133 Journal ofHealth & Biomedical Law, VIII (2012): 133-172 C 2012 Journal ofHealth & Biomedical Law Suffolk University Law School Pharmaceutical Gift Laws and Commercial Speech Under the First Amendment in the Wake of Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc. Marcia M. Bournil* Introduction In recent years the practice of pharmaceutical companies courting health care practitioners and lavishing them with gifts - ranging from simple pens and meals to resort travel for educational junkets that satisfy continuing medical education requirements - has been accepted as routine. The literature suggests, though it has never actually been proven, that even modest gifts instill a sense of obligation in the recipient that accomplishes its intended effect: physicians tend to prescribe products promoted by their sponsor more often than other products.' At the very least, the mug that prominently displays the company's name serves as a reminder that its product is available for medical conditions likely treated by the practitioner. Amidst a flurry of state laws being developed to address a growing concern about pharmaceutical industry conflicts of interest, a 2008 Prescription Project report estimated that the industry spent $7.2 billion (excluding drug samples) peddling its wares, primarily in the form of gifts, meals, and medical conference expenses. 2 Few states or organizations actually restricted * Marcia M. Boumil, MA, MS, JD, LL.M is an Associate Professor of Public Health and Community Medicine and the Assistant Dean for Conflict of Interest Administration at Tufts University School of Medicine. Professor Boumil also serves as the Tufts Director of the JD/MPH dual degree program with Northeastern University School of Law. I See Jason Dana & George Lowenstein, A Social Science Per ective on Gifts to Physicians From Industry, 290 JAMA 252, 253-55 (2003); ASS'N OF Ai. MED. COLLEGES, THE SCIENTIFIC BASIS OF INFLUENCE AND RECIPROCITY: A SYMPOSIUM 7-8 (2007), available at http://www. ohsu.edu/xd/about/services/integrity/coi/gifts/upload/AAMC-The-Science-of-Influence.pdf. Research indicates that such influence occurs in ways that individuals cannot perceive and creates subtle biases that are not humanly possible to eliminate. Dana & Lowenstein, supra, at 253-55. 2 THE PRESCRIPTION PROJECT, GIFTS, MEALS AND ENTERTAINMENT: A TOOLKIT FOR ACADEMIC MEDICAL CENTERS, 1 (2008), available at http://www.prescriptionproject.org/ HeinOnline -- 8 J. Health & Biomedical L. 133 2012
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133
Journal ofHealth & Biomedical Law, VIII (2012): 133-172
C 2012 Journal ofHealth & Biomedical Law
Suffolk University Law School
Pharmaceutical Gift Laws and Commercial SpeechUnder the First Amendment in the Wake of Sorrell v.
IMS Health, Inc.
Marcia M. Bournil*
Introduction
In recent years the practice of pharmaceutical companies courting health care
practitioners and lavishing them with gifts - ranging from simple pens and meals to
resort travel for educational junkets that satisfy continuing medical education
requirements - has been accepted as routine. The literature suggests, though it has
never actually been proven, that even modest gifts instill a sense of obligation in the
recipient that accomplishes its intended effect: physicians tend to prescribe products
promoted by their sponsor more often than other products.' At the very least, the mug
that prominently displays the company's name serves as a reminder that its product is
available for medical conditions likely treated by the practitioner. Amidst a flurry of
state laws being developed to address a growing concern about pharmaceutical industry
conflicts of interest, a 2008 Prescription Project report estimated that the industry spent
$7.2 billion (excluding drug samples) peddling its wares, primarily in the form of gifts,meals, and medical conference expenses. 2 Few states or organizations actually restricted
* Marcia M. Boumil, MA, MS, JD, LL.M is an Associate Professor of Public Health andCommunity Medicine and the Assistant Dean for Conflict of Interest Administration at TuftsUniversity School of Medicine. Professor Boumil also serves as the Tufts Director of theJD/MPH dual degree program with Northeastern University School of Law.I See Jason Dana & George Lowenstein, A Social Science Per ective on Gifts to Physicians FromIndustry, 290 JAMA 252, 253-55 (2003); ASS'N OF Ai. MED. COLLEGES, THE SCIENTIFIC BASIS
OF INFLUENCE AND RECIPROCITY: A SYMPOSIUM 7-8 (2007), available at http://www.ohsu.edu/xd/about/services/integrity/coi/gifts/upload/AAMC-The-Science-of-Influence.pdf.Research indicates that such influence occurs in ways that individuals cannot perceive and createssubtle biases that are not humanly possible to eliminate. Dana & Lowenstein, supra, at 253-55.2 THE PRESCRIPTION PROJECT, GIFTS, MEALS AND ENTERTAINMENT: A TOOLKIT FOR
ACADEMIC MEDICAL CENTERS, 1 (2008), available at http://www.prescriptionproject.org/
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pharmaceutical giveaways3 and those that addressed them at all did so primarily in the
form of ethical guidelines such as those established by the American Medical
Association ("AMA") and voluntary regulations such as those set forth by the
Pharmaceutical Research and Manufactures of America ("PhRMA"), the trade
association for the pharmaceutical and medical device industry. 4 For years, efforts to
rein in pharmaceutical marketing fell largely on deaf ears.
And what was the position on giveaways of those who were primarily affected?
Patients who would ultimately be prescribed pharmaceutical products by physicians
influenced by the giveaways knew little of the practice and had even less to say about it.
Many health care practitioners did not acknowledge the influence of pharmaceutical
marketing tactics, if they even understood it. They had simply come to expect that gifts
from pharmaceutical detailers were the norm, and they were entitled, if not expected, to
indulge in the generosity. After years of vocal objection by a relatively few activists,state legislatures and the U.S. Congress finally began to acknowledge what is today
clearly understood - the giveaways at the heart of marketing practices endemic to the
profession create serious conflicts of interest between medical practitioners and the
pharmaceutical industry.5
To date, approximately twenty-five states have proposed or adopted laws that
address the marketing practices of pharmaceutical and medical device companies. 6 Most
laws target transparency, requiring disclosure of such relationships but not otherwise
limiting them; only a handful of states have laws that either prohibit or meaningfully
restrict the giveaways.7 Those that impose disclosure requirements usually include the
tools/initiativesresources/files/0010.pdf.3 See infra Part 1II.A.4 See OIG Compliance Program Guidance for Pharmaceutical Manufacturers, 68 Fed. Reg.
