Poverty Among Elderly in India Akanksha Srivastava • Sanjay K. Mohanty Accepted: 24 July 2011 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011 Abstract Using consumption expenditure data of the National Sample Survey 2004–2005, this paper estimates the size of elderly poor and tests the hypotheses that elderly households are not economically better-off compared to non-elderly households in India. Poverty estimates are derived under three scenarios—by applying the official cut-off point of the poverty line to household consumption expenditure (unadjusted), consumption expenditure adjusted to household size and consumption expenditure adjusted to household composition. Results show that an estimated 18 million elderly in India are living below the poverty line. On adjusting the consumption expenditure to household size and com- position, there are no significant differences in the incidence of poverty among elderly and non-elderly households in India. This is in contrast to the notion that elderly households are better off than non-elderly households in India. Based on the findings, we suggest that the age dimension should be integrated into social policies for evidence based planning. Keywords Poverty Household size Household composition MPCE Elderly Non-elderly India 1 Introduction Population ageing resulting from an increase in life expectancy and reduction in fertility is gaining momentum in many developing countries including India. The life expectancy at birth in India has increased from 50 years in 1972 to 64 years in 2004 and is projected to reach 70 years by 2020 (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner 1999, 2008). By 2005, nearly 11 of the 29 states in India had reached the replacement level of fertility (IIPS and Macro International 2007). The proportion of population in the age group 60 years and above has increased from 6.8% in 1991 (57 million) to 7.4% in 2001 A. Srivastava (&) S. K. Mohanty International Institute for Population Sciences, Govandi Station Road, Deonar, Mumbai 400088, India e-mail: [email protected]S. K. Mohanty e-mail: [email protected]123 Soc Indic Res DOI 10.1007/s11205-011-9913-7
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Poverty Among Elderly in India
Akanksha Srivastava • Sanjay K. Mohanty
Accepted: 24 July 2011� Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011
Abstract Using consumption expenditure data of the National Sample Survey
2004–2005, this paper estimates the size of elderly poor and tests the hypotheses that
elderly households are not economically better-off compared to non-elderly households in
India. Poverty estimates are derived under three scenarios—by applying the official cut-off
point of the poverty line to household consumption expenditure (unadjusted), consumption
expenditure adjusted to household size and consumption expenditure adjusted to household
composition. Results show that an estimated 18 million elderly in India are living below
the poverty line. On adjusting the consumption expenditure to household size and com-
position, there are no significant differences in the incidence of poverty among elderly and
non-elderly households in India. This is in contrast to the notion that elderly households are
better off than non-elderly households in India. Based on the findings, we suggest that the
age dimension should be integrated into social policies for evidence based planning.
Population ageing resulting from an increase in life expectancy and reduction in fertility is
gaining momentum in many developing countries including India. The life expectancy at
birth in India has increased from 50 years in 1972 to 64 years in 2004 and is projected to
reach 70 years by 2020 (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner 1999,
2008). By 2005, nearly 11 of the 29 states in India had reached the replacement level of
fertility (IIPS and Macro International 2007). The proportion of population in the age
group 60 years and above has increased from 6.8% in 1991 (57 million) to 7.4% in 2001
A. Srivastava (&) � S. K. MohantyInternational Institute for Population Sciences, Govandi Station Road, Deonar, Mumbai 400088, Indiae-mail: [email protected]
unlikely to come out of the poverty trap (Hurd 1990). Empirical evidence suggests a ‘‘U’’
shaped relationship of age and poverty; elderly population faces a higher incidence of
poverty compared to other groups (Barrientos et al. 2003; World Bank 2006; Mujahid et al.2008). Gasparini et al. (2007) found that in countries with weak social security systems,
there is no significant difference between old age poverty and the overall poverty rates,
while in countries with a well developed pension system, poverty rates are lower for the
elderly than for other age groups. Panda (1998), in his study among the elderly in rural
Orissa found that the households where elderly women live alone were the poorest and are
in the need of additional socio economic support by the government. Mohanty and Sinha
(2010) use a simple measure of deprivation and conclude that poverty among the elderly
living in nuclear households was higher compared to that among the elderly co-residing
with children or non-elderly households. Studies also documented that poverty among
elderly households is lower than that of non-elderly households and this variation was
attributed to the survival bias, that is, the positive correlation of household income and life
expectancy (Deaton and Paxson 1995; Pal and Palacios 2006, 2008). The incidence of
poverty in general and among the elderly in particular remains a serious issue in India
though the economy has been buoyant for the past two decades (Alam and Barrientos
2010).
