POSTCOLONIALISM FROM AN INUK PERSPECTIVE By: LINDA MUGFORD December 2012 ABSTRACT I will present a very preliminary and general argument that the present-day cultural and social order of the Labrador Inuit communities may not really a return to the earlier traditional Inuit society but a mix of residual and emergent practices as is common in hegemony and colonial influences. I am interested in exploring the cultural and social world of today’s Labrador Inuit through a variety of lenses; historical, cultural, social and ideological. I want to do a literature review that examines these aspects. From a sociological point of view, societal changes are evolutionary and inevitable, but often face ruptures and foreign elements influence and exacerbate that evolution. I am suggesting that these elements are evident in our world today. I propose that my interdisciplinary approach will be to answer a complex set of questions. Integration of a number of disciplines and theories will be a key feature of my research and discussion. The homogenized cultures in many of the Inuit communities suggest we are returning to the older traditions and cultures are actually blending in parts of the European ideology and social practices and thus today’s culture is a hybrid of both.
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POSTCOLONIALISM FROM AN INUK PERSPECTIVE
By: LINDA MUGFORD December 2012
ABSTRACT
I will present a very preliminary and general argument that the present-day cultural and
social order of the Labrador Inuit communities may not really a return to the earlier
traditional Inuit society but a mix of residual and emergent practices as is common in
hegemony and colonial influences.
I am interested in exploring the cultural and social world of today’s Labrador Inuit
through a variety of lenses; historical, cultural, social and ideological. I want to do a
literature review that examines these aspects. From a sociological point of view, societal
changes are evolutionary and inevitable, but often face ruptures and foreign elements
influence and exacerbate that evolution. I am suggesting that these elements are evident
in our world today.
I propose that my interdisciplinary approach will be to answer a complex set of
questions. Integration of a number of disciplines and theories will be a key feature of my
research and discussion. The homogenized cultures in many of the Inuit communities
suggest we are returning to the older traditions and cultures are actually blending in
parts of the European ideology and social practices and thus today’s culture is a hybrid
of both.
POSTCOLONIALISM FROM AN INUK PERSPECTIVE – LINDA MUGFORD
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Introduction
For the purpose of this essay, I want to explore some characteristics of the Inuit life-
world that I feel can be described as postcolonial. I will focus on the social and cultural
facets of the Inuit and Kablanajuit1 in Labrador. As a member of Nunatsiavut2, I am
extremely interested in and by the new world order and societal conditions in the
communities here.
I hope to present a very preliminary and general argument that the present-day cultural
and social order of these communities may not really a return to the earlier traditional
Inuit society but a mix of residual and emergent practices as is common in hegemony
and colonial influences.
My main area of interest; Is there evidence to support the idea that Labrador Inuit culture
and society has absorbed foreign elements which have become normalized as
contemporary Inuit society and is not a return to the traditional “old ways”?
The phenomenon of Inuit social and cultural life today is a really complex issue and field
of inquiry. From a sociological point of view, societal changes are evolutionary and
inevitable, but often ruptures and foreign elements will influence and exacerbate that
1 The work Kablanajuk means “not quite white” as opposed to Kablunak, which is “white person”
Kablanajuit is plural.
2 English translation “Our beautiful land”
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evolution. As I explore the situation, I continue to look at the “post” conditions, post-
structural, postmodern and of greatest interest, postcolonial as a way to understand the
emerging norms in today’s society. “Post” theories can be useful to identify new social
directions, to provide new theoretical paradigms and yield new cultural capital in these
days of questioning of old paradigms and theories. The topic of indigenous revival and
empowerment can be enormous, but for this purpose I want to look at some aspects that
I feel can be a described as postcolonial movements mainly to focus on the social and
cultural features of the Inuit social structures.
Due to limitations of time and space for this essay, the most useful theories are those
from history, cultural studies, postcolonialism, ideology and especially postmodernism.
My methods will be a critical review of literature to combine works from mainstream as
well as from those writing from the margins. All the work will be done through literature
review and personal experience.
