POP CULTURE ARCHITECTURE IN A POST CONFLICT ...

POP CULTURE ARCHITECTURE IN A POST CONFLICT SOCIETYYOPOUGON YOUTH CENTER FOR COUPÉ DÉCALÉ AND SOCIAL COHESION

2Aya de yopougon © Marguerite Abouet and Clément Oubrerie

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Student: Yémi KacoutiéStudent number: 4873149

Studio: Explore labResearch Mentor: Dr. A. Staničić

Word count: 13000

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TABLE OF CONTENT

Abstract Introduction Definition of terms Method

I. Building social cohesion, theoretical findings

1. Place finding and the role of space Youth in the city 2. Mass culture, a vector for social cohesion Music Dance Spaces

II. The Ivorian context

1. A post-conflict society Timeline and aftermath of the conflict Youth in the conflict2. Yopougon in the city Yopougon after the war Youth in Yopougon3. Coupé Décalé and social cohesion Coupé décalé, origins and social stake Youth and coupé décalé4. Field research results Mapping workshop Street observation5. A space for the youth Program Symbolism Spatial analysis

Conclusion

Bibliography

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Abstract African cities populations are growing younger and their developments dynamics are highly dependent on the youth. Today, it is unconceivable to foresee a sustainable future for African cities without the involvement of the younger generation. Western models, which have been the standards for many years, are running obsolete and unfit for the context. In Ivory Coast, youth involvement in decision-making is slowly rising but division with local governments and feeling of abandonment are still very present. After years of conflicts where they have been actors, observers, or even victims, the Ivorian youth is demonstrating a lack of motivation and faith in the institution. Ivorian people are known for downplaying and making jokes off of their own misery. They always find in situations the means to turn them into something positive and hopeful and when presented with a problem they often reply with the local adage ‘ca va aller’ which means that everything will be ok. This type of resilience has led to the rise of a musical genre tremendously popular amongst the youth, coupé décalé. My research will be focusing on demonstrating that popular culture can be used as a source of inspiration for the creation of a safe space in which the youth can flourish. Being from Côte d’Ivoire myself, I understand the connection between popular culture and moral wellbeing of the population. I argue that architecture should strive to help its youth achieve its full potential and participate in the development of the environment by providing a physical platform that would further aid/enhance popular culture. I believe that, by giving more consideration to the youth and their culture, broader social cohesion can be achieved, facilitating their insertion into the society. This step could be a part of the existing planning for reparation and reconciliation, exclusively axed on the youth. With this research, I demonstrate how music and dance can remediate the suffering of the different protagonist, that strive for a better future through keeping their culture alive.

ABSTRACT

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Introduction

With over one million habitants, Yopougon is the most populated commune of the city of Abidjan. It is a vibrant place renowned for its nightlife and diversity. The decade of socio-political crisis the country has gone through disturbed the tolerance in which its populations once lived. The youth, which represents more than 60% of the population, has been a collateral damage of this conflict. Children grew up in uncertainty, waiting for the next event that will be stripping them from their future. Despite the negative image coming from the lack of resources and the subsequent safety concerns, Yopougon remains a cultural center with a great number of artists, musicians and entrepreneurs. The borough is also the epicenter of popular culture revolving around the notable musical movement coupé décalé that has become a pillar and a focal point of the Ivorian cultural identity and lifestyle. Today, local authorities face major challenges such as restoring the faith in institutions and providing ‘safe-spaces’ where the young population could re-connect and build self-confidence. In this effort, different programs have been initiated by the municipality in partnership with various organizations. Everyone saw in Yopougon not only the potential to revive the nation, but also the resourcefulness and talent that its youth has in abundance. This momentum for restructuring and rebuilding for the future lead me to re-examine the role of popular culture in a society where its impact is so poignant among the youth. It is my standpoint that Yopougon could gain from capitalizing on the creativity of its population and its expression in popular culture. In coupé décalé, people express their desire to escape the daily hardship by turning to partying, but deeper messages of faith and hope in a better tomorrow also arise. Artists of coupé décalé, often from modest backgrounds, represent beacon of hope for a youth which identify with them. Critically reviewing

INTRODUCTION

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spaces where coupé décalé happen can open the floor for an improved experience while maintaining their spontaneity and accessibility. Paring alternative spaces of coupé décalé with spaces supporting the youth’s artistic and entrepreneurial spirit can enhance the expression of its creativity and help reconstruct the entire nation. This leads to ask the following question: How can we create space that aids/enhances/supports the social cohesion present in coupé décalé with the aim to motivate the youth of a working-class neighborhood and help them contribute to a civic society? How to attract young people from different social backgrounds and with different histories using the cohesive force of coupé décalé?

RELATIONAL

DISTRIBUTIVE

IDEAL

EQUALITY/

SOCIAL

ATTACHMENT/ BELONGING

ORIENTATION TOWARDS

OBJECTIVE AND

SHARED VALUES

• Feeling of re-sponsibility for the common good, solidarity

• Acceptance and compliance to the social rules

• Preference for values that promote cohesion

• Values consensus (homogeneity)

• Social network• Participation• Trust• Mutual tolerance

• Unequal dis-tribution of resources

• Social exclusion • Cultural diversity

• Psychological well-being• Physical health• Objective living

conditions

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Definition of terms

Social cohesion According to the European council, social cohesion is the (European Committee for Social Cohesion, 2005) minimizing disparities and avoiding marginalization. In a thorough literature review, Schiefer and van der Noll identified six dimensions to social cohesion commonly found in publications: Social relations (including social networks, trust, acceptance of diversity, and participation), identification with the social entity, orientation towards the common good (including social networks, trust, acceptance of diversity, and participation), shared values, quality of life, and (in)equality with an emphasis put on the first three categories which they deem as being the most important (Schiefer & Van der Noll, 2016).

DEFINITION OF TERMS

Fig. 1. Core dimensions and appertaining components of social cohesions.