Though old age poverty is a significant issue in developing countries, policy and
research mainly focus on the pension program in the organised sector that has little rele-
vance for the poor elderly (Sherlock 2000). Also, the comprehension of old age poverty
suffers from methodological problems, international comparability and data limitations
(Treas and Logue 1976; Barrientos et al. 2003; Gasparini et al. 2007). Understanding the
extent of poverty among elderly in the wake of the breakdown of the joint family structure
and other socio-economic changes is essential for evidence based planning. Besides, the
existing social security system in the country is inadequate to meet the multifaceted need
of the growing elderly.
This paper attempts to provide a numerical estimate of the elderly poor and under-
stand the economic deprivation of elderly and non-elderly households in India. Con-
sumption expenditure is adjusted to household size and household composition because
of the differentials in the demographic structure of the households. We hypothesise that
there is no significant difference in the incidence of poverty between households with the
elderly and households without the elderly, and the elderly living alone or with other
elderly members are the poorest compared to any other type of households. The interest
for this paper is primarily due to the growing number of elderly living amidst abject
poverty in rural India. This may be partly attributed to the fragmentation of land and
disintegration of the family soon after the marriage of the son. This leaves the poor
elderly with little or no resources and often children do not undertake the responsibility
for the care of parents.
This study has bearing on the findings of two earlier studies by Dreze and Srinivasan
(1997) and Pal and Palacios (2006). Dreze and Srinivasan dealt extensively with poverty
among the widowed in India and estimated the incidence of poverty in 20 types of
households. They found significantly higher incidence of poverty among widowed
households when consumption expenditure was adjusted for household size and compo-
sition. However, their study did not include elderly households by their co-residence and
this study addresses the issue. Pal and Palacious had examined the incidence of poverty
among elderly and non-elderly households, but we believe that an analysis by co-residence
of the elderly would help to draw valid inferences.
To understand the age dimension of consumption poverty, we have plotted the incidence of
poverty by age of the head of the household (Fig. 1). The unadjusted poverty is age
sensitive; higher in the younger age group and declines with increase in age (32% in the
age group of 31–40 compared to 20% in the age group of 71 years and above). The patterns
are similar for rural and urban India, and for major states.
We have further examined the variation in poverty estimates by household size. Based
on the literature, we have adjusted the age composition of household members to adult
equivalent scale by assigning a weight of 1 to adult (15 years and above), 0.75 for children
aged 6–14 years and 0.5 for children under 6 years to derive the adult equivalent scale.
Similarly, we put a small value of h = 0.9 to adjust for household size. We have used the
official poverty cut-off point to compare the incidence of poverty. On adjusting con-
sumption expenditure to household composition, we observed that the poverty differentials
across the age group have narrowed down substantially. The incidence of poverty varies in
a narrow range in all age groups except in the age group 71 and above. Similarly, by
adjusting the consumption expenditure for household size, the poverty differentials among
the age group narrowed down substantially. The relatively low poverty among the 71?
may be because of survival bias as attributed by Pal and Palacios (2008) (relatively better
off elderly survives bit longer). The differential in unadjusted poverty by household size
reveals that large households tend to have a higher incidence of poverty. For example,
among households with two members, 10% households were living below the poverty line
compared to 30% among households with five to seven members and 38% among
households with eight members and more (Fig. 2). The pattern holds true for rural and
urban India and for the states.
In the following section, we have estimated the number of elderly living below the
poverty line and the adjusted poverty estimates among elderly and nonelderly households
in India.
