Precisazioni sull'iscrizione dell'arco di Berà (CIL II 4282 = RIT 930)

I recenti studi di Xavier Dupré i Raventós hanno messo ordine nelle nostre conoscenze sull’arco di Berà, sottoposto già a partire dal Sette-cento a una serie di restauri e rimaneggiamenti molto invasivi1.

L’arco, a un solo fornice, situato sulla via Augusta a circa 14 miglia da Tarraco, su base tipologica si può datare con buona approssimazione all’età augustea. Il principale ostacolo a questa datazione è stato a lun-go costituito dall’erronea convinzione che il L. Licinio Sura ricordato nell’iscrizione dedicatoria fosse l’amico e collega di Traiano, cos. III nel 107 d.C.2. È stato merito del Dupré aver mostrato la presenza di Licinii Surae in Spagna già in età triumvirale, come documentano al-cune coniazioni della Colonia Victrix Iulia Lepida (poi Colonia Victrix Iulia Celsa) e aver ipotizzato il trasferimento a Tarraco di un membro di questa famiglia di notabili, che nel suo testamento dispose l’erezione dell’arco a sue spese3.

La parte centrale dell’iscrizione dedicatoria nel 1840 fu sposta-ta dall’originaria collocazione nel fregio del lato Sud a quella attuale sull’architrave del lato Nord. Riproduco qui il fac-simile di questi quat-tro blocchi dato da Dupré nel 1999:

Un quinto blocco, con le parole ex test[, fu riconosciuto nel 1995 tra quelli che nel 1840 erano stati riutilizzati (e occultati) per ricostruire la trabeazione. Il testo completo è stato quindi restituito dal Dupré come

1 DuPré, L’arc (1994); iDeM, Document (1999). Devo queste indicazioni alla dott.ssa Cristina Buonocore, che nel maggio 2012 ha discusso a Pisa una tesi specialistica in Archeologia su alcuni archi onorari spagnoli. A lei va il mio cordiale grazie.

2 PIR 2 L 253.3 DuPré, L’arc, 238 ss.

CeSare letta

PRECISAZIONI SULL’ISCRIZIONE DELL’ARCO DI BERà(CIL II 4282 = RIT 930)

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segue: Ex testamento L(ucii) Licini L(ucii) f(ilii) Serg(ia tribu) Surae consa[craverunt ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)].

Se sono esatti i calcoli del Dupré, che ricostruisce per il fregio Sud un totale di nove blocchi, sulla sinistra non mancherebbe nulla, perché il primo blocco sarebbe stato anepigrafe, mentre sulla destra manche-rebbero 13 lettere, pari a due blocchi iscritti, seguiti da un ultimo bloc-co anepigrafe come il primo, come mostra il disegno ricostruttivo che riproduco:

Per questo Dupré esclude per il verbo la restituzione consa[cratum], che era stata adottata come sicura da Alföldy4, e restituisce come si è detto consa[craverunt], aggiungendo anche la formula ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum), in modo da ottenere un’integrazione che comprende esattamente 13 lettere.

In realtà, se accettiamo l’idea di un primo e un ultimo blocco ane-pigrafi, la restituzione consa[craverunt], senza soggetto, non può es-sere accolta, e si dovrebbe semmai pensare a consa[cratum dec(reto) dec(urionum)], con 12 lettere.

Ma forse si può pensare che il testo occupasse anche il primo e l’ul-timo blocco e quindi indicasse anche il soggetto dedicante, il che con-sentirebbe di tornare alla restituzione col verbo al perfetto indicativo anziché al participio passato.

Se si potesse credere alla testimonianza di Luís de Lucena (1546)5, secondo cui prima di ex testamento era possibile vedere aliquod versus minorib(us) litteris scriptos, si potrebbe restituire anche il nome com-pleto di Tarragona: C(olonia) I(ulia) V(ictrix) T(riumphalis) Tarraco (11 lettere), ma è meglio non fidarsi troppo di questa testimonianza, an-che perché una tale differenza nelle dimensioni dei caratteri in una stes-sa linea sarebbe del tutto anomala. Meglio pensare che anche nelle parti perdute ci fossero caratteri delle stesse dimensioni di quelli conservati.

