Preface Prolegomena: Morgenthau, Realism, and Worldview

Notes

Preface

1. Bergheimat. Georg Ringsgwandl—dahoam is net dahoam (televised: December 28, 2014). The video is available at the website of the Bayerischer Rundfunk: http://ow.ly/GICL1 (accessed: January 2, 2015).

Prolegomena: Morgenthau, Realism, and Worldview

1. Lengthy passages from German or French original texts are all provided with English translations in the main text. For the educated reader, the original excerpts are provided in the endnotes, but without further com-ments. The German original here reads: „Rechts- und Staatsphilosophie- [sic] und Soziologie . . . und Völkerrecht an der Universität Genf.“

2. Duke Johann Casimir (1564–1633) founded the school in 1605. The cus-tom of crowning his statue still exists today.

3. Morgenthau recalled this incident to have taken place in 1923, but a look into the local newspaper, the Coburger Zeitung from July 4, 1922, shows that it had happened a year earlier. A picture of this incidence is to be found in Frei (2001).

4. HJM Archive stands for the Morgenthau Archive at the Library of Congress in Washington, DC. The number indicates the respective container.

5. A Referendariat is a compulsory two-year training for prospective lawyers and teachers. For lawyers, the Referendariat comprises of several stages. Typically, they first work at a local or regional court, before they join the office of an attorney. During the second stage, they gain experience by working in the civil service, for example, in a ministry or a city council. The next stage involves working for a lawyer, before the Referendariat is typically rounded off by a compulsory optional stage, which can include positions outside Germany. This includes, for example, the possibility to work at an embassy. During Morgenthau’s Referendariat, Sinzheimer (1934) classified him as an “assistant” (Hilfsarbeiter).

6. The Habilitation is a second monograph-length research project after the doctoral thesis. Until recently, it was a requirement to gain the Venia Legendi (the right to lecture) and to qualify for a full professorship in Germany.

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7. What created these animosities cannot be clarified entirely, as Guggenheim initially considered Morgenthau’s work to be a major contribution to inter-national law (Greenberg 2014: 224).

8. The SS Königstein was later sold off to a Belgium company as scrap, but it was brought back into service when World War II started. Now called SS Gandia, the ship was torpedoed off the coast of Newfoundland on January 22, 1942. For more information, see http://ow.ly/M8X7E (accessed April 26, 2015).

9. It certainly could be that this has pragmatic reasons, as he might have dic-tated this letter to his secretary, like Landauer (1935). However, his private correspondence was also written in English.

10. “Ich habe mich zurückgezogen, wie ein Igel, ich habe . . . kaum Interesse an Menschen. Es fehlt mir die Aktionsfähigkeit, die ich früher hatte, der Zusammenhang mit dem Sinn ist mir verloren gegangen . . . dieser Sinn liegt doch zum großen Teil im eigenen Vaterland, in dem Land unserer Jugend, dem Land das uns Kultur gab. ”

11. Of course, Morgenthau was not the only émigré scholar whose work was misread or severely distorted. Only recently, Jan Ruzicka (2014: 280) noted the same for Karl Deutsch.

12. Henry Kissinger once even remarked that “Hans Morgenthau has turned contemporary study of international relations into a major science. All of us teaching in this field after him had to start from the ground he had laid” (quoted after Hacke 2004: 5; author’s translation; also Kissinger 1980).

13. It is estimated that more than 50 émigré scholars worked at African American universities (Simon Edgcomb 1993).

14. It was this readiness to bridge theory with political activism that made Arendt recommend Morgenthau’s lectures to her then student Elisabeth Young-Bruehl (2006: 34) because “‘[i]t will be very practical.’ She [Arendt] viewed her old friend and fellow émigré as a practical man—that is, a man of praxis, action.”

1 Hans Morgenthau and Weimar

1. Whenever reference is made to Germany, it usually implies Central Europe (Mitteleuropa). This does not mean that there was or is an intellectual domi-nance or primacy favoring Germany, but it rather follows Johan Galtung (1981) and Richard Münch (1990). Both argue that there was an intense intellectual exchange between Germany and other Central European coun-tries, such as Poland, Hungary, Austria, and the Czech Republic. Both schol-ars use the terms “German” and “teutonic” to characterize this exchange.

2. A similar remark was given by Morgenthau (1984b: 378–9) at the end of his life in an interview with Johnson. In this interview, Morgenthau stressed that it was not American pragmatism that shaped his thoughts.

3. In order to capture the atmosphere of this time adequately, the term “fin de siècle” is applied. Although this term is traditionally reserved for France and

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Austria and is restricted to the turn of the twentieth century (Marchand and Lindenfeld 2004: 1–2), much of what Philipp Blom (2009: 1–4) has recently remarked for the first 14 years of the twentieth century characterized also the Weimar Republic. Old certainties withered away and numerous ideologies coexisted next to each other, struggling for the monopoly of interpretation, be it in arts, literature, or politics, leaving the people with the feelings of alienation, crisis, and uncertainty. Still, at the same time, the hope for the better, which dominated much of the nineteenth century, was still in the people’s minds. Stefan Zweig (1943: 14), the Austrian novelist, remarked in his autobiographi-cal The World of Yesterday that “[i]n its liberal idealism, the nineteenth century was honestly convinced that it was on the straight and unfailing path toward being the best of all worlds. Earlier eras, with their wars, famines, and revolts, were deprecated as times when mankind was still immature and unenlight-ened. But now it was merely a matter of decades until the last vestige of evil and violence would finally be conquered, and this faith in an uninterrupted and irresistible ‘progress’ truly had the force of a religion for that generation.”

4. Altogether there were approximately 28,000 civil servants, 10,200 judges, 26,000 protestant priests, 9,300 teachers at secondary schools, 4,500 pro-fessors and Privatdozenten, 34,000 physicians, and 12,500 lawyers. The Bürgertum consisted also of several thousands of journalists, Catholic priests, artists, and so on. With a family coefficient of four to five, the number stated earlier is reached.

5. Coburg only became part of Bavaria in 1920 by popular vote. Until then, it was the capital of the Thuringian duchy of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. Hence, for most of Morgenthau’s childhood and adolescence, Coburg was not part of Bavaria.

6. This centrality Bildung for Germany at that time is further demonstrated by Mannheim (1985: 156), who wrote that “[t]he modern bourgeoisie had for the beginning a twofold social root—on the one hand the owners of capital, on the other hand those individuals whose only capital consisted in their education. It was common therefore to speak of the propertied and educated class, the educated element being, however, by no means ideo-logically in agreement with the property-owning element.”