3.3 MPCE Among Elderly and Nonelderly Households
Table 2 summarises the proportion of elderly households, estimated number of elderly and
the mean MPCE of elderly and non-elderly households by place of residence and selected
Fig. 1 Percentage of population living below the poverty line by age of the head of the household in India,2004–2005. Source: Computed from 61(1) round data of NSSO data
A. Srivastava, S. K. Mohanty
123
states in India. We define an elderly household as one with at least one member of 60 years
and above. In 2005, 28% rural households and 24% of urban households in India had at
least one elderly member and the estimated number of elderly households was about
62 million in the country (44 million in rural and 17 million in urban India). The size of
elderly population varies from 10 million in Uttar Pradesh to 1.2 million in Assam. With
respect to household consumption expenditure, there were no significant differentials in the
MPCE of elderly and non-elderly households in urban areas (rupees 1,052 vs.
rupees 1,053) while differentials were small (rupees 579 vs. rupees 550) in rural India.
There is a large variation in MPCE in elderly and non-elderly households among the states
of India. In urban areas where fertility level is close to the replacement level, 14 of the 17
states (except Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Jharkhand, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh) had
higher MPCE in non-elderly households compared to elderly households. In the states of
Kerala, Maharashtra and Karnataka (rural), the mean MPCE in non-elderly households is
higher compared to elderly households. In general, the state level patterns of MPCE among
elderly and non-elderly households are mixed.
3.4 MPCE and Poverty Adjusted to Household Size and Composition
This section depicts the relative economic conditions of elderly households and provides
methodological insight on sensitivity of consumption expenditure to economies of scale
and adult equivalents. We have carried out this exercise for the country; separately for rural
and urban areas and by household type.
We begin the discussion by plotting the unadjusted MPCE among non-elderly and
elderly households in India (Fig. 3a, b). We have truncated 2,469 of 124,642 households
that had MPCE of more than rupees 3,000. The distribution of MPCE among elderly and
non-elderly households is similar indicating that the economic conditions are probably
similar in elderly and non-elderly households.
Following this, we had assigned different values of theta (h) and alpha (a) to understand
the impact of household size and composition on MPCE for elderly households and non
elderly households. To understand the economic well being of elderly by their co resi-
dence, we have categorised elderly households into households where elderly live alone or
with other elderly members, and households where elderly live with non elderly members.
Table 3 provides the average household size and the adjusted MPCE for different values of
h and a for elderly and non-elderly households by place of residence. The average
Fig. 2 Percentage of households living below the poverty line (unadjusted) by household size in India,2004–2005. Source: Computed from 61(1) round data of NSSO
Poverty Among Elderly in India
123
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A. Srivastava, S. K. Mohanty
123
household size varies largely; from 1.6 in households where the elderly lives alone or only
with other elderly members, 6 in households where the elderly live with non-elderly
members and 4.5 among non-elderly households. As the value of theta tends to 1, there are
no economies of scale. On the other hand, when the value of theta tends to 0, the adjusted
MPCE increases, indicating that there are full economies of scale. It has been recom-
mended that for transitional economies, a moderate value of theta captures size economies
well.
In rural areas, the unadjusted mean MPCE was rupees 703 among the households where
elderly live alone or with other elderly members, rupees 611 among the households where
elderly live with nonelderly members and rupees 597 among the nonelderly households.
On assigning a value of h = 0.8, the mean MPCE for households with the elderly living
alone or with other elderly members (rural) was rupees 758 compared to rupees 850 for
elderly living with other members and rupees 783 for nonelderly households. The differ-
ences are smaller for rural and urban areas.
Similarly, the adult equivalent scale under the two scenarios has been derived for both
elderly and non-elderly households. In the first scenario, a weight of 1 is assigned to an
adult (15 years and above), 0.6 for children of 6–14 years of age and of 0.4 for children of
0–5 years of age. In the second scenario, a weight of 1 is assigned to adults (15 years and
above), 0.75 to children in the age group 6–14 years, and 0.5 for children in the age group
0–5. By adjusting for household composition, we found that the differences in mean MPCE
by household type are smaller. The mean MPCE among the household where elderly live
(a)
05.
0e-0
4.0
01.0
015
.002
Den
sity
0 1000 2000 3000
mpce30(b)
05.