Adapted from Schiefer & Van der Noll, The Essentials of Social Cohesion: A

Literature Review 2016

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Coupé-décalé:Coupé-décalé is a musical genre which appeared in Ivory Coast towards the end of the year 2001 in the midst of the political and sociological crisis. Coupé décalé, which can be translated by ‘cut and shift’ is also the name of the dance. ‘Couper’ in Ivorian slang language means to con someone and ‘décaler’ means fleeing. Thus the music was initially about committing a mischief and running away but it has quickly evolved into a wider concept and its initial meaning remains misunderstood by most. More than just a musical genre, the coupé décalé was a social movement, bearer of a political imagination which saw in the individual logics of enrichment and emancipation a means to escape the social consequences of the decline of Houphouetism1 (Gawa, 2014). The movement appeared at times when the entire nation seemed depressed, even the youth, generally referred to as the vibrant part of the population. The precursor was a musician by the name of Douk Saga ( Stéphane Doukouré) who aimed to bring joy and cheer up the population.

Youth:According to the definition conferred by the United nations in the General Assembly on International Youth Year in 1981, ‘youth’ is defined ‘as those persons between the ages of 15 and 24 years, without prejudice to other definitions by Member States’ (UNDESA, 2010). During the same assembly it was established that this definition may vary in different societies around the world. The Cambridge dictionary refers to youth as ‘young people, both male and female, considered as a group’ without making mention of their age. In January 2019, the head of the Ivorian government Amadou Gon Coulibaly declares that the 77% of the Ivorian population was under 35

1 Felix Houphouet Boigny was the first president of Côte d’Ivoire whom had lead the country to be once the most developed place in West Africa. After his Death the country fell in the pit of eco-nomic decline and political conflicts.

DEFINITION OF TERMS

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years old, classifying them under the term ‘Youth’ (Agence de Presse Africaine ). For the sake of this paper, ‘youth’ will be used as term referring to a group of young adults, loosely between the age of 18 and 35.

Civic society:According to the Collins dictionary, the civic society is an organization founded to promote the interests of a local community. It constitutes the elements such as freedom of speech, an independent judiciary, etc, that make up a democratic society. (HarperCollins Publishers, n.d.)

DEFINITION OF TERMS

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Method

In this research paper I will be exploring the architectural approaches which aim to create spaces that supports the social cohesion present in popular culture. I will start by laying out the theoretical foundations, basing my arguments on theories and findings from geographers, architects and sociologists in a first part. I will first demonstrate the importance of place in the construction of social cohesion and tolerance amongst member of a same community. In this part I will also study and analyze the spatial elements and qualities which contribute in the creation of social tolerance. Secondly, I will argue about the relevance of mass culture in creating bonds between people. Namely, I will investigate the power of popular culture movement on influencing behaviors. In the second part of the paper, I will focus on the contextual analysis by elaborating the results of the field research conducted through workshops, questionnaires, photo-investigation and informal talks with local populations. First, I will look at the historical and cultural context of the country and show the importance of the youth throughout the conflict. Secondly, I will explain the role of coupé décalé in achieving social cohesion in a postwar society; I will go through the history of coupe décalé and talk about its relevance in social cohesion and youth reinsertion. I will analyze the different ‘pillars’ of the movement and the spaces where it happens. In the last section, I will identify the advantages, disadvantages and, most importantly, potential of spaces where coupé décalé takes place. I will then determine principles and guidelines for the design project based on previous findings. My research, therefore, will serve as a foundation for the design project of the Yopougon youth community center for coupé décalé.

METHOD

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I. Building social cohesion, theoretical findings

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Place making is an important aspect of the modern city. For centuries, urban planners and architects have attempted to conceive spaces where city dwellers could go to and feel like they belong. Cities bring together people from different backgrounds, cultures and social classes in spaces that are sometimes not designed to cater for all their needs. As a result, finding one’s place can be all the more difficult in urban settings, where the city dwellers often end up feeling lost and alienated. A public space is an area or place that is open and accessible to all people, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, age or socio-economic level (UNESCO , n.d.). Public spaces, are created with the intent to connect city dwellers but they often fail as they can be too impersonal. Well-designed public spaces allow people to see and to be seen and grant city dwellers the feeling of being a part of a community. The author Nancy Fraser emphasizes that spaces are truly public only when they encourage and facilitate social interaction with individual of diverse background and socio-economic level (Fraser, 1990). There is no completely homogeneous group, it is the responsibility of the designer to find a balance and create and identity which encompasses all of the users.

‘Space is a resource for the expression of identities, which gain a sense of solidity and performance through physical manifestation’ (Connerton, 1989)

Fig. 2. Bryant park, New York, ©Olin studio

1. PLACE FINDING AND THE ROLE OF SPACE

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Youth in the city The world’s global population is growing younger. More than half of the world’s seven billion people are under the age of 30, with almost 90 per cent of them living in developing countries. Africa alone has 65% of its population under the age of 35. The population of sub-Saharan Africa is projected to double by 2050. On one hand cities have the challenge to deal with so many (young) people and very little resources. On the other hand, we could say that the youth capital constitutes a precious resource as they are filled with energy, creativity, and innovation skills – precisely what is needed for the development of cities. Youth engagement is essential for good governance and economic development. It is a benchmark for social cohesion and tolerance, especially in precarious post-conflict environments. Governments need effective strategies to come to terms with the traumatic past and restore trust and dignity for all the citizens. Engaging the youth in political decisions goes hand in hand with acknowledging their living conditions and actively listening to their needs. As a way of example, a report from UN Habitat involving youth in the townships of Johannesburg identified seven recommendations for policies and practices between youth people and local authorities. The creation of a space for dialogue and consultation was on top of the list (Mulwa, MacNeil, & Reudenbach, 2016). Young people and teenagers are often targeted by a latent hostility as they are often portrayed as loud and troublesome groups of people. The need for a stage for social interaction brings them to other places in the city which may not be designed for them. They often turn to the streets, since ‘For many young people, the street is the stage for performance, where they construct their social identity in relation to their peers and other members of society’ (Malone, 2002). They create their own public spaces resting on a set of shared

