Political Communication and Leadership. Mimetisation, Hugo Chavez and the Construction of Power and Identity

In this important book, Elena Block traces the communication style ofHugo Chávez. Employing what she calls ‘the logic of mimetisation’, Blockshows how Hugo Chávez used a complex set of cultural symbols, populistideologies and practices and a unique style of communicational govern-ment to build a close bond with his constituents. A bond that led to theemergence of a collective identity called Chávez. This book will be of inter-est to anyone wishing to understand the nature and context of Venezuelanpolitics and political communication under Hugo Chávez.

Ralph Negrine, University of Sheffield, UK

This book tells us what is behind the popular – and populist – success of aleader like Hugo Chávez. It provides a fascinating in-depth investigationof the subtle, smart, and effective communication strategies that manypopulist leaders in Latin America, and perhaps in other contexts, employto seduce millions of citizens. A timely book that helps to grasp a phe-nomenon like populism that in the age of sophisticated media technologiesstill thrives for most part on the ‘old’ factors of emotion, imaginary,identity.

Gianpietro Mazzoleni, University of Milan, Italy

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Political Communication and Leadership

The long-lasting hegemonic rule of President Hugo Chávez not onlyinvolved significant rearrangements in the control of political power inVenezuela but also shifts in the way its citizens constructed, connected andinteracted with politics. In this book, Elena Block explores the politicalcommunication style developed by Chávez to transmit his ideologies andengage with his publics – a style that unfolded incrementally between1998, the year of his first presidential campaign, and March 13, 2013, whenhis death was announced after a long struggle with cancer. What sort ofpolitical communication style did Hugo Chávez develop to establishhegemony in Venezuela? What made him so popular?

Block argues that Chávez’s political communication style can be betterunderstood through the concept of mimetisation, a systematic sequence ofcommunicational events and practices that allowed the Venezuelan Pre-sident to build and tighten a bond with his constituents. Applying a mixedqualitative method of collection and analysis of relevant data, Blockexamines Chávez’s emotional use of common cultural symbols; drama-tised and informalised language; savvy use of communication and media,and a boost of inclusive, compensatory, and participatory practices inwhich his constituents not only felt mimetically mirrored, but alsoendowed with an identity.

Shedding new light on contemporary theories of populism from theperspective of political communication and identity construction, thenotion of mimetisation can be adjusted and applied to study the linksof populist phenomena, the mediatisation of politics and government,cultural appeal, and identity politics in other cultures and situations incontemporary times.

Elena Block is Sessional Lecturer in Political Communication & PublicAffairs at The University of Queensland’s School of Political Science andInternational Studies, and tutor in Mass Media and Society and MassMedia, Spin and Public Opinion at The University of Queensland’s Schoolof Communication and Arts. Her main areas of interest are: politicalcommunication as a field and as a practice; the mediatisation of politics;populism; political culture; identity politics; communicational government;political leadership; social media and the development of pseudo-voice.

Routledge Studies in Global Information, Politics and Society

Edited by Kenneth Rogerson, Duke University and LauraRoselle, Elon University

International communication encompasses everything from one-to-onecross-cultural interactions to the global reach of a broad range of infor-mation and communications technologies and processes. Routledge Studiesin Global Information, Politics and Society celebrates – and embraces –this depth and breadth. To completely understand communication, it mustbe studied in concert with many factors, since, most often, it is the foun-dational principle on which other subjects rest. This series provides a pub-lishing space for scholarship in the expansive, yet intersecting, categories ofcommunication and information processes and other disciplines.

1. Relational, Networked and Collaborative Approaches toPublic DiplomacyThe connective mindshiftEdited by R. S. Zaharna, Amelia Arsenault, and Ali Fisher

2. Reporting at the Southern BordersJournalism and public debates on immigration in the US and the EUEdited by Giovanna Dell’Orto, and Vicki L. Birchfield

3. Strategic NarrativesCommunication power and the new world orderAlister Miskimmon, Ben O’Loughlin, and Laura Roselle

4. Talk Show CampaignsPresidential candidates on daytime and late night televisionMichael Parkin

5. The Networked Young CitizenSocial media, political participation and civic engagementEdited by Brian D. Loader, Ariadne Vromen, and Michael Xenos

6. Framing WarPublic opinion and decision-making in comparative perspectiveFrancesco Olmastroni

7. Political Communication and LeadershipMimetisation, Hugo Chávez and the construction of power and identityElena Block

Political Communicationand LeadershipMimetisation, Hugo Chávez and theconstruction of power and identity

Elena Block

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First published 2016by Routledge711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

and by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informabusiness

© 2016 Taylor & Francis

The right of Elena Block to be identified as author of this work has beenasserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,Designs and Patents Act 1988.

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Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication DataBlock, Elena.Political communication and leadership : mimetisation, Hugo Chávez

and the construction of power and identity / Elena Block.pages cm. – (Routledge studies in global information, politics and

society ; 7)Includes bibliographical references and index.1. Chávez Frías, Hugo–Language. 2. Chávez Frías, Hugo–Oratory. 3.

Communication in politics–Venezuela. 4. Discourse analysis–Politicalaspects–Venezuela. 5. Venezuela–Politics and government–1999- I. Title.

F2329.22.C54B56 2015987.06'42092–dc23

2015003248

ISBN: 978-1-138-90503-0 (hbk)ISBN: 978-1-315-69443-6 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Romanby Taylor & Francis Books

To John Fraser and Elena Escalante-Block, for their love,unconditional patience, and for making me laugh in moments ofstress. To my dear ones who left too early for other galaxies.


Contents

List of illustrations xiAcknowledgments xiiiSeries Editors’ Foreword xivList of Abbreviations xvPreface: “You too are Chávez” xvii

PART I1

1 Janus and Chávez: Exploring an intriguing politicalcommunication style 3

2 A Theoretical Architecture to Understand Chávez: Afive-tiered framework to examine political communication 31

3 Mixed Method and Variables in the Analysis: The study ofthe imaginaries 64

PART II93

4 The Soft Phase (1999–2000): The emotionalisation of powerand the rise of the Bolivarian anti-political hero 95

5 The Adversarial Phase (2000–2003): The mediatisedpolarisation of power and the brief fall of the hero 128

6 The Radical Phase (2003–2006): The missionesque rise of thepopulist redeemer 161

7 Mimetic Closure (2006–2013): When the peoplebecame Chávez 193

8 The Conclusions: Mimetisation, Hugo Chávez, and theconstruction of power and identity 228

Appendix 1: Periodisation summary 247Appendix 2: Elite interviews 251Index 254

x Contents

List of illustrations

1.1 Image of poster of Chàvez’s last presidential campaign takenfrom the entrance of a house in ‘23 de Enero’: Permanentcampaigning (March 2013) 22

4.1 Emotionalised Bolivarianism 1215.1 Zapata’s cartoon: “I like civil society in attention and at ease”

which marked the beginning of the Adversarial phase 1475.2 “Chávez’s media omnipresence”: TV screen photo of Chávez

taken in a hospital room 1566.1 Zapata’s satirical view of Misión Alimentación or Mercal,

created by Chávez to promote sustainable food for thepeople: “I suspect that Mission Alimentation is going tokill us of inanition” 182

6.2 Zapata’s caricature of Misión Vivienda, created by Chávez toreplace the typical shanties or ranchos with ‘decent homes’:promise or reality? The cartoon says: “Beneficiaries of theGreat Mission Housing yearn for their ranchos” 184

6.3 The missions ultimately embodied Chávez’s religious/messianicpolitical communication style that amalgamated Venezuelans’Bolivarian ideologies and Christian imaginary. Photo of aposter of Hugo Chávez next to a crucifix taken at the chapel ofCuartel de la Montaña (Mountain Barracks) where his remainsrest: ‘cultural assemblage’ 188

7.1 Mimetisation: unidentified woman’s forehead with bandana“Yo Soy Chávez” (“I am Chávez”) during demonstrations inFebruary, 2013 221

8.1 Zapata’s view of Chávez’s antagonistic division of society,demands for loyalty and intolerance of oppositional views:“There are two kinds of people: those who think like me andthose who are traitors to the patria” 240

8.2 Chávez’s eyes everywhere: An unidentified person wears at-shirt showing Chávez’s stencilled eyes and a “Che Guevara”necklace at Caracas’s Hospital Militar a few hours before thePresident’s death was announced on March 5, 2013. Chávez’seyes seem to haunt Venezuelans from the tops of tall buildings,on walls, billboards, cars, t-shirts, everywhere … 244

xii List of illustrations

Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to many people who gave me their support, time, andinspiration for the realisation of this book. First, to my PhD advisoryteam, Associate Professor Dr Eric Louw and Dr Kitty Van Vuuren, fortheir wise guidance, patience, and, more importantly, for believing in thisproject. To Dr Nicholas Carah for his efficiency and timely advice. To mycolleagues in the RHD rooms at the University of Queensland’s School ofJournalism and Communication (now the School of Communication andArts), for our good conversations, laughs and encouragement to the “mom”of the group. To my 27 interviewees in Venezuela; for their participation,and for kindly giving me their trust and time. To Mrs Mercedes Rizo notonly for her transcripts but also for her ongoing interest, kindness, andsupport. To Mrs Vivienne Chávez who assisted me in the intricate task ofproofreading, editing and helping give coherence to the manuscript, andfor her continuous care, patience and technical support. To Venezuelanphotographer Mr Manaure Quintero for kindly giving me permission touse his excellent photos to help illustrate and substantiate my arguments insome of the chapters of this book. Finally, I wish to express my immensegratitude to the great maestro Pedro Leon Zapata and his wonderful wife,journalist and friend Mara Comerlati, for letting me use some of hisgreatest cartoons that just by themselves tell the story of Venezuela.(Their permission was kindly granted just two weeks before Zapata passedaway on 6, February 2015. All my respect and appreciation).