0e-0
4.0
01.0
015
.002
Den
sity
0 1000 2000 3000
mpce30
Fig. 3 Unadjusted monthly per capita consumption expenditure among elderly and nonelderly householdsin India, 2004–2005. Source: Computed from 61st round data of NSSO
Poverty Among Elderly in India
123
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1,2
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32
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2
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Per
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cen
tage
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A. Srivastava, S. K. Mohanty
123
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Poverty Among Elderly in India
123
alone or with other elderly members remained the same (rupees 703), while that of elderly
living with non elderly members was rupees 688. On the other hand, the mean MPCE
among non elderly households was rupees 705. We have adjusted the consumption
expenditure to both size (h = 0.9) and composition (0.5, 0.75 and 1 for age groups 0–5,
6–14 and 15?, respectively) to understand the combined effect. We found that elderly
households living in rural areas are the poorest compared to other groups (MPCE of
rupees 757 among elderly living alone or with non-elderly members, rupees 911 among
elderly living with nonelderly members and rupees 860 among nonelderly households).
We have estimated the incidence of poverty in three types of households by using the
official cut off point of poverty. We have used the uniform cut-off point not to estimate the
number of poor in each type of household but to understand and compare the sensitivity of
poverty estimates to household size and composition. If we apply the official cut-off point
to the unadjusted estimates of MPCE, 15% households where elderly live alone or with
other elderly members are below the poverty line, compared to 27% households where
elderly co-reside with non elderly members and 28% among non-elderly households. But
the difference in poverty estimates among elderly and non-elderly households reduces
substantially when adjusted for age composition of the household. On adjusting for both
household size and household composition, it was found that the differentials in poverty
estimates reduced significantly. From the analyses, it is clear that on adjusting for either
household size or household composition or both household size and household compo-
sition, the economic condition of elderly and non-elderly households are similar. This is in
contrast to the notion that the elderly households are better off compared to non-elderly
households in India.
3.5 Estimates of Elderly Poor in India
Table 4 presents the estimated number of elderly living below the poverty line in states of
India using the state specific poverty line for rural and urban areas (Planning Commission,
Government of India 2004–2005). The percentage of elderly households living below the
poverty line in rural areas varies from 5% in Punjab to 45% in Orissa. It is higher in those
states where the overall poverty level is high (Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattis-
garh) and lower in those states where the overall poverty level is low. The average number
of elderly in rural households varies from 1.2 in Assam to 1.4 in Punjab. Based on the
number of elderly households, the proportion of elderly households living below the
poverty line and the average number of elderly in elderly households, the estimated
number of elderly living below the poverty line was 17.7 million in the country of which
12.8 million resides in rural areas and 4.9 million resides in urban areas. The estimated
number of elderly (both rural and urban) varies from 3.2 million in Uttar Pradesh to
1.6 million in Bihar and is relatively lower in the state of Punjab.
3.6 Regional Pattern of Elderly Poverty Adjusting for Household Size
and Composition
We have further examined the sensitivity of poverty estimates to household size and
composition for selected states in India. We found that the mean MPCE of the household
increases when consumption expenditure is adjusted for either household size or household
composition. Thus, applying the official poverty cut-off point to adjusted MPCE yields
lower estimates of poverty. The poverty line can be inflated, but that will not affect the
A. Srivastava, S. K. Mohanty
123
Ta
ble
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Poverty Among Elderly in India
123
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8
A. Srivastava, S. K. Mohanty
123
general inferences on the relative economic deprivation of elderly and non-elderly
households.
On adjusting the consumption expenditure for household composition, the differentials
in poverty estimates among elderly and non-elderly households have narrowed down in
many of the states of India. In 9 of the 17 states of India (rural), namely, Assam, Haryana,
Jharkhand, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pra-
desh, poverty among elderly households is higher than that of non-elderly households
where as the differences are small in the states of Gujarat, Punjab and West Bengal
(Table 5). The pattern is similar in urban India. This confirms that a small adjustment in
household composition affects the poverty estimates in India. We have adjusted the
household size by assigning a value of 0.9 and found similar results. The estimated poverty
in elderly households is high in 12 of the 17 states of India (rural), namely, Bihar,
Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil
Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Jharkhand. This brings out the fact that the relative
differences in the economic condition of elderly and non elderly households are small on
adjusting for household size and composition. These findings are similar to those of Dreze
and Srinivasan (1997).