4 Va rilevato che Alföldy (RIT, 930, p. 406) dà addirittura consacratum senza alcun segno d’integrazione.

5 Nella silloge di Ian Matal (Iohannes Metellus Sequanus), Vat. Lat. 6039, f 436-437.

PRECISAZIONI SULL’ISCRIZIONE DELL’ARCO DI BERà 337

Questo significherebbe 6-7 lettere nella supposta lacuna di sinistra, e 19-20 lettere (13 + 6-7) nella lacuna sulla destra, anziché solo 13 come proposto da Dupré. Il soggetto potrebbe essere la r(es) p(ublica) Tarr(aconensium), come in CIL, II, 4514 (= ILS, 6957), oppure la col(onia) Tarr(aconensium), come in CIL, II, 4277 e 4267 (= RIT, 352 e 341; ILS, 6943-6944). A titolo di esempio, si potrebbe restituire:

[Col(onia) Tarr(aconensium)] ex testamento L(ucii) Licini L(ucii) f(ilii) Serg(ia tribu) Surae consa[cravit ex dec(reto) dec(urionum)],

con 7 lettere nella lacuna di sinistra e 20 in quella di destra.

Opere citateDuPré, L’arc = x. DuPré i raventóS, L’arc romà de Berà (Hispania Citerior),

Roma 1994 (= AE 1994, 1086)DuPré, Document = x. DuPré i raventóS, L’arc romà de Berà com a document

històric, in L’arc de Berà, Tarragona 1999, 8-15RIT = G. alfölDy, Die römischen Inschriften von Tarraco, Berlin 1975

MiChele belloMo, Polybius and the outbreak of the First Punic War (pp. 71-90)The aim of this article is to provide an institutional analysis of the pas-sage by Polybius (1, 11, 1-3) concerning the outbreak of the First Punic War, and particularly the debate arose in Rome about the possibility to accept the Mamertines’ request for help. The ‘issue’ is represented by the role that Polybius apparently attaches to the people and not to the Senate in the final decision, a fact that brought modern scholarship to look for which of the legislative assemblies Polybius was referring (comitia tributa or centuriata). Firstly, it is here suggested that the de-bates in Rome were two and that the one which is recorded was not con-cerning the acceptance of the Mamertines in an alliance, but the assign-ment of a military command to the consul Appius Claudius. Secondly, that the popular intervention took place within a senatorial debate in the form of a contio, as it is suggested by several elements in the language of Polybius, i.e. the status of those who attended the meeting, the role played by the consul and the final decision by the assembly. A new po-litical interpretation of the passage is hence proposed, namely that the consul used the will expressed by the people in the contio to force the Senate and to obtain the command he was asking for, a reconstruction which is confirmed by the text of Livy (Per. 16) and which fits that of Polybius as [email protected]

Sara Chiarini, Intorno alla storicizzazione dello Scutum Herculis (pp. 11-22)On the historic interpretation of the Scutum HerculisThe long debated hypothesis of a historical connection between the composition of the poem and the context of the first sacred war is dis-cussed in the paper in sceptical terms. A special focus is devoted to line 25, where Locrians and Phocians are mentioned as allies in the mythical war lead by Amphitryon against the Taphians and the Teleboans. If the poem had been composed to celebrate the first sacred war, the author

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would have avoided the association of these two armies, which were bitter enemies during that [email protected]

franCeSCo De niCola, Per Isacco di Ninive (pp. 291-315)For Isaac of NinivehThe present paper concerns Isaac of Nineveh and consists of two parts. In the first one Isaac’s passage about Secundus, the silent philosopher (homily 57 in the original Syriac text, homily 25 in the Greek transla-tion), is compared with other texts about him, in particular the Life of Secundus in the papyrus and in the manuscript tradition and ancient and medieval translations of the same work. Through a close exami-nation, the author proposes several textual emendations and exegeti-cal explications. Since Isaac’s discourses were quite widespread, they greatly contributed to keep alive the memory of Secundus himself, especially in monastic circles. The second part of this paper presents the critical edition (based on ms. Marc. Gr. ii 64, written in 1664) and the Italian translation of the modern Greek translation (or better para-phrase) of Isaac’s precepts to novices by Dionysios hieromonachos. The source is to be identified with Isaac’s homily 10 in the Greek [email protected]