23,731, 23,731-32 (May 5, 2003). The guidelines that the Office of the Inspector General
("OIG") issued were at the recommendation of both the American Medical Association
("AMA") and the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America ("PhRMA"). Id. at
23,732. Though the guidelines are voluntary in compliance, the comprehensive guidelines are
extensive and set forth procedures for creating an ethical compliance program for each
manufacturer. Id. at 23,731.s See generally JEROME P. KASSIRER, ON THE TAKE: How MEDICINE'S COMPLICITY WITH BIGBUSINESS CAN ENDANGER YOUR HEALTH 200-01 (2005) (noting that regulations have been put
in place for reasons including both ethical and cost considerations).6 See Markeing and Direct-to-ConsumerAdvertising (DTCA) of Pharmaceuticals, NAT'L CONFERENCE OF
STATE LEGISLATURES, http://www.ncsl.org/issues-research/health/marketing-and-advertising-of-pharmaceuticals.aspx (last updated Nov. 2010) [hereinafter Marketing and Advertising ofPharmaceuticals].7 See The Center for Ethics in Government, 50 State Table: Gift Laws - Restrictions, Prohibitions,
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obligation to report gifts over a specified dollar amount (usually $25 or $50) to a specific
state agency, and in some instances on public websites.8 California and Colorado are
examples of states with comprehensive disclosure laws.9 On the other hand, in 2010,
Maine enacted legislation that required pharmaceutical product and medical device
manufacturers to file annual reports with the state Department of Health and Human
Services that specify the "value, nature, purpose and recipient" for all promotional items
including educational or information programs, food, entertainment, gifts over $25,
travel expenses, and product samples, excluding free patient samples. 0 That law,
Exceptions, NAT'L CONFERENCE OF STATE LEGISLATURES, http://www.ncsl.org/?Tabld=15316(last updated Feb. 2012) [hereinafter 50 State Table].8 See KASSIRER, supra note 5, at 201; Markeing and Advertising of Pharmaceuticals, supra note 6.9 California passed two laws that regulated the marketing and advertising practices ofpharmaceutical companies. CAL. HEALTH & SAFETY CODE § 119402 (West 2005); S.J. Res. 24,ch. 139 (Ca. 2004). The law required that pharmaceutical companies doing business in the stateadopt a Comprehensive Compliance Program, which adopts policies governing marketinginteractions with health care professionals and imposes limits on gifts and other incentivesprovided to medical or health professionals. HEALTH & SAFETY 119402(a)-(d). In particular,the law required that include "specific annual dollar limit on gifts, promotional materials, or itemsor activities that the pharmaceutical company may give or otherwise provide to an individualmedical or health care professional." Id. §119402(d)(1). Further, pharmaceutical companies arerequired to publish annual declarations of compliance on company websites indicating publicvisibility. Id. § 119402(e). The program must be in accordance with the United StatesDepartment of Health and Human Services ("DHHS") OIG publication "Compliance Programfor Pharmaceutical Manufacturers." Id. 5 119402(a). SJR 24 requests the President and U.S.Congress to recognize the problems caused by direct-to-consumer advertising of prescriptiondrugs by pharmaceutical companies and to take specified actions in the regulation of consumeradvertising of prescription drugs. Cal. S.J. Res. 24. In 2010, Colorado enacted into law two bills.COLO. REV. STAT. 5 24-34-111 (2010); COLO. REV STAT. § 24-34-110 (2010). One requirespharmaceutical and medical device manufacturers to submit to DHHS certain payments frompharmaceutical and medical device manufacturers to health care professionals. 5 24-34-111. Italso requires the Colorado Department of Regulatory Agencies to post on its website thereported data pursuant to its transparency and disclosure provisions. Id. A second law was arevision of a 2008 Michael Skolnick Medical Transparency Act. 5 24-34-110. The 2008 lawrequired physicians to report certain annual income over $5000 derived from health care-relatedcontracts (employment or independent contractor) to the Director of the Colorado Division ofRegistrations. Id. The 2010 "Transparency Act" adopted the same disclosure requirements butapplied them other health care practitioners such as nurses, physician assistants, physicaltherapists and dentists. Id. This income is thereafter disclosed on a public website. Id. TheColorado law is notable for its absence of a "trade secret" exception allowing disclosures to bewithheld when they contain certain competitive information or trade secrets concerning productdevelopment. Id.10 ME. REV. STAT. tit. 22, § 2699 (2010) (repealed 2011); see also Susan Chimonas et al., Show us themoney: Lessons in transpareny from state pharmaceutical marketing disclosure laws, 45 HEALTH SERVICESRES. 98, 99-100 (2010), http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p304680_index.html. Maine,
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however, was repealed in 2011 following an ideological shift in the elected officials." It
may have been based, at least in part, on a brewing controversy in Massachusetts over its
pharmaceutical marketing laws which are reputed to be the toughest in the country.12
In 2011, with well-organized industry efforts bubbling up in Massachusetts to
reverse the new marketing restrictions, the U.S. Supreme Court issued an opinion which
may significantly decrease the ability of states to enforce some of these new regulations.
In Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc.,' 3 the Court reviewed the constitutionality of a neighboring
Vermont statute which attempted to restrict the ability of pharmaceutical companies to
purchase certain physician-identified prescription data for subsequent use in the
marketing of their products.14 In particular, the Court considered whether a Vermont
law prohibiting the sale and use of prescriber-identified pharmacy records by
pharmaceutical companies (but not others) would impose an undue burden on speech
under the First Amendment. 5 In striking down the law, the Court reviewed the statute
under a "heightened" level of First Amendment scrutiny because it determined the
Vermont statute presented both content- and speaker-based burdens on speech.16 In
Sorrell, the application of this more stringent standard, rather than the usual intermediate
level of scrutiny urged by the dissent for regulation of commercial speech, contributed
to the Court's striking down the Vermont law.'7
Part I of this paper gives a brief overview of pharmaceutical and medical device
industry gifts and giveaways, including the so-called free lunches sponsored by
pharmaceutical and medical device companies, which for years had simply become part
of the fabric of medical practice. It reviews three current representative state laws-
Minnesota, Massachusetts, and Vermont-that either (a) prohibit or limit
Vermont and D.C. have set the threshold for reporting at $25. Chimonas et al., supra, at 101.11 H.P. 828, 125th Leg, 1st Reg. Sess. (Me. 2011) (repealing tit. 22, 52699 with An Act To RestoreMarket-based Competition for Pharmacy Benefits Management Services). "Maine joinedWisconsin in going from complete Democratic control of state government, including thelegislature and the governorship, to complete Republican control." Josh Goodman, Republicans
Win Most Legislatve Seats in Generations, STATELINE.ORG (Nov. 3, 2010), http://www.stateline.org/live/details/story?contentId= 525539.12 Matthew Arnold, Massachusetts Antes Up with Tough Transparency Law, MEDICAL MARKETING &
MEDIA (Mar. 29, 2009), http://www.mmm-online.com/massachusetts-antes-up-with-tough-transparency-law/article/128709/ (quoting the Massachusetts State's Deputy Counsel in statingits "the most stringent of the existing state laws").13 131 S. Ct. 2653 (2011).14 Id. at 2656 (outlining the "detailing" process and Vermont's Prescription Confidentiality Law).'5 Id.16 Id. at 2672.17 Id. at 2664-72; see also id. at 2685 (Breyer, J., dissenting).
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pharmaceutical and device manufacturers' gifts and giveaways to health care
professionals, or (b) impose restrictions on consuming meals during the course of an
industry-sponsored promotional presentation. Part II reviews the majority and
dissenting opinions in Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc., focusing on the imposition of a
heightened level of First Amendment scrutiny as applied to the "speech" implicated in
the Vermont statute. Part III examines First Amendment case law using both an
intermediate level of constitutional scrutiny, which is generally applied to commercial
speech, and a heightened level of scrutiny, which the Court applied to pharmaceutical
marking efforts in Sorrell. Part IV concludes by analyzing the anticipated impact of
Sorrell on the state laws that prohibit or restrict gifts, giveaways, and the provision of
meals accompanying presentations and other events sponsored by the pharmaceutical
and medical device industries.