Thomson Klein in Repko et al (2012) states there are several purposes of
interdisciplinarity (286) and I propose that my usage will be to answer a complex set of
questions. Integration, as she proposes is certainly a key feature of my research and
discussion. I want to integrate insights from a number of theories, disciplines and
methods, as noted above.
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Post Colonialism
Post-Colonialism, as a world condition is still a contested idea, with some suggestions
that parts of the colonized regions are still in a colonial state. I am working from a
presumption that Canada is in a postcolonial state; a condition that I am sure is still a
subject for debate. I am basing that assumption on the emerging presence of Aboriginal
and other diverse groups’ ideas, practices and writings in the public domain. The term
postcolonial has a multiplicity of meanings and usages; and I found Ashcroft’s work to be
very valuable in talking about postcoloniality especially in the idea of transformation.
The politics of postcolonialism is beyond the scope of this paper.
According to Ashcroft (2001) postcoloniality is not only chronological, even though that
definition is extremely important; it also is spatial and political. It is also discursive,
allowing voices of people from different orientations and backgrounds to come forward
and participate in current social discourse from a different perspective. Ashcroft argues
that the concern with regrouping of people, either willingly or not also has an impact on
describing cultural differences and perspectives and the resulting cultural changes and
norms.
By reading history and political discourse, we see decolonization efforts throughout the
world in the last half of the nineteenth century. According to Lemert (1997), great social
upheaval, new structuralist and post-structuralist thinkers, and new social movements of
the modernity age became fractured, power structure were shifting and changing and
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the old Enlightenment core was questioned in the mid-1900s. People generally had
become disillusioned with modernity and progress. World War I also was a major rupture
in history and created a whole new world with growth of nationalism and new nation-
states. After the First World War and the resulting social and political re-organization and
leading to another world war came more social and cultural change. .After the Second
World War, the formation of the UN and its interest in decolonization was/is a huge
factor in making changes in social structures and relationships. This created an
environment for multi-dimensional thoughts with diverse interaction.
As a part of the decolonization movement, among other new groupings of race and
ethnicity, there has been a renewal of aboriginal identity and cultural practices and a
revival of indigenous societies globally, as is the case in Canada. The bonds and
allegiances to European dominance and control are being severed, or at least frayed
from where they have been for the last few centuries. New identities are emerging.
Some aspects of this change are the land claims processes, self-government in various
iterations and the return to traditional cultural practices and social interaction. I want to
focus on the renewal for Inuit in Labrador and the formation of Nunatsiavut, our
homeland in that context. I believe this revival takes place in the framework of
postmodernism and the decentring of imperialist forces, opening up the door to
postcoloniality. While the post-colonial experience is different in each subjected nation, it
is very complex and ambiguous.
According to the UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples; indigenous people are those
who inhabited a country or a geographical region at the time when people of different
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cultures or ethnic origins arrived, the new arrivals later becoming dominant through
conquest, occupation, settlement or other means. Bhabha (1994) states these 'in-
between' spaces, between the unified European subject and the fragmented colonial
one is the terrain for elaborating strategies of selfhood - singular or communal and which
initiate new signs of identity, and innovative sites of collaboration, and contestation, that
occur as we try to regroup and find new collective and individual identities provide in the
act of defining the idea of society itself” (ii). I feel this describes the worldview of Inuit in
Labrador; we are struggling with more autonomy in some important matters in our liefe
and existence as provided in the land claims agreement, but are still unsure of the path.
Bhabha (1994) suggests that in our existence today we are all living on tenuous borders
and boundaries. He states that we have “present and future that is neither a new horizon
nor leaving of the past... We find ourselves in a moment of transit where space and time
cross to produce complex figures of difference and identity, past and present, inside and
outside, inclusion and exclusion” (i).