Johann Goeken, Socrate e Micco: un’amicizia particolare nel Liside di Platone (pp. 35-54)Socrates and Miccos: a particular friendship in Plato’s LysisAt the beginning of Plato’s Lysis, Socrates tells how he met on his direct way back from the Academy to the Lyceum, near the fountain of Pan-ops and apparently by chance, Hippothales and Ctesippus, two of his friends. Around them was a crowd of young people who spent their time discussing in a new palaestra where Miccos, the sophist, was teaching. My paper analyses the very mention of this otherwise unknown soph-ist (204 a 5-7). This mention shows that Plato indicates right from the prologue that the theme of philia will be treated in opposition to the sophists’ methods (i.e. eulogy and eristic)[email protected]

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CeSare letta, Precisazioni sull’iscrizione dell’arco di Berà (CIL II 4282 = RIT 930) (pp. 335-337)Remarks on the inscription of the arch of Berà (CIL, II 4282 = RIT, 930)The author proposes a new reconstruction of the dedicatory inscrip-tion on the arch of Berà (Hispania Tarraconensis): [Col(onia) Tarr(aconensium)] ex testamento L. Licini L.f. Serg. Surae consa[cravit ex dec(reto) dec(urionum)][email protected]

CeSare letta, Dalla tabula Lugdunensis alla tomba François. La tra-dizione etrusca su Servio Tullio (pp. 91-115)From the Tabula Lugdunensis to the Tomba François. The Etruscan tradition on Servius TulliusA re-examination of all the sources allows the author to conclude what follows:1) feSt., p. 487 L., s.v. Tuscum vicum (of whose text a new reconstruction is proposed), and Claudius’ discourse in the Tabula Lugdunensis present the same Etruscan tradition on Caeles Vibenna’s arrival in Rome in the service of Tarquinius Priscus. Tacitus’ digression on Mount Caelius (ann., IV, 65), whose source is very likely another Claudian discourse, demonstrates that in Claudius’ opinion the occupation of the Mount Caelius by the Caeliani was not a hostile conquest. Therefore in the Lyons tablet occupavit means that they took legitimately possession of the Mount Caelius, placed at their disposal by Tarquinius Priscus, as the cives took legitimately possession of the ager occupatorius.2) arnob., adv. nat., VI, 7 does not demonstrate that Mastarna-Servius Tullius killed Aulus Vibenna after Caeles’ death.3) The ‘historical’ scene of the Tomba François does not represent the slaughter of Tarquinius Priscus and the conquest of Rome by the Viben-nae; on the contrary, it represents an episode of the struggle for the power at Rome, caused by an unsuccessful attempt to usurp the throne carried out after Tarquinius Priscus’ death by another Tarquinius (Cneve Tarchunies).4) Mastarna-macstrna (nickname of Servius Tullius) is an Etruscan ad-jective derived from the Latin magister, perhaps of the same type as some Latin adjectives derived from names of magisterial or sacerdotal offices (praetorius, censorius etc.), which often became nicknames or cognomina (Censorius / Censorinus, Augurinus, Flamininus etc.)[email protected]