1. PLACE FINDING AND THE ROLE OF

SPACE

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values and interests, although this can create a range of animosities towards the rest of the society. Providing a safe space for the youth in their close environment can help the young generation to engage in social activities or even personal matters. It also shows a certain consideration and acknowledgement of their place in society. David Sibley talks about geographies of exclusion and demonstrates that the open or closed quality of the space will define its level of exclusion or inclusion. Spaces with strongly defined boundaries gather socially-alike groups of people with little room for diversity while spaces with open boundaries are more tolerant of heterogeneity but, as mentioned previously, they run the risk of becoming impersonal (Sibley, 1995). Kurt Iveson asks:“What might a model of publicness that does not assume the existence of a single public with shared values look like? The

1. PLACE FINDING AND THE ROLE OF SPACE

Fig. 3: Kids playing in the streets of Abidjan © Spag Photography

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1. PLACE FINDING AND THE ROLE OF

SPACE

first step […] is to redefine the public sphere not as a single universal sphere with a set of universal values, but as a sphere where there is more than one set of values or more than one ‘public’.” (Malone, 2002, p. 162)The same concept applies to youth culture and social inclusion. A number of studies have demonstrated that the feeling of belonging to their environment could be rooted in various different mechanisms. In his analysis of adolescent’s view of their environment in Kingston, Jamaica, David Dodman noticed that positive views of the environment were often linked to the youth’s agency to induct changes (Dodman , 2004). Pamela Wridt demonstrates in her result of block analysis in New York city, that young people in her study have strong senses of belonging in a particular block (Vanderbeck & Morse Dunkley, August 2004). This shows the pride and sense of belonging that emerges from the immediate living environment. Both theories highlight important elements which can be taken in consideration when planning for a space for the youth. The key is in finding a common thread, whether it would be physical (the block) or social (the culture) and reclaim the power over their own environment Characteristics of open and closed spaces

Characteristic Open space Closed spaces

Definition of boundary Weakly defined boundaries Strongly defined boundaries

Value system Multiple values supported Dominant values normal-ized

Response to difference and diversity

Difference and diversity cel-ebrated

Difference and diversity not tolerated

Role of policing Policing of boundaries not necessary

Preoccupation with bound-ary maintenance, high levels of policing

Position of public Public occupy the margin Public occupy the centre

View of culture Multicultural Monocultural

¬Fig. 4. adapted from Sibley, D (1995) Geographies of exclusion

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Mass culture is a modern culture transmitted via mass media and aimed particularly at the youth. Mass culture is often associated with authenticity; it arises from the people rather than imposed upon them (Storey, 2018). Through music, art and dance, people can express themselves and take part in the cultural development of their country. Unlike the traditional culture, mass culture is available to every social class and intellectual profiles. It does not require a high level of insight in order to understand it. With new technologies and the easy shareability of cultural products, a new reading of the old traditions is taking place through the lens of mass culture. It draws its power on the simple principle that consumers will grow a connection which is based on a shared identity (Storey, 2013). The mass culture in which people partake can be local or global. With global popular culture the trend goes across the borders of the country. It usually ties youth from all over the world and demonstrates of a connected generation which shares the same values. Popular music is traditionally produced in western countries and then shared with the rest of the world. Events such as the Grammies, of the Billboard music awards are followed throughout the world as they celebrate the music that it listened to everywhere. This global popular culture which is then exported sets the tone for what is trendy of fashionable. What is interesting is the way cultures around the world appropriate these musical movements and genres and develop their own in the image or the traditional and local tastes and realities. In local popular culture a nationalist factor is often used. People feel connected by a collective culture and identity. In this sense, the connection between the consumers which result from it is rooted in more personal feelings and if used well, can be a strong tool for social cohesion.

2. MASS CULTURE, A VECTOR FOR SOCIAL COHESION

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Music

Nowadays with the fast pace at which all things are evolving, young people feel the need to stay on the full lookout of the latest trends in order not to feel left out. Listening to popular music is sometimes used as a protective blanket which guaranties the social inclusion. As social feature, sound has always been the way to coordinate cohesive group activities, reinforce social bonds, resolve animosities, but also to establish stable hierarchies of submission and dominance. This creates a predisposition in being receptive to melodies. (Schäfer, Sedlmeier, & Städ, August 2013, pp. 2-7). Music rallying qualities can be expressively seen in war songs, anthems or protest chants. In study on music and social cohesion, Stephanus Muller reports the historical importance of music in the fight for social justice and equal rights in South Africa. The role of music as a vector of social cohesion finds its most eloquent expression not in the curricula or in the activities offered by South African universities, but in the tumult of protest, which constitutes the center of thought and actions seeking to imagine a future beyond the categories of apartheid and colonial clichés. (Muller, 2017, pp. 129-138). In a research conducted on 760 adolescents and young adults between the ages of 13 and 29 from Kenya, the Philippines, New Zealand and Germany, Diana Boer and Amina Abubakar observed that in peer groups, music listening contributes in the strengthening of affiliation bonds and connection (Abubakar & Boer, 2014). Young people develop social culture around music, which they use as a means to get closer to one another. Listening to the latest musical trends as a group contribute to the youth’s construction of character and identity. It is a means to conform and share something with the group, to participate and feel included. In Jamaica, reggae was invested as a way to bring an end to oppression and social disunity. Reggae globally communicates the conditions

2. MASS CULTURE,

A VECTOR FOR SOCIAL

COHESION

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of the Jamaican people, which feels heard and empowered to affect social change. During the different conflicts, popular songs were used by young protesters in the streets to keep their spirits up. Popular music became politicized as artists would promote the different political parties in their songs. After the conflicts these songs were played in bars and clubs, for everyone to party together, regardless of the political belonging. In Yopougon, popular music is used almost as a branding tool. The music playing loudly in bars and restaurants and escaping into the streets expresses the vibrancy and liveliness of the commune. This atmosphere contributes into creating a mental image showing Yopougon as a place where music and party can overpower conflict and tensions.