Radcliffe (2005) points out that there are many different colonial experiences throughout
the world and that “postcolonialism has begun to map out the regional specific nature of
colonialism and highly differentiated postcolonial landscapes” (p.293)
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Inuit of Labrador
The Inuit of Labrador recently signed a land claims settlement that has a self-
government component. This was accomplished after thirty years of negotiations. It was
only when a large nickel deposit was found on Inuit land that the claim was “fast
tracked”. As Green (1995) states, land claims become important in areas where
economic development is deemed to be necessary, mainly for resource extraction. On
December 2, 2005, Nunatsiavut was born after a long, and sometimes acrimonious with
government agencies. The Agreement sets out details of land ownership, resource
sharing, and self-government and provides for the establishment of the Labrador Inuit
Settlement Area (LISA) which has shared responsibilities for management along with
Federal and Provincial Governments. There is another area defined as Labrador Inuit
Lands (LIL) where Nunatsiavut has more control. This is seen as a major step in self-
government and more autonomy and control.
In earlier colonial times, in the sections of Labrador where Inuit lived, German Moravian
Missionaries established posts to Christianize and civilize Inuit. In the late 1770s, they
started the process of conversion by setting up churches, schools, fur trading posts and
medical services thus starting the process of conversion; leading to communities being
formed as opposed to nomadic camps.
As with other indigenous groups in Canada, much of the Inuit culture and history had
been relayed orally. In colonial days reaching onwards to today, the preoccupation with,
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and strong reverence for the written text in western cultures has superseded the oral
traditions practiced by most aboriginal societies. During the colonialist period, indigenous
knowledge was dismissed and the aboriginal people were coerced into accepting the
European knowledge as the “right” one. The enforcement of schools and churches as
tools of assimilation and civilization has eroded the oral traditions. In Inuit groups there
were specific roles for “Keepers of the Stories”. According to Moravian journals, the Inuit
were reading German and English as early as the mid-1800s. After generations of
learning the western ways and using mass media, those roles are lost or nearly lost in
many of the aboriginal cultures. Nowadays stories may or may not reflect the same
message as it was intended and preserved prior to contact.
Another example is that of drum dancing in our region, which was traditionally spiritual
and ceremonial. Nowadays in the revival it has become a form of entertainment that is
used to showcase Inuit culture nationally. Young dance troupes from Labrador have
been formed and they travel nationally with great fanfare. It has been a great boost for
youth in building self-esteem and pride in their culture, but in the old ways, drumming
was practiced by spiritual elders in very special ceremonies. This certainly to me
indicates a huge shift in meaning, but it has positive implications and outcomes. This is
an attempt to capture old ways, but the youth and sponsoring agencies have found ways
to make it fit into contemporary society.
Another example of transformation is in the music of northern Labrador communities.
When describing “Inuit” music in the public domain, one most often refers to the
Moravian sheet music from the 1800s and performed by brass bands. This sheet music
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(in original hand writing) and instruments has been carefully preserved by Inuit and
Inuit/white church elders and musicians in those communities. So now, Moravian church
music originating in Germany is known in the region and nationally as “Labrador Inuit”
music instead of the drumming, chanting and throat singing of the traditional society.
Another aspect is development of language in central and northern Labrador where
Inuktitut, spoken by Inuit has interacted with English speaking settlers and German
missionaries. During the year of “progress” with colonial domination, fiduciary protection
and assimilation we have seen the near extinction of Inuktitut about twenty years ago to
a flourishing language today but with the added factor of new words, syntax and semiotic
messages (personal knowledge). I have observed the anglicising of Inuktitut words and
I see Inuktitut words creeping into the idiomatic preferences of English speakers. Each
has been influenced by the other with some elements changing, then becoming constant
and then breaking into new formation. The morphing is evident as the two languages
intermingle as major and minor languages throughout the communities, now becoming a
hybrid. Through this intermingling and intertwining, this language is still evolving.
Inuit lived through a collective, which shapes values and beliefs. Sharing of resources is
central to communal life and survival. It is not charity as practised by white society; the
well-meaning gifts were given to the poor (perceived) deprived people from those kind
benefactors who pity them. The factors of superiority and inferiority come into play.