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Paola Mollo, Is 51,9a: interpretazione problematica del testo ebraico. Studio sulle traduzioni greche e sulla PeshittaIs 51.9a: problematic interpretation of the Hebrew text. A study on the Greek translations and on the syriac version (Peshitta) of this passage (pp. 23-34)This paper deals with the textual problems of Is 51, 9a, a passage of am-biguous interpretation, and provides an overview and analysis of ancient translations of this hemistich, which are quite different. In particular, it focuses on masoretic accentuation, on the Greek translations of the LXX, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, and on the main textual witnesses of the Syriac version. Of particular interest is the Syriac version of the verse proposed by the Polyglots of Paris and London in the seventeenth century. The addition of the word Sion (Awake awake, Sion) by the cu-rator of the Syriac text of the Polyglot of Paris (the discussed maronite priest Gabriel Sionita) is here explained in the light of the difficulties of interpretation emerging since the earliest translations of the [email protected]

oburo notoMi, Citations in Plato, Symposium 178b-c (pp. 55-69)In Plato’s Symposium, Phaedrus proposes the main theme of ‘encomi-um to Eros’ at Agathon’s party. This paper examines the beginning of his speech, which cites the authorities, namely Hesiod, Parmenides, and Acusilaus (178b-c). The passage has been suffering many editorial emen-dations since the late eighteenth century, but the philological examination reveals that the prevailing text of John Burnet (OCT) lacks a firm ground against the manuscripts’ reading. On the other hand, the recent studies of doxography shed a new light on the passage: the citations derive from the Anthology edited by the sophist Hippias. This consideration shows how Phaedrus performs sophistic presentation on the theme of ‘Eros’[email protected]

Stefano Poletti, Il Servio Tullio di Livio e le sue ‘contraddizioni’. A proposito dell’elezione ritardata in Liv. I, 46, 1 e di altri stratagemmi liviani (pp. 117-151)Livy’s Servius Tullius and his ‘contradictions’. The delayed election in Liv. I, 46, 1 and other Livian stratagemsIf we compare Livy’s account of king Servius Tullius with the one re-ported by the other sources, some oddities stand out. According to Diony-sius of Halicarnassus, Cicero and Zonaras/Cassius Dio, Servius seized the

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power thanks to a plebiscite and against the senate’s will; in Livy, Servius begins to reign voluntate patrum and the election by the people is delayed until the end of the reign. Moreover Lucius Tarquinius’ charge against Servius (non auctoribus patribus […] regnum occupasse) seems to clash with the voluntas patrum. In this essay, we shall try to find a proper expla-nation for these apparent ‘contradictions’. On the one hand, Livy places the ‘moderate element’ of the voluntas patrum at the beginning of his ac-count; on the other hand, the distribution of the land, the plebiscite and the senatorial dissent are postponed and linked to the discredited character of Tarquinius the Proud. Therefore Livy does not remove the ‘irregularity’ that, according to the tradition, characterized the reign of Servius Tullius, but he finds an effective way to dissimulate it. Consequently, whereas the other main sources show a sort of evolution of Servius from demagogy to moderation, in the Ab urbe condita we can recognize a ‘total absolution’ of the king who laid the foundations of the Roman Republic. Taking the cue from a thorough inquiry into the meaning of the delayed election and from a new contextualisation of it (see D.H. IV, 37), the Livian ‘stratagems’ that make this absolution possible are here [email protected]

GiuSePPe Polizzi, Un manoscritto ebraico dell’Inghilterra medievale - Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College 404/625 - K93 (pp. 317-331)A hebraic manuscript of medieval England - Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College 404/625 - K93The aim of this article is to discuss the main features of a manuscript (n. 93 in Kennicott’s list, hence K93), which contains a large portion of the Hebrew Bible, from Joshua to Malachi. It belongs to a bigger group of manuscripts written in medieval England between the twelfth and thir-teenth century. These manuscripts show the social, cultural and linguis-tic exchanges between Christian scholars and the Jewish community in medieval England. In this study the paleographic peculiarities are ex-amined in details and the text is compared with the textus receptus of the Hebrew Bible. The Book of Daniel is used as a case study. The phonetic and orthographic variants reveal a very particular modus operandi of the Christian scholar, who vocalized the consonantal text; for example, the use of dagesh and the ‘hyper-punctuation’ of qibbûs ̣ below the con-sonant before the mater lectionis waw. I tried to connect the following three areas: the punctuation of K93, the studies of Olszowy-Schangler on this group of manuscripts and the ‘Christian punctuation’, which is a simplified Tiberian system based on five vowels. Finally, with regard to the book of Daniel, a connection is suggested between the punctuation