Series Editors’ Foreword

One of the important areas of study for those interested in political com-munication is how political leaders communicate with the people in theirown countries. How do leaders build and maintain legitimacy? How andwhy do the masses support political leaders and with what consequences?In this work, Elena Block analyses the political communication style thatHugo Chávez developed to build hegemonic power and a ‘collective’identity in Venezuela. She presents a nuanced understanding of the logicof mimetisation to underpin each chapter, assessing the “politics of iden-tity”, populism, and political communication. The work fully engages withthe scope of the Routledge Studies in Global Information, Politics andSociety.

Laura Roselle

List of Abbreviations

ABN Bolivarian News Agency, Agencia Bolivariana de NoticiasAD Venezuela’s Social Democratic Party, Accion DemocráticaAN National Assembly, Asamblea NacionalAVN Agencia Venezolana de NoticiasBCs Bolivarian Circles, Circulos BolivarianosCCs communal councils, Consejos ComunalesCIDH Inter-American Commissions of Human RightsCNE National Electoral Council, Consejo Nacional ElectoralCNP Colegio Nacional de PeriodistasConatel National Commission of Telecommunications of the

Bolivarian Republic of VenezuelaCOPEI Committee of Independent Electoral Political Organization,

Comité de Organización Política Electoral Independiente(Venezuela’s Christian Democratic Party)

CTV Confederation of Trade Unions of Venezuela, Confederacionde Trabajadores de Venezuela

FAN National Armed ForcesFANB National Bolivarian Armed ForcesFedecámaras Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce, Federacion

de Camaras y Asociaciones de Comercio y Produccion deVenezuela

IACHR Inter-American Court of Human RightsIMF International Monetary FundLey Resorte Law on Social Responsibility on Radio and Television, Ley

de Responsabilidad Social de Radio y TelevisionLPC local planning councilsMBR200 Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement 200, Movimiento

Revolucionario 200MinCI Ministry of Popular Power for Communication and Infor-

mation, Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Comunicacióny la Informacion

MVR Movement of the Fifth RepublicNGOs non-governmental organisations

OAS/OEA Organization of American States, Organización de EstadosAmericanos

PDVSA Petroleos de Venezuela (state oil industry)PROVEA Venezuelan Program for Education and Action in Human

RightsPSUV United Socialist Party of Venezuela, Partido Socialista

Unido de VenezuelaRCTV Radio Caracas TelevisionRNV National Radio of Venezuela, Radio Nacional de VenezuelaTelesur La Nueva Televisora del Sur (Latin American multimedia

platform that “promotes the unification of the peoples ofthe South”

UCV Universidad Central de VenezuelaUN/ONU United Nations, Organización de las Naciones UnidasUNPD/PNUDUnited Nations Development Programme/Programa de las

Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo.US The United States of AmericaVTV Main state-owned TV network, Venezolana de Television

xvi List of Abbreviations

Preface“You too are Chávez”

At the heart of Hugo Chávez’s last presidential campaign in 2012 was acentral message continuously reproduced on all forms of traditional, digi-tal, and social media: “Whatever happens they will never beat Chávez,because I am not Chávez, Chávez is an unbeaten people … You too areChávez”. Of course, part of this message was by no means new. Charismaticpopulist Colombian leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán said something similar in1947, a few months before his assassination and subsequent revolts,known as El Bogotazo: “I am not a man, I am a people”. In 2010, a Zapa-tista website attributed a compatible phrase to legendary sub-comandanteMarcos suggesting that he was “el pueblo” and that his movement wasformed by “los mismos ustedes”, “the same you”. However, there is a turnof meaning in the last segment of the Venezuelan President’s words that isabsent from either Gaitán’s or Zapata’s messages: “You too are Chávez”:this was not the classic populist leader claiming to be one with the people;it was the leader suggesting that it was the people, “el pueblo” – “you”,who had become him, Chávez.

This issue raised a key question: Was this gradual transformation offollowers to leader the key to Chávez’s long-lasting hegemony? Two yearslater, in late November of 2014, I interviewed one of the main spokes-persons (vocero) of the Frente de Colectivos Revolucionarios Sergio Rodri-guez of Caracas’s popular neighbourhood called “23 de Enero”, whoasked not to be identified as he was talking “on behalf of the colectivo”.This interview took place when the global media was predicting thatVenezuela was heading to financial collapse because of the plunge in oilprices, and the shortage of basic products or medicines, such as milk,acetaminophen, or even deodorant, were adding to the ongoing anxietythat characterises the mood of Venezuelans today. In Caracas, especially in“23 de Enero”, Chávez’s image is everywhere, particularly his stencilledslanted eyes which oversee everything and everybody from walls, posters,t-shirts, banners, or the painted top of the tall, heavily populated buildingsof “El 23”. A photo of a uniformed and heavily armed Chávez was alsoplaced on the walls of the clean and tidy, well-stocked, air-conditionedconvenience store administered by the colectivo where the interview took

place. “Why do you still follow Chávez two years after his death? Whatdid Chávez give to you?”, I asked the vocero bluntly. “Chávez gave us anidentity”, he answered back quickly. “Chávez activated people’s awarenessand gave us consciousness of who we are, and who is the other. He taughtus how to empower ourselves and seize what is ours …. Chávez is alive ineach one of us …. I feel Chávez. I am Chávez”.

This response both explained and reinforced the reason why I under-took this study of the development of Hugo Chávez’s style of politicalcommunication in his path to construct power and identity. It also hints atthe first and possibly main clue to understand the analysis and resultsdeployed in this book.

Elena Block

xviii Preface

Part I


1 Janus and ChávezExploring an intriguing politicalcommunication style

The plane landed in Caracas at three in the morning. I saw through thewindow the mist of lights of the unforgettable city where I lived for threeyears, as crucial for Venezuela as they were for my life. The President tookhis leave with a Caribbean embrace and an implicit invitation: ‘We’ll seeeach other here February 2nd.’ While he moved off among his militaryescort and old friends, I shuddered at the thrill of having travelled andchatted pleasantly with two opposing men. One to whom an inveterate fatehad offered the opportunity to save his country. And the other an illusionistwho could go down in history as one more despot.

(Garcia Márquez, 1999, para. 44)

The paradoxical “thrill”, masterfully described by Nobel prize-winningauthor Gabriel Garcia Márquez after an inflight chat with Hugo Chávezbetween Havana and Caracas, could be applied, mutatis mutandis, to repre-sent my own feelings when I watched the telecast of Chávez’s first addressas President Elect of Venezuela in December 1998. The screens showed acompelling man in his forties in whom mingled the caffe làtte skin of themajority of Venezuelans, the ancient slanted eyes of the aborigines of theland, and the curly hair of the African colonial slaves; a man that employedthe emotional allure of Walt Whitman’s (1980) epic Song of Myself to tellthousands of followers: “I am a little of all of you” (Chávez, 1998).

At that moment, when the traditional party leaders of Venezuela’s tired40-year-old representative democracy were beaten, discredited, and hope-lessly disconnected with the majority, I realised that this man had come tostay. As Manuel Castells (1999) wrote a few months later, Chávez belon-ged to an old lineage of Latin American “military populist nationalist”leaders whose message of political and institutional change resonated withthe feelings of the majority of voters (para. 3). After all, Stephen Coleman(2013) argued, in matters of voting it is better not to undervalue the“vitality of affect”, because voting is, above all, a “cultural act” (p. 8) – theperformance whereby citizens ultimately bare their political souls.

With Chávez, the man on the TV screen, there seemed to be no presidentialdistance or ceremonial pomp, just a spellbinding storyteller, who, despite

the lefty clichéd anti-imperialist rhetoric that characterised him all his life,shamelessly used a common-people’s American poet to appeal to his com-patriots’ affects or emotions. This man was culturally all and none of hisfellow Venezuelans, a Janus1-like duality that seemed embedded in his argu-ably populist ethos – he was the leader but he was also reflected in thefaces of those he led. Thus, for the 14 years he remained in the Presidencyof the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, he tried relentlessly to steer dis-putes with specific opponents, usually from the various elites (political,economic, global, religious, and so on), to feed politically upon the con-frontation and mutual outrage. However, he would also try to bond withthose he considered his own – ‘the people’, formed by the poor, theunderprivileged, the alienated or excluded – to feed emotionally, ideologicallyand electorally upon their trust and support.

The emotional bond that step-by-step Chávez established with his fol-lowers was made of a peculiar mimetic fabric that nonetheless supersededthe mere act of ‘imitation’ conveyed by the definition of ‘mimesis’ pro-vided by some Spanish and English dictionaries (Oxford English Dic-tionary, 2002; Real Academia de la Lengua Española, 2006). Rather,Chávez’s bonding process could be more accurately described by applyingTheodor Adorno’s (1997) principles of articulation and mimesis developedin his posthumous work, Aesthetic Theory, which explains how, by virtueof the articulation of heterogeneous elements (which in politics, for exam-ple, could apply to the leader and the various groups that are led) pro-cesses of mimesis or imitation amongst those elements may evolve intosomething “essential”, into expressed “substance” – an articulating logicthat may culminate in “the redemption of the many in the one” (p. 190).Thus, for Adorno (1997) “the more articulated the work, the more its ideabecomes eloquent”, as “mimesis receives succor from its counterpole” (p. 191).This logic of mimetisation is the basic underlying idea that both underpinsand links all the eight chapters of this book.

Chávez was a little of all those that voted for him: his constituents. Heclaimed that he felt their feelings, talked their language, and that his goalwas to make them acquire “consciousness” of their own collective identityand have a “protagonist” role in society because they were the only true“sovereign” (Chávez, 1999).

Consequently, 14 years later, during his fourth and last successful pre-sidential campaign, Chávez’s style of communicating with his publicsexperienced another change – the ultimate mimetic turn. Instead of evok-ing Whitman, this time Chávez chose to echo part of a well-known quoteof Colombian populist politician Jorge Eliecer Gaitán (1947; also LasFrases de Gaitán, 2012, para. 9): “I am not a man, I am a people”. In2012, Chávez said several times, with various wordings and on differentmainstream, digital, and social media: “Whatever happens they will neverbeat Chávez, because I am not Chávez, Chávez is an unbeaten people …You are Chávez” (Chávez, 2012b, 2012c). Thus, eventually, Chávez, the

4 Janus and Chávez

dualistic “illusionist” described in Garcia Márquez’s vignette, achieved hisaim of articulating his constituents into a ‘collective’ (Chávez, 2012a,2012d) endowed with self-consciousness and a distinctive identity that,however, turned out to be his own. Instead of Chávez being “a little of all”his followers, his followers seemed to have become him.

These distinctive events that occurred little by little during Chávez’spresidency in Venezuela served to articulate the main research questions ofthis study: What sort of political communication style did Hugo Chávezdevelop to build hegemonic power2 and a ‘collective’ identity? Put simply,what made the late Hugo Chávez so popular for 14 uninterrupted years?

To answer these questions this book examines the communicationaldimension of Chávez’s long-lasting hegemony. It examines the developmentof the political communication style that Chávez employed in the processof establishing hegemony and building collective identity in contemporaryVenezuela. Specifically, I studied the links between the “hegemonic con-struction of power and displacement of traditional actors” (J. E. Romero,2002, p. 73) with categories associated with a certain “politics of identity”(C. Capriles, 2008, p. 8). In addition, this exploration is linked with pro-cesses of populism, and more specifically of “populist rupture”, throughwhich, according to Laclau (2005b), Chávez constructed a “collectiveactor of popular nature” called to lead “a more just and democraticsociety” (p. 60); a collective actor that eventually bore his name – Chávez.

Dualism

Who was Chávez? Much has been said, researched, written and theorisedabout the late Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (July 28, 1954 to March 5,2013), President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela for 14 years,from 1999 to 2013. The Lieutenant Colonel and former paratrooper madea spectacular entrance in the Venezuelan political arena leading a failedcoup d’état in 1992 that surprised all sectors of society. Although the coupdid not achieve its aim of overthrowing then President Carlos AndrésPérez, Chávez was given the opportunity to appear on the public nationalnetwork of radio and television to urge his fellow rebels to surrender. TheTV screens showed a defiant paratrooper in a red beret and green uniformwho captured, in mere seconds, the nation’s attention and imagination formany years that followed (Bermúdez, 2011; Mora, 2002). He said: “Com-rades, regretfully, for now, our objectives were not achieved” (Chávez,1992). Only those two words, “for now” (por ahora), became a symbol – apromise of hope and a threat for his political enemies. These words alsorepresented a “courageous admission” of his responsibility in the coup,“an unusual characteristic in traditional politicians” (H. Salcedo, personalcommunication, December 14, 2010), and embodied3 the first linkbetween Venezuelans’ anti-political frustrations and Chávez’s messianicidentity (Mora, 2002).

Janus and Chávez 5

Chávez went to prison and his case was dismissed two years later, in1994. He then expressed his desire to continue his search for power, butthis time via the democratic path. Chávez embarked upon an intensiveelectoral campaign that led him to his first win in 1998 (Gott, 2005;Harnecker, 2005; Petkoff, 2010). From then on, Lieutenant Colonel HugoChávez evolved into a highly polarising figure, beloved by half of the19 million Venezuelan voters and disliked by most of the other half. His-torian Margarita López Maya (2008) argued that the “charismatic” char-acteristics of Chávez’s leadership, which involved the “heterogeneity” ofthe groups that supported him, “the quality” of the policies that hedeveloped during his rule, and his aim to reshape “the political devel-opment of the region as much as world order processes” (p. 55), madehim a unique case within the left movements that came to power in LatinAmerica during the first decade of the 21st century.

It is important to understand at this point that when Chávez arrived inpower in 1998, Venezuela had had 40 years of a system of representativedemocracy, commonly known as puntofijismo, or ‘Punto Fijo Pact’, anallusion to the name of the house (Punto Fijo) where this institutionalarrangement was conceived, agreed, and signed by the main party leadersin October 1958. Described by scholar Juan Carlos Rey (1991) as a“populist system of conciliation”, this elite4 political arrangement wasdestined to install democracy and pluralism in Venezuela and put an endto the recurrent insurgence of military caudillos that had historically plaguedVenezuela for over 140 years.

Forty years later, however, puntofijismo evolved into trite bipartisanship,weak political institutions, mismanaged resources, and an increasing dis-connection of the political elite with the poor, a context that paved theway for a nonpolitical kind of actor: Lieutenant Colonel Hugo Chávez.Venezuela was a hotbed of anti-political feelings and unsatisfied demandswhen an ‘outsider’, Chávez, emerged with an offer centred on changingthe system from representative to participative democracy via a change ofthe constitution (Caballero, 2010; C. Capriles, 2006; Philip, 2003).

What made Chávez so popular? Garcia Márquez’s (1999) introductoryvignette represented Chávez as a contradictory character who could becomeeither a “saviour” or a typical Latin American “despot”. This representationsuggests that Chávez’s leadership could be examined best as a paradox (Ellner,2008), or rather, as pollster Jose Antonio Gil-Yepes (personal communica-tion, November 23, 2010) argued, as a “Janus-like, two-faced character”,capable of leading processes of change, transitions or new beginnings, simi-lar to the dualistic traits represented by the two-faced Roman god, Janus.

On the one hand, opposing economic and political commentators(academics, journalists, and experts) have called Chávez’s government “agreat farce” (Quiros, 2012, p. 3) whose generalised mismanagement left“Venezuela a ruin” (Carroll, 2013, para. 7) with the highest rates of homi-cide and inflation in Latin America and the world (Guerra, 2012; Tarre,

6 Janus and Chávez

2012). On the other hand, the grim socioeconomic landscape never pre-vented Chávez from being democratically elected President of the Republicof Venezuela by a clear majority four consecutive times, which made himstay in power “longer than Roosevelt, Thatcher or Blair” (Hausmann, 2013,para. 1). As Harvard Professor Ricardo Hausmann (2013) asked: “Howcan electoral success be achieved under such weak foundations?” (para. 3).

The paradox posed above suggests that issues of a subjective, symbolic,or irrational nature often associated with cultural symbols and humanemotions might have played a crucial role in Chávez’s hegemonic success.

From another perspective, a group of Venezuelan media and commu-nication scholars, including myself, have tried to explain Chávez’s suc-cess by examining how he used media communication to build hishegemony. It has been suggested that Chávez ran a “communicator state”(Bisbal, 2006, 2009) and a “mediatic Presidency” (Cañizalez, 2012) wherepower struggles took place in the media arena. These representations pre-sent Venezuela as a “culture of mediatisation” (Hepp, 2009, para. 7), or asa culture marked by the “mediatisation of politics” (Block, 2013).

In addition, historian Enrique Krauze (2008) argued that Chávez“inaugurated an unprecedented style in politics” (p. 90) through which henot only governed but also “performed” his government “‘live’ all in frontof the cameras” (p. 90) via his TV show Aló Presidente, which Krauzecharacterised as a “hallucinating genre” never imagined by “great com-municators” such as Ronald Reagan. Discourse scholar Adriana Bolívar(2003) highlighted that the aim of Chávez’s show, which began in May1999 and extended until 2012, was to establish a direct, monological, every-day type of communication with his publics. Chávez’s former Vice President,José Vicente Rangel (personal communication, November 29, 2010), sum-marised all these features by stating that Hugo Chávez was a “communica-tional phenomenon” whose strength resided “in his word”. Consequently,Chávez’s success had to dowith the style he developed to communicate with hisaudiences in order to get his ideologies and policies across, an issue thatpoints to variables that belong to the symbolic dimension of politics.

In this context, Chávez has also been studied via theories of populism.On the one hand, Silvio Waisbord (2003) represented the Venezuelanpresident as a “throw-back” to earlier “classic” Latin American populism,characterised by “personalistic”, charismatic, popular leaders with a poli-tical style of communication based upon anti-political and nationalisticdiscourses that exerted a strong appeal to the people via the media of theirtime. On the other, political theorist Ernesto Laclau (2005a, 2005b) glorifiedChávez as a paradigm of populism – for him the “political act par excel-lence” (2005b, p. 117) – by becoming the unifying leader that opened “newchannels of political communication” and “constituted the people” bybuilding an “affective” (2005c, p. 60) culturally appealing bond with theunderprivileged that eventually transformed power relations in Venezuela.Consequently, populist analyses of Chávez’s political performance also point

Janus and Chávez 7

to categories that refer to culture, affects, and communication susceptibleto being analysed in terms of the symbolic dimension of politics.

The foregoing discussion suggests that the establishment of Chávez’shegemony involved a series of events that appeared to have been linked by acommon symbolic thread. For example, Alberto Quiros (2012), in his analy-sis of Chávez’s governance, stressed the “symbolic” character of his policies,offers and ideologies. For Quiros, Chávez employed symbolic mechanisms“to create an artificial country of unfinished projects … an imaginary … tomake believe a reality that does not exist, enjoy what one does not have, anddream of what is not coming… a state of constant expectation” (p. 4).

However, this is not the whole story. On the other side of the paradox,historian Steve Ellner (2008, 2010), and peace studies scholar Julia Buxton(2011, 2013), for example, have argued that Chávez’s rule should not berestricted to the examination of his leadership traits or to symbolic cate-gories. For this body of scholars, Chávez’s governance was the expressionof “broader historical and international factors” (Buxton, 2013, para. 9),which involved a model that did not aim “to be judged by the opportu-nities for private sector growth or profit repatriation [and] should not beevaluated on that basis” (para. 9). Rather, Chávez’s governance was basedupon a “social-prioritization strategy” (Ellner, 2010, p. 79) involving sig-nificant compensatory policies and inclusive organisations that promotedmaterial benefit, recognition, and more participation in decision-makingprocesses. “Those hostile to Chávez”, Buxton (2013) added, “saw noredeeming feature in any aspect of his economic management” (para. 4).That is, the “sense of empowerment” experienced amongst the “formerlymarginalized” (Ellner, 2008, pp. 92–93). For Buxton (2013), the analysis ofChávez’s legacy should be extended to the evaluation of his advances inissues of poverty, which according to her had then fallen “from 42.8% ofhouseholds to 26.7%, and extreme poverty has declined 57.8% from 16.6%of households to 7%” (para. 3). Thus, Chávez’s work should be best assessedby his government’s “economic strategy”, which constituted a centralfactor of its overall “end goal: Twenty First Century Socialism” (para. 9).

Consequently, the material or pragmatic impact of Chávez’s socialpolicy and participatory programs must also be taken into account as keyelements of the political communication style he developed in his path tothe construction of power and collective identity in Venezuela.

The Symbolic and the Pragmatic

The dichotomy posed above raises another crucial question: was HugoChávez’s exercise of power predominantly symbolic, purposively built topersuade and to create, as Quiros (2012) suggested, “an artificial countryof unfinished projects” (p. 4); or was Chávez’s rule underpinned by prag-matic achievements that translated into material benefit and inclusion forthe population, as Ellner (2008, 2010) and Buxton (2011, 2013) implied?

8 Janus and Chávez

First, I should elaborate on ‘the symbolic’ and ‘the pragmatic’and howthese notions can help gain a better understanding of Chávez’s style ofpolitical communication.

Drawing on Gramsci’s (1971) notion of the “historic bloc”, it could besuggested that the separation between the symbolic and the pragmaticmay embody a false dichotomy between material and intangible aspectsof politics. Gramsci (1971, p. 377) believed that “material forces are thecontent and ideologies are the form”, a distinction that, he admitted, just had“didactic value” because, in reality, “the material forces would beinconceivable historically without forms and the ideologies would beindividual fancies without the material forces”. Thus, I understand thesymbolic dimension in terms of ideological, cultural, emotional, andmedia symbols exchanged by political actors via communication in powerrelationships. In the same context, I understand the pragmatic dimensionin terms of material achievements or benefits attained via concrete orga-nisations, practices, and policies that provide a sense of achievement orempowerment. Such pragmatic or material events – especially in today’smediatised society – must be communicated by the various political play-ers; hence, I examine them as key elements in the study of politicalcommunication.

The symbolic dimension of politics has been associated with a dimen-sion of power (together with the political and economic) that describes thecapacity to “influence the actions of others and indeed to create events, bymeans of the production and transmission of symbolic forms” (Thomson,as cited in Couldry, 2003, p. 39), such as speech, writing, images, beliefs,cultural traditions, and practices. Bourdieu (2003) explained that thesesymbols work as “the instruments par excellence of ‘social integration’”(p. 166); or, as Couldry (2003) suggested, as instruments of “ideologicaldomination” (p. 38). In Chávez’s case, the symbolic could be illustratedby his everyday evocation of emotional, cultural, and ideological issuestransmitted via manifold channels of communication that include, but arenot exclusive to, the media. For example, politician and editor TeodoroPetkoff (personal communication, December 1, 2010) stressed the Pre-sident’s “obscene manipulation” of the Bolivarian myth to represent hisideologies, policies, and, ultimately, all his actions of governance; and Chá-vez’s “brutal, abusive” use of the media for power purposes. In particular,the extensive and intensive use of the ‘national chains’ of radio andtelevision, which often extended for many hours transforming Chávezas a continuous guest in households, business, and later on personallaptops or mobile phones. The ‘chains’ are a telecommunicationsmechanism, peculiar to Venezuela, initially introduced during puntofijismoas part of the Regulation of Communications (1984). Articles 69 and 70establish that broadcasting stations are compelled to transmit, withoutcharge, messages that the government deems convenient for the nation.Also, all stations are obligated to grant a weekly hour to divulge messages

Janus and Chávez 9

of national interest. All stations, even pay-per-view outlets, have the dutyto transmit, for free, messages released by the President and his ministers.Oropeza (2009) suggested that the national chains became “an element ofpolitical struggle” (p. 66) employed by Chávez to punish political andmediatic enemies.

On the other hand, the pragmatic dimension of politics has been asso-ciated with structural, material, or concrete actions, policies, and achieve-ments, mainly addressed to the distribution of resources in a group orsociety (Canovan, 1999; Welsch, 1992). In Chávez’s case, I explore thisstructural dimension through his ideologies and actions regarding the twokey actors upon which he focused his governance: the people and the state(López Maya and Lander, 2011). “The people” is initially proposed as anabstraction that represents “a sole will and identical sentiments, a quasi-natural force that embodies morality and history” (Eco, 2007, pp. 129–130).“The state” is defined at its broadest, as the “distinct set of political insti-tutions whose specific concern is with the organisation of domination, inthe name of the common interest, within a delimited territory” (McLeanand McMillan, 2009, para. 1). In Chávez’s case this definition could beconnected with “statist” ways of exercising power through which “thedirection and control of economic and social affairs” (McLean, 1996, p. 477)mostly lies in the hands of the state and, more importantly, in thehands of the head of that state. This in turn is consistent with Gramsci’s(1971) notion of “statolatry”, which suggests the transformation of thestate into everybody’s “everyday language”, an element of “active culture”(p. 268). It is also consistent with the way Nicos Poulantzas (1978) regardedthe state as crucial for securing the consent of the majority. For example,in Chávez’s rule, the pragmatic dimension materialised into the variousinclusive, redistributive, participatory spaces called the “Bolivarian missions”,“communal councils” and “communes” and now the so-called “colecti-vos”5, through which the state arguably aimed at protecting the poorand formerly excluded by promoting more participation and a fairer dis-tribution of the nation’s wealth (Buxton, 2011; López Maya and Panzarelli,2011).

However, the participatory spaces listed above also embody symbolicmeanings and representations, which evoke values and traditions ofpaternalism, patronage and populism culturally rooted and naturalised inVenezuelans’ everyday lives. These issues explain why I have explored keysymbolic and pragmatic events during Chávez’s rule to get an under-standing of the political communication style developed by Chávez in hispath to power and construction of collective identity.

Political Communication

I located this study in the field of political communication6, which hasbeen defined as a “multi-level field” that links “political culture, political

10 Janus and Chávez

actors, media organizations, including the roles played by journalistswithin them, and bodies of increasingly heterogeneous and varyinglyinvolved citizens” (Blumler, 2011, p. ix). Blumler (2011) argued that poli-tical communication entails building frameworks that “help us understandhow these relationships work, how they evolve, how they feed on eachother and in what ways they matter” (p. ix) in different groups in specificcontexts and times. Therefore, as Negrine and Papathanassopoulos (2011,p. 41) argued, the idea of political communication incorporates “themeans and practices whereby the communication of politics takes place”in society, a definition that is consistent with my analysis of Chávez’spolitical communication style through the interconnection of key symbolicand pragmatic aspects of his exercise of power.

Political communication also involves a dynamic interplay of powerrelations: as Voltmer (2006) noted, all players involved in political com-munication act within “a complex web” of interactions, conflicts, andnegotiations “over aims, procedures and, ultimately, control of thepublic agenda”, depending upon each other to satisfy their interests andachieve their goals (p. 6). These webs mostly develop in the “omnipresent”media arena and, hence, tend to lead to “mediatisation” phenomena and“media cultures” in contemporary times (Block, 2013; Hepp, 2009;Schultz, 2004).

Moreover, for Kavanagh (1983), political communication is linked tothe specificities of the political culture of a group or society. BarbaraPfetsch (2004) proposed the idea of a “political communication culture”(p. 346) defined as “an essential component of the political culture of acountry” (p. 346), a concept that can be helpful for analysing the interac-tion between politics and communication media, and “how the mediarepresent political or pseudo-political discourses” in public life (p. 363).

So, it can be inferred that the term political communication not onlyrefers to an abstract branch of knowledge, but also to the ways in whichhumans culturally act or interact vis-à-vis issues of politics and commu-nication. The reality is that the term political communication has alsobeen employed to describe “systems” or “processes” which involve thestudy of the interaction between political and communicational institu-tions or systems and the implications derived from those interactions(Blumler and Gurevitch, 1995).

Thus, in the context of power relationships, political communication canbe associated with the way political actors – leaders, professional commu-nicators, and also the increasing number of mediatised citizens – employthe diverse channels and forms of political communication at their dis-posal in contemporary times to construct and circulate their meanings.Hence, political communication can also be linked with communicationalstyles or practices developed by political actors, such as Hugo Chávez, hissupporters and opponents, in their quest for power.

Janus and Chávez 11

A Style or Practice

To build the notion of political communication as style or practice, Iborrowed from Couldry’s (2012) definition of “media as practice”, adapt-ing his concept to the broader topic at hand. The term media is sub-stituted by political communication, while always trying to respect and notdistort Couldry’s (2012) original idea. I also drew on Hannah Arendt’s(1958) argument about the symbolic character of human action. For Arendt(1958) human action – or practice – is primarily supported by commu-nicational interactions that consist of and express identity and meaning:“in acting and speaking men show who they are, reveal actively theirunique personal identities and thus make their appearance in the humanworld” (p. 179).

Thus, political communication should be examined not only as a field ofresearch, or as a process, but also as a lived experience that refers to whatthe main political actors do “in relation” to political communication “inthe contexts in which they act” (Couldry, 2012, p. 35). This argumentinvolves studying their rituals and routines vis-à-vis political communica-tion, that is, a certain logic that can help explain how key political actors(such as Hugo Chávez) use the various media, and also other, different,channels of political communication at their disposal (e.g., communityorganisations in Chávez’s case) in power relationships.

An obvious illustration of political communication as practice is the riseof “experts in political communication” (Kriesi, 2004, p. 184) or “spindoctoring”, defined by Louw (2010) as “the art of political public rela-tions” (p. 75). The routines and specific kind of logic developed by theseprofessional communicators “steer” citizens into a particular cause orideology. This issue suggests that political communication can be practisedas an “art” strategically created, “scripted”, and developed to establish andconsolidate leadership or hegemony. However, the idea of political com-munication as a style or practice exceeds mere spin doctoring, politicking,or propaganda.

Consequently, political communication as style or practice can also beanalysed via the key role that Arendt (1958) provided to storytellers,political communicators in their own right, because their narratives “tellus more about their subjects, the ‘hero’ in the centre of each story, thanany product of human hands even tells us about the master who producedit” (p. 184). This study is about how Hugo Chávez, the storyteller, devel-oped a unique style of representing and practising politics and culturein his hegemonic path to power and collective identity. As ColetteCapriles (2007) argued, Chávez provided a “reformulated” version ofVenezuela’s history, “where he offered himself as an actor in front of aunified people in contemplation, and reconstituted in terms of a symbolicmarket through which Chávez exchanged recognition (popular identity)for loyalty and votes” (p. 3).


Moreover, Lagorio (2008) proposed the notions of “informalization”and “conversationalisation” as styles or “modes” of political communica-tion employed by Chávez to break presidential pomp or protocols withinthe logic he followed to connect and bond (mimetically) with the people.Thus, the only institution – and identity – that remained throughout theyears was that of “the speaker”, the orador or main storyteller: HugoChávez.

Consequently, it does make sense that populism has been describedby Waisbord (2003) as a “political style of communication” (p. 215), ormore specifically by Jagers and Walgrave (2007) as “a political commu-nication style [emphasis added] of political actors that refers to the people”(p. 322).

In summary, I explore those ideologies, practices, and events that mayreveal what Chávez did that was related to political communication in hishegemonic construction of power and identity in Venezuela.

Political Communication in Venezuela

Venezuela has been defined by Madriz (2008, p. 109) as an “asymmetric”country, where power has historically been unequally distributed andexercised, political institutions have been traditionally feeble, anti-politicshas been culturally embedded in the national physique, and personalisa-tion and populism have been the norm rather than the exception. In thiscontext, personalisation is understood, drawing on Van Zoonen (2006), asa phenomenon through which personality, performance, and culture meetin a “convincing political persona” (p. 71). It describes “the performanceof political actors operating in the intersections of politics and entertainment”(p. 71), which is different from “a perverted superficial relation betweenpoliticians and volatile fans” (p. 72). The analysis of personalisation, Iwould argue, should also include the development of political commu-nication styles, practices, or performances by specific leaders in the contextof power relations and identity construction, such as the revolutionaryproceso developed by Chávez.

The asymmetric character of Venezuelan politics is substantiated by areport conducted and published by the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme (UNPD)-Venezuela in 2003 (as cited in Hernández andD’Elia, 2004) in which the roots of the “serious” polarisation of thecountry were placed “in the deep inequalities accumulated through a longperiod of time” (p. 18). This situation is characterised by “the mismatch ofpolitical imaginaries, representations, and identities of Venezuelans” (p. 18).Hence, studying political communication in countries such as Venezuelainvolves challenges related to cultural and historical specificities.

Additionally, the study of political communication in a politicallyasymmetric country such as Venezuela poses a challenge, because currentscholarship has been mainly developed by Western scholars and from


Western perspectives that have been often focused on normative or pre-scriptive categories associatedwith liberal democracy. Scammel and Semetko(2000) have been critical of “democratic theory [that] takes for granted anoverly simple and outdated model of the media, while media studies takefor granted an outdated model of democracy” (p. xii). As Blumler (2011)intimated, political communication has been “inescapably a normativedomain” (p. ix) that has involved the study of “the realization (or failureto realize) of collectively, self-determining processes of citizenship anddemocracy” (p. ix). He argued, however, that “political and communica-tion values will differ” (p. ix) between cultures and situations and that“nobody has empirical evidence which among them are superior” (p. ix).Thus, if, as Harrison and Huntington (2000) have argued, differences inculture do “matter”, then the study of political communication should beapproached via models or frameworks capable of capturing the specifi-cities of each culture in the practices, rituals, style and logic they developto communicate with political objects, situations, and matters, whichexplains why political culture is one of the theories forming my theoreticalframework.

In this context, International Relations Professor Carlos Romero (1998)suggested that instead of considering the irrational (“asymmetries”, “mis-matches”) elements in Venezuelan politics as “deviations” from normativeor deterministic paradigms of politics and democracy, they should beexamined as valid components of politics, or as in this case, of politicalcommunication.

Thus, I examine the development of Chávez’s political style used tocommunicate with, and exert a cultural and political appeal to, his con-stituents. Such style includes the shifts, turns and nuances of the President’swords as the nation’s main storyteller – what Chávez told his publics across14 years to connect, confront, bond, and mimetise with his constituents inhis hegemonic construction of power and identity.

The Culturalist Approach

This investigation takes a culturalist perspective, which means that Iexamine the case in terms of the relationship between issues of culture andpower, and in acknowledgment of the role of human agency. Culturalistapproaches tend to focus on the evaluation of issues of consent, legitimacyand coercion mainly embodied in Antonio Gramsci’s (1971) notion of hege-mony, which I propose as this study’s primary theoretical, referential cate-gory of analysis and that is explained in-depth in Chapter 2, which isdedicated to the theoretical framework. This is consistent with the wayscholars J. E. Romero (2002), Mires (2007), and Bisbal (2009) have studiedChávez’s governance in association with hegemonic processes, and with thedisplacement of former dominant groups and identities. In addition, theculturalist approach I took is helpful for interconnecting what I defined


previously as pragmatic and symbolic dimensions of the political com-munication style developed by Chávez in his path to hegemony and theconstitution of identity.

Culturalist approaches have been associated with the way RaymondWilliams (1977) and Antonio Gramsci (1971) connected cultural elementsof everyday life, power relations, and the intellectual and moral leadership(hegemony) gained via manifold channels of cultural organisation, orpolitical communication, such as parliament, church, community organi-sations, and media communication employed to build “shared conscious-ness” or “collective will”. In this light, I examine how Chávez used bothcultural and communicational channels to construct both leadership andcollective identity.

Hence, I propose the study of hegemony and identity as deeply inter-twined processes that are linked, at least in Chávez’s specific case, by hispeculiar, rather unique style of performing his political communication.

Largely, culturalism is a tradition that critiques deterministic views ofsociety and economic reductionism. In the 1960s and 1970s it marked acontrast with structuralist approaches to knowledge (Barker, 2004; Bennet,Martin, Mercer, and Woollacott, 1981; Hall, 1981; McGuigan, 1992).According to Bennet et al. (1981), culturalism has been mainly associatedwith the work of Raymond Williams, E. P. Thompson and RichardHoggart (as cited in Bennet et al., 1981), who viewed culture “as a set ofpractices” through which humans “actively respond to the conditions of theirsocial existence” and build “experienced social relationships into diverseand structured patterns of living, thinking and feeling” (p. 10).

Hence, culturalism, adopts a “broadly anthropological definition ofculture that takes it to be an everyday life process” (Barker, 2004, p. 43)that stresses the “ordinariness” of culture and the “active, creative capacityof people to construct shared meaningful practices” (p. 43). Whereas cul-turalist perspectives take into account the active participation of humansin building their own existence, consistent with Marx’s idea that “men [sic]make their own history” (McGuigan, 1993, p. 29), structuralism prioritiseselements outside the “conditions of their own making” (p. 30). Conse-quently, as McGuigan (1993) indicated, the emphasis of culturalism onexperiences and practices “enables it to stress human agency” and pro-vides this approach with the instruments to explain “concrete historicalcircumstances” (p. 30).

Thus, culturalist approaches (such as my approach to Chávez’s politicalcommunication) are eminently “historically oriented” and tend to inter-connect culture with issues of power, culture, class,7 and communication(Barker, 2004, p. 43). Although Barker (2004) suggested that due to itsnation-centred character, culturalism might not be applicable in the con-text of globalisation, it is precisely its nation-centred character what makesculturalism helpful for analysing a specific political communication case,in the midst of so-called globalisation, such as Chávez’s case.


This argument can be reinforced by the wayWilliams (1977) and Gramsci(1971) viewed hegemony as superseding simplistic base-superstructuremodels by prioritising the role culture plays in the establishment ofpower and the constitution of a “common will” through “socially shaped,lived experiences of different subjects – whether these be conceived asindividual or as social groups” (Bennet et al., 1981, p. 12), which inturn suggests a form of identity politics, a notion that is central to under-standing Chávez’s political communication style and overall politicalsuccess.

Gramsci (1971, p. 349) explained that significant historical acts can onlybe performed by “collective man”, which presupposes the attainment of a“cultural-social” unity through which a multiplicity of dispersed wills, withheterogeneous aims, are welded together with a single aim. Therefore,Gramsci (1971) emphasised the importance of “collectively attaining asingle cultural ‘climate’” (p. 349) through language or just words; thus,building collective will, and identity, implies sharing common culturalvalues, which serve as a “unifying principle” in the fusion of the dominantgroup and its allies or followers in its quest of hegemony and identity. Thisidea is amplified by Williams (1977), who argued that such hegemoniccommonality of values is never static or reductive of political, eco-nomic, or social activity; instead, it considers relations of power (of dom-ination and subordination) in terms of “practical consciousness”, that is,of the “whole substance of lived identities and relationships” (p. 110).Thus, culturalist perspectives tend to analyse hegemony and identitybuilding as lived ongoing processes, where the symbolic and pragmatic notonly interact but also may eventually merge. Consequently, culturalistapproaches do not consider hegemony and identity building in terms ofthe superstructure or ideology, poorly understood as just “manipulation”or “indoctrination” (p. 110). For Williams (1977, p. 110), hegemonyincluded, “a whole body of practices and expectations, over the whole ofliving … our shaping perceptions of ourselves and our world” and was “alived [emphasis added] system of meaning and values. … It is … in thestrongest sense a ‘culture’” (p. 110).

In this way, as McGuigan (1992) explained, for culturalism “hegemonicleadership is never all-pervasive … [because] … the nexus of culture andideology is one of perpetual negotiation between contending forces” (p. 24).So, culturalist perspectives assume that issues of culture, power relationsand class are dialectically interconnected “in common sense, the practicalreasoning of everyday life” (p. 24); thus, culturalism presupposes the existenceof pluralism in relations of power.

Williams (1977), in particular, stated that “a lived hegemony is always aprocess” (p. 112) whereby relationships and identities can be subject tochanges, tensions, or limits: “In practice, that is, hegemony can never besingular” (p. 112). This explains why culturalist views of hegemony assumethe possibility, depending on the “openness” of specific groups or societies,


of alternative and oppositional social and cultural forms in relation tothe dominant culture that should be recognised “as subject to historicalvariation” (p. 415).

Thus, my culturalist perspective helps examine hegemonic processes ofpower and identity (such as the development of Chávez’s political com-munication style) as open-ended phenomena. This appears to make totaldomination, or closure, not only impossible, but also undesirable, becauseit could imply the end of the dialectic dynamics embodied by hegemony;however, the way Chávez’s style of political communication seems tohave evolved towards demands of “absolute” loyalty in its last phase (seeChapter 8) might eventually have demonstrated otherwise.

Structures of Feeling

Williams (1977) articulated the relationship between culture and power,and the emergence of “shared consciousness” – and hence collective iden-tity – by using the concept of “structures of feeling”. According to socialsciences scholarship, it is through this concept that Williams provides aplace for “everyday beliefs and perceptions” emerging outside the “officialideology” (Abercrombie, Hill, and Turner, 2006, p. 420). So, the notion ofstructures of feeling can be helpful for analysing the rise to power of leftistpopulists such as Hugo Chávez, in a changing context where the weaken-ing dominant ideologies of the elites had been influenced by Westernnotions of democracy and separation of powers for over 40 years.

Also, the notion of structures of feeling has the potential to explainhegemonic struggles and identity politics’ experiences that may occur in aday-to-day context, which may lead to political communication formswith acertain appeal to the people (populism). Thus, the concept of structures offeeling embodies collectively created categories that “organize the empiricalconsciousness of a particular social group” and their “imaginative” world ina simultaneous way (Hall, 1981, pp. 23–24) in hegemonic quests for power.

Williams (1977, p. 128) argued that the analysis of culture restrictssocial practices and institutions to “fixed” and “explicit” “experiences ofthe past”. This explains why the concept of structures of feeling offers away to account for human experiences and practices in contemporarytime. It has the potential to help us to make sense of emotions and actions,emergent or latent, which eventually might become dominant. Suchopposing or emergent categories suggest that power is not a given and thedifferent groups, no matter their position, need to continuously keep onworking to win hearts and minds in their specific group or society.

Therefore, the concept of structures of feeling involves a compellingproposition that helps me examine emerging or opposing experiences thatcould be crucial “in understanding tensions and cleavages” (McLean,1996, p. 380) in processes of political and cultural change, such as inChávez’s Venezuela.


Moreover, culturalist approaches tend to stress the “action of culture”,rather than the “determination of culture” (Bennet et al., 1981, p. 10). Thisin turn suggests that culture (and hence communication) should be regar-ded as a “practice” that is connected “interactively with economic andpolitical processes, shaping and conditioning these as well as being shapedand conditioned by them” (p. 10). This interaction expresses the intricate,tightly woven web formed by the symbolic and pragmatic aspects ofpower, which can be better understood through Williams’s “radical inter-actionism”, a notion that accounts for “the interaction of all practices inandwith one another, skirting the problem of determinacy” (Hall, 1981, p. 23).It can also be understood through Gramsci’s (1971) view of ideology as “thephilosophy of praxis” (p. 376); that is, the historically necessary articula-tion employed by the intellectuals of each time and culture to “organizehuman masses and create the terrain on which men move, acquire con-sciousness of their position, struggle, etc.” (p. 377). Hence, for Gramsci(1971) the term ideology does not have the negative connotation given byorthodox Marxism because, to him, ideology plays a central role in socialstruggles leading to the constitution of a collective will and, ultimately, tohegemony.

In summary, the culturalist approach I endorse is helpful for inter-connecting the pragmatic and symbolic dimensions of Chávez’s exercise ofpower and, more specifically, for studying the development of his politicalcommunication style. Welsch, Carrasquero, and Varnagy (2004) explainedthat although some culturalist approaches have been associated with theprioritisation of “subjective” categories in the study of politics, culturalismmight rather help “build a bridge [emphasis added]” (p. 59) between thesubjective (symbolic) and pragmatic dimensions of politics.

Strategy

I visualised this study first as a theoretical study on the development ofHugo Chávez’s political communication style; thus, a philosophical inquiryinto the issue. Therefore, broadening from the culturalist approach, anddeparting from the two core notions – hegemony and identity building – Iemploy a multidimensional theoretical framework that consists of fourassociated themes: political culture, populism, mediatisation, and commu-nicational government (see Chapter 2). In the course of this investigation,these theories, and some concepts derived from them, were the tools thathelped me explore and gain a more vigorous understanding of thedevelopment of Chávez’s communicational style.

In addition, I applied a mixed qualitative method to collect and analysesome relevant data and texts from the empirical reality to complement,test, and support the theoretical inquiry. The primary sources include aselection of data and media texts: mainly transcripts of some of Chávez’skey speeches, and other relevant media stories published nationally and


internationally. I also analysed the responses obtained from the 27 in-depthelite interviews I undertook in Venezuela with politicians, journalists,media owners, academics, pollsters and community leaders, or spokes-persons (see Appendix 2). I also drew on secondary sources such as history,culture, politics, sociology, communication, philosophy, discourse text-books and peer-reviewed articles relevant to the case, as well as statistics,surveys, or public opinion investigations made by others.

The way I present the problem – the study of the style of politicalcommunication developed by Chávez in his hegemonic construction ofpower and identity in Venezuela – implies that such style, and in particularthe process of bonding – the logic of mimetisation – suffered mutationsover time. Therefore, I employ a periodisation to assess key symbolic andpragmatic events across Chávez’s Presidency vis-à-vis categories originatedin the theories that underpin the theoretical framework: hence, key eventsleading to Chávez’s construction of hegemony and identity in each periodare evaluated vis-à-vis issues of political culture, populism, mediatisation,and communicational government. I assess relevant pieces of data fromDecember 1998, when Chávez won his first presidential election, until Jan-uary 2013, when a fatally ill President was absent from his fourth inaugu-ration and the people were sworn in his stead. I have called the phases ofChávez’s rule ‘Soft’ (1999–2000), ‘Adversarial’ (2000–2003), ‘Radical’(2003–2006) and ‘Mimetic closure’ (2006–2013). The names of each phasebroadly correspond to salient features adopted by Chávez’s approach topower and identity in each of the periods.

The Logic of Mimetisation

Due to the complexities involved in the topic of research, I additionallypropose a hypothesis. Hypotheses are defined as “articulated series ofstatements” (Ferrater-Mora, 1978, p. 178), or “conjectures”, proposed as“a possible solution to a problem” (Honderich, 1995, p. 385), whichrequire further investigation by argument, observation, and/or empiricalevidence.

I examine Chávez’s style of political communication in terms of thedevelopment of a process or logic, where “process” is understood as a seriesof “developments” that often involve “a temporal, linear sequence of dif-ferent states, which are assumed to belong together” (Krotz, 2007, p. 256)and “logic” as a “rarefied system of statements” (Laclau, 2005b, p. 117). So,I assess Hugo Chávez’s style of political communication in terms of asystematic sequence of communicational events and statements throughwhich Chávez incrementally built – or articulated – a bond of mimeticnature with his constituents in his hegemonic construction of power andidentity. This process was guided by what I call the logic of mimetisation.This logic is underpinned by a complex process interconnecting fourelements:


1 the use and reformulation of common cultural symbols;2 populist ideologies and practices;3 a savvy use of communication and media to exercise his power;4 the boost of inclusive, compensatory, and participatory practices in

which Chávez’s constituents not only felt mirrored but also endowedwith a refashioned, mimetised, identity eventually called Chávez.

Consequently, I propose the logic of mimetisation as the endpoint ofHugo Chávez’s unique populist style of culturally appealing and connect-ing with his publics, via manifold channels of political communication thatincluded, but were not limited to, the media. This hypothesis joins twocore concepts of culturalism: hegemony and identity politics, which repre-sent the theoretical foundation of this investigation on Chávez’s politicalcommunication style. The hypothesis, however, suggests the need to applystill other theoretical themes, represented by theories of political culture,populism, mediatisation, and communicational government, whereby Ifinally articulate the idea or logic of mimetisation.

Contribution to Knowledge

First, this study provides a broader understanding of the unique politicalcommunication style that underpinned Hugo Chávez’s hegemonic con-struction of power and identity in Venezuela driven by a logic of mimeticcharacter, which I have called mimetisation.

Second, through the assessment of the data, I draw a unique map of thepolitical communication environment of Chávez’s Venezuela (tabularlyrepresented in Appendix 1).

The third contribution of this study consists of providing deeper insightsinto the status and possible shifts and rearrangements in power relations,and in Venezuelans’ political culture propensities. In particular, I sought todiscover whether Chávez’s rule indeed implied an advance towards a moreinclusive and socially aware polity that, however, may have paradoxicallyinvolved past traits of typical authoritarian caudillo-style forms of thinkingand practising politics and communication.

The fourth contribution consists of expanding theoretical knowledge inthe field of political communication by testing and, in some cases trans-forming, some theoretical themes to adjust them to the study of Chávez’scase. More specifically, I seek to make a contribution by expanding thedefinitions of:

� the mediatisation of politics (Block, 2013) based upon the arguments Iproposed in an article published by Communication Theory in itsAugust 2013 issue that employed Chávez’s mediatised Venezuela as anillustration (Chapter 2);


� communicational government, that conceptualises the performed,dramatised character of Chávez’s government by communication(Chapter 2);

� the idea of looking into political communication not only as a branchof knowledge but as political communication practice or style; a craftthat can be acted upon or performed and to which humans can relatein everyday life;

� the introduction of the term mimetisation to define the logic orsequence of articulated events, associated to communicational andpower relations, through which Chávez and his constituents may have,step-by-step, mimetically bonded, consubstantiated, and mimetisedinto a collective but top-down identity called Chávez (Chapters 1, 2and 7).

The fifth and last contribution is to shed newer light on the linksbetween theories of hegemony, identity politics, and populism within thefield of political communication. Specifically, I aim to provide a betterunderstanding of populism insofar as a political communication style.

Structure

This work consists of two parts. Part I is constituted of three chapters thattogether delineate a plan to the overall study on the development of HugoChávez’s political communication style. Part II consists of five chapters inwhich I undertake the analysis of key symbolic and pragmatic events ineach one of the phases of Chávez’s rule.

Part I starts with the present chapter, “Janus and Chávez”, which drawsa map of the overall book. Chapter 2 outlines the theoretical frameworkor ‘architecture’ to understand Chávez, by situating the two core conceptsemerging from the culturalist approach, hegemony and identity politics,and, then, the four associated theoretical themes, political culture, populism,mediatisation, and communicational government.

Chapter 3 elaborates on the method (“Mixed method”). I explicate theway I assess the data against categories associated with the four theoreticalthemes: political culture, populism, mediatisation, and communicationalgovernment. I employ a mixed method of text analysis that helps evaluatecommunicational nuances that suggest issues of hegemony and identityconstruction.

Part II comprises the analytical body. Thus, Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7 deploythe evaluation of data for each one of the phases in the periodisation.

Chapter 4 assesses the political communication of the Soft period ofChávez’s Presidency, from 1999 to 2000, which I define, borrowing fromSartori (2002), in terms of the emotivisation of politics when Venezuelanpolitical life appeared to have been “reduced to emotional episodes” (p. 119).This phase was marked by Chávez’s goal of changing the constitution and


political system from representative to participative democracy which setoff a situation of ‘permanent campaigning’ that I will define in Chapter 4.So, the figure of Simón Bolívar, anti-political ideologies and Christian repre-sentations were employed, and reformulated by Chávez to unite Venezuelansto trigger these changes.

Chapter 5 analyses the Adversarial period (2000–2003) when Chávezagain employed Bolivarian, anti-elite and Christian metaphors; this timehe did not use them to unite, but to deepen the division or polarisation ofthe country between all those who followed him or his constituents (cha-vistas) and all the groups who opposed him, largely considered by thePresident as members of the elite or oligarchy (anti-chavistas). This phasealso marked the mediatisation of Venezuelan politics characterised by anongoing media war that culminated in a coup and a two-month-longgeneral strike that deeply affected the country’s economy.

Chapter 6 evaluates ideologies, practices and events during the Radicalperiod (2003–2006), which was marked by the radicalisation of Chávez’sproject and the consolidation of his communicational government. I explorehow during this phase Chávez might have begun to practise a different, lesslinear and more complex form of identity construction, through which hesought to consolidate the mimetic bond he had already established throughBolivarianism, anti-politics and Catholic redemption, via the inclusivesocial organisations called the “Bolivarian missions”: a missionesque formof politics that endowed him with his third presidential victory.

Figure 1.1 Image of poster of Chávez’s last presidential campaign taken from theentrance of a house in ‘23 de Enero’: Permanent campaigning (March2013)


Chapter 7 examines the last phase, from 2006 until his demise in 2013,when the President focused his discourse on popular power and the con-struction of a communal state. I explore whether and how during thisphase Chávez’s hegemony may have reached its peak when from merelymirroring his followers’ emotions the President advanced a step forward tobecoming or being those emotions, which in turn may have led to unity,totality, or just domination. This was the last step in the logic of mimeti-sation – the anti-dialectic moment of mimetic closure, when ‘the people’(Chávez’s followers) became Chávez.

Chapter 8 presents the final discussion and small theorisation of Chávez’spolitical communication style – a reflective exercise on the key elementsdriving the logic of mimetisation and its possible implications.

Notes1 One of my respondents, pollster Jose Antonio Gil-Yepes (personal communica-

tion, November 23, 2010), suggested that Chávez’s style of governance, popu-lism, and leadership reminded him of the two-faced Roman god, Janus,associated by Cicero, Livy, and Ovid, amongst others, with processes of change:doorways to new beginnings, transitions, and/or endings.

2 Louw (2010) defined power as “the capacity to get one’s own way when inter-acting with other human beings” (p. 18); it stems from three sources: “access toresources”, “the occupation of certain social positions”, and language “as arelation-structuring agent” (p. 18). In this light “institutionalized communica-tion” (e.g., the mass media) is “crucial” for building power in contemporarysociety.

3 Throughout this book I employ the phenomenological term ‘embodiment’mainly drawing on the theories of Merleau-Ponty (1962); also see the descriptionoffered in Abercrombie, et al. 2006, pp. 127–128) associated with how weexperience, perceive, and express the reality that surrounds us through lan-guage. Thus, our experiences, feelings, and perceptions are ‘embodied’ in thelanguage we use to express them.

4 I draw on social sciences scholar Gino Germani (1978), who defined elites as“those groups and individuals [who] are the top of the various institutions andhuman activities” (p. 27). Also on RaymondWilliams (1985), who explained eliteas a “process of distinction or discrimination” (p. 113) in which the electedwere “often undistinguishable from ‘best’ or ‘most important’”, and in its modernsense is related to “conscious arguments about class” (p. 114). Ultimately, forGramsci (1971), an intellectual elite is necessary to promote the ideologies ofthe group struggling for power to establish intellectual and moral leadership,which was what the leaders of the Punto Fijo system of representative democracyaimed at in Venezuela.

5 Many of the collectives, or colectivos – such as feared Alexis Vive Carajo, LaPiedrita, Ali Primera, Frente Tupamaro, amongst many others – developedtheir work in the populated Caracas neighbourhood of “El 23 de Enero” andare grouped in the “Frente de Colectivos Revolucionarios Sergio Rodriguez”(Frente de Colectivos, 2014, February 13). Some of the colectivos have becomesome sort of vigilante groups developing 24/7 surveillance practices, arguingthat they do it to defend the community not only against criminals but also thepolice (Equipo de Siete Dias, 2014). The colectivos have been defined by Reu-ters’ correspondent Daniel Wallis (2014, February 13) as “militant grassroots


groups … which view themselves as the defenders of revolutionary socialismbut are denounced by opponents as thugs” (para. 1). Although the origin ofthe colectivos can be placed in the 1960s and 1970s, together with the guerrilla(Marxist armed struggle in Venezuela), and hence preceded Chávez’s rule, thesegroups were recognized and empowered during his rule (Paullier, 2012, January31). “Chávez gave us visibility, organized us, prepared us and now after him wecontinue the work”, claimed Gustavo Borges (2014, March 17, para. 1), on therevolutionary chavista website Misión Verdad. The colectivos are part of whatChávez’s successor, Nicolas Maduro (Arias, 2014, March 14) has called “thesocial diversity of chavismo” (para. 1), arguing that it is wrong to demonisethem because these organisations armed themselves to fight crime in the bar-rios or popular areas. Wallis (2014) explained that the colectivos representthemselves as “the self-appointed guardians of [Chávez’s] leftist policies andfunction as an informal extension of the Socialist Party, frequently blurring thelines between partisan activism and community service” (para. 6). The colecti-vos were accused of having played a violent role during students’ protestsagainst Maduro’s chavista government in February 2014; however, some oftheir representatives have publicly claimed that they are part of peaceful groupswhich had no part in violence against the students. The colectivos run con-venience stores, chemist shops, bookshops, and manifold activities for childrenand pensioners acting “as genuine services to their communities” (para. 8; seealso Equipo de Siete Dias, 2014).

6 I analyse Chávez as a case of political communication and not of what is com-monly called “propaganda”, a notion that broadly describes a type of commu-nication that is “deliberately planned to influence attitudes, emotions orbehaviours of the target audience” (Louw, 2010, p. 215); a tool that has beenhistorically employed either in situations of warfare or by totalitarian regimes ofthe right and/or left. This term originated in 1662, when the Roman CatholicChurch began its campaign “for the propagation of the faith” (Scrouton, 1982,p. 381). Later it was used to define the linear, one-dimensional way with whichBolsheviks, German national socialists, and Communists in China and Cuba,have used communicational tools to force their political ideologies, in systemswhere not even followers can feel at ease because of the risks of beingviewed as “enemies” (Scrouton, 1982). Thus, propaganda suggests (by its ownorigin and nature) a complete or temporary lack of freedom of expression/information in situations that usually involve a level of coercion against thosewho are considered adversaries or “enemies” (Scrouton, 1982). In this light, Idid not consider the notion of propaganda helpful to study Chávez’s style ofpolitical communication for two reasons: first, in Venezuela, freedom of expres-sion had been guaranteed by the Constitutions of 1961 and by the Constitutionsanctioned during Chávez’s rule, in 1999. Despite intimidating regulations,violations, and irregularities, freedom of expression has been and still is aconstitutional right, which has facilitated spaces – even if precarious – foropposing groups to voice counter-hegemonic ideologies. Second, the notion istypical of totalitarian realities either from the right or left, which would notfacilitate the discussion of the mediatised power interplays between chavistaand anti-chavista forces during the Chávez era.

7 I apply the complex notion of “class” in post-Marxist terms as a “culturalclassification” or “discursive construct” that could be described “as a relationalset of inequalities with economic, political and ideological dimensions” (Barker,2004, p. 26). This description is consistent with Williams’s (1985) idea of elitedescribed before.


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Political Communication and Leadership. Mimetisation, Hugo Chavez and the Construction of Power and Identity

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