7. However, it took until 1834 before the university entrance examinations were abolished and the Abitur became the only state-controlled require-ment. From this time on, only persons with an Abitur could enter uni-versities. Since 1885, administrative privileges became more and more connected to an academic education. For the right to receive a provincial administration post or to become a higher official in a postal department, at least six years of higher education were required (Ringer 1969: 26–32).

8. As Henry Pachter (1972: 228) put it for the Weimar Republic: “As aca-demic persons or teachers, they enjoyed the security and status of the civil service. In a society which still measured a man’s value by his title, they were Herr Direktor, Herr Geheimrat, Herr Advokat, Herr Rechtsanwalt, Herr Professor.”

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9. Herbert Schnädelbach (1984: 23) remarks that “[t]he Humboldt-University sought to achieve a creative compromise in all respects: academic freedom alongside responsibility for the requirements of state and society; voca-tional training combined with the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake.”

10. (Allgemeine) Staatslehre is a German academic field that deals generally with questions of sovereignty, but also with questions regarding the devel-opment, forms, and intentions of state. During the time of Morgenthau, Staatslehre was primarily dominated by jurisprudence, but it is interdis-ciplinary because it touches on political, philosophical, sociological, economic, and even theological aspects. Oliver Jütersonke (2010: 37) translated it as “general theory of the state” and Ludwig Adamovich (1950: 25) even called it a “science of the state.”

11. The successor of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft are the Max-Planck-Institutes.

12. Bernhard von Bülow (1849–1929) was a German politician during the times of the German Empire and among others he was its chancellor from 1900 to 1909.

13. Simmel (2008: 169) noted that “[t]his primacy of technique has infected even the purely intellectual branches of knowledge: in the historical sciences, as in that of experimental psychology, investigations, essentially worthless and, as regards the ultimate end of all research, most unimportant, frequently enjoy a quite disproportionate degree of recognition, provided only that they be carried out by means of perfect methodical, technical processes.”

14. In an earlier publication, Rosa (2005: 41) gets even more to the point by calling this circumstance a “rasender Stillstand” (frenzied deadlock).

15. The term Kulturpessimismus was made popular by Stern (1989) in his The Politics of Cultural Despair.

16. This is possible since Bourdieu used, similar to the meaning of Ringer’s dichotomy, the terms “orthodoxy” and “heterodoxy.” Another terminol-ogy, which points out the same aspect, is provided by Gay (2001). He distinguishes between insiders and outsiders.

17. Robert Michels, for example, a student of Weber, did not receive his venia legendi in Germany because he sympathized with socialist ideas. Therefore, he had to move to Italy, where he eventually became a supporter of Italian Fascism (Ringer 1969: 143).

18. On the relevance of interwar international law for the development of International Relations, see, for example, Söllner (1988, 1990).

19. However, it has to be noted that Ex captivitate salus was published after World War II, a time when Schmitt was desperately trying to restore his reputation.

20. Sinzheimer was one of the few people who saw Morgenthau off in Antwerp (Frei 2001: 61).

21. In his autobiographical sketch, Morgenthau (1984a: 15) noted that “[i]t was inevitable that I would be inf luenced—however temporarily and negatively—by Carl Schmitt.”

Notes ● 165

22. Similar evidence is given in a letter to Arendt from January 14, 1965, in which Morgenthau criticized Schmitt’s work. Arendt had sent him Schmitt’s Theory of the Partisan, which Morgenthau commented on as “interesting, but unbe-lievably shoddy, both in thought and exposition” (HJM Archive 5).

23 In a letter to Samuel Magill on January 5, 1962, Morgenthau even remarked: “As concerns the predominant intellectual inf luences on me, a most pow-erful and probably decisive inf luence has certainly been Nietzsche” (HJM Archive 39).

24. Morgenthau read several of Simmel’s work during his adolescence. These were: Philosophie der Mode, Grundfragen der Soziologie, Hauptprobleme der Philosophie, and Das Problem der historischen Zeit.

25. A contemporary discussion of alienation is provided by Ian Burkitt (1997). He remarks that “[a]lienation . . . is one of the central aspects of ref lexivity . . . It is as an outsider that we can engage in the work of codification” (195).

26 Klaus and Erika Mann (1996) beautifully captured this particular life-world of German-speaking émigré intellectuals in the United States in their book Escape to Life by portraying the most important personalities who were forced to leave Germany.

28. Similar appraisals are given by Amstrup (1978), Thompson (1980–1981), Tsou (1984), and Hacke (2005).

29. Irma Thormann, Morgenthau’s wife, later recalled that Morgenthau’s father was “a Jew who wanted to be a German and who adored the emperor Wilhelm II” (quoted after Frei 2001: 13).

2 Power: Hans Morgenthau and Ontology

1. Turner and Mazur (2009: 487–8) interpreted Morgenthau’s mentioning of Standortgebundenheit to be referring to Weber. However, the concept of Standortgebundenheit was introduced by Karl Mannheim to German sociology.

2. This manuscript was Morgenthau’s first attempt to further conceptualize the political; a study that he had announced in his doctoral thesis the year before (Morgenthau 1929a: 72). Morgenthau provided a more substantial elaboration with La notion du “politique” in 1933. The English translation of this book was recently published (Morgenthau 2012).

3. Robert Schuett (2007: 59) uses the term “the instinct of self-assertion” to translate Bewährungstrieb. However, translating it as the drive to prove oneself is closer to the German meaning and Morgenthau (1974c: 16) also translated it this way. See as well Troy (2015: 31).

4. With this statement, Morgenthau is consistent with Lord Darlington in Oscar Wilde’s (2003: 423) Lady Windemere’s Fan. Wilde let Lord Darlington express “that good people do a great deal of harm in this world.”

5. More on Politics among Nations in Molloy (2006: 82–5).

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6. Politics among Nations was only later transformed into a textbook because of the lack of textbooks on International Relations at that time, its unprec-edented success, when numerous American colleges and universities adopted it as the textbook for their undergraduate courses on International Politics, and the insistence of Morgenthau’s publisher Knopf. To adjust Politics among Nations more to the requirements of a textbook the “Six Principles of Political Realism” were added to the second edition. See the correspondence in Container 121, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.