I. Overview of Gift-Giving within the Pharmaceutical and Medical Device
Industries
In 1982 the Center for Disease Control estimated that the United States spent
an aggregate of approximately $15 billion annually on retail prescription drugs.18 Two
decades later that total had grown to $162 billion.19 While much of this increase resulted
from the development and availability of new drugs, another substantial portion is
attributable to the level of spending by the pharmaceutical industry on sales and
marketing practices directed at physicians. 20 Today, there are adequate data to support
the conclusion that industry marketing strategies that target health care practitioners,including gifts and giveaways, substantially influence prescribing patterns, both in terms
of selecting the heavily-marketed brand name products over less expensive generic drugs
as well as choosing drug options at all.21 The literature on pharmaceutical giveaways is
expansive and compelling.22 Notably, some of the most reliable data comes from the
1s Michele Masucci et al., Gift Bans, NIXON PEABODY LLP (July 2009), http://www.nixon
peabody.com/linked-media/publications/Health LawAlert_-_07_02_2009_.pdf.19 Id.; see also Dana & Lowenstein, supra note 1, at 252-53.20 See Dana & Lowenstein, supra note 1, at 252-53; see also Mark-Andre Gagnon & Joel Lexchin,The Cost of Pushing Pills: A New Estimate of Pharmaceutical Promotion Expenditures in the United States, 5PLoS MED. 29, 32 (2008), available at http://www.plosmedicine.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/
journal.pmed.0050001. 2004 data shows that the U.S. pharmaceutical industry spent almost twiceas much on promotion as it did on research and development. Id.21 See Dana & Lowenstein, supra note 1, at 253-54.22 See, e.g., Marcia Boumil & Harris Berman, Revisiting the Physidan/Industry Alliance: The Bayh-Dole
Act and Conflict of Interest Management at Academic Medical Centers, 15 MICH. ST. U. J. MED. & L. 1, 7(2010); Troyen Brennan et al., Health Industry Practices That Create Conflicts of Interest: A Policy Proposal
for Academic Medical Centers, 295 JAMA 429, 430 (2006); Dana & Lowenstein, supra note 1, at 253-
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marketing research conducted by the pharmaceutical and medical device industry itself.23
For more than a decade individual states have been taking action to regulate the
influence pharmaceutical and medical device manufacturers exert over prescribers.
Massachusetts, Minnesota, and Vermont in particular enacted laws that prohibit some
types of giveaways such as travel, "hospitality" (e.g., tickets to theater and sporting
events), and meals provided by the industry that are outside of the professional office or
hospital setting.24 Many other states now have laws that require pharmaceutical and
medical device companies to report all "payments" to health care practitioners that
exceed a minimum threshold to be posted on a publicly-accessible website. 25
Presumably, the legislative goal is primarily to expose, discourage, and/or embarrass
those who accept gifts and giveaways.
While many health care professionals in Massachusetts applaud that state's
tough stance and are content with its stringent mandates, others are fiercely opposed
and some have actively lobbied for repeal of the law - an effort that twice cleared the
Massachusetts House of Representatives but was thereafter rebuffed by the Senate. 26 In
the early days of the Massachusetts law, there were reports about pharmaceutical
companies canceling medical meetings in Massachusetts and reconsidering plans to
locate or do business in Massachusetts, where the local economy thrives on its
substantial pharmaceutical presence.27 There were anecdotes about physicians attending
professional meetings out of town, only to be told they were not welcomed at certain
54; Catherine Marco et al., Gifts to Physidans from the Pharmaceutical Industry: An Ethical Analysis, 48
ANNALS EMERGENCY MED. 513, 517 (2006).23 See Dana & Lowenstein, supra note 1, at 254.24 See generally Marketing and Advertising of Pharmaceuticals, supra note 6 (providing a comprehensive
review of state pharmaceutical disclosure laws). Note that nothing in the final regulations
prohibits continuing medical education and professional societies from using hotels, convention
centers and other special event venues for educational meetings. See id.25 See Rebecca Dresser, Pharmaceutical Company Gifts: From Voluntary Standards to Legal Demands,
HASTINGS CTR. REP., May-June 2006, at 8, 8; see also Marketing and Advertising of Pharmaceuticals,supra note 6.26 MAss. GEN. LAWS ch. 11IN, 55 1-7 (2010); see Katherine Hobson, Follow-Up: Massachusetts Gft
Ban Won't Be Repealed, WSJ BLOGS, Aug. 2, 2010, http://blogs.wsj.com/health/2010/08/02/follow-up-massachusetts-gift-ban-wont-be-repealed/; see also Thomas Sullivan,Massachusetts House Votes Overwhelmingy to Repeal the Code of Conduct AKA the "Gift" Ban, POLICY
AND MEDICINE, Apr. 26, 2011, http://www.policymed.com/2011/04/massachusetts-house-votes- overwhelmingly-to-repeal-the-code-of-conduct-aka-the-gift-ban.html.27 See Thomas Sullivan, Massachusetts Gft Ban Costing State MedicalJobs, POLICY & MED. (Mar.3, 2010, 7:32 AM) http://www.policymed.com/2010/03/massachusetts-gift-ban-costing-state-medical-jobs.html.
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events that serve food which, pursuant to Massachusetts law, they are prohibited from
consuming.28 Some were reportedly offended by the suggestion that their prescribing
habits or loyalty could be bought with a cup of coffee or yogurt.29
The outpouring of sentiment in response to the Massachusetts law is
compelling, although the genuineness of the rhetoric is unclear. There is a paucity of
good evidence that the Massachusetts law has resulted in fewer health care companies or
conferences in the state, despite the many anecdotes about the loss of valuable informal
dinner meetings that are now prohibited. The professional literature providing the data
that describe the concept of reciprocity - feelings of indebtedness as a result of receiving
giveaways - has been criticized.30 The Maine legislature, which enacted its own conflicts
of interest regulations imposing new transparency rules, recently reversed its law.31 The
wisdom of the Massachusetts pharmaceutical marketing legislation (particularly its meals
provision) is far from universally embraced and there are those who are committed to
repealing it.32
Overall, reaction to the Massachusetts law is mixed and more data is needed to
substantiate the various positions. Some commentators are concerned that, if the law
were repealed, "the prescription-buying public will end up eating the cost in more ways
than one." 33 Reliable evidence still needs to be gathered to support or deny the
conclusion that the meals rule serves its intended purpose, or even saves the
Massachusetts taxpayers money. What seems to be better documented, at least by way
of anecdote, is that the number of informal "educational" programs generally sponsored
by the pharmaceutical companies has declined within the state. Many health care
practitioners relied upon these programs to learn about new drug products, safety
information, and conditions that the new products are FDA-approved to treat.34
28 Tamar Hosansky, Pharma Dinner Meetings Banned in the Bay State, MEETINGSNET.COM (Apr. 20,2009, 12:31 PM), http://meetingsnet.com/medicalmeetings/news/0420-pharma-dinner-meetings-banned/.29 See e.g., Dennis Ausiello & Thomas P. Stossel, Op-Ed., Legislators Cure in Need of Malady ConflictsDon't Sicken Health Care, Bos. HERALD, Apr. 17, 2008, at 23, available at http://www.bostonherald.com/news/opinion/oped/view.bg?articleid=1087609.30 John Dudley Miller, Conflict of Interest Spurs New Rules, Not Consensus, 98 J. NAT'L CANCER INST.1678, 1679 (2006), available athttp://jnci.oxfordjournals.org/content/98/23/1678.full.pdf; see alsoThomas Stossel & Lee Kirby, Has the Hunt for Conflicts of Interest Gone Too Far? Yes, 336 BRIT.MED. J. 476, 477 (2008).31 ME. REV. STAT. tit. 22, 5 2699 (2003) (repealed 2011).32 See, e.g., Ausiello & Stossel, supra note 29, at 23.33 Editorial, Feeling a Conflict of Interest, Bos. GLOBE, May 5, 2011, available at http://articles.boston.com/2011 -05-02/bostonglobe/29496577_1__gft-ban-drug-industry-drug-reps.34 See e.g., Tinker Ready, BHN Exclusive: Mass Gift Ban Takes a Beating From ACRE, BOS. HEALTH
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Believing that to a large extent such reliance was misplaced (often from primarily
marketing sources) Massachusetts appears to be willing to accept that result.