The traditional sharing was so important and was one of those taken-for-granted ways of
life. You did not have to say thank you if you took meat from the communal pot, nor were
you expected to. It was there for everyone, no matter who put it there. However, there is
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an expectation that people contribute what and when they can. In the last couple of
decades, people have been charged in criminal court for “taking” things from others in
the community. Broadly speaking, members of Inuit communities do not understand the
rules of relationship and ownership anymore.
Traditional Inuit society had specific roles, and status was gained by learning skills to
navigate throughout the landscape, learning and understanding the elements of nature
and contributing to the collective well-being of the community. Now young males are
those who have lost purpose and status and are subject to alienation. This is evident in
the court records and suicide numbers. I have studied this phenomenon for many years
and have collaborated on a report on Labrador Inuit offending (unpublished), which saw
that young males make up 80-85% percent of criminal offences.
Along the same line is the focus on restorative justice that has gained prominence in
Canadian courts and justice institutions (personal knowledge). The movement has
defined a certain set of processes that can be lumped into that ideology with such things
as community justice forums, family group conferencing, and sentencing circles. These
processes and ideology do not apply to all First Nations, but community groups and
organizations are using it as an aboriginal practice as if it were inherent to each specific
set of cultural values. But generally, traditional Inuit society was quite punitive as
opposed to restorative, especially for major infractions of societal rules, for example
banishment. But in order to gain some sort of way to take control and try to provide a
more appropriate response to recurring social problem, Labrador Inuit are agreeing to
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enter into a system that is an “aboriginal approach”. It is also something that has been
mythologized.
Some Investigative Frameworks
Ashcroft (2001) marvels at the resilience of colonized people to be able to take the
imperialist structures and use them for their own purposes. This happens differently for
different people in diverse regions, and that there are multiple experiences and histories.
He borrows the word ambivalence from Bhabha, to describe “the ability of colonized
subjects to appropriate the colonial technology and not get absorbed by it” (23).
Hybridity, as defined by Hall and Bhabha, opens the way to contesting the views of a
single authoritative voice, one “Truth”, singular identity and so on. Prabhu suggest that
postcoloniality has allowed the cessation of binarism as in modernity as well as
destabilizing and reconstruction of power.
While it is way outside the scope of this paper to trace the formation of tensions and
binarisms between the indigenous populations and the imperialist takeover, it is
important to point out that there were racist policies that have created a society that has
layers and classes. Albert Memmi (2004) suggests that colonizing forces have an innate
racism built in to provide a moral justification for their actions. He points out three
ideological components that are meant to demonstrate the superiority of the colonizer
and to induce a new order; to widen the gulf between colonizers and the colonized and
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to exploit those differences for the benefit of the colonizer. These racisms are inherent
Euro-Canadian institutions.
The journal of Father Paul Le Jeune, a Jesuit priest who came to the St. Lawrence valley
in the 1600s described a plan to “civilize” the Montagnais (now known as Innu).The plan
he proposed to assimilate the savages into the European ways has four parts; getting
people to stay in settlements (to stop wandering lifestyles), put power into an
authoritarian model (away from consensus and out of hands of women), establish
residential schools so that children would not be influenced by their parents and to
convince the people that the patriarchal family, with power in the hands of the men was
the “right way”. There are a number of written sources for this method of French
assimilation, but I am referencing those of Melzer (2011).
Although not as clearly articulated was the German Moravian plan for the Inuit. A
reading of the Moravian journals (unpublished) points to similar attitudes and beliefs, and
there are embedded assimilation processes. In the colonial missionary days, Inuit were
to be indoctrinated with European and Christian values and accept the idea of “freedom”,
with such things as legal institutions, bureaucratic structures, and land exploitation.
Indigenous political power and decision-making was waived in favour of the white
institutions and systems
Schools and especially residential schools were tools of assimilation. In mainstream
history, and what gets into school curriculum (not just the residential type, but all
schools), is that the Euro-Canadian ideas are important and that the indigenous
populations must conform to those ideas and practices. So much of the Inuit history has
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been lost due to this; then, on the other side, the Inuit image has been romanticized and
moved to the margins as inferior that it too loses its real value. What are we, as Inuit
remembering? Without our stories and folklore we are forgetting and losing things? With
the disruption of the stories we have lost so much history. Does it matter in the long run?