7. Ontological security is understood here in Anthony Giddens’s (1984: 375) sense. Ideologies furnish people in their yearning to give meaning to the social world and establish their identity within it not only with the onto-logical framework that allows them to do so and thereby gain security, but there is also a reification of the ideology through social structures and institutions.

8. Another example for the f lexibility of Morgenthau’s concepts is his under-standing of the national interest, as remarked in Lebow (2003: 245). This conceptual f lexibility repeatedly caused academic discomfort and particu-larly Morgenthau’s concept of power was criticized as not being scientific enough (cf. Keohane 1986: 10).

9. “wo mehrere Individuen in Wechselwirkung treten. Diese Wechselwirkung entsteht immer aus bestimmten Trieben heraus oder um bestimmter Zwecke willen.”

10. It is curious to remark that not only scholars like Simmel, but also Max Scheler, despite their promotion of society as a human construct, praised World War I and warfare in general as a means to enforce the coherence of societies as “collective beings” (Kleinschmidt 2000: 179).

11. Social institutions are understood here following the definition of Jonathan Turner (1997: 6). They are “a complex of positions, roles, norms and values lodged in particular types of social structures and organizing relatively stable patterns of human activity with respect to fundamental problems in producing life-sustaining resources, in reproducing individuals, and in sustaining viable societal structures within a given environment.”

12. “Träger aller gesellschaftlichen Kräfte aber sind immer nur Einzelmenschen.”

13. Morgenthau signed this manuscript, which is a translation of parts of La notion du politique, as Privatdozent, a title that he was only allowed to carry after having finished his postdoctoral degree. Since Morgenthau finished his Habilitation in 1934 and left for Madrid in 1935, this paper must have been written in between these dates.

14. “Der Begriff des Politischen hat keine Substanz, die ein für allemal fest-stände, er ist vielmehr eine Eigenschaft, eine Qualität, eine Färbung, die allen Substanzen anhaften kann . . . Eine Frage, die heute politischen Charakter hat, kann morgen jede politische Bedeutung abgehen.”

Notes ● 167

15. “Seele des Menschen als Trägerin des Politischen.”16. “Les normes deviennent l’arme la plus redoutable dont la société humaine

se sert se protéger contre les dommages que les comportements asociaux pourraient lui causer.”

17. A critical appraisal of the term “German Jewish symbiosis” is provided by Gershom Scholem (1979). The term is used here simply to enhance the readability. Conceptually, it is, however, dubious, as it implies a distinc-tion between Germans and Germans of Jewish faith, which I explicitly do not support.

18. “Der technische Fortschritt wird mit dem Verlust der kulturellen Substanz erkauft.”

19. “C’est précisément la crainte d’un déplaisir qui est le moyen le plus propre à provoquer la réaction voulue par la norme.”

3 Knowledge: Hans Morgenthau and Epistemology

1. Morgenthau used this manuscript as the basis for the first part of Science: Servant or Master?. Indeed, the first part is an almost literal translation of this manuscript.

2. In the English-speaking academia, historism and historicism are often used simultaneously. This is, however, misleading since both schools of thought are conf lictive, as the definition of Berger reveals.

3. On the quick disappearance of Kelsen from international law and International Relations discourses in the United States, see Scheuerman (2014).

4. Morgenthau not only dedicated a collection of essays Truth and Power to Kelsen, but, as he pointed out in a letter to Erich Hula dated January 4, 1941, he was trying to promote Kelsen as a scholar in the United States and to find employment for Kelsen’s son-in-law (HJM Archive 11).

5. “solange die Gestaltung der staatlichen Wirklichkeit noch Gegenstand emotionaler Auseinandersetzungen ist . . . sich über den Staat Gedanken zu machen, in dessen Gestaltung ja zugleich auch ihr eigenes persönliches Schicksal eingeschlossen ist, ohne sinngebend und wertend zu den öffen-tlichen Dingen Stellung zu nehmen.”

6. For a discussion of Thompson’s importance for American International Relations Theory and classical realism, in particular, because of his vari-ous positions at the Rockefeller Foundation, see Rajaee (2013) and also Guilhot (2011).

7. Unlike other émigré scholars like Karl Deutsch and Carl J. Friedrich, who were presidents of the International Political Science Association (IPSA), Morgenthau never wished to head any International Relations association, but he ran for the presidency of the APSA.

8. E. H. Carr made a similar remark noting that “the age of innocence, [where] historians walked in the Garden of Eden, without a scrap of philosophy to

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cover them, naked and unashamed before the god of history” had come at least in Europe to an end (quoted after Carlsnaes 1981: 173).

9. Miles Kahler (1997: 22) speaks in this regard of a discipline that is “driven by demand.”

10. Also Morgenthau’s (1972) last monograph Science: Servant or Master? bears this connotation.

11. Mannheim (1985: 181) claimed that “[w]hat has been said here about the teaching of the ‘arts’ applies mutate mutandis, in a very large degree, to politics” (emphasis in the original).

12. For a similar argument, see Markus Kornprobst (2007).13. This point was also stressed by Norman Graebner (1984: 66) in his account

on Morgenthau as a historian.14. The latter was the teacher of Luckmann and Berger at the New School for

Social Research in New York during the 1950s.15. “wo mehrere Individuen in Wechselwirkung treten. Diese Wechselwirkung

entsteht immer aus bestimmten Trieben heraus oder um bestimmter Zwecke willen.”

16. See here as well Duncan (1959: 100), Frisby (1984: 120–3), and Jung (1990: 74–85).

17. These terms are taken from Friedrich Schiller’s (1996) inaugural lecture on the purpose of studying world history at the University of Jena in 1789.

18. “als eine objektive Form subjektiver Seelen.”19. The study of Weber’s work intensif ied Morgenthau’s thoughts for chron-

ological reasons, rather than being “a Weberian at heart” (Lebow 2003: 246). Morgenthau (1984a, b) got f irst into contact with Wölff lin and Burckhardt and only later he took the seminar on Weber. His biogra-pher Frei (2001) also notes that Morgenthau never mentioned Weber in his diaries, unlike other thinkers who inf luenced him more, like Nietzsche.

20. Similar Morgenthau (1970a: 257).21. In a later publication on Conservatism, Mannheim also referred to

Seinsverbundenheit, which he, however, used interchangeably. Still, there is a difference between Seinsverbundenheit and Seinsgebundenheit, whose elaboration is, however, for the purpose of this book not necessary (for more, see Kettler, Meja, and Stehr 1984: 78).