Dance

Similarly to popular music, popular dancing can be a way to strengthen bonds amongst a group of individuals and therefore create social cohesion. Dancing is commonly recognized as a way to express feelings and emotions. Even with pre-defined steps, dancers can showcase their personal style and project personal emotions onto the viewers. With pop culture, dancing is a physical demonstration of the knowledge and familiarity with a global movement. Taking part in mass dances at spaces of mass culture is almost like taking part in a large staged performance, where each performer is an integral part of the spectacle. Immediate bonds are therefore created through the collective realization of the popular dance moves. Unlike listening to music, dancing is an active decision. This voluntary character of dancing strengthens the cultural bonds even more. Participation in such dances enable people to experience and express their pride in being part of a specific ethno-cultural group as it re-affirms the cultural values relevant to the local identity (Marx & Delport,

2. MASS CULTURE, A VECTOR FOR SOCIAL COHESION

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2017). Most of these processes are unconscious but this does not undermine their power in self-liberation and social cohesion. In hip-hop, dancing creates strong connections between dancers and audience. The audience is encouraged to cheer for the dancers, to be excited and to show it. Cheering is almost as important as dancing as it is about showing love and support to peers. In Abidjan, dancing is a way for the youth to fit in and be a part of the trend. Each summer has its hymn and dance. Many young people often practice at home in order to be fully prepared to show off their moves to their peers. The spaces where it happens should be able to accommodate the audience as well as the performers, allowing for this audience to become the performers at times, to see and to be seen.

Spaces

Rapid evolution and constant innovation is an important characteristic of mass culture. As there is always a new song, a new dance moves or a new trend, public spaces where mass culture is consumed must be able to reflect the innovative character of pop-culture. Either it would be a party place or a more professional space such as a dance studio, the spaces need to be able to respond to the ultimate need of the consumers of being together and sharing something special. Spaces where mass culture happen need to be as stimulating and vibrant as what is going on within its walls. Mass culture is all about entertainment and enjoying one another. As it was previously mentioned, the positive social aspect of popular culture is not always apparent to the consumers or to the external observers (usually the older generation). By creating specific atmospheres, using popular symbols to which anyone can relate, architects can create meaningful spaces for mass culture. In order to create social cohesion, a space must avoid

2. MASS CULTURE,

A VECTOR FOR SOCIAL

COHESION

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tensions between ‘opposing’ parties without compromising the needs of its target. In Abidjan this could mean that a space for popular culture could call on collective memory and shared hardships in order to create tolerance towards the different users. This can be translated into architecture by the use of symbols relevant for both the users and the ‘oustide world’.

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II. The Ivorian context

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Timeline and aftermath of the conflict.

Côte d’Ivoire was once the most developed country in West Africa. After obtaining its independence from the French in 1960 the country met years of economical abundance and social fulfilling. After the death of its first president Felix Houphouët Boigny, the country started to be shaken by political turmoil. From 1999 to 2011 Côte d’Ivoire suffered multiple conflicts, most of them caused by political parties disputing the authority over the leadership of the institutions. Côte d’Ivoire is a multicultural country, sixty different tribes share the territory and Abidjan, the capital city that is a large melting pot with the different local cultures. The main political leaders have always been from different tribes, each of them rallying support from people of the same region, ethnical group and religion. During the periods of instability and violence, people would fear to disclose their last name as they often connote with a region of ethnical background. For a period of time people were dispossessed of their own identity. Tribe names and regions of origin were brandished at time and hidden at others. The apogee of violence was reached in

1. A POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY

Independance from the French.

Houphouët-Boigny becomes the 1st

president

Death of Houphouët, Henri

Konan Bedié becomes president

Guei proclams himselft PR and later fleds after uprisings.

Gbagbo is elected PR, fights erupt between the muslim north and

christian south

Deadly clash between French army and L.G.

supporters. The UN peacekeepers are

deployed

Post-electoral violence between

ADO and L.G supporters

L.G. is captured and handed over to

the international court

Grand-Bassam Al-Qaeda attacks

Attempted coup, Guei is murdered. Soldiers organize

the rebellion, rebels seize the

north

Coup d’Etat, Robert Guei overthrows

Bédié

1960 1993 1999 2000 2002 2004 2010 2011 2016 2020

Fig. 5. Timeline of the Ivorian conflict ©Yémi Kacoutié

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2011 during the post electoral conflict. A civil war raged in the Ivorian capital city of Abidjan, leaving the city and its dwellers with deep physical and mental scars.

1. A POST-CONFLICT

SOCIETY

Independance from the French.

Houphouët-Boigny becomes the 1st

president

Death of Houphouët, Henri

Konan Bedié becomes president

Guei proclams himselft PR and later fleds after uprisings.

Gbagbo is elected PR, fights erupt between the muslim north and

christian south

Deadly clash between French army and L.G.

supporters. The UN peacekeepers are

deployed

Post-electoral violence between

ADO and L.G supporters

L.G. is captured and handed over to

the international court

Grand-Bassam Al-Qaeda attacks

Attempted coup, Guei is murdered. Soldiers organize

the rebellion, rebels seize the

north

Coup d’Etat, Robert Guei overthrows

Bédié

1960 1993 1999 2000 2002 2004 2010 2011 2016 2020

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Urban landscape

Nowadays a few elements of the built environment remind Ivorians of the conflict days. The violent fights of 2011 in the capital left physical marks on the landscape – mostly bullet holes, broken glass and shelling impacts on homes and building facades – although the most severe physical damages have been repaired. What remains today are the symbolic occurrences which take people back to less-peaceful times. Memorialization of conflict has played a big role in the political regime of the previous president Laurent Gbagbo, who had erected several monuments and statues throughout the city. They were used as markers of his authority in an effort to create long lasting symbols linked to his administration. At the time they were erected, some of his opponents saw these monuments as a tool which militants of the FPI2 used

2 Ivorian Popular Front (Front Populaire Ivoirien in French) ex-presi-dent Laurent Gbagbo’s political party


Fig.6. People gathered at la Sorbonne before a political meeting ©Zenman

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to legitimize the domination over their political adversaries (Houédin, Djédjé, & Fofana, 2017). These monuments also became an emblem of his fall, as the days before and following his arrest, many of them were demolished by opponents. Agoras are a second spatial symbol of the times of conflict. They were public spaces where partisans of a political party would meet and discuss their ideas. La Sorbonne is an example of such space. It was a vibrant plaza-like place, where the partisans of Laurent Gbagbo would spend hours debating on politics. Often criticized for conveying extremist and anti-democratic ideas, It was withal seen as a symbol of the FPI youth called the ‘young patriots’. Today la Sorbonne as well as most agoras have been demolished, but the empty space remains as a reminder of the past life. The third spatial element which could act as a reminder of the conflict, are the police roadblocks which used to be very frequent throughout the city. Nowadays policemen do simple control checks with the occasional bribe asking and extortion involved, but