As a part of the re-establishment of Inuit culture and society, people are trying to
remember the traditional ways. Sometimes these remembrances are mythicized. Myths
according to Macridis (1989) are ideas, symbols etc. that move people to action because
they appeal to their emotions. Myths are used in a variety of ways such as racial or racial
superiority and reassertion of tribal bonds. Barthes asserts that a myth is the notion of a
socially constructed reality which is passed off as natural. It is inherent and promoted as
cultural signifiers. Aboriginal societies have mythologized certain aspects of their cultural
foundations. In Platonism terms, myths are the “golden lie” that is used to unite and
control people. If I understand Barthes’ idea correctly it is that a myth is the notion of a
socially constructed reality which is passed off as natural. It is inherent and promoted as
cultural signifiers. Aboriginal societies have mythologized certain aspects of their cultural
foundations and are trying to revive ideas that may or may not be realistic.
According to Hall 1996, ideology is defined as the mental frameworks (language,
concepts, categories, imagery of thought, systems of representation) which different
classes and social groups deploy in order to make sense of, define, figure out and
understand how society works. We now use the word to refer to all organized forms and
social thinking.
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Gramsci theorizes about hegemony and ideological struggle wherein he states that
hegemony is the attempt to produce uniformity and coherence. He insists that cultural
domination or cultural leadership is not gained by force or coercion but through the
consent of those who it will subordinate. The subordinated groups consent because they
are convinced that will serve their best interests. He insisted on the production of
consent through a complex set of negotiation and an alignment of interests. I look at
that statement and I think I can begin to understand why Inuit had bought into the white
influence without resistance and struggle. The explorers/traders/missionaries brought
goods that were useful and Inuit developed a liking for those things.
Baudrillard claims that the human experience is of a simulation of reality rather than
reality itself. Is this the case – is the concept of being liberated of the colonial power
really an illusion and we believe it to be so because we want to believe it so? Or do we
believe it because the “old ways” have been romanticized and we think it is a reality?
Turner (2003) argues that in the bottom-up version of ideology, it assumes that subjects
have power and subculture groups have power to intervene in the signifying and political
systems and to produce change. Or do we have just enough power to think we are in
control. Either way, people do feel more in control over cultural renewal.
As Durkheim, quoted in Seale (2004) states, “between us and the reality which we seek
to know stands a whole host of assumptions, preconceptions ideologies and beliefs”.
(p.51) He felt that our ideas, as well as our political, religious beliefs along with our
moral and fundamental values are a powerful influence and all those things are socially
structured.
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Malpas (1999) defines mental states (one’s sense of self and identity) as depending on
one’s experience and how a subject interprets things from the external environment.
These external and internal influences morph into stories and incorporate these stories
into their being. This interpretation and absorption leads to new understanding and
knowledge, acting as a basis for the next set of influences, whether it is external or
internal. These become new stories that allow us to become selves. I find myself
thinking about cultural influences on a person and our ever-evolving sense of self, and
the hybridized society of today.
As Morley (2007) states, the conventional model of cultural imperialism presumes that
pure, authentic, internally homogenous, indigenous cultures exist and they become
corrupted by foreign influence. In reality, though every culture has ingested foreign
elements which become naturalized. Cultural hybridism is increasingly normal.
The cornerstones of Eurocentric cultures after the Enlightenment; individualism and
freedom are in direct conflict with those of the Inuit communal cultural life. In traditional
Inuit societies, it is not proper to promote self or to work only for one’s self but to live
collectively.
Raymond Williams (1991) makes distinctions between residual, dominant and emergent
cultures and we should not speak of stages or variations within cultures but recognize
the internal dynamic relations of any actual process. Williams’ position is that post
modernity is an emergent tendency which is haunted by various forms of residual and
traditional cultures. In this view, we are in a contradictory transitional and borderline
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situation. It is premature to say that we are in a fully postmodern society. This echoes
the work of Bhabha in the double articulation and the tenuous boundaries in society
today.