22. More on Elias’s concept of time can be found in Tabboni (2001).23. This was confirmed to me by Christoph Frei in an e-mail dated June 6,

2007.24. Morgenthau held this view not exclusively, but he is merely an example of

the common belief of his fellow émigré scholars who argued that any dis-cipline in the social sciences or humanities has to be theoretical or philo-sophical (Greenberg 1992: 67–79).

25. Later in his life, Morgenthau (2004: 15) repeated these perennial prob-lems right at the beginning of his lectures on Aristotle: “The problem of

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authority, the problems of the relations between the individual and the state, the common good, the issue of law versus naked power, the prob-lem of violence, the class problem, the distribution of wealth in political terms—all those problems are perennial in nature.”

26. In an earlier publication, Morgenthau (1985: 23–4) developed this even more profoundly:

The first lesson the student of international politics must learn and never forget is that the complexities of international affairs make simple solutions and trustworthy prophecies impossible. Here the scholar and the charlatan part company. Knowledge of the forces that determine politics among nations, and of the ways by which their political ref lection unfold, reveals the ambiguity of the facts of international politics. In every political situation contradictory ten-dencies are at play. One of these tendencies is more likely to prevail under certain conditions. But which tendency actually will prevail is anybody’s guess. The best the scholar can do, then, is to trace the different tendencies that, as potentialities, are inherent in a certain international situation. He can point out the different conditions that make it more likely for one tendency to prevail than for another and, finally, assess the probabilities for the different conditions and tendencies to prevail in actuality.

27. Without a doubt, employing such a heuristic device bears the danger of drawing an analogy between, in this case, Morgenthau and Koselleck, where there is none and come to conclusions that at best distort reality (Skinner 1969: 7–9). However, it will not be argued here that Morgenthau informed Koselleck in the development of his approach, but both scholars were intellectually nurtured in a similar academic environment and arrived at similar epistemological conclusions, which is why it is suitable to view Morgenthau through Koselleck’s lenses.

28. Große’s translation is appropriate since it catches the essence of the original that reads much more complex: “Abgesehen davon, daß für die griechische Geschichte allmählich durch treff liche Darstellungen gesorgt ist, würde uns die Erzählung der Ereignisse und vollends deren kritische Erörterung in einer Zeit, da eine einzige Untersuchung über Richtigkeit einzelner äußerer Tatsachen gerne einen Oktavband einnimmt, die beste Zeit vor-wegnehmen.” An Oktavband is an outdated German term to classify books through its size by which the Roman parchment was folded three times, creating eight sheets. The introductory section of Burckhardt’s (1963) book in which the earlier mentioned quotation is to be found was omitted in the English translation.

29. Morgenthau’s memory was wrong here. Wölff lin distinguished not between Romanesque and Gothic art, but the Renaissance from the Baroque.

30. The term itself, however, was, according to Fritz Ringer (2000: 111), first introduced by Georg Jellinek.

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4 Dissent: Hans Morgenthau and Political Agency

1. The reference to Carl von Clausewitz is appropriate here, as Morgenthau had Clausewitz’s dictum in mind when he made this argument. This is evidenced in a lecture that he gave at Dartmouth College in 1958 (Craig 2007b: 203).

2. Of course, Morgenthau was not the only scholar at that time who was concerned about liberalism turning into idealism, as Heinrich Rommen’s (1944) account exemplarily demonstrates (The Review of Politics, in which his article appeared, identifies the author as Hans Rommen. However, this must be a misprint because Heinrich Rommen was the author of The Political Philosophy of Suarez and Natural Law as to be found in the “Contributors to this Issue”). Morgenthau (1948e, also 1958e) even criti-cized Carr for promoting a moralistic foreign policy.

3. “Das deutsche Volk, immer nur allzu gerne bereit in geistigen Dingen die äußersten denk-möglichen Positionen einzunehmen und ein ideelles Gebilde in seinem Einf luß auf die Gestaltung der Wirklichkeit entweder aus tiefster Überzeugung für ernst oder leichtfertig für nichts zu neh-men, hatte die 14 Punkte Wilsons gläubig als die Verkündung einer neuen Epoche im Leben der Völker begrüßt.” Around the same time Morgenthau’s mentor Sinzheimer arrived at a similar assessment about the Germans in a letter to Morgenthau dated March 11, 1932 (HJM Archive 197).

4. Prior to his forced emigration, Gustav Ichheiser (1897–1969) had a suc-cessful academic career in Vienna. Among others, he was in charge of the psychological department of the Lower Austrian Chamber of Labor (Marie Jahoda was his assistant there for a while), and he taught at the Volkshochschule (similar to centers for lifelong learning in a British context) in Vienna.

5. “führt eine Politik, die der Stabilität verschrieben ist, im Namen des Antikommunismus zur Unterdrückung aller Manifestationen sozialer Unruhe und zur Erstickung von Reformen.”

6. On the criticism on Morgenthau for his criticism on Van Doren, see Arendt and McCarthy (1995: 160).

7. “keine Prinzipien einer Außenpolitik kennt, die von einer internationalen Moral oder vom geltenden Völkerrecht abgeleitet warden.”

8. The TET-offensive was a military campaign of Northern Vietnam forces named after the Vietnamese New Year, T�t Nguyên Đán. On this holi-day—January 31, 1968—the campaign began.

9. From Peukert (1991: 174), we know that in comparison to other coun-tries at that time radio receivers played an important role in Germany as a medium of mass media. In 1932, there were 66 radio listeners for every 1,000 people in Germany in comparison to a mere 35 in the European average. With the introduction of the affordable Volksempfänger, the ratio must have risen significantly.

Notes ● 171

10. In 2012, Margarethe von Trotta made an excellent movie about the life of Hannah Arendt. The Eichmann Trial served her as the pivot to demon-strate Arendt’s political thought to a wider public.

11. For a contemporary discussion on the use of the concept of national inter-est, see Willliams (2005b, 2007b).

12. Although it has to be agreed here, with Scheuerman (2009a: 80–1), that this is one of the most concise definitions of the national interest, the impli-cation he makes that the national interest is a concept from Thompson rather than from Morgenthau cannot be endorsed given that Morgenthau consequently elaborated on this concept from his doctoral thesis onward.

13. Morgenthau already argued at the beginning of the Cold War to accept the two spheres of inf luence because it would be the lesser evil (Morgenthau, Kuh, and Stevenson 1946: 9).