More than a few practitioners report having developed a "deep resentment at
suggestions that health care providers make treatment decisions based upon a free
meal." 35 While practitioners often believe that they "recognize marketing, whether from
a pharmaceutical company promoting its medicine or an insurer promoting a generic,"
the data concerning the effectiveness of pharmaceutical marketing strategies and the
impact of marketing efforts on the physicians who are targeted suggest significant
influence.36 There are large numbers of medical practitioners who simply refuse to
acknowledge that their prescribing habits can be meaningfully influenced by the drug
companies. 37
In 2007 the New England Journal of Medicine reported that ninety-four percent
of physicians receive drug samples, gifts, reimbursements, and payments from the
pharmaceutical industry.38 There have been numerous studies that report that marketing
giveaways do, in fact, influence the prescribing of drugs.39 This influence also leads to
greater reliance upon newer and more expensive, name-brand products in lieu of less
expensive generic alternatives, which may also lead to higher costs. 0 "Gifts inherently
influence prescribing decisions by fostering name recognition and reciprocity," said Dr.
Jean Silver-Isenstadt, National Physicians Alliance Executive Director.41 While there are
NEWS (July 24, 2009), http://tinkerready.wordpress.com/2009/07/24/bhn-exclusive-mass-gift-ban-takes-a-beating-pt-1/; Kate Atkinson, How the Massachusetts Gift Ban Hurts Pimary Care
Doctors, KEVINMD.CoM, http://www.kevinmd.com/blog/2010/07/massachusetts-gift-ban-hurts-primary-care-doctors.htmI (last visited Feb. 28, 2012); Massachusetts Law Hits Medical
meetings/news/massachusetts lawmedicalconventions_0109/.35 Thomas Sullivan, Massachusetts Code of Conduct: "Gift" Ban What's the Purpose, POLICYMED.COM(May 24, 2011, 5:18 AM), http://www.policymed.com/2011/05/massachusetts-code-of-conduct-gift-ban-whats-the-purpose.html.36 Id.
37 Brennan et al., supra note 22, at 429.38 Eric G. Campbell et al., A National Survey of Physician-Industry Relationships, 356 NEW ENG. J.MED. 1742, 1746 (2007).39 David Blumenthal, Doctors and Drug Companies, 351 NEW ENG. J. MED. 1885, 1887-88 (2004).
4 See id. at 1888. Physicians receiving benefits from drug companies were more likely "to requestthe inclusion of the company's drugs on hospital or health maintenance organization formularies,more likely to prescribe the company's products, and less likely to prescribe generic medications."Id.41 charley-on-the-mta, Docs and Med Student Support Gift Bans, BLUE MASs GROUP (June 26, 2008,5:37 AM), http://bluemassgroup.com/2008/06/docs-and-med-students-support-gift-ban/.
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also those who challenge the literature, questioning the methodology and soundness of
the conclusions, the greatest evidence in support of influence is that which comes from
industry itself: "[t]he industry would not spend billions of dollars each year providing
gifts if it didn't increase sales."42
In the past nearly-twenty years since Minnesota became the first state to require
pharmaceutical companies to disclose payments made to medical practitioners for
honoraria, attendance at medical conferences, and compensation paid for consulting and
research, many other states and the federal government have either followed suit or at
least initiated legislation.43 Vermont passed its first law in 2001 requiring pharmaceutical
companies to disclose "the value, nature, and purpose" of gifts to health care providers
in excess of $25.44 Maine and the District of Columbia followed shortly thereafter in
2003 with West Virginia next in 2004.45 Massachusetts did not chime in until 2008.46
For the purposes of this discussion, the next section focuses on the laws in three states -
Massachusetts, Minnesota and Vermont. Specifically, it focuses on the laws largely
prohibiting medical industry gifts and giveaways, such as Vermont and Massachusetts, as
well as the prohibition in Massachusetts and Minnesota concerning free meals in
conjunction with industry-sponsored events that do not occur within a medical
practitioner's medical office or hospital setting and provide an educational presentation.
42 Id43 oseph S. Ross et al., Pharmaceutical Company Payments to Physicians: Early Experiences With
Disclosure Laws in Vermont and Minnesota, 297 JAMA 1216, 1216-17, (2007), available athttp://jama.ama-assn.org/content/297/11/1216.full.pdf.4State Laws on Pharmaceutical Marketing and Promotion, AM. COLL. OF PHYSICIANS, http://www.acponline.org/advocacy/state-policy/reports/pharm_market.htm (last visited Mar. 1,2012).45 See Marketing and Advertising ofPharmaceuticals, supra note 6 (noting that Maine and the District ofColumbia passed these laws in 2003); AM. COLL. OF PHYSICIANS, supra note 44; W. VA. CODE (5-16C-9(a)(4) (2001). "SB. 127 of 2001, states that the West Virginia Public EmployeesInsurance Agency may explore 'requiring prescription drug manufacturers to disclose to the stateexpenditures for advertising, marketing and promotion, as well as for provider incentives andresearch and development efforts."' AM. COLL. OF PHYSICIANS, supra note 44. West Virginia'slaw states:
(a) The director may explore innovative strategies by which West Virginia may
manage the increasing costs of prescription drugs and increase access toprescription drugs for all of the state's citizens, including: . . . (4) Requiring
prescription drug manufacturers to disclose to the state expenditures for
advertising, marketing and promotion, as well as for provider incentives and
research and development efforts.
