Places of memory

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I n s t i t u t e f o r C l a s s i c a l S t u d i e sI n s t i t u t e o f P h i l o s o p h y o f t h e C z e c h A c a d e m y o f S c i e n c e s , P r a g u e

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EIRENE L, 2014, 285–297

LIEUX DE MÉMOIREIN HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY:

A FIELD OF POSSIBLE COLLABORATION?1

JAN BOUZEKPrague

Nur dies ist wahr, was fruchtbar ist.J. W. Goethe

It was not just history, but also archaeology that was much infl uenced in the last century by French structuralists C. Lévi -Strauss, E. Durkheim, G. Dumézil, by phenomenologist of religion M. Eliade, by the founders of the École des annales, by P. Ricoeur, and classical archaeology notably by J.-P. Vernant, who conveyed his personal library to the Institute for Classical Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, the publisher of this periodical. As less of my young colleagues read French, this note tries to sketch several specifi c cases in which the approach attempted by Pierre Nora (NORA 1984–1991) and his school (VALLAT 2008; ETIENNE – SCHULZE 2005) seems to be useful for understanding some aspects of the past. This paper tries to inaugurate a broader discussion suggested in Biskupin 2012. Anyway, the only way forward is to test a new para-digm by trying its use through trials and examinations. As suggested already by the Egyptian goddess of wisdom Ma’at, multiple approach from different angles brings much better understanding (ASSMANN 1999; ASSMANN – FRIESSE 1998).

1. T he m a rke r s i n t he l a nd scap e

All ancient peoples had strong ties with the landscape where they lived. Australian Aborigines had their song lines for harmonizing their relation to the landscape

1 This paper was prepared in the frame of the project P 12 in the Faculty of Arts Charles University “History in interdisciplinary perspective”.

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across which they wandered (CHATWIN 1988), and small chapels and crosses formed the European landscape for the pilgrims and for annual feasts. Some pre -Christian markers were maintained carefully for centuries or even longer, like the mega lithic constructions of Karnak, Stonehenge and the White Horse in England; others were made by nature, as mountains, forests, rivers, sources, and their importance was enhanced by crosses, statues, monuments or inscriptions.

Bulgaria is one of the countries where a number of natural rocks became places of worship and offerings. A conference organized at Blagoevgrad in 2012 (Megalithic Monuments 2012) once more summed up the evidence concerning them, in relation to the better known and dated dolmens and stelae. The stelae and megaliths belong namely to Eneolithic and Early Iron Ages and are ap-parently connected with the pride of strong individuals and with two essential steps of emancipation of human mind. The pottery found around the rocks with circular pits and other cavities made or adapted by human hand dates mainly from the two periods. Figs. 1–2 show typical altar -like rock with channels and pits for sacrifi ces from the Sredna planina, in the territory in which one of the leaders was buried in the Žaba mogila near Strelča. The mountain Sleža is a good example of this kind in Silesia (see for example GEDIGA 2008), as well as Sardinian nuraghi (Figs. 3–4).

2 . E a r ly L a Tè ne m a sk f ibu la e a nd me d ieva l scu lp t u re

The most important books on Celtic art since Jacobsthal (JACOBSTHAL 1944) are devoted mainly to Early and Developed styles of Celtic art, but even on this fi eld much can still be done in distinguishing local varieties, schools and per-haps also individual masters. For example, the new mask fi bulae circle in SW Slovakia has some particularities, reminding one of later folklore in the area and also some traits of feminine taste which reminded me of the story of Onomaris (BOUZEK 2012). The mask fi bulae from Bohemia have some of traits character-istic for much later art of this country: no exaggeration, please (MEGAW 2001, fi g. 84, 111), rather Sachlichkeit. Some monsters from Germany and Austria (Dürnberg, see MEGAW 2001, pls. V–VI), remind one of monsters on Gothic churches and of renaissance caricatures created in the area (e.g. Parsberg, MEGAW 2001, fi g. 112; Manching, MEGAW 2001, fi g. 224).