14. Morgenthau’s (1938a) critical stance toward the League of Nations is, for example, apparent in his discussion on the noncompliance of Swiss neu-trality and its admittance to the League of Nations.

15. For more on Mitrany’s functionalism and its relevance for classical realists’ thought, see Ashworth (2014: 221–5).

Epilogue: The Human Condition of Politics

1. This term is borrowed from Hartmut Behr (2010) who argues that scien-tification signifies the process of firmly grounding positivism as the only viable framework for International Relations theorizing.

2. For Robert Park (1928: 892), the marginal man is a “cosmopolite and citizen of the world,” while for David Golovensky (1952: 334) the mar-ginal man remains “in the twilight zone of two cultures.” If Morgenthau was tending toward the one or other extreme is a source for speculation. Probably, he tended at times more to the one, while at other times more to the other. It is certain, however, that Morgenthau was torn between the two cultures. Lebow (2003: 219) notes that “questions about his German past were taboo.” It fits well into this picture that research in the Library of Congress has shown that Morgenthau never replied to a German letter in German, but in English, although some of these letters were written to him by personal friends. Still, Morgenthau remained attached to the German culture, most of his friends were also émigré scholars, and Morgenthau frequently visited Continental Europe.).

3. An example of this inner diremption numerous intellectuals faced after their forced immigration is to be found in the novelist Carl Zuckmayer (1896–1977):

I absolutely did not want to go to America. I hold it personally against Mr. Hitler and his Providence, the destiny, God, and the 20th cen-tury that I was forced to emigrate. It is embarrassing and disgraceful to a country, where we don’t belong, which does not have to tell us

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anything, from whom we could not learn anything, and to whom we did not have anything to say. I was never in the United States and Werfel [Austrian novelist, 1890–1945] only once for a short time in New York. But we all knew exactly what we had to expect or better not to expect: from bad food, up to moral and sexual frigidity . . . A country of unimaginative standardization, shallow materialism, and witless mechanics. A country without tradition, culture, urge for beauty or form, metaphysics, and Heurigen [Austrian tavern with new wine on tap]. A country of artificial fertilizer and tin openers, without grace and dung heap, classical music, sloppiness, Melos, Apollo, or Dionysius. Should we escape the enslavement of European mass dictatorship in order to proceed ourselves towards the tyranny of the Dollar, business, advertisement, and forced disposal? And, by the way, Werfel said, we have to learn English. (quoted after Adams and Lösche 1998: 519–20; author’s translation; for the original, see Zuckmayer 1948)

4. Mary Worth is a popular American soap opera style comic strip that first appeared in 1938. The comic strip tells the story of a widow who moves into a condominium complex and acts as an adviser for her neighbors on many issues of everyday life.

5. This was to a certain extent different in Germany, where Morgenthau’s for-mer student and later professor in Munich, Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, promoted Morgenthau’s work. In 1963, Morgenthau’s Politics among Nations was published as Macht und Frieden. Kindermann (1965) equally published an introductory article to Niebuhr’s and Morgenthau’s thought in the major German political science journal. Indeed, Morgenthau’s thought moved into the focus of German political science during the 1960s, as articles of Krippendorff (1964), Kindermann (1965), and Werner Link (1965) suggest.

6. There is, however, a growing literature in the history of International Relations that challenges this kind of thought (cf. Behr 2010; Schmidt 2012; Ashworth 2014).

7. I owe this expression to Hartmut Behr.

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———. (1929a). Die internationale Rechtspflege, ihr Wesen und ihre Grenzen. Leipzig: Universitätsverlag von Robert Noske.

———. (1929b). Die völkerrechtlichen Ergebnisse der Tagung der deutschen Gesellschaft für Völkerrecht. Die Justiz 4 (6): 621–4.

———. (1930a). Stresemann als Schöpfer der deutschen Völkerrechtspolitik. Die Justiz 5 (3): 169–76.

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———. (1930c). Über die Herkunft des Politischen aus dem Wesen des Menschen (Container 151, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1932). Der Kampf der deutschen Staatsrechtslehre um die Wirklichkeit des Staates (Container 110, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1933). La notion du “politique” et la théorie des différends internationaux. Paris: Librairie du Recueil Sirey.

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———. (1934b). Über den Sinn der Wissenschaft in dieser Zeit und über die Bestimmung des Menschen (Container 151, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1934–1935). Einige logische Bemerkungen zu Carl Schmitt’s Begriff des Politischen (Container 110, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1935). Derecho internacional publico. Introducción y conceptos fun-damentales (Container 190, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1936). Positivisme mal compris et théorie réaliste du droit international. In Silvio A. Zavala, ed., Colección de estudios históricos, jurídicos, pedagógicos y literarios. Homenaje a D. Rafael Altamira. Madrid: C. Bermejo, 1–20.

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———. (1938b). Das Problem der amerikanischen Universität. Neue Zürcher Zeitung, January 10, 5.

———. (1940). Positivism, Functionalism, and International Law. American Journal of International Law 34 (2): 260–84.

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———. (1944). The Limitations of Science and the Problem of Social Planning. Ethics 54 (3): 174–85.

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———. (1948e). The Political Science of E. H. Carr. World Politics 1 (1): 127–34.———. (1949a). The Limits of Practicability in the Social Sciences. Section IV.B

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———. (1950a). The Mainsprings of American Foreign Policy: The National Interest vs. Moral Abstractions. American Political Science Review 44 (4): 833–54.

———. (1950b). The Evil of Power. A Critical Study of de Jouvenel’s On Power. Review of Metaphysics 3 (4): 507–17.

———. (1950c). The Conquest of the United States by Germany. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 6 (1): 21–6.

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———. (1951a). In Defense of the National Interest. A Critical Examination of American Foreign Policy. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

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———. (1951c). Letter to Sister Dorothy Jane Van Hoogstrade, December 6 (Container 26, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

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———. (1952a). Les area studies et l’étude des relations internationales. UNESCO Bulletin International des Sciences Sociales 4 (4): 685–94.

———. (1952b). What Is the National Interest of the United States? Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 282: 1–7.

———. (1952c). Another “Great Debate”: The National Interest of the United States. American Political Science Review 46 (4): 961–88.

———. (1952d). Building a European Federation. The Schuman Plan and European Federation. Proceedings of the American Society of International Law 46: 130–4.

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———. (1954a). Politics among Nations. The Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

———. (1954b). The Yardstick of National Interest. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 296: 77–84.