W. VA. CODE § 5-16C-9(a)(4).46 See MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N, §§ 1-7.
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A. Minnesota
Minnesota was one of the first states to enact a law prohibiting manufacturers
or wholesale drug distributors and their agents from giving most gifts of value to a
medical practitioner. 47 Exempted from the law are "professional samples of a drug
provided to a prescriber for free distribution to patients," items that are valued at not
more than $50 in any calendar year, and payments made to the sponsor of a medical
conference or other educational program, including honoraria, consulting fees in
connection with research, payments for educations materials and salaries to paid
employees. 48 Meals are considered "gifts" unless provided to a speaker in conjunction
with an educational program or as part of a consulting contract. 49 Conference attendees
are limited to the $50 per year restriction.50
B. Massachusetts
In 2009, Massachusetts implemented what is reputed to be the most restrictive
of the state laws.51 The Massachusetts law prohibits pharmaceutical companies and
medical device manufacturers from providing food to physicians unless it is
accompanied by an educational presentation and held in a physician's office or hospital
setting.52 It also prohibits payment for all entertainment or recreational events and for
personal expenses related to attending continuing medical education or scientific
meetings unless the physician is being compensated as a presenter at such an event.53
Finally, although the Massachusetts law does not prohibit all "gifts," it does require
pharmaceutical companies and medical device manufacturers to post any non-restricted
gifts to a medical practitioner in excess of $50 per year on a public website 54 and
imposes fines on those who fail to comply with the law.5 5 The law disallows
47 MINN. STAT. ANN. § 151.461 (West 2011). Enacted in 1993, this law prohibits manufacturersor wholesale drug distributors and their agents from giving any gift of value to a practitioner. Id.48 Id
49 See Rikin S. Mebta, Why Self-Regulation Does Not Work: Resolving Prescription Corruption Caused by
Excessive Gift-Giving by Pharmaceutical Manufacturers, 63 FOOD & DRUG L.J. 799, 813-14 (2008).50 Id. at 813.51 See generally MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N, §5 1-7. The law passed in 2008 and came into effect
January 1, 2009. Id. Marcia M. Boumil & Harris A. Berman, Toward a Greater Level of Transparency:The New Massachusetts Pharmaceutical IndustU Conflict of Interests Law, 10 HARV. HEALTH POL'Y REV.31, 33-34 (2009) (describing strong prohibitions made by the new law).52 MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N 5 2.5 Id.; 105 MASS. CODE REGs. 970.007 (2010) (specifically allowing compensation for "a healthcare practitioner serving as a speaker").54 MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N, § 6(1).5 Id. 5 7. "A person that violates this chapter shall be punished by a fine of not more than $5000
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sponsorship of continuing education that does not meet the criteria for the
Accreditation Council on Continuing Medical Education.5 6 To the frustration of some,
the Massachusetts law stopped short of prohibiting gifts from drug companies and
device manufacturers altogether. The pharmaceutical companies lobbied aggressively in
Massachusetts to prevent passage of this law, and subsequently to repeal the law.57
While unsuccessful in that effort, the pharmaceutical companies did manage thus far to
forestall their greatest fear - that similar laws would be enacted in many other states.
C. Vermont
In 2010 Vermont, now one of the most progressive states in the field of
pharmaceutical transparency and disclosure laws, amended its 2004 legislation5
concerning the relationship between health care professionals and pharmaceutical and
medical device manufacturers.59 The new Vermont law includes a prohibition on gifts
by pharmaceutical and medical device manufacturers to health care professionals and
also obligates drug and device manufacturers to disclose distribution of free product
samples provided to health care providers. 60 As a variation of the Massachusetts law,
Vermont permits drug and device manufacturers to provide small refreshments at their
for each transaction, occurrence or event that violates this chapter." Id.56 Id. 5 2 (outlining the specific conduct not allowed by the Department).57 See generally Thomas Sullivan, Massachusetts Gubernatorial Candidates Unanimously Support Repeal ofGift Ban, POLICY & MED. (OCT. 7, 2010, 6:02 AM), http://www.policymed.com/massachusetts-code-of-conduct/ (discussing the controversial law and the vigorous acts by many to have itrepealed).58 AM. COLL. OF PHYSICIANS, supra note 44. In 2004, Vermont passed a bill requiringpharmaceutical marketers to annually disclose "the value, nature and purpose" of their marketingactivities in the state. Id.
It covers most gifts, fees and payments over $25 made to doctors or other
health professionals (anyone in Vermont authorized to prescribe, dispense, or
purchase prescription drugs in the state), with a $10,000 penalty for violations.
Free samples, clinical trials, material having a value less than $25 and
scholarship funding are exempt from disclosure. Trade secrets are to be kept
confidential.
Id.; see also 2004 Vt. Acts & Resolves 122 ("An Act Making Appropriations for the Support ofGovernment"); 2002 Vt. Acts & Resolves 127 ("An Act Relating to Prescription Drug CostContainment and Affordable Access") (amending VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 33, 5 1997).s9 VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 18, 5 4632 (2008) (requiring pharmaceutical manufacturers to discloseprescribed product expenditures and permitted gifts to the attorney general and describingprocedures for disclosure).60 Id. § 4632(a)(2)(A).
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conference booths. 61 Vermont also exempts from its gift ban the donation of
pharmaceuticals and medical devices to free clinics or patient assistance programs. 62 It
also permits pharmaceutical and device companies that sponsor continuing medical
educational programs to fund meals and snacks for conference participants. 63
II. The U.S. Supreme Court: Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc.6
In 2011, by a ruling of 6-3, the Supreme Court struck down a different but
related Vermont law that prohibited pharmacies, data vendors, pharmaceutical
companies, and marketers from selling, licensing, or exchanging prescriber-identifiable
prescription information for purposes of prescription drug promotion. 65 Prior to
passage of this law, data vendors would purchase certain prescriber-identified records
from pharmacies and other organizations and sell them to pharmaceutical companies
and others. 66 When aggregated, this data would give pharmaceutical companies detailed
information about a physician's prescribing habits and allow the companies to customize
their marketing to individual physicians. 67 In other words, in planning a marketing pitch
to a particular physician, the company would use the information gleaned through data
mining to tailor its presentation. The Vermont Prescription Confidentiality Law, which
permitted data mining for some uses (such as research), but not for others (primarily
marketing), was intended to further the state's goals, primarily managing health care
costs by encouraging less reliance on brand-name products and greater use of generic
drugs. 68 The Supreme Court struck down the law on grounds that the regulation, which
61 Id. 5 4632(a)(1)(A)(v) (allowing coffee or snacks to be served at both conferences andseminars).62 Id. 5 4632(a)(1)(A)(vii) (requiring that these products must be distributed free of charge or at adiscounted price according to a manufacturer-sponsored or manufacturer-funded program).63 See id. 5 4361a(b)(2).64 This section is a summary of a section in the article, Marcia M. Boumil et al., Pharmaceutical DataMining, Medical Privag and the First Amendment: The U.S. Supreme Court in Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc.,21 ANNALS HEALTH L. 447 (2012).65 Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2668 (2011).66 See 2007 Vt. Acts & Resolves 80, available at http://www.leg.state.vt.us/docs/egdoc.cfm?
URL=/docs/2008/acts/ACTO8O.htm (discussing legislative findings on "prescriber identity datamining"). Prescriber-identified records would include the name of the physician, the date, the
product(s) prescribed and certain other information. Id.67 See id. (noting data mining "allows [tracking and linking] prescribing habits of nearly every
physician in Vermont").68 VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 18, § 4631 (2008). Under § 4631(a), "It is the intent of the generalassembly to advance the state's interest... through the promotion of less costly drugs." Id.
Under § 4631(d), entities could not "sell, license, or exchange [regulated records] for value" or"use prescriber identifiable information for marketing or promoting" without prescriber consent.