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of the Aramaic sections and the results of a recent article of Heijmans on the vocalization of Western [email protected]

eleonora roManò, Gli Augustales a Rusellae. Una rilettura delle testi-monianze architettoniche, scultoree ed epigrafiche (pp. 153-206)The Augustales at Rusellae. A re-examination of the architectural, sculptural and epigraphic evidenceFollowing the excavations carried out at the end of the fifties of the twen-tieth century by the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Toscana and by a few Italian Universities, scholars have tried to interpret the structures rising in the area to the South of the Roman forum of Rusellae (GR): the so called Domus dei Mosaici, Tempietto and Aula Absidata/Augusteo/Domus degli Augustales/Vano Statue. In a few specific studies, these structures have been directly linked to the cultural activities of the Au-gustales, but this interpretation does not appear very convincing to the author of the present paper. The aim of this work is to face again this debated question on the three above-mentioned structures, which is rel-evant to different aspects (planimetric, functional and cultural). For this reason, the sculptural and epigraphic remains, found near them, have been examined and connected to the imperial cult also in the light of what we know about the activities of the Augustales and the architecton-ic characteristics (functional and symbolic) of the connected structures.The study ends analysing the use of the Domus dei Mosaici and raising new questions about the three structures here at [email protected]

elia ruben ruDoni, La freddura dell’usurpatore ‘Regiliano’ (Historia Augusta, T 10, 3-7) (pp. 339-347)The pun of the usurper ‘Regilianus’ (Historia Augusta, T 10, 3-7)In Historia Augusta, T 10, 3, the expression capitalis iocus (‘witty joke’) is itself a pun by the author, as the context makes [email protected]

Paolo SanGriSo, Prosopografia e produzione ceramica: i Murrii (pp. 207-227)Prosopography and pottery production: the Murrii‘Terra sigillata’ production has a very great economic importance, in-volving a high number of potters; Murrii’s activity begins in the Augus-

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tan age and extends for a long time, as we can determine from numerous pottery stamps, attested until the middle of second century AD. It was a gens with a conservative frame of mind and attached to land property; the origin of their fortune probably dates back to the Sillan age, as high number of toponyms referring to their name seems to suggest.During the first imperial age they stood far from political activities and confined themselves to a local sphere. However, the economical activ-ity of the Murrii is attested by Pisa’s figlinae and by links with profes-sional collegia. From the middle of the first century, Pisa’s potters took part in the diffusion of ‘terra sigillata tardoitalica’ and the offsprings of the freedmen of this family are likely to have served in legionary units of the Flavian age. Members of the gens are testified in Rome and in Italy until the fourth century [email protected]

SiMonetta SeGenni, Novità epigrafiche da Pisa romana (pp. 229-240)New epigraphic discoveries from Roman PisaThe Author presents four new fragmentary inscriptions from Roman Pisa. The most interesting of them regards a public building (perhaps a temple with its alae) erected i(m)pensa sua in 10 B.C. by some uni-dentified men; among them, a [- - - ] Saturninus is perhaps C. Canius Saturninus, duovir in A.D. 2, mentioned in the decreta Pisana (CIL, XI, 1420-1421).

DaviDe triPoDi, Sulla tradizione manoscritta di Dione di Prusa: la ter-za famiglia nelle orr. 52-53 (pp. 241-290)On Dio’s of Prusa manuscript tradition: the third family in the orations 52-53In this article I present the data of the collation of the ‘third family’ manuscripts of Dio of Prusa for orr. 52-55 (including some not collated for this part of the corpus so far) and I discuss them taking into account a number of difficulties which the analysis implies: the meager content of several of the manuscripts, the changes of model in the recently dis-covered codex Tol. 101/16, the philological activity of the scribes and so on. The resulting stemma varies from oration to oration (sometimes even in the same oration) and the available data allow more than one reconstruction for some parts of [email protected]