Briton (2012), taking guidance from the works of Walter Benjamin suggests that the new
world order is larger than the adoption of a new perspective but is a ‘shift in the
signifying framework” (p. 383). He goes on to say that a person can understand that
there are varying perspectives and interpretations are “possible”, and that ” Once that
interpretation is adopted, every perspective that preceded it is reinterpreted, recoloured,
as an instance in a chain of inevitable events leading up to that interpretation’s
ineluctable emergence” In that context, I am suggesting that, with the emerging forces
of the postmodern thinking, and the rising influence of the Inuit voices, people in the
communities could now begin to appreciate views that originate from the aboriginal
perspective and these had as much validity as those from the Euro-centric mainstream
society. This has moved toward a sense of identity, for some it was to embrace
Inukness, others more “white” and a third combination was to recognize both ways.
Gramsci theorized that the production of consent through a complex set of negotiation
and an alignment of interests. I look at that statement and I think I can begin somewhat
to understand why Inuit had bought into the white influence without resistance and
struggle. The political and social discourse that indoctrinated Inuit minds set up a social
structure with intrinsic institutions and social structures to mould and control behaviour,
ideas and social standards. In the modernity context these new structures were
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promoted as the “right” path and the dominant society incorporated the inferior society
into the fold.
Conclusion
Through the accounts of history, we can see the path of imperialism through colonization
of the new world as well as the so-called underdeveloped countries. The imperialist and
colonial period of history saw domination of people and tribes thought to be inferior
started to change in the twentieth century. The history and stories of the aboriginal
people “from the margins” along with the chaotic social and ideological struggles before
had been underground and subdued. As the voices of the “Others”, including aboriginal
voices, began to come to the forefront, we see a real shift in the public discourse,
indicative of postmodernism and reflects a postcolonial shift in dynamics. This has led to
a social and cultural change for Inuit.
From a cultural studies perspective, these transformative processes, as defined by
Ashcroft allow today’s cultures of blending and acceptance of “two worlds”. These
processes have empowered the colonial subject to use those knowledge and skills to
overturn the power structures.
Goehring (1993) states it very well “With one foot planted firmly in the traditions of the
past and one foot partly in the present, all indigenous societies today find themselves in
a world that is filled with seemingly irreconcilable differences”. (p.49) He goes on to say
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that these societies must force a new hybridized society with strength to fight the
dominant society or be assimilated. Inuit communities today are a blend of old traditional
ways and European influence. Coming out of a colonial environment, people are
becoming stronger and have been able to develop a rich and vibrant culture. There are
still some ideological tensions between ethnic groups and a federal government
patriarchal supervision over the legal and administrative frameworks of Nunatsiavut, but
generally people are feeling happier and more in control of their lives. Generally, people
recognize they cannot go back to the old ways and are content with that, and have found
ways to incorporate white and Inuit values.
I think it points to the transformation that Ashcroft describes where the blending has led
to a whole new ideology, culture and lifestyle.
From a Gramscian perspective, the transformed ideological system which has drawn
elements from a variety of sources is a new framework for both dominant and
subordinate groups. This framework passes for the organic and natural expression of
that society. I believe this is apparent in the Inuit communities here for sure. These
homogenized cultures in many of the aboriginal communities, including Inuit who are
returning to the older traditions and cultures are actually blending in parts of the
European ideology and social practices and thus today’s culture is a hybrid of both. Is
this the transformation that Ashcroft describes? I think yes.
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References
Ashcroft, Bill. (2001) Post-colonial Transformations Florence Routledge Retrieved from
http://site.elibrary.com/library/athabasa
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. (2002). The Empire Writes Back: Theory and
practice in post-colonial literatures. London and New York: Routledge.
Bhabha, Homi K. (1994) The Location of Culture London; New York: Routledge, Retrieved from