Any countryside infl uences people living there and the characters of indi-vidual European countries preserved some specifi c traits since the Celtic Iron Age until medieval and modern times. Celto -Iberian and Iberian arts resemble those of Spanish hidalgos and their spouses (MEGAW 2001, fi g. 177), some faces on neck rings from France show faces known from much later artistic portraits

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of French Gothic (MEGAW 2001, fi gs. 172–3, 135). Even the Maloměřice heads (ČIŽMÁŘOVÁ 2005, 1, 31, 97–98, 150) show something what reminds my eyes of lightness of mind and its expression in an area half way between the Hungarian cauldron and the Bohemian “crater” (cf. from Hungary MEGAW 2001, fi g. 234). The particular traits were probably transmitted by “lieux et objets de mémoire,” or by the character of the territory, by a kind of continuity, memory of the land-scape and its inhabitants.

The character of landscape of the Czech lands avoids extremes. Compared with their neighbours, the Czechs are less inclined to trust grandness, they avoid exaggeration. The Czech art somehow refl ected the Italian and French models more harmoniously than the art of the neighbours: the German art is harder, the Polish one is more grotesque, the Hungarian one often tends towards large scale, given the origins in steppes. By contrast with German art, more sentiment is characteristic for the Czech art; compared with eastern Slavs, it is more meas-ured and rigorous. The characters of modern European nations refl ect the na-ture of landscape and the heritage of prehistoric development of their respective territories; they are to a certain degree formed by the same landscape in which they live today. The phenomenon of a kind of territorial memory since Celtic La Tène over medieval period until modern inclinations and attitudes of present--day European nations can hardly be denied.

3. T he r eu se of bu i ld i ng m at e r i a l sa nd old a r t efa c t s i n se cond a r y p os i t ion s

The phenomenon of reuse of building materials from older buildings for new construction is widespread, and should be considered carefully in any archaeo-logical excavations. This phenomenon has to be respected in every study of old sites and monuments.

A) When studying at Samothrace with the aim of publication of old mo-numents, it became clear from the beginning that the search after old stones secondarily reused is not only one of the useful methods of how to come to the understanding of earlier buildings, but also to investigate later history of the site. Characteristic examples are the Medieval Gattilussi towers, made entirely of the ruins of ancient city, and the “Viereck” of Austrian excavations, where not only the remains of the previous Ionic building were used, but also smaller stones collected from the whole territory of the sanctuary. Moreover, the modern village Chora is to a large extent built of stones brought from the ancient city. Even the stones from the theatre revealed by Salač in 1927 were used for new constructions in the nearby village (cf. BOUZEK – ONDŘEJOVÁ 1985, 36–37 and 75–108, pls. 35–37, 113–118, 120–121).

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B) Many dressed stones from archaic buildings at Kyme were reused for later constructions of terraces, foundations of piers and colonnades (BOUZEK ET ALII 1982, 89–98, 145, pls. 70–72, 119); all classical ruins were exploited for the me-dieval tower, which is now being reconstructed by the University of Catania expedition. The modern pier too consists of drums of columns from Hellenistic and Early Roman buildings.

C) At Anuradhapura, the moisture during the rainy season and the termites were the main reasons why the foundations of buildings were constructed of stone. Old dressed stones were used frequently for new buildings, even the old bricks were often reused. Interesting examples were the footpaths of Buddha reused for later constructions at the time when Buddha’s statues started to be erected. The old -fashioned footprints lost their symbolic religious signifi cance to the new statues, and were then recycled (BOUZEK ET ALII 1993, 17 and 111).

D) At Beirut, Place de Martyrs, well dressed Late Hellenistic blocks beca-me useful building material already in the immediately following Early Roman phase of construction. More fragmented blocks were useful even for the Late Roman/Early Byzantine constructions on the site, and some smaller stones found in the place were even used for the constructions of Fakhr ed -Din gardens (cf. BOUZEK – MUSIL ET ALII 2002, 44–45).

E) A special project brought together a complete Roman temple in Ionic order (peripteros, hexastylos) at Garni in Armenia, after collecting all its ar-chitectonic parts built in houses in several villages on its vicinity. The temple, built in the 1st century A.D., survived long and was destroyed by an earthquake in 1679. It was reconstructed between 1970 and 1976 by A. A. Sabinian (cf. now esp. Arménie ancienne 1996, 190–191).