1. A POST-CONFLICT

SOCIETY

28

there were times when crossing those roadblocks was a whole different hassle. The blocks used to be held either by the police, by young patriots, by armed militias or anyone who had an interest in fighting at the time being. They were places of fear as one never knew what would happen when encountering them. The blocks came in different forms, they could be security checkpoints with small structures or simply pieces of wood or tires on the road. Their precariousness was also a sign of their ephemerality. These days theses checkpoints do not have the same daunting connotation as they did before, but they still evoke uneasy feelings for people who experimented them during times of war. Today the agoras, the monuments and the roadblocks remain strong spatial symbols and reminder of years of conflicts. By translating these elements into architectural features we can gain control over the symbolism: what was previously linked to traumatic events to be translated into positive reinforcements.


Fig. 8. La Sorbonne during its demolition in April 2011 ©Sia Kambou

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Youth in the conflict Post crisis inheritance

In order to achieve social tolerance, people need to feel included in a group or society. They need to be a part of a community whether it be on a professional or social level. In 2015 in Côte d’Ivoire, 1 out of 3 young people did not have any professional activity, nor were they enrolled in any educational system (Centre de développement de l’OCDE, 2017). Youth unemployment puts individuals at a higher risk of social exclusion. Despite their high demographical presence, representation of the Ivorian youth in the local political scene is low. During the years of conflict, the youth was left disempowered with a total lack of control. Some of them went to the streets and took up arms in order to get heard.

1. A POST-CONFLICT

SOCIETY

Fig. 9. Young men protesting in the streets of Yopougon, Modified from ©REUTERS

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Today’s youth lives with conditions and tensions inherited from the militant past. The involvement of the youth in politics has raised since the early 2000’s, yet their engagement still remains shallow as their rarely participate in the decision-making process. The post electoral crisis of 2011 during which current president Alassane Dramane Ouattara, leader of the RHDP3and former president Laurent Gbagbo, leader of the LMP4, disputed the presidency turned into a civil war. Following the events, street violence and formation of street gangs has developed in Abidjan. The phenomenon of the microbes, groups of delinquent teens and children, erupted in the low-incomes neighborhoods of the capital. The microbes are extremely violent young people who live off aggressions and robbery on the citizens. Many of them had fought during the civil-war and failed to rehabilitate. For a number of young people, violence has been a part of their daily life. The ongoing violent altercations between microbes and local populations translates a lack of social structures and adequate help.

3 RHDP: Rally of Houphouëtists for Democracy and Peace (Rassemblement des houphouëtistes pour la démocratie et la paix) political

coalition that supports Alassane Dramane Ouattara

4 LMP: Liberation for Presidential Majority ( La Majorité Présidentielle) political coalition that supports former president Laurent Gbagbo


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RHDP LMP

NO POLITICAL AFFILIATION

ARMED MILITIA

Violence

ARMED MILITIA

YOUNG PATRI-

OTS

FESCIYOUNG PARTISANS

OUTSIDE OBSERVERS

OUTSIDE OBSERVERS

OUTSIDE OBSERVERS

VICTIMS

VICTIMS

VICTIMS

1. A POST-CONFLICT

SOCIETY

Fig.10. Youth implication in conflict. ©Yémi Kacoutié

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Yopougon after the war

The Commune of Yopougon is the largest of the city of Abidjan. It also the most populated, with 1064000 inhabitants which represents one fourth of the city population. The commune’s youth population reflects the city trend with 56% being under the age of 20. The unemployment rate is very high (25%) with the youth being on the brink. Yopougon is known to be a vibrant commune; it is the cultural headquarters of the city as most of the local artists and popular trends are initiated there. Abidjaners have the reputation of being the “party kings” of West-Africa and Yopougon is the central place of the nightlife with the largest party street in the country, the ‘rue Princess’. In addition to being the go-to space for partying, the commune is also an important place for the coupé décalé, the most popular musical genre prized by the locals: ‘Thus, this Ivorian urban identity, magnified among other things in recent years in the speeches of nationalist “patriots”, is first of all the result of an international cultural assimilation of which Yopougon was the receptacle and the incubator of a specific Ivorian urban culture.’ 5 (Steck, 2008, p. 15)In an attempt to modernize that part of the city and to improve the living qualities, new infrastructure was created. Yopougon also started seeing the benefits of the national initiative supporting youth entrepreneurship with the development of new programs and new funding opportunities. Despite the seemingly picture-perfect development of the commune, a lot of issues persisted and new ones appeared after 2011. The phenomenon of the microbes along with the demolition of bars forming the iconic ‘Rue princess’ have left the residents skeptical of the development initiatives.

5 Translated from French by author.

2. YOPOUGON IN THE CITY

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Youth in Yopougon

The youth of Yopougon, often marginalized and overburdened with a negative reputation, does not always find it easy to turn toward local institutions and to refer to them for business or personal support. The high unemployment rate leads them to often turn to daytime wandering which feeds in to the stigma. They often turn to hanging out in bars, game joints, internet cafés and maquis6 . The zone franche or free zone, is an area of Yopougon where young people (mostly young males) gather daily to gamble and socialize with their peers. In a research report about the zone franche, Hannah Schilling interviewed Samuel, a 26-year-old man, regular visitor of that space. When asked why he was often going there, Samuel replied that his frequentation to the zone franche was

6 Local small restaurants where people eat and drink and listen to music (Mostly coupé décalé).


Fig. 11. Façade of a maquis after the demolition of the part encroaching on the street. ©Yémi

Kacoutié

34

due to his unemployment and not because he had chosen to. Samuel added that unlike the misconceptions people could have, young people at the zone franche often spend their days discussing intellectual issues and employment or educational opportunities. (Schilling, p. 133). It becomes clear that spaces like the zone franche reflects youth’s state of ill-being and the necessity to feel socially accompanied and understood in their struggle for a better life. In Yopougon a few institutions provide opportunities for the youth to meet and supports them with their interests. Entertainment industry is not taken seriously and people who partake to such activities are often considered extravagant, lazy or unprofessional. The vibrant artistic character of Yopougon is not reflected in the facilities which are provided for the youth. With the demolition of bars, clubs and maquis of the rue Princess, the authorities are attempting to erase the cultural identity of Yopougon when, in fact, they should be celebrating it.