3.7 Determinants of Elderly Poverty
To understand the significant predictors of elderly poverty, we have carried out two set of
logistic regression analysis separately for rural and urban areas. The dependent variable is
the economic deprivation of elderly (elderly being poor or non-poor) and the person file is
used in the analysis. Model 1 examines the significant predictor of elderly poverty without
adjusting consumption expenditure to household size and composition while Model 2
examines the significant predictor of poverty when consumption expenditure is adjusted to
household size and composition. The dependent variable in Model 1 is the elderly being
poor or non poor, based on unadjusted poverty estimates. In Model 2 the dependent
variable is elderly being poor or non poor by adjusting for adult equivalent and economies
of scale. In Model 1, the significant predictors of poverty are age, educational attainment,
social group, religion, number of elderly in the household and type of household. For
example, elderly in the age group 80 years and above are 32% less likely to be poor
compared to elderly in the age group 60–69 years (Table 6). Similarly, elderly having
education up to graduation and above are less likely to be poor. The pattern is similar in
urban areas.
On adjusting the consumption expenditure to household size and composition and
applying the official-cut-off point in defining the poor (Model 2), we found that age is not a
significant predictor of poverty both in rural and urban areas. Education, religion and caste
are significant predictors of poverty among the elderly. In rural areas, households with
three or more elderly are more likely to be poor, whereas, in urban areas households with
three or more elderly are 46% less likely to be poor.
4 Discussion
As a consequence of the ongoing demographic transition, India is experiencing a rapid
shift in the age structure leading to an increase in the size of elderly population. Ageing
diminishes the capacity to participate in the work force, delimits the sources of income
generation and increases the likelihood of falling into poverty (Sherlock 2000).
Population ageing in India is taking place in the context of decreased familial support and
a weak social security system. There has been research on health and health care utili-
zation, morbidity and living arrangements, but little is known about the extent of poverty
and deprivation among the elderly in India. Though India has a long history of providing
estimates of consumption poverty by state and residence, we do not have estimates of the
elderly poor. We are interested in the relative economic deprivation of the elderly in the
context of a changing familial structure that was the primary support of the elderly in
India.
We found that the poverty estimates vary by age of head of household and by
household size. The estimates are robust. However, these inferences does not hold true
when we analyse the poverty by type of household (elderly and non-elderly households)
and adjust the consumption expenditure to household size and composition. When
consumption expenditure is adjusted for household size (h = 0.9), households in rural
India where elderly lives alone or with other elderly members are the poorest compared
to households where the elderly co-resides with non-elderly members and non-elderly
households. Similarly, the differentials narrowed down when consumption expenditure is
adjusted for household composition. This validates our hypotheses and suggests that the
economic deprivations are similar among elderly and non-elderly households. These
findings holds true for many states in India and similar to previous studies on poverty
among the widowed in India. Results from the multivariate analyses confirm that
poverty among the elderly living alone or with other elderly members is higher, com-
pared to that among the elderly living with nonelderly members. Education is a sig-
nificant predictor of poverty among the elderly. Poverty increases with an increase in the
number of elderly in a household in rural areas, but it is relatively less in urban areas.
This perhaps can be attributed to the greater economic independence of the elderly in
urban areas.
We estimated that approximately 18 million elderly in the country were living below
the poverty line in 2004–2005, based on only one dimension of poverty, that is,
consumption poverty. We have not given any estimates of multidimensional poverty,
which will be much higher than the consumption poverty. For instance, age related
morbidity is higher at older ages and inclusion of the health dimension will increase
the incidence of poverty substantially. Existing literature suggests that the differentia-
tion in health across gradients of wealth and poverty is one of the key determinants of
health in later life (Zimmer 2008; Pandey 2009). We also believe that increased health
care expenditure is pushing many individuals and households into the poverty trap. We
suggest that future research be undertaken to understand multidimensional poverty in
later life.
Based on these findings, the study recommends that incentives be given for co-residence
of the elderly to encourage non-nuclear households. The universal pension program for the
elderly living in nuclear households with little or no education should be prioritized.
Within the existing program, all the elderly living in nuclear households without or with
little education should be included in the Old Age Pension Scheme (OASP). Surveys on the
elderly should incorporate details about the type of family or household, and analyse the
incidence of poverty by type of household. There is an urgent need to undertake a lon-
gitudinal study to understand the well being of the elderly.
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