F) Pistiros. The part of the city walls destroyed in early 4th century was disas-sembled and stones from it reused both for new fortifi cation and for constructions in the city, e.g. in the second phase of House no. 1, for paving the porticos and so on. The ruins of the destroyed city became a valued quarry already in Roman times – stones from the fortifi cation could be identifi ed at the Roman road station Bona Mansio, where also the famous Pistiros inscription was found. Later on, the stones from Pistiros’ fortifi cations was quarried by the population and reused for the constructions of houses in the nearby villages (BOUZEK ET ALII 2002).

These six cases quoted were meant just to give some examples, a number of similar features is immense. In Athens, the post -Persian city walls contained anything what was at hand because there was no time to bring new stone from the quarries. In all sanctuaries, the objects left there belonged to the deity and could not be removed, but they could be buried there, and the land used for new constructions. Late antiquity often reused earlier works of art for new purpos-es. A classic example is the Arch of Constantine, the reliefs of which were re-used from monuments of earlier emperors, as was the substance of the building


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taken from the much earlier Arch of Hadrian. In the history of our land, we know of many destroyed buildings being used as quarry – the old town center of Benešov, e.g., was built of stones taken from the ruins of the burnt Gothic monastery there.

Comparatively less known is the fact that the soil dug out when constructing new building was also used earlier, with its pottery fragments and other small objects for which no good use could be found. So in any site old artefacts are re-gularly found in later context, and they are thus part of more stories, of the fi rst, of a second, and perhaps even of a third and fourth story. The message of Mother Earth is not only one history, but multiple stories everywhere. The archaeolo-gical sources in this respect resemble not only the palimpsests, but also other reuses. As is well known e.g. from history of literature, the old story is always understood in a different way in a new milieu, which the former also helps to create. Any story has two messages: one practical and one more philosophical.

Any archaeological source offers several stories and we have to try to under-stand not only one, but several of them. Our world is not for one -time use only; we inherited it from our ancestors and should give it over to our successors in a useful state. What concerns our building materials and soils is equally true for our ideas, discoveries, and inventions. They should be useful in the long run, not only for us. Though created in our time and for us, they have to respect this law. Even reused stones and soils bring to us artefacts and places of memory.

4 . Me mor ie s a s e t h n ic a nd cu l t u r a l ide nt i t ie s

Historical, cultural and ethnic identities were formed by the individuals who felt themselves part of them and even nowadays individual people depend on inten-tional dimensions of human self -defi nition. Modern nations are basically differ-ent from ancient ethnic groups, which were more dependent on their leaders, on blood relations, on the systems of clients etc. But old nations were also expres-sions of intentional self -classifi cation of their members and their neighbours who contributed by their alien character to the self -defi nition of the former. The eth-nic entity was a communicative expression of particularity (specifi city) of indi-vidual groups, self -representation of the group as differing from its neighbours.

Ethnic identity had its roots in the particular territory, in the language, in oral tradition, religion, rituals and in common symbolic codes of the particular nation (cf. ASSMANN 1999; ASSMANN – FRIESSE 1998). The more general identity (and its classifi cation in Classical Antiquity) was mainly based on the language, territory and on particular approaches to the reality, but these general concepts had only a limited value. They indicated no more than very general feeling of belonging to a specifi c cultural sphere.

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Two lieux de mémoire of group identity can be distinguished: foundation of the city by synoecism vs. tombs of heroic ancestors. The tombs of ancestors were especially important unifying phenomenon for nomadic, semi -nomadic and oth-er peoples without urban culture, while the story of the foundation of a city or a tribal sanctuary was more stressed by the peoples with urban civilisation or with those approaching this stage, like the ethnoi in Greece. Particular language and particular religious traditions were decisive factors for the preservation of ethnic identity in an alien milieu and in the melting pot the civilization of the Roman Empire was for non -Latin and non -Greek ethnic identities of the time (MITCHELL – GREATREX 2000).

In the shadow of large unifying factors of Greek identity of the Hellenised Eastern Mediterranean, and the Latinized identity of the western provinces of the Roman Empire, other languages were less used. This was less true about the Celtic speaking populations from Spain to Anatolia, or about the Thracians with the Geti and Dacians, who spoke similar language. The more specifi c identity was based on the tribal groups with (real of fi ctive) common ancestry or on com-mon local background, and on specifi c religious beliefs.

In the Roman army, the fi rst two centuries of the Roman Empire bring enough evidence of military units composed from subjugated ethnic groups, but later their numbers diminish and step after step are superseded by other catego-ries of troops composed of barbarian neighbours of the Empire – foederati and other allies with alien identities (POHL – REIMITZ 1998). This situation apparently refl ects the loose of ethnic identity in most of the Roman Empire (as refl ected in other testimonies as well), while later the alien elements penetrating the Roman territory held on to their particular identities more rigidly.

Traditions of indigenous customs and beliefs in proper way to proceed to afterlife in Thrace and in other Roman provinces with strong indigenous popu-lation structures (notably in Thrace, Galatia, Egypt, Syria and Gaul) represent a phenomenon showing the importance of local and family traditions for keep-ing the ethno -cultural identity. There was a big difference in this respect be-tween provinces where the old social structure was completely destroyed (like in Dacia, Moesia, Germania, North Africa), and those where the Romans took over the power in less warlike way. In the latter, the Romanization (or Hellenization) did not replace the local languages completely. The rather peaceful annexation had to respect to some extent the local social structures and traditions. Local populations there were in better position than in the areas with more massive population shifts. They could continue more closely in their particular way of life and to some extent conserve the traditional structures of their pre -Roman social systems and stratifi cation.


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5. Ca se exa mple s: bu r ia l cu s t om a nd f a sh iona s expre s s ion s of ide nt i t ie s i n t he Rom a n Empi re

In Thrace, the Thracian Hero -Rider (OPPERMANN 2006) is the most apparent ex-ample of the religious tradition outliving the pre -Roman period, being followed by the tumulus graves, of which more are known from the Roman times than from the previous Classical and Hellenistic periods. This is a testimony that the Thracian religious identity of previous generations of Thracian aristocracy was not lost in the Imperial period (cf. TRIANTAPHYLLOS – TERZOPOULOU 2006 for Greek Thrace, and e.g. KANČEVA -RUSEVA – VELKOV – VESELIN 1996 for Bulgaria). The typical illustrations of Thracian tombs from Mikri Doxipara – Zoni, Rigion and Ladi (TRIANTAPHYLLOS – TERZOPOULOU 2006) date from early 2nd century A.D. Though very characteristic of Thrace, the continuity of burial customs on long--used cemeteries there is not an isolated phenomenon (BOUZEK – DOMARADZKA 2008). It has parallels in other parts of the Roman Empire.

Noble ancestry counted in the social life of the Roman provincial society in all the areas in which the old pre -Imperial structure to some extent persisted and was integrated into the new situation. Many religious particularities were part of tradition which was allowed as an enrichment of the Roman offi cial pantheon and was also preserved by those who anxiously tried to keep at least part of the old dignity and power, the traditional identity. Integration of divinities of con-quered provinces into the pantheon of polytheistic Roman empire was in most cases not only tolerated, but considered useful means to enhance the importance of the Roman Empire by getting support for Rome also from divinities of all countries conquered – under the condition of accepting Roman supremacy.

The situation in the koinon Galaton is well known from the inscriptions of the priests of Roma and Augustus at Ankyra. In this province, the Galatian ari-stocracy kept much of their political positions – as tetrarchoi and priests. Much of the Galatian religion was taken over from the previous Anatolian population, as was Kybele – Kubaba with her main sanctuary at Pessinus. Celtic names were common in Galatia until the 4th century A.D. Tombstones from the 3rd cen-tury mentioning Celtic names are common in the area. The funeral rites of the Galatian aristocracy with tumuli were observed during the two fi rst centuries of the Roman Empire (STROBEL 2006).

In Pannonia, several Celtic ethnoi kept their identity until the 3rd century A.D.: in some vici Celtic pottery was produced in the traditional way until the 2nd century A.D. About Boi, Eravisci and other Celtic civitates we are infor-med from funeral and dedicatory inscriptions and from scenes and symbols on their funeral stelae. Women usually wear the traditional costumes, while men are dressed in the Roman fashion. Representations of heads remind one of ear-lier Celtic masks, astral symbols are common, boar hunts and attributes of Essus

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and Cerunnos are known from some stelae. Torques are also represented, as well as funeral wagons; the last mentioned are most common in the territory of the Eravisci (PETRES 1975, and PETRES 1990). Even more common are the traditional female dress representation on the funeral stelae in Noricum (GARBSCH 1965), a province in which many traditions from the preceding kingdom survived. Noricum had rather smooth transition from the Roman protectorate to province under the Julio -Claudian dynasty.

Similar traditional elements can be traced in French Gaul, in Iberia and in other Roman provinces as well (cf. PEARCE – MILLET – STRUCK 2000). In the East, Syria shows notably many local traditions in burial customs; the most apparent examples being Palmyrean funeral monuments and those in the Hauran region of the province Arabia (COLLEDGE 1976; PARLASCA 1982). But even more apparent is the keeping of the local tradition of cult and funeral representations in Egypt, whose traditional religion disappeared only with the spread of Christianity du-ring the Late Roman times. The rich corpus of Anatolian funeral stelae, of whi-ch those from Galatia have been mentioned above, also preserved much from the earlier tradition in Anatolia, though being more Hellenized already in the Hellenistic times.

Thracian burial rite survived until the end of Classical Antiquity, as did the language, documented by the existence of the Biblia Bessica (cf. BOUZEK 2005, 138–144, with further bibliography; OPPERMANN 2006). The sanctuaries of Hero -Rider became churches of St. George, Athena gave her temples in Athens, Catania and elsewhere to Virgin Mary, as did also Isis.

6 . S y mbole s , ob je t s e t l i e u x de mé moire :f rom a rcha e olog y t o mode r n h i s t o r y

Roman imperial symbols were taken over by European and Near Eastern medi-eval kingdoms and they persist until our days. Coptic textiles show fl uent transi-tion from Dionysian to Christian Eucharistic symbols. Many relics of saints can-not be genuine. St. Adalbert would have three skulls, the Holy spear in Vienna dates actually from the Migration period; but they were and partly remain sa-cred symbols for many.

The main Nazi symbol swastika was old solar symbol taken over from India and Greece and mainly used retrograde for black magic of the Third Reich; the Nordic ruins played a similar role. European community took as its fl ag the mantle of Holy Mary with twelve stars, which was derived from the sign of the zodiac. Old astrological signs are still used in our astronomy. Many archaeolog-ical sites, among them Biskupin, Bibracte and Kalkriese are even in our days important places of memory.


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As our globalized world has many traits common with the development in the past, we may use history as magistra vitae: how strong will be the resistance of national languages and cultural traditions, identities, in our globalized world? How deep will be the European roots for the next generation? Compared with the nationalistic movements, which were especially strong in the 19th century and which still continue in some minor latecomers in the Balkans and else-where, the globalizing trend appears to be stronger. If the next generation would consider the European mosaic of nations worthy of being kept, it is not without interest to know how their early predecessors kept their traditions, e.g. during the Hellenistic globalisation and in the melting pot of the Roman Empire.

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Su m m a r y

The approach of the French school investigating places of memory is tested in different areas, including: traces in the landscape, artistic tradition, reuse of building materials and structures, funeral rites and expressions of group identity in various domains in antiquity, thereby offering the possibility of collaboration between historians and archaeologists.

Keywords: places and objects of memory; group identity; tradition; recycling; reuse of materials

JAN BOUZEK, Institute for Classical Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, Celetná 20, 116 42 Praha 1, Czech Republic,[email protected].

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Figs. 1–2. Rock “altar” with channels near Strelča, Sredna Planina (Photo J. Bouzek)


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Fig. 3. Nuragh in Sardinia (photo J. Bouzek)

Fig. 4. Bear on the hill Sleža (after GEDIGA 2007)

CONTENTS

HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY

EPHRAIM DAVID: An Oligarchic Democracy: Manipulation of Democratic Ideals by Athenian Oligarchs in 411 BC 11

PAVEL NÝVLT: Sparta and Persia between the Second and the Third Treaty in 412/411 BCE: A Chronology 39

MATĚJ NOVOTNÝ: Andocides on ἀτιμία and the Term πρόσταξις 61

STANISLAV DOLEŽAL: Rethinking a Massacre: What Really Happened in Thessalonica and Milan in 390? 89

LITERATURE AND PHILOLOGHY

JAN M. KOZLOWSKI: Κ-Σ-Γ-Ν-Τ-Ν: Callimachus’ Epigram 1,16 Pfeiffer 111

WALTER LAPINI: Cicerone, Tusculane, V,94 e il fr. 62 Us. di Epicuro 114

PAOLA GAGLIARDI: Virgilio e l’Arcadia nell’ ecl. 10 130

PHILOSOPHY

VOJTĚCH HLADKÝ: Empedocles’ Sphairos and its Interpretations in Antiqui-ty, I: Aristotle and the Neoplatonists 149

MARIA MARCINKOWSKA-ROSÓŁ: Aristotle’s Rejection of an Infi nite Body: An Interpretation of Physics, III,5, 205a25–28 165

ROBERT ROREITNER: Perception and Hylomorphism: Receptive Activity of Senses in Aristotle’s De Anima, II,5 176

KAREL THEIN: Aristotle on Why Study Lower Animals (De Partibus Ani ma-lium, I,5, 644b22–645a36) 208

ARCHAEOLOGYKONSTANTINOS FILIS: Karabournaki: The Transport Amphorae from a Semi-Subterranean Structure in Trench 27/89d 233

SANJA PILIPOVIC: Sette divinità planetarie: esempio di corazza da parata da Castra Tricornia (Mesia Superiore) 266

JAN BOUZEK: Lieux de Mémoire in History and Archaeology: A Field of Pos-sible Collaboration? 285

JAN BOUZEK – VICTORIA CHYSTYAKOVÁ – PETRA TUŠLOVÁ – BAR-BORA WEISSOVÁ: New Studies in Black Sea and Balkan Archae ology 298

DISCUSSION

ANTHONY DUPONT: Was There an Africitas theologica? A Preliminary In-quiry into the Regional Specifi city of the North African and Augustinian Theo-logy of Original Sin and Grace (ca. 200–450 CE) 317

REVIEWS

Helmut Kyrieleis et alii, XIII. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Olympia: 2000 bis 2005. Tübingen – Berlin 2013 (Jan Bouzek) 335

Ineke Sluiter – Ralph M. Rosen (eds.), Aesthetic Value in Classical Antiquity. Leiden – Boston 2012 (Jan Bažant) 336

Cristina Pepe, The Genres of Rhetorical Speeches in Greek and Roman Antiqui-ty. Leiden – Boston 2013 (Jiří Pavlík) 338

Elisabeth Herrmann-Otto (Hrsg.), Antike Sklaverei. Darmstadt 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 341

Mirko Canevaro, The Documents in the Attic Orators: Laws and Decrees in the Public Speeches of the Demosthenic Corpus (with a chapter by E. M. Har-ris). Oxford 2013 (Matěj Novotný) 341

Bernd Steinbock, Social Memory in Athenian Public Discourse. Ann Arbor 2013 (Pavel Nývlt) 345

Antonios Tsakmakis – Melina Tamiolaki (eds.), Thucydides between History and Literature. Berlin – Boston 2013 (Pavel Nývlt) 348

Paul Cartledge, After Thermopylae. The Oath of Plataea and the End of the Gre-co-Persian Wars. Oxford 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 353

Josef Fischer, Die Perserkriege. Darmstadt 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 354

Wolfgang Will, Demosthenes. Darmstadt 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 354

Christopher A. Baron, Timaeus of Tauromenium and Hellenistic Historiography. Cambridge 2013 (Pavel Nývlt) 355

Linda-Marie Günther, Bürgerinnen und ihre Familien im hellenistischen Milet. Untersuchungen zur Rolle von Frauen und Mädchen in der Öffentlichkeit. Wies-baden 2014 (Pavel Oliva) 357

Bruce Gibson – Thomas Harrison (eds.), Polybius and His World: Essays in Memory of F. W. Walbank. Oxford – New York 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 358

Plutarch, Demosthenes and Cicero, Translated with Introduction and Commen-tary by Andrew Lintott. Oxford 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 359

Wolfgang Schuller, Cicero oder Der letzte Kampf um die Republik. München 2013 (Pavel Oliva) 360

Andrew Cain, Jerome and the Monastic Clergy: A Commentary on Letter 52 to Nepotian, with an Introduction, Text, and Translation. Leiden – Boston 2013 (Neil Adkin) 361

BOOKS RECEIVED 365