Coupé décalé and social cohesion

Coupé décalé, origins and social stake

After the death of the first president of Côte d’Ivoire, Félix Houphouët Boigny, the country fell in the pit of economic decline and political conflicts. Côte d’Ivoire, which was once most developed and most respected country of West Africa, got caught in the vicious circle of conflicts. Coupé décalé is a musical genre which appeared in Ivory Coast towards the end of the year 2001 in the midst of the political and social crisis. More than just a musical genre, the coupé décalé is a real social movement, bearer of a political imagination, that saw in the individual enrichment and emancipation a means to escape the consequences of social decline during the houphouetism (Gawa, 2014). The movement appeared at times where the entire nation seemed depressed, even the


35

youth. The precursor was a musician by the name of Douk Saga ( Stéphane Doukouré) who aimed to bring some joy and cheer up the population:

‘September 19 in 2002 the misfortune had just hit the Cote d’IvoireRifle shots here, cannon blows there,all surprised they when the announced the death of Boka,Marcellin Yacé and General Guéï oh,Hundreds of people fell that night,we were all shocked, we cry a lotit was pitiful we were all beaten down.As the messiah arrived a young man with his battalionArmed with joy and gaiety, how is he called? Doukouré Stephanewhat did he create? The Sagacité’ 7

Douk Saga and his friends (la Jet-set) displayed features of an ostentatious lifestyle while promoting ‘showing off’ and party culture through concepts such as farot-farot8 or boucan9 . They were seen as examples and role models. People were determined to enjoy their life and youth despite the civil war; they would even go as far as locking themselves inside nightclubs during national curfews. Needless to say, the movement of coupé décalé kept growing and gaining importance amidst young Ivorians. New icons, such as Dj Arafat, Debordeaux, Dj Mix, are keeping the movement alive, allowing it to organically evolve with society. Today, this lifestyle is an integral part of the Ivorian society and identity especially among the youth with whom it strongly identifies.

7 Translated from French by author.

8 Showing-off one’s expensive jewelry or clothing.

9 Making a lot of noise in order to be seen.


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Youth and coupé décalé

Coupé décalé songs and artists are seen by young people as a source representation on the local culture. They feel like their everyday life, hardship and struggles are being shared with the rest of the world through this movement.

Not everyone can work in an office So we became gbaka10 drivers, taxi driversHustlers in the neighborhoodWe cannot steel or begYou see thatSun is hard on us that is whyYou take us for drug addicts, that’s not itTruth redden the eyes, struggling does it too11

With coupé décalé and related concepts such as travaillement12, young people have the illusion of a different life, a better life, where resources are not an issue. By showing off the money, they become someone else, they obtain a new status. Coupé décalé is the place which allows young people to overcome social constraints, to assert oneself as an individual and to redefine its place within society (Kohlhagen, 2005, p. 99). ‘For me, it (Coupé décalé) is a factor of social cohesion because it produces joy. It brings together individuals of different language culture or social standing in a single place without discrimination’ (Diallo Abdoul Kader Yopougon niangon)13.

10 Minibus used for public transportation in Abidjan

11 Kiff no beat, Gor la montagne, translated by author.

12 The distribution of bank notes on someone in the aim to show off

one’s wealth

13 From an interview with author

3. COUPÉ DÉCALÉ AND SOCIAL COHESION

37


Fig.12. Douk Saga, the creator of coupé-décalé. ©Narjes Bahhar / Tristan

Perreton

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Negative drifting

Coupé-décalé became this new social outlet that allowed young Ivorians to dream of the ideal society from which they feel marginalized (Gawa, 2014). Throughout the conflict, the Ivorian youth progressively started losing faith in the national powers. The successful image of the young graduate disappeared and the one of an individual who can succeed as a criminal using cunningness became popularized. The brouteur, a person that uses internet scams and other cyber- related crimes emerges as a new social role-model. Coupé-décalé consciously or unconsciously takes part in the legitimization of such practices by encouraging the display and distribution of banknotes at bars un clubs (already described concept of ‘travaillement’). As previousely mentioned, one of the most important attribute of the movement is the show off and the spectacle, locking young people into this vicious circle for criminality. Bars, maquis (local restaurants), night clubs and performance spaces are usually the theater of the coupé décalé. Such spaces are often times seen negatively, as they are associated with the bombastic and sometime illicit activities. Thus, coupé-décalé is not a fully positive movement, leading a lot of people (young or not to stay away from it.

3. COUPÉ DÉCALÉ AND SOCIAL COHESION

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Field research results

During my field trip in Abidjan I conducted my research and collected information using four main techniques: mapping workshop, questionnaires, casual discussions with locals and street observations. These observations allowed me to evaluate the current situations and to come up with design solutions which would allow to improve the existing situations and which could be implemented in my personal project. In this section I will be presenting some of the activities and their results.

Mapping workshop

I organized a mapping workshop in the commune of Yopougon, in partnership with Yop Crea Lab, a center dedicated to cultural and creative professions and practices, digital technology and ecology, that supports youth in their search for employment. Sixteen participants14 and I were able to map out the different activities occurring in neighborhoods around the rue Princesse and to analyze spaces of coupé décalé and other youth meeting points. Through a spatial analysis of different places I was able to identify deficiencies and qualities which can be addressed or enhanced in the creation of a new space for the youth. The spaces we investigated were a small neighborhood kiosk, an indoor-outdoor maquis, and a space under a tree where young people were gathering to play checkers.

14 The participants were young people age 20-28 from different

communes of Abidjan, 9 girls and 7 boys.