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imposed both content- and speaker-based burdens on protected speech, would be
examined for First Amendment purposes using a standard of "heightened" - not
intermediate - scrutiny.69 While recognizing the importance of Vermont's asserted
interests - protecting medical privacy, reducing health care costs, and safeguarding
public health - Justice Kennedy, writing for the majority, concluded that the statute did
not meet this rigorous First Amendment standard.70
For purposes of the First Amendment analysis, the majority opinion divided the
Vermont regulation into three constituent parts: (1) the prohibition against pharmacies,health insurers, and similar entities from selling prescriber-identifiable information
without the physician's consent; (2) the ban on pharmacies, health insurers, and other
similar entities from using physicians' identifiable information for marketing activities,even with their consent; and (3) the provision directly forbidding pharmaceutical
manufacturers and marketers from using prescriber-identifiable data without prescriber
consent to shape the company's marketing messages.71 The majority opinion held that
the first two measures discriminated against speech on the basis of its content, in light of
the fact that the Vermont regulation offered several state-approved purposes for which
prescriber-identifiable data could be sold and used. 72 In addition to disfavoring
marketing, the regulation burdened pharmaceutical companies and detailers, without
necessarily foreclosing the possibility that the information might be "purchased or
acquired by other speakers with diverse . . . viewpoints" (i.e., academic organizations or
other entities who might use the information to undertake a counter-detailing
program).73
Id.69 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2659.70 Id. (stating "the law cannot satisfy that standard").71 Id. at 2660. The Court chastised Vermont for offering an interpretation of this provision atoral argument that diverged from the construction the state had given it in the proceedingsbelow. See id. at 2662 (finding the state's change in position "particularly troubling in a FirstAmendment case"). Initially, Vermont represented that the first portion of 4631(d) barredpharmacies, health insurers, and other similar entities from selling or distributing prescriber-identifiable information for marketing purposes only. Id. At oral argument, Vermont thenrepresented that the sentence at issue prohibited regulated entities from selling prescriber-identifiable data for any purpose, aside from the exceptions specified in § 4631(e). Id. In acomment that did not bode well for Vermont's case, the Court noted it was especiallydisconcerting for the state to waver on the interpretation of its own statute "in a FirstAmendment case, where plaintiffs have a special interest in obtaining a prompt adjudication oftheir rights, despite potential ambiguities of state law." Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2662 (citing Houstonv. Hill, 482 U.S. 451, 467-68, n.17 (1987); Zwickler v. Koota, 389 U.S. 241, 252 (1967)).72 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2660.73 Id. at 2659.
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From the legislative history and statutory language of the Prescription
Confidentiality Law, the Sorrell majority found that Vermont's statement that detailers'
messages often conflicted with the goals of the state demonstrates the state's clear intent
to "diminish the effectiveness of marketing by manufacturers of brand-name drugs." 74
The majority viewed this as a "specific, content-based burden" on otherwise protected
speech sufficient to invoke the constitutional standard of heightened scrutiny.75
Furthermore, according to the majority, the state's argument that heightened scrutiny
was inapplicable to a "mere commercial regulation" had no merit as the regulation
imposed "more than an incidental burden on protected expression."7 6 The prohibition
on the sale or use of prescriber-identifiable information imposed by the regulation
differed in material ways from, for example, a prohibition on race-based hiring that
would obligate employers to remove a "White Applicants Only" sign77 or a municipal
ordinance prohibiting outdoor fires that might happen to forbid flag-burning.78 In
passing this law, the state intentionally regulated commercial speech specifically based
upon its content and the rpeakers communicating it.79
As to the state's argument that the regulation restricted access to information
that data-mining and pharmaceutical companies had no legal right to obtain, the majority
found it unpersuasive that prescriber-identifiable data was "generated in compliance
with a legal mandate . . . and so could be considered a kind of governmental
information."80 The majority distinguished Los Angeles Police Department v. United
Reportingfl by pointing out that the Vermont law addressed access to records already in
private hands and therefore implicated the regulated entities' right to use or disseminate
information within their possession.82 Further, the complainant in United Reporting had
74 Id. at 2663.75 Id. at 2664; see also Turner Broadcasting Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 512 U.S. 622, 658 (1994)
(emphasizing that regulations manifesting "aversion" to what "disfavored speakers" have to say
should be subject to strict scrutiny); City of Cincinnati v. Discovery Network, Inc., 507 U.S. 410,418 (1993) (applying a higher level of scrutiny to "a categorical prohibition on the use of news
racks to disseminate commercial messages"); Ward v. Rock against Racism, 491 U.S. 781, 791(1989) (noting that the First Amendment mandates strict scrutiny anytime the government
promulgates "a regulation of speech because of disagreement with the message it conveys").76 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2664-65.77 Id. at 2664-65 (citing Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic & Institut. Rights, Inc., 547 U.S. 47, 62(2006)).78 Id. (citing R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, Minnesota, 505 U.S. 377, 385 (1992)).79 Id. at 2665.80 Id.81 528 U.S. 32 (1999).82 See Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2665-67 (relying on Bartnicki v. Vopper, 532 U.S. 514, 527 (2001); Fla.Star v. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524 (1989); Seattle Times Co. v. Rhinehart, 467 U.S. 20, 32 (1984); N.Y.
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not suffered a personal First Amendment injury insofar as the plaintiff had "neither'attempt[ed] to qualify' for access" to the police records in question nor presented an"as-applied" challenge.83 By contrast, the majority in Sorrellbelieved that the data mining
companies and PhRMA had a reliable basis for asserting that the Vermont regulation
impermissibly burdened their own speech.84
The Sorrellmajority refused to construe the Vermont regulation as a restraint on
conduct (as opposed to speech), holding that the creation and distribution of information
constituted protected expression within the meaning of the First Amendment.85 "Facts,after all, are the beginning point for much of the speech that is most essential to advance
human knowledge and to conduct human affairs," the majority noted. 86 Thus,Vermont's imposition of content- and speaker-based burdens on the availability and use
of prescriber-identifiable data was conceptually comparable to a law forbidding trade
publications from purchasing or using ink.87 Even assuming that prescriber-identifiable
information represented a "mere commodity," as Vermont argued, the majority found
the Vermont regulation's restrictions objectionable to the First Amendment.88
After finding the Vermont regulation to be content-based on its face and
viewpoint-discriminatory in practice, the majority concluded that it could not withstand
even intermediate scrutiny.89 In so holding, it acknowledged that burdens on
commercial speech are traditionally analyzed under a standard of intermediate scrutiny,using a four-part test articulated in Central Hudson Gas e'& Electric Corp. v. Public Service
Times Co. v. United States, 403 U.S. 713 (1971) (per curiam)).83 Id. at 2666.84 Id85 Id. at 2667 (citing Bartnicki v. Vopper, 532 U.S. 514, 527 (2001)) ("'[Ijf the acts of 'disclosing'and 'publishing' information do not constitute speech, it is hard to imagine what does fall withinthat category, as distinct from the category of expressive conduct' (some internal quotation marksomitted)"; Rubin v. Coors Brewing Co., 514 U.S. 476, 481 (1995) ("information on beer labelsconstitutes commercial speech"); Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v. Greenmoss Builders, Inc., 472 U.S.749, 759 (1985) (plurality opinion) ("credit report is 'speech")).86 Id, at 2667.87 Id.88 See Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2664. Notwithstanding the lower level of scrutiny traditionally appliedto commercial speech, in this case, the majority displayed a markedly protectionist attitudetoward such expression. See id. For example, the majority explicitly stated that "[a] 'consumer'sconcern for the free flow of commercial speech often may be far keener than his concern forurgent political dialogue' . . . That reality has great relevance in the fields of medicine and publichealth, where information can save lives." Id. (quoting Bates v. State Bar of Ariz., 433 U.S. 350,364 (1977)).89 Id. at 2663-65.