———. (1955). Reflections on the State of Political Science. Review of Politics 17 (4): 431–60.

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———. (1957a). The Decline of American Government. The New Republic, December 16, 7–11.

———. (1957b). RIAS Funk-Universität. Wirkungsformen traditioneller und demokratisch legitimierter Diplomatie (broadcasted: November 6) (Container 199, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1957c). What Really Should be the Qualifications of an Ambassador? Lewiston Morning Tribune, September 3, 1.

———. (1957d). Letter to the editors of the New York Times, August 13 (Container 43, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1958a). Realism in International Politics. Naval War College Review 10 (5): 1–15.

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———. (1959c). Education and World Politics. Daedalus 88 (1): 121–38.———. (1959d). The Decline of Democratic Government. University of Chicago

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———. (1961c). Letter to Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, April 18 (Container 33, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).


———. (1962a). Politics in the Twentieth Century. Volume I. The Decline of Democratic Politics. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

———. (1962b). Politics in the Twentieth Century. Volume III. The Restoration of American Politics. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

———. (1962c). Love and Power. Commentary 17 (3): 247–51.———. (1962d). Letter to Samuel Magill, January 5 (Container 39, Manuscript

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Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).———. (1963a). Macht und Frieden. Grundlegung einer Theorie der internationalen

Politik. Gütersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag.———. (1963b). Letter to Dean Acheson, March 30 (Container 2, Manuscript

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———. (1964a). The Nature and Use of Power and Its Influence upon State Goals and Strategies. Naval War College Review 16 (6): 18–30.

———. (1964b). Letter to Sandra Frye, November 25 (Container 20, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1964c). Modern Science and Political Power. Columbia Law Review 64 (8): 1386–409.

———. (1965a). Vietnam and the United States. Washington DC: Public Affairs Press.

———. (1965b). Letter to Hannah Arendt, January 14 (Container 5, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1966a). Introduction. In David Mitrany, A Working Peace System. Chicago, IL: Quadrangle, 7–11.

———. (1966b). The Purpose of Political Science. In James C. Charlesworth, ed., A Design for Political Science: Scope, Objectives, and Methods. Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 63–79.

———. (1966c). Letter to the editors of the New York Times, August 16 (Container 43, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1966d). Letter to Michael Carder, September 7 (Container 9, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1967a). The Intellectual in Government (Container 172, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1967b). Firing Line Interview with William F. Buckley: LBJ and the Intellectuals (recorded: New York, January 12), http://ow.ly/AXz1k (accessed: September 1, 2014).

———. (1968a). But Are They Allowed to Do That? Christian Science Monitor, July 19, 9.

———. (1968b). Letter to Bryon Dobell, July 9 (Container 43, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1969a). A New Foreign Policy for the United States. New York: Praeger.


———. (1969b). Letter to Rosemary Galli, January 3 (Container 24, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1969c). Letter to Thomas W. Robinson, November 3 (Container 49, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1969d). Letter to Martin F. Herz, May 14 (Container 27, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1970a). Truth and Power. Essays of a Decade, 1960–1970. London: Pall Mall Press.

———. (1970b). Der Friede im nuklearen Zeitalter. In Oskar Schatz, ed., Der Friede im nuklearen Zeitalter. Eine Kontroverse zwischen Realisten und Utopisten. 4. Salzburger Humanismusgespräch. Munich: Manz Verlag, 34–62.

———. (1970c). International Relations: Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches. In Norman D. Palmer, ed., A Design for International Relations Research: Scope, Theory, Methods, and Relevance. Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 67–71.

———. (1971a). Thought and Action in Politics. Social Research 38 (4): 611–32.———. (1971b). Power as a Political Concept. In Roland Young, ed., Approaches to

the Study of Politics. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 66–77.———. (1971c). Changes and Chances in American-Soviet Relations. Foreign

Affairs 49 (3): 429–41.———. (1972). Science: Servant or Master? New York: New American Library.———. (1973). Macht und Ohnmacht des Menschen im technologischen Zeitalter.

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———. (1974b). Science of Peace: A Rationalist Utopia. Paper Presented at the New School for Social Research Fortieth Anniversary Conference (Container 175, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

———. (1974c). Decline of Democratic Government. The New Republic, November 9, 13–18.

———. (1975). Der Watergate-Geist nur scheintot? Der Spiegel 5: 78–9.———. (1976a). Hannah Arendt 1906–1975. Political Theory 4 (1): 5–8.———. (1976b). Letter to Martin Bodilsen, May 3 (Container 7, Manuscript

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Acheson, Dean, 134Adorno, Th eodor W., 3, 25, 39, 71alienation, 5, 17–19, 22, 30, 36, 38–41,

47, 76, 80, 107, 135, 151, 158, 163, 165

Almond, Gabriel, 80Alsop, Joseph, 149Altamira, D. Rafael, 29American Political Science Association

(APSA), 126, 149, 167animal laborans, 110–11, 114–16, 141,

154Arbeitsrat für Kunst, 42Arendt, Hannah, 5, 9, 14–15, 18, 22,

39–41, 44, 57–62, 67, 71, 91, 108–15, 124, 127, 129–33, 141, 146, 148, 154, 162, 165, 170–1

conscious pariah, 22, 30, 41, 67, 107, 147

and totalitarianism, 44, 111–12, 127–9, 141

Aristotle, 19, 62–4, 88, 92, 108, 134, 157, 168

Aron, Raymond, 138

Benjamin, Walter, 29Bildung, 22–4, 163

Bildungsbürgertum, 17, 22–3, 25, 68, 72, 145

Bismarck, Otto von, 44, 136Brandt, Willy, 126Braudel, Fernand, 100Buber, Martin, 25

Buckley, William, 122Bülow, Bernhard von, 26, 164Burckhardt, Jacob, 90–2, 97, 102–6,

145, 147, 168–9

Caesar, Gaius Julius, 135Carr, Edward Hallet (E. H.), 6, 167,

170Clausewitz, Carl von, 133, 170communism, 43–4, 46, 96, 122–3, 153cultural crisis (Kulturkrise), 17, 22–3,

25–6, 28–30, 33, 78–9, 146, 153Kulturpessimismus, 28, 164

Dahrendorf, Ralf, 8, 28–30, 77Deutsch, Karl, 162, 167Di�m, Ngô Đình, 123Dilthey, Wilhelm, 27, 75, 90–5diplomacy, 115, 135–6, 139dissent, 7, 11, 17, 19–20, 22, 41, 44–5,

107, 124, 128, 133, 141, 170Dix, Otto, 42Dönitz, Karl, 67Doren, Charles Van

see under Van Doren Scandaldrive for self-preservation

(Selbsterhaltungstrieb), 51–2, 54, 57, 63, 116, 118

see also under powerdrive to prove oneself

(Bewährungstrieb), 51–4, 63, 118, 165

see also under power

Index

208 ● Index

Eichmann, Adolf, 129, 171Eisenhower, Dwight D., 83Eisner, Kurt, 42Elias, Norbert, 29, 93, 168émigré (scholar), 1, 5, 7–8, 12, 38–40,

67, 71, 75, 81, 84–5, 105, 118, 137–8, 144–5, 152, 154, 162, 165, 167–8, 171

empiricism, 7, 27, 71, 77, 83, 85–6, 105, 150

European values, 19, 68, 76, 108, 129

fascism, 31, 56, 83, 96, 127, 137, 153, 164

Feininger, Lyonel, 42Fox, William T. R., 81, 101Fraenkel, Ernst, 3, 25, 147Frank, Hans, 67Frankfurt School, 3, 141

Institute for Social Research, 22, 25–6, 31, 51, 147

see also under Adorno, Theodor W.; Horkheimer, Max; Marcuse, Herbert; and Sinzheimer, Otto

Freud, Sigmund, 2, 18, 30, 36–7, 47, 49, 51–2, 54, 69, 71, 115, 145–7

Friedrich, Carl Joachim, 167Fulda, Ludwig, 28

Göttinger Arbeitskreis, 126Gropius, Walter, 42Grosz, George, 42Guggenheim, Paul, 4, 148, 162Gurian, Waldemar, 32, 40, 71

Hauptmann, Gerhart, 43Hayek, Friedrich, 137Herz, John H., 5–7, 84, 136, 138,

146–7Heuss, Th eodor, 9history, 3, 15–16, 19, 27, 33, 38, 52,

76–7, 88, 92, 95–6, 98, 101–6, 110, 112, 116–17, 124, 136, 143, 150, 152, 168, 172

art history, 3, 19, 77, 101–3, 105conceptual history, 19, 76–7, 96, 98,

101, 106historicism, 76, 87, 91, 105, 167historism, 34, 76, 87, 105, 167history of decline, 110

Hitler, Adolf, 44, 171Hobbes, Th omas, 18, 52Hobsbawm, Eric, 23, 44Hoff mann, Stanley, 7, 64, 77, 80, 82–3,

138, 150homo deus, 109–10homo faber, 60, 109–11, 114, 130, 141,

154Horkheimer, Max, 3, 25, 39, 71hubris, 8, 32, 36, 112, 116, 119–21,

124, 127, 141, 150, 156see also under idealism; liberalism;

and modernityhumanism, 9, 19, 30, 57, 108, 127, 130,

147and critique of modernity, 19and dehumanization, 6, 8, 19–20,

54, 109, 127, 141, 144, 152–6, 158–9

human condition of politics, 9, 34, 36, 71, 81, 110, 117, 124, 143–4, 151, 171

humanitas, 6, 9–13, 15Humboldt, Alexander von, 24Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 24, 26

Ichheiser, Georg, 8, 118–19, 170idealism, 16, 19, 43, 71, 109, 116–20,

123, 141, 163, 170isolationism, 121Wilsonianism, 121see also under liberalism

ideology, 13–14, 17, 22, 31–3, 44, 46–7, 56, 80, 91, 96, 109, 112–13, 117, 129, 131, 152–3, 156, 166

ideologization, 20, 56–7, 59, 112, 114, 131, 144, 152

Index ● 209

see also under fascism; idealism; liberalism; Marxism; Nazism; nationalism; socialism; and totalitarianism

International Political Science Association (IPSA), 167

International Studies Association (ISA), 10

Jaeger, Werner, 26–7Jahoda, Marie, 170Jaspers, Karl, 9, 115Jellinek, Georg, 25, 79, 169Johnson, Lyndon B., 123, 126

see also under Vietnam War

Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, 26, 164Kant, Immanuel, 62, 67, 93, 117Keitel, Wilhelm, 67Kelsen, Hans, 2, 4, 25, 33, 44, 78–80,

138, 147–8, 167Kennan, George, 61Kindermann, Gottfried-Karl, 7, 21, 172Kissinger, Henry, 83, 162Knopf, Alfred A., 56, 166knowledge, 7–8, 11, 15, 17, 19–20,

25–6, 28–9, 35–6, 38–9, 45, 53, 58, 62, 71, 75–7, 84–94, 96, 104–5, 108, 112, 119, 130, 132, 135–6, 140–4, 146, 150, 153, 158–9, 164, 167, 169

absolute, 158conditionality of knowledge

(Standortgebundenheit), 36, 62, 87, 91–3, 96, 104–5, 130, 150, 165

see also under Mannheim, KarlKoselleck, Reinhart, 98–101, 169

Landauer, Carl, 1, 162Laswell, Harold, 80liberalism, 19, 31–2, 40, 43, 80, 82–3,

109, 116–17, 119–20, 122, 127, 141, 148, 154, 170

life philosophy, 34, 38–9life-horizon (Lebenshorizont), 90–2Lippmann, Walter, 101, 149Lukács, Georg, 58, 71, 113

Machiavelli, Niccolò, 110Mannheim, Karl, 25, 28–9, 31, 35–6,

41, 47, 49, 62, 80, 84–5, 89, 91–4, 105, 130, 144–5, 147, 152, 158, 163, 165, 168

free-floating intelligentsia, 31, 41, 94, 158

map, 31, 98, 104–5, 138Marcuse, Herbert, 25, 71, 91Marxism, 32, 47Mayer, Hans, 44McCarthy, Joseph, 123, 149, 156McCarthy, Mary, 124, 131, 149, 170Merriam, Charles, 80, 154Michels, Robert, 2, 164modernity, 6–8, 10, 13, 28, 66, 109–

11, 113–14and consumerism, 114–16and society of waste, 114, 116and worldlessness, 111, 114, 116see also under humanism and Arendt,

HannahMoore, Barrington Jr., 99

nationalism, 28–9, 56, 112, 118, 121, 130, 137, 146, 152–3

national interest, 20, 99, 109, 127, 132–4, 136, 138–40, 142, 144, 146, 157–8, 166, 171

nationalistic universalism, 112, 118Nazism, 31Neumann, Franz L., 3, 25, 40, 84,

147Neumeyer, Karl, 46Niebuhr, Reinhold, 6, 9, 81, 101, 172Nietzsche, Friedrich, 18, 27, 34, 49,

51, 57–61, 69, 71, 102, 125, 134, 145–7, 165, 168

Nitze, Paul H., 101

210 ● Index

noocracy, 43, 45Novembergruppe, 42

Oakeshott, Michael, 56–7, 151objectivity, 31, 39, 41, 91, 150

perspectivist, 39, 91Ohnesorg, Benno, 124Oncken, Hermann, 3, 87, 145Orwell, George, 128

Pahlavi, Mohammad Rezā, 124Plessner, Helmuth, 68politics, 8–10, 14, 18–22, 28, 32, 34,

36, 38, 40–1, 46, 48–52, 54–7, 59, 61–2, 64–5, 70–1, 75, 77, 79–81, 84–5, 87–8, 95–104, 106–8, 110, 112, 115–17, 119–21, 123–4, 126, 129–30, 134–5, 137, 139–40, 142–5, 148, 150–8, 163–6, 168–72

antagonism of interest, 57, 62, 71–2, 104, 157

depolitization, 54, 71–2, 112, 129, 131, 144, 155–6

and perennial problems, 19, 49, 77, 96–7, 113, 130, 168

and the political, 3, 11, 18, 23, 33, 44–50, 52–4, 59, 63–6, 71–2, 98, 104, 106–9, 111, 120, 123–4, 130–1, 135, 144, 151, 155–9, 165

sphere of elasticity, 62, 130see also under humanism and

modernityPopper, Karl, 76positivism, 16, 18–19, 28, 75–9, 82–3,

86–7, 105, 150, 152, 171behavioralism, 75–82, 105, 149–50legal positivism, 19, 76–9, 82, 105see also under empiricism; Kelsen,

Hans; pure theory of law; rationalism; and Staatslehre

power, 1, 4, 7, 14–15, 17–22, 31–2, 37, 40–1, 45–6, 48–58, 60–6, 70–3, 80, 82, 84–6, 92, 97–9, 101, 104,

106, 112, 115–16, 122, 124–5, 127–8, 133–4, 137, 142, 146–7, 150, 155, 158–9, 165–7, 169

animus dominandi, 50, 54, 57, 66, 70–1, 99

Kraft, 66, 166Macht, 66, 172pouvoir (empirical power), 54, 57,

61, 66, 72puissance (normative power), 54,

57–61, 66, 71–2, 157prudence (phronesis), 19, 73, 108,

136pure theory of law, 4, 33, 44, 78–9

see also under Kelsen, Hans

radio university (RIAS), 45, 117rationalism, 7, 26, 71, 77, 83–5, 105,

142, 150–1relativism, 34–5, 76–7, 79, 92–3, 95,

117and relationism, 36, 93–4see also under Mannheim, Karl

Rommen, Heinrich, 170Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF), 124Rothenbücher, Karl, 3, 103, 145Roubini, Nouriel, 141

Scheler, Max, 166Schiller, Friedrich, 51, 168Schlesinger, Arthur, 67Schmitt, Carl, 25, 31–3, 47, 50, 59,

64–5, 71–2, 102, 147, 164–5Scholem, Gershom, 167Schuetz, Alfred, 35, 38–9, 41, 76,

88–90, 95, 105scientifi cation, 20, 80, 109, 141, 144,

152, 154–5, 171Shoah, 5, 12, 32, 39, 55, 61, 111Shugg, Robert, 56Simmel, Georg, 28–30, 34–5, 38–9,

47, 60, 63–4, 72, 88–90, 93–4, 105, 114, 145, 147, 156, 164–6

Index ● 211

Sinzheimer, Otto, 3, 25, 30–2, 40–1, 45, 51, 78, 102, 145, 147, 161, 164, 170

social planning, 7, 82, 84, 109–10, 113, 159

sociation, 35, 62–4, 88, 137, 144, 146, 151, 154, 156–7, 159

see also under Simmel, GeorgSpengler, Osawld, 22Staatslehre, 25, 32–3, 78–9, 100, 147,

164Sternberger, Dolf, 132Stourzh, Gerald, 5stranger, 38–9, 41

see also under alienation; Simmel, Georg; and Schuetz, Alfred

Strauss, Leo, 99, 149Stresemann, Gustav, 33, 134

technologization, 20, 109, 129, 141, 144, 152, 154

telos, 19, 62, 108Th ompson, Kenneth W., 2–3, 5, 21,

77, 81, 97, 99, 101, 133, 149, 165, 167, 171

Th ormann, Irma, 1, 4–5, 165Tillessen, Heinrich, 42Tillich, Paul, 3, 25totalitarianism, 44–5, 47, 111–12, 124,

127–9, 132, 141see also Arendt, Hannah; Friedrich,

Carl Joachim; and ideologyTruman Doctrine, 122

Übermensch, 58–9, 125, 134see also under Nietzsche, Friedrich

universalism, 66, 82, 112, 118, 122, 158

Van Doren Scandal, 125, 170Vernunftrepublikaner, 28, 43Vienna Circle, 27Vienna School, 78Vietnam War, 46–7, 122–3, 126, 131,

148–9, 152and teach-ins, 131and TET-offensive, 126, 170

Voegelin, Eric, 71, 81, 86, 154Voltaire, 141

Waltz, Kenneth, 150, 155Weber, Max, 2–3, 18, 29–30, 47,

49–50, 55–6, 61, 71, 91–2, 95, 102–6, 145, 164–5, 168

Werfel, Franz, 172White, Leonard, 154Wight, Martin, 52Wilde, Oscar, 165Wilson, Woodrow, 116–17, 170

see also under WilsonianismWölffl in, Heinrich, 3, 87, 91–2, 102–4,

106, 145, 169World War I, 21, 55, 80, 134, 152,

165World War II, 5, 7–8, 32, 37, 42,

44–5, 47, 55, 68, 79–81, 83–4, 92, 138, 145, 151, 162, 164

worldview, 1, 11–17, 21–2, 46–9, 66, 75, 77, 88, 140, 143–6, 149, 151–3, 161

Weltanschauung, 11, 143, 152and world postulate (Weltwollung),

6, 13, 19, 49, 108, 138

Zuckmayer, Carl, 171–2Zweig, Stefan, 163

Preface Prolegomena: Morgenthau, Realism, and Worldview

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