4. FIELD RESEARCH

RESULTS

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Kiosk The space was occupied by young people on a Saturday morning. They were playing music on their phones and discussing enthusiastically when we arrived. When asked if they had other places where they meet, they informed us that they would sometimes go hang out at the mall next door. They were using the space not for its services (as it was closed), but rather for the shade and seats. The step creating a mini stage provided them with a feeling of height, which allowed them to keep an eye on the immediate neighborhood.

4. FIELD RESEARCH RESULTS

Fig.13. Kisok in a residential neighborhood, Yopougon SIPOREX. Source ©Yémi Kacoutié

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SHADED KIOSK

Informal meeting spot. Kiosk as a background

Youth of immediate neighborhood

TYPE OF SPACE

USERS FREEDOM OF USE

FLEXIBILITY SPATIAL OBJECTS CATALOGUE

Very little rules: kiosk does not need to be open to serve the purpose

Little flexibility: Small shaded sitting area, the stools are nailed to the ground

Shading structurePodium or plinthStool

Fig.14. Kisok diagram, Yopougon SIPOREX. Source ©Yémi Kacoutié

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The indoor-outdoor maquisThe maquis is settled on the first floor of an unfinished building, plastic curtains were used to block the sun and provide shade during the day. Just like other maquis in Yopougon, the space spills out on the streets during the night, leading to a close proximity between the clients and the road where traffic happens. A small DJ booth was nestled between the restaurants and the very large speakers that were placed all around the maquis indicated how loud the music playing. We noticed that there was no space assigned for dancing. The tree hangout


Fig. 14. View from the street of a maquis. Source ©Yémi Kacoutié

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Fig. 15. View from the street of a maquis. ©Yémi Kacoutié

4. FIELD RESEARCH

RESULTS

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This space was the most spontaneous one we encountered. People placed benches and chairs under the tree to enjoy its shade. A group of young men were discussing standing under the tree. It seemed to be more important to be together than to be sitting.


Fig. 16. People playing, discussing and selling food under a tree, Yopougon SIPOREX.©Yémi Kacoutié

Fig. 17. Tree hangout diagram. ©Yémi Kacoutié

SPATIAL OBJECTS CATALOGUEShading treeTableChairBenchSpeakersTent

Informal meeting spot. Tree for shading

Youth of immediate neighborhood

TYPE OF SPACE USERS FREEDOM OF USE FLEXIBILITY

Very little rules, harder to use at night

Very flexible, the space can be arrange however people want

TREE HANGOUT

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4. FIELD RESEARCH

RESULTS

Fig. 18. Streets of Yopougon. ©Yémi Kacoutié

Street observation Walking through the streets of Yopougon, one could really see how vibrant the life there is. Streets is the ultimate place for the expression of popular culture. Everywhere in Yopougon we could see signs indicating maquis that give expression to coupé décalé. Music was always coming from a car or from some speakers. Reminders of the popular culture and of the festive character were always present. During the conflict, streets were seen as places of fear and violence. In peaceful times streets are used for public celebrations (during a football game of the national team, for instance) or even for private parties.

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Fig. 19. Streets for Yopougon, December 2010. ©Issouf Sanogo

Fig. 20. Streets of Abidjan after the 2015 African cup victory ©RTI

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5. A SPACE FOR THE

YOUTH

In this paper I showed that creating a space for the youth to gather, socialize and express themselves is of the upmost importance. In this part I will describe the architectural features which could contribute in the success of such space.

Program

A community space based on coupé décalé can promote social interaction and serve as a platform where individuals can engage with others and with self, which ultimately can provoke a transformation of the self and affect social cohesion and social change (Marx & Delport, 2017, pp. 58-59). As seen previously, coupé-décalé maintains a mitigated reputation, which can make it hard for the movement to be taken seriously. One way to take on the issue and to minimize the negative drifting would be to pair the activities related to coupé-décalé such as dance studios, music recording studios and fashion atelier with activities seen as more acceptable or traditional for the youth such as a library and co-working spaces. A larger amphitheater would also be included for all performances. Gathering activities which usually tend to be opposed and forcing them to collaborate into one space will give a ground for social mixity and innovation. As mentioned at the beginning of this paper, youth engagement is essential for good governance and economic development, especially in the sub-Saharan region. The center would gain from hosting local organizations dedicated to the youth. The presence of a legitimate structure into this community center around coupé-décalé would allow the youth to be seen and to claim their space in the larger decision-making process. By giving responsibility to the youth of Yopougon to run and maintain public spaces, we can create a circle of trust and motivation for the young people. Stimulating their creativity will also increase social confidence amongst young population.

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Symbolism

As previously mentioned, I have identified three elements or the urban environment which played an important role in the conflict. The monuments, the agoras and the roadblocks are strong symbols and reminders of the years of conflict. Using them in the design of the youth center could contribute in strengthening ties between users and outsiders and reinforce the social cohesion. By designing a building which would also be a landmark, a new version of the monument can be proposed as a symbol of the youth and of their passion. The new monument will not necessarily be a statue or a place for commemoration but a disruptive design, different from the surrounding buildings translating individuality and pride. The agora would be translated be a space which could encourage public meeting and discussions in an informal setting. It will allow users of the youth center to mix and discuss with outside population, to share their passion and to hear outsider’s opinions. Finally, the notion of roadblock creates the opportunity for a disruptive design which could spill into the streets, forcing passers-by to stop, go through, over or around elements of the building. Through architecture, the youth can claim their place in society while re-writing its story.

5. A SPACE FOR THE YOUTH

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5. A SPACE FOR THE

YOUTH

Fig. 21. Architectural translation of agoras, monuments and roadblock into a public building. ©Yémi

Kacoutié

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Spatial analysis

Coupé-décalé rests on different concepts which help driving the behaviors of its adepts. Through a short analysis of these notions we can identify the spatial opportunities and translate them into architectural features.The main cultural disciplines:

Music

Coupé-décalé can be considered as a modern musical genre which is influenced by various movements. It relies mostly on instruments and musical beats. The lyrics, therefore, are the secondary element. Coupé décalé artists often refer to themselves as DJs (not in the traditional meaning of the word). Recording studios and production of the music is an important part of the culture. Musical instruments also play an important role in the musical creation and expression. Young musicians use objects form everyday life as percussions to go along with the music and create songs in a very spontaneous way, often with groups of friends. The creation and recording of such music can be facilitated by non-traditional studio spaces, where every surface can be used as an informal musical instrument. The recording booth could make use of elements with different textures and materials on the surfaces which the musician could use to stimulate the creation process. the studios must be large enough in order to accommodate groups (the main singer but also the friends which play an important supporting role) and instruments. Recording can also be seen as a spectacle. In coupé-décalé, where so much is about showing off, giving controlled access to the recording studio through design can be a way to share the process with an audience. The space would then need to create visual and auditory opportunities.


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Dance

The dance aspect of the movement is very important. Often times, coupé décalé songs come with a specific dance (chebele, kpangor, kpankaka, dosa are a few examples). Hearing the first note of the music, the audience generally knows what dance moves are associated with the song. People dance together, reproducing the steps the artist has created for the song. Moments like these create bonds between the listeners who encourage each other to mimic the dance moves. A lot of young people chose to become

5. A SPACE FOR THE

YOUTH

Fig. 22. Recording studio diagrams. ©Yémi Kacoutié

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professional dancers for coupé décalé artists. Spaces such as dance studios and performance stages become essential for the physical expression of coupé décalé through dance. A dance studio for coupé décalé should reflect the energetic and pulsating character of the dancing and accommodate its particularities. Playing with wall extrusion and floor elevations would allow to create new surfaces which the dancers could use for acrobatics. Similarly to the recording studios, the dancing spaces should give an opportunity for outsiders to see what is going on inside through the means of transparent openings. The studios must be located near spaces with high traffic in order to attract the largest audience possible.


Fig. 23. Dance studio diagrams. ©Yémi Kacoutié

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The related disciplines

Fashion

With the art of showing off came a general interest in luxury foreign brands. A boucantier - from the French word boucan, which means noise - is a person who is always nicely dressed and who blatantly displays his or her wealth to the public in nightclubs, bars, or at public events. Although coupé décalé advertises a fashion lifestyle that most people cannot afford, it still emphasizes the importance of the style and dress code. This interest in fashion opens the door for the promotion of the local fashion, therefore encourages developing local clothing lines which people can be proud of wearing. Young people generally get their clothes from the market where merchants usually sell exported merchandise. Tailor shops and small seamstresses are also massively used but their cloths are not generally seen as modern enough amongst the youth. Nevertheless, over the past few years, a multitude of young designers started gaining international recognition, creating an interest for the locally made stuff. Here again showing off comes into play. With a space that allows to display the work locally made by stylist, the young people could show off their design skills to the public. The fashion shows can be held in a space visually accessible to all users of the space.

5. A SPACE FOR THE

YOUTH

Fig. 24. Fashion show audience. ©Yémi Kacoutié

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Food and drinks

The universe of coupé décalé revolves around life in bars, clubs and maquis. It is where the movement is most visible. Such public spaces exist to see and to be seen, and food is the catalyst of those spaces. It represents an important aspect of socialization in the Ivorian society. Eating in maquis often helps deconstruct social barriers. In maquis, people are encouraged to eat without cutlery and sometimes from the same plate. The meal time is the moment to connect with the peers. Eating together, and particularly with bare hands, can serve as a symbolic tool of inauguration into a group as it shows that everyone is attached to the traditional or less sophisticated ways of eating. The maquis should be the storefront of the place, the element linking the youth center to the rue Princesse.In addition to all these elements, it is important to implements the design guidelines which followed from the analysis of the youth meeting points in Yopougon. From the catalogue of existing spatial elements observed in the different spaces, I created a new catalogue of features which would come up in the youth center, making it an improved version of such spaces. These new features point out previous flaws which depreciate the coupé-décalé movement, and highlights others which can help create optimum spaces for the different activities. The overall location of the different elements is of great importance. By creating visual and auditory connections between the various activities we can spark interest amongst the different users. Opening the youth center to the outside will allow to spill the content of the center and its different talent to people in the neighborhood, offering them a chance to see coupé-décalé in a different light.


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5. A SPACE FOR THE

YOUTH

Fig. 24. Spatial features catalogue. ©Yémi Kacoutié

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In Abidjan the loss of faith in public institutions has made it difficult for local authorities to create programs which appeal to the younger populations. In this paper I argued that providing the youth with a space adapted to their interest could lead to social cohesion on youth integration to the civic society. Using coupé décalé, a popular musical genre in Côte d’Ivoire, it is possible to create a space which would motivate the youth to express and find themselves. The commune of Yopougon, also seen as the partying district of the city would be the perfect space to host a community or youth center based on coupé décalé. Over the past few years numerous programs have been initiated in the commune translating a plan from the local authorities to capitalize on the vibrancy of the space. A youth center for coupé décalé and social cohesion fits in this vision. Through this research paper I showed the importance of the youth inclusion in the development of sub-Saharan societies. Including them in decision-making processes and institutions is crucial as they are getting less and less compliant with top-down decisions which do not correspond to them. By acknowledging coupé décalé as an important pillar of modern Ivorian culture we can legitimize the youths’ artistic interest and passion as vectors of development for the nation. The entertaining and bonding character of the movement allows the youth to focus on what unites them rather than divide them, no matter what their social or tribal background is creating a statement for peace. Using principles of coupé décalé in a public building for the youth can allow translating the social cohesion observed in the movement into a physical space. For this space to be effective, it has to acknowledge cultural but also historical values which can further serve to touch upon the emotional intelligence of the users. In short, the identity of the place should reflect the identity of the users. The identity of place is determined not only by its physical components but also by various meanings and associations developed between

CONCLUSION

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people and places (Ujang, 2012, p. 157). Acknowledging the difficult past of the youth of Yopougon by the means of symbols can help replacing negative memories with positive associations. The three symbols of war mentioned previously (the monuments, the agora and the roadblock) are still present in the collective memory, and should be tackled by the design of the space. The building itself would become a monument for the neighborhood, representing the values of its youth. It would also become a new version of the agora and redefine the relation with the streets. The identity of this place would relate to the existing spirit and identity of coupé décalé spaces.

CONCLUSION

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