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Commission of New York. 0 First, the majority rejected the argument that the law was
intended to support Vermont's articulated interest in protecting medical privacy.91
Commenting on the Vermont regulation's opt-in opportunity, the Sorrell majority
believed that this provision was inadequate to "insulate [the Prescription Confidentiality
Law] from First Amendment challenge." 92 Though having an effect of giving physicians
some privacy in their prescription choices, the opt-in provision presented physicians
with an odd choice: participate in allowing their information to be sold and used for
pharmaceutical marketing or refuse consent, thus giving in to the state's unconstitutional
participation in "burdening disfavored speech by disfavored speakers." 93 In light of the
fact that the Prescription Confidentiality Law contained provisions that left numerous
uses of prescriber-identifiable information unscathed, the Sorrell Court concluded that
replacing the statute's opt-in language with the alternative opt-out provision might
achieve the goal of being less restrictive but only mask the reality that Vermont was
willing to suppress a particular distasteful message to achieve an important state
interest. 94
The Sorrell majority was equally unreceptive to the state's argument that the
regulation was necessary to shield physicians from detailers' "harassing sales
behaviors."95 While "a few" physicians had apparently sought legislative relief, it was an
90 447 U.S. 557, 566-71 (1980) (outlining and applying the 4-part test); infra notes 148-160
(discussing Central Hudson test). Although the state's prescribers had an interest in preserving the
confidentiality of their patients' medical privacy and perhaps even their drug choices, the Court
declined to hold that the regulation would further that interest. Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2668.
Specifically, pharmacies retained the ability to transfer prescriber-identifiable data to others for
purposes not related to marketing such as insurers, researchers, journalists, etc. who might use
that information to engage in activities that the state chose to further. Id. The majority did
suggest that Vermont could have developed "a more coherent policy" to address physician
confidentiality "by allowing the [regulated] information's sale or disclosure in only a few narrow
and well-justified circumstances." Id. In making de-identified patient prescription records
"available to an almost limitless audience," except to "a narrow class of disfavored speakers,"
Vermont undermined its own medical privacy argument. Id.
91 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2668. Since the nature of the speech bore no relevance to the outcome of
the analysis, the majority also found it unnecessary to tease out whether all speech hindered by §4631 was commercial, or whether this was an instance where 'pure speech and commercial
speech' were inextricably intertwined, so that 'the entirety must . . . be classified as
noncommercial."' Id. at 2667 (quoting Bd. of Trustees of State Univ. of N.Y. v. Fox, 492 U.S.
469, 474 (1989)).92 Id. at 2669.93 Id.94 Id. at 2669.9s Id. (quoting 2007 Vt. Acts & Resolves, No. 80 § 1(28)). The legislature had also found that,"[s]ome doctors in Vermont are experiencing an undesired increase in the aggressiveness of
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inadequate basis for upholding such a sweeping content- and speaker-based speech
restriction.96 "Many are those who must endure speech they do not like, but that is a
necessary cost of freedom," offered the majority.97 To the extent physicians found visits
from pharmaceutical detailers distasteful or intrusive, their remedy was simply to refuse
to meet with them.98
The majority's rationale concerning Vermont's medical privacy argument also
led to its conclusion that the regulation utilized an impermissible means for a state to
advance the public policy purpose of containing health care costs and promoting the
public health.99 Vermont's regulation of data mining was both indirect'00 and based
upon a paternalistic view that prescribers make inferior prescribing choices when
exposed to detailing that is informed by prescriber-identified marketing information.10'
The Sorrell majority found that assumption particularly objectionable where the audience
(i.e., physicians and other prescribers) consisted of 'sophisticated and experienced'
consumers." 02 Furthermore, the record indicates that prescribers have conflicting
perspectives about the benefits of detailing; in fact, some even endorsed the use of
pharmaceutical sales representatives and a few have reported that they felt coerced and harassed."2007 Vt. Acts & Resolves 80 § 1(20), available at http://www.1eg.state.vt.us/docs/legdoc.cfm?URL=/ docs/2008/acts/ACT08O.htm.96 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2669.97 Id. (citing Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205, 210-11 (1975); Cohen v. California,403 U.S. 15, 21 (1971)).98 Id. The Court also concluded that Vermont's argument that pharmaceutical companies weremanipulative in their use of prescriber-identifying information and that use of the data thusthreatened the integrity of the physician-patient relationship lacked merit, and could not stand asa basis for trampling on First Amendment values. Id. at 2670 (citing 2007 Vt. Acts & Resolves80, § 1(27)). The majority concluded, "If pharmaceutical marketing affects treatment decisions, itdoes so because doctors find it persuasive . .. he fear that speech might persuade provides nolawful basis for quieting it." Id. (citing Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 447 (1969) (percuriam)).99 Id. ("While Vermont's stated policy goals may be proper, § 4631(d) does not advance them in apermissible way").100 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2670. As the majority pointed out, Vermont itself seemed reticent toacknowledge the logistical link between prohibiting the sale and use of prescriber-identifiableinformation for marketing and achieving the state's latter two public policy goals. Id. At oralargument, Vermont repeatedly denied that the goal of § 4631 was to make detailing less effectiveand prevent such messages from influencing physicians' prescribing decisions. Id. (citingTranscript of Oral Argument at 5-6, Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2670 (2011) (No.10-779)).101 Id. at 2670-71 (citing Thompson v. W. States Med. Ctr., 535 U.S. 357, 374 (2002); Virginia Bd.of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc., 425 U.S. 748, 769-70 (1976)).102 Id. at 2671 (quoting Edenfield v. Fane, 507 U.S. 761, 775 (1993)).
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prescriber-identifiable information in marketing because it allows detailers to tailor their
presentations to pharmaceuticals of interest to the practitioner.103 The federal
government, which appeared before the Court in favor of upholding the regulation, also
disputed Vermont's "unwarranted view that the dangers of [njew drugs outweigh their
benefits to patients." 104
According to the Sorrell majority, the divergence of opinion concerning the
virtues of detailing (with or without prescriber-identified information) and brand-name-
drug marketing would be best resolved through more speech, not less.105 Thus,
Vermont remained free to create its own counter-detailing efforts without attempting to
"hamstring the opposition" by suppressing data miners' or pharmaceutical companies'
speech "in order to tilt public debate in a preferred direction."106 Since Vermont's
purpose was not to claim that its law was necessary to discourage detailing because it
amounted to a form of false or misleading speech not protected by the First
Amendment, the majority concluded that the state's alleged rationale for restricting this
form of commercial speech "turn[ed] on nothing more than a difference of opinion." 07
Thus, Vermont had misappropriated the privacy concept in an effort to rationalize its
disparate treatment toward disfavored speakers and their disfavored speech. 08
Justice Breyer, joined by Justices Ginsburg and Kagan, countered with a
forceful dissent. Citing the seminal 1938 case of United States v. Carolene Products, the
dissent urged that "regulatory legislation affecting ordinary commercial transactions is
103 Id. (noting that some doctors find the information "very helpful").104 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2671. (citing Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae Supporting
Petitioners at 24 n.4, Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2670 (2011) (No. 10-779)).105 Id. at 2671 (stating that Vermont can always "express ... [its] view through its own speech"
and attempt to persuade others of its opinion).106 Id. (explaining that "the general rule is that the speaker and the audience, not the government,assess the value of the information presented") (quoting Edenfeld, 507 U.S. at 767 (1993)).107 Id. at 2672 (citing Bolger v. Youngs Drug Products Corp., 463 U.S. 60, 69 (1983); Thompson
v. W. States Med. Ctr., 535 U.S. 357, 376 (2002)). "The capacity of technology to find and
publish personal information, including records required by the government, presents serious and
unresolved issues with respect to personal privacy and the dignity it seeks to secure." Id. The
Court asserted that "Privacy is a concept too integral to the person and a right too essential tofreedom to allow its manipulation to support just those ideas the government prefers." Id.
