over. Nevertheless, a large number of loss making units have been converted
into
essentially real estate.
In the eighties, government appointed financial institutions as underwriters but no unit
could be divested. Similarly shares have not been put on tap. A limited number of shares
of Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) and Pakistan Telecommunications have been offered
for sale. PIA divested 10 per cent of the shares through the stock exchange, and Pakistan
Telecommunications divested 12 per cent of its shares. Twenty six per cent shares of Kot
Addu thermal power station have been divested with the change in management as well.
Profitability in these organizations have increased sharply after the divestiture but not
necessarily through improvements in efficiency.
The principal method of divestiture in Pakistan has been sealed bidding. Where bid
was below the fixed price, the open bidding has been used. Sales have been generally to
individuals or groups of individuals, but in nine specific cases sales have been made to the
worker- management groups. On average the manufacturing units taken over by the
workermanagement
groups have outperformed the units taken over by other private sector groups.
In the banking sector, however, the performance of worker-management group has been
inferior to the other divested bank.
Leasing, franchising, liquidation and other possible modes of privatization have been
used only sparingly. A couple of railway sectors were offered to the private sector for
operation but with not much success. Similarly there was a proposal to let private sector run
the goods trains against the payment of track charges, but the experience has not been very
successful. An exercise for unbundling of both WAPDA and railways was carried out but
so far not much has resulted from such exercise.
The methods employed to privatise the public assets and their valuation, cost of disposal,
and sources and timings of cash flows, and post-privatization capital structure play an
important role in the realisation of various objectives of privatization. For example, the bid
price offered by the prospective buyer depends on the perceptions regarding the net future
benefits. In the absence of complete information, the expected profits are randomly
distributed
with subjective probabilities. The shape of probability distribution varies across individuals;
risk averters would under-bid and risk plungers would overbid. Withholding the information
has also serious implications for the levels of productivity. The firms, which is able to buy
the unit at a price lower than the reserve prices,1 may feel as if its operations are efficient
but in fact they may not be, and as such may develop inertia to improving productivity. The
over-bidders, on the other hand, may run into losses and cash flow problems with the result
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that unit may close down and overall productivity of the economy may fall.
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09. WHY PRIVATIZATION IS NECESSARY FOR
ECONOMIC GROWTH IN PAKISTAN?
Privatization contributes to economic growth through productivity gains,
efficient utilization of resources, better governance and expansion in output and
employment. Profit making enterprises under the public sector may be making profits due to
the unique market structure such as monopoly or other privileges or concessions
conferred upon them by the government but it does so at the expense of the consumer
who has to pay higher than market price for the product or the services. The ordinary
consumer gets a benefit only through competition among private sector firms in form of
lower prices and better services as has been demonstrated in the cases of banking,
telecommunications and, more recently, air travel.
In a deregulated market environment, public ownership becomes a serious
constraint as the rule – bound procedures and the rigidity in the structure do not allow
public sector companies the flexibility to respond promptly to dynamic market
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conditions. Furthermore, the government’s role as a regulator and neutral umpire
becomes questionable once it is itself a participant in the game through its own company.
This stifles competition and subverts expansion and growth by the private sector
companies.
Objectives of privatization at different points in time have varied. During the period
1988-90, privatization was pursued to divest 14 loss making manufacturing units and raise
funds by selling shares of profit making units for retiring public debt and thus reducing debt
servicing (See Rothschild, 1990). Privatization Commission in 1991 did not explicitly spell
out the basic rationale for privatization. Nevertheless four major objectives that could be
discerned from various statements issued by the government are:
• Improvements in the level of efficiency in the production processes;
• Reduction in the debt burden of the government and fiscal deficit;
• Broad-basing equity capital; and
• Releasing resources for the physical and social infrastructures.
Whereas in the initial stages of its establishment Privatization Commission did not
spell out the objectives of privatization, it has recently come up with a very clear Mission
Statement contained in the Privatization in Pakistan (1998):
“Privatization is envisaged to foster competition, ensuring greater capital
investment, competitiveness,
and modernisation, resulting in enhancement of employment and provision of
improved quality of
products and services to the consumers and reduction in the fiscal burden”.
The objectives of privatization outlined in the publication cited above are:
• Creation of market based economy
• Promoting the expansion and efficiency of private sector enterprises
• Encourage competition, specially by abolishing the monopolies and promote
integration of the domestic economy into the world economy
• Support wider capital ownership and encourage employee owner relationship
• Establish and develop capital markets for mobilization of domestic savings
• Reverse the flight of capital abroad and repatriate capital already transferred
• Mobilization of private sector resources for future investments
• Promote economic flexibility
• Maintain or create employment
• Improve the quality of goods and services
• Maximise receipts from privatization to pay off public debt and reduce the public
sector deficit
• Substantially reduce the size and scope of the public sector
• Substantially reduce the financial drain of public enterprises on the government
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• Decrease the opportunities for misuse and corruption of public property by government
officials and public sector managers.
These objectives are indeed laudable but quite ambitious. Though, privatization is
neither necessary nor sufficient for realization of some of these. For example, mobilization
of savings, reversing the flight of capital and promotion of savings and investments do not
need privatization and they can not be achieved just by pursuit of privatization. In the
following we examine the arguments that privatization lead to reduction in fiscal deficit,
improvement in the efficiency levels, broad base the ownership and higher level of
investment
in the physical and social infrastructures.
9.1.Reduction in fiscal deficit Privatization in a perfectly competitive market with complete foresight may have no
impact on fiscal deficit because the expected sale price determined as the reserve price of
assets would be exactly equal to the discounted flow of net benefits. If the private sector
offers higher prices than the reserve price, fiscal deficit situation would improve. However,
the private sector’s willingness to do so, of course, depends upon the assessment of profits
in the post-privatization period and willingness to share the expected higher profits with the
public sector.
9.2.Increase in the efficiency levels While private producers are forced to reduce their cost to minimum for their survival,
public firms may not make sufficient efforts to reduce production costs as they are under no
compulsion to ensure an acceptable return to the equity holders. Similarly, private managers
have more flexibility in taking the decisions than the public sector firms. Moreover, public
investments may be influenced by political considerations, thus adversely affecting the
allocative efficiencies. While in a competitive framework, privatization would always help
in realising allocative efficiency, X-efficiency and non-market efficiency gains, in a
monopolistic framework this is not necessarily true. The cost in public monopoly at
equilibrium
point may not be minimal unless it is effectively regulated. Whether privatization would
result in higher level
of efficiency or not is an empirical question. For conflicting evidence see Stigler (1975);
Wolf (1979), Baumol (1996) and Kemal (1996).
9.3.Releasing the resources for physical and social infrastructures A well functioning and profit making public enterprises can also be divested for releasing
the resources for development of infrastructures if the resources for infrastructure are not
available.
9.4.Broad-basing of ownership of equity capital Broad-basing the ownership of equity capital is for the reasons of distributive justice.
But it presupposes that small investors have sufficient investible funds to buy the shares of
public industrial enterprises and that unless the public enterprises are divested shares are not
PRIVATIZATION 09ME(34-70-84-134)
27 | P a g e
available to them. Both of these assumptions may not always be valid. Moreover, the
assumption is that allocating a part of the shares at face value for the workers would result