108 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2672. Significantly, the Sorrell Court was sympathetic to the difficulties
Vermont encountered in protecting physicians' private information from unauthorized and
unwanted disclosure. Id. Nevertheless, the Court noted that regulation enacted was ill-suited to
that goal in that it allowed pharmacies, insurers, and other similar entities "broad discretion and
wide latitude" for use of the prescriber-identifiable data, while simultaneously restricting
pharmaceutical companies which would use the same information for marketing purposes. Id.
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not to be pronounced unconstitutional" merely because it is based "upon some rational
basis within the knowledge and experience of the legislators." 0 9 Breyer rejected the
imposition of heightened scrutiny, considering it inappropriate in Sorrell because it was
applied to "legitimate commercial regulatory objectives." t 0 According to Breyer, the
First Amendment should restrict governments' efforts to limit "core" political speech,
but that "looser constraints" should be applied to commercial speech, particularly that
which is pursuant to a "traditional regulatory program.""' Building upon this
distinction, the dissent thought it essential to adhere to the Court's longstanding
distinction between pure speech, that which furthers First Amendment values in
maintaining a free marketplace for "social, political, esthetic, moral and other ideas and
experiences," and commercial speech, that which "propos[es] a commercial transaction
which occurs in an area traditionaly subject to governmental regulation."112 The dissent would
apply a heightened level of First Amendment scrutiny to social, political, and moral
ideas, but not to commercial speech with legitimate regulatory intent.
Breyer distinguished the promotional speech in Sorrell from the other
commercial speech on the basis that the former has "informational function" under the
Central Hudson rubric, thus triggering only an intermediate level of scrutiny.113 Where, as
here, a substantial governmental interest is advanced by the regulation, Breyer argued
that Vermont met its First Amendment burden pursuant to an intermediate standard of
constitutional scrutiny. 114 Breyer went further, however, suggesting that the Vermont
regulation might be accorded review under an even lesser standard as speech intended to
counteract "misleading or deceptive" advertising.1t5 The vigorous dissent insisted that
the Court should defer to legislative regulatory authority when addressing commercial
speech burdened by a regulation "in less direct ways."" 6
109 Id. at 2675 (quoting United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152 (1938)) (Breyer, J.,dissenting).110 Id. at 2673.
MI Id. at 2673-74.112 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2674 (quoting Red Lion Broad. Co. v. FCC, 395 U.S. 367, 390 (1969);
Ohralik v. Ohio State Bar Ass'n., 436 U.S. 447, 455-456 (1978)) (emphasis in original).113 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2674 (Breyer, J., dissenting); see also Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v.Pub. Serv. Comm'n of N.Y., 447 U.S. 557, 563 (1980) (noting that the nature of the expression
determines the protection available); Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809, 826 (1975) ("The
relationship of speech to the marketplace of products or of services does not make it valueless in
the marketplace of ideas.").114 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2684 (Breyer, J., dissenting).115 Id. at 2674 (citing 44 Liquormart, Inc v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 464, 501 (1996)).116 Id
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Under intermediate scrutiny, Breyer pointed out that the pharmaceutical
industry is already heavily regulated, which substantial regulation reaches the very
promotional activities at issue here.' 17 The content (prescriber-identified data) regulated
by the Vermont law only exists because of government regulation, argued Breyer.118
Thus, to adapt restrictions to comport with the intent of the industry would be
compatible with its regulatory authority. The dissent's irritation was apparent in its
assertion that the Supreme Court had simply "never found that the First Amendment
prohibits the government from restricting the use of information gathered pursuant to a
regulatory mandate . . ."119 Similarly, the dissent insisted that the Supreme Court had
never before applied heightened scrutiny in this type of regulatory matter.120
The dissent also objected to the majority's characterization of "content-based"
and "speaker-based" burdens on speech; the majority had held that the former triggers
heightened scrutiny, whether commercial or not.121 Breyer again emphasized that when the
subject of a regulation is a matter of commercial speech (content-based or speaker-based),the Court has never imposed a heightened level of First Amendment scrutiny.122 "If the
Court means to create constitutional barriers to regulatory rules that might affect the
content of a commercial message, it has embarked upon an unprecedented task - a task
that threatens significant judicial interference with widely accepted regulatory activity."123
Thus Breyer concluded that "content-based" and "speaker-based" labels have no
meaning in the context of commercial speech.124
The dissent urged that the Sorrell majority intimates contempt for a regulation
(concerning prescriber-identified data) that "targets" a specific industry - pharmaceutical
manufacturers.125 Of course, the majority opinion did determine that the primary intent
of the legislation is not aimed at protecting privacy, but instead at restricting unpopular
117 Id. at 2676 (discussing the myriad of regulations already imposed on pharmaceutical drugindustry).118 Id.. at 2676 (Breyer, J., dissenting). Federal law allows certain prescription drugs to be releasedby pharmacists working under a physician. Id. This differs from Vermont, which has specificregulations for pharmacists, and obligates them to maintain their own records of drugs prescribedby doctors. Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2676." Id. at 2677 (emphasis in original).120 Id.121 Id. at 2677 (Breyer, J., dissenting) (emphasis added).'2 Id. (emphasis added).123 Id. at 2678 (Breyer, J., dissenting) (emphasis in original).124 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2677-78 (discussing how rules that are "content-based" or "speaker-based" should not mean less deference to regulators and legislators).125 See id. at 2678, 2680.
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marketing speech of an unpopular industry - an agenda at odds with the Constitution. 126
The dissent pointed out that state regulations often target specific industries, popular or
not, with an agenda important to the state - exactly what was done here. 127 Indeed,
while the majority opposed a regulation targeting a specific industry and unpopular
restraint on content, the dissent supported the Vermont regulation, which it believes
withstands an "intermediate" level of scrutiny and appropriate to restrictions on
commercial speech.128
Applying the usual standard for commercial speech, the dissent would hold that
the Vermont law furthers an important state goal in that it limits the sale and use of
prescriber-identified data by pharmacies and others - a legitimate regulation of a
business practice satisfying First Amendment scrutiny.129 The dissent rejected the
notion that strict or heightened scrutiny is the appropriate standard because the statute is
an "ordinary economic regulatory program[ ]" - "even if that program has a modest
impact upon a firm's ability to shape a commercial message."o30 Pursuant to
intermediate scrutiny, the regulation prohibiting the use of prescriber-identified data for
pharmaceutical marketing has a legitimate relationship to the legislative goals of
preserving prescriber privacy, emphasizing drug safety and effectiveness and, more
poignandy, promoting less costly drugs. 131 Absent the heightened standard, the dissent
126 See id., 131 S. Ct. at 2671-72 (majority opinion) (noting "The State may not burden the speech
of others in order to tilt public debate in a preferred direction").127 Id. at 2678 (Breyer, J., dissenting). Breyer used the following example, "An energy
regulatory... might require the manufacture of home appliances to publicize ways to reduceenergy consumption, while [simultaneously] exempting producers of industrial equipment [fromthe same requirement]." Id.128 See id. at 2663, 2671-72 (majority opinion); Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2673, 2679, 2684-85 (Breyer,J.,dissenting).129 Id. at 2681, 2685 (Breyer, J., dissenting). Breyer added that, "There [was] no obvious equallyeffective, more limited alternative." Id. at 2685.130 Id. at 2675. Breyer suggested that "modest" harm, if any, would result from "the withholdingof information collected through a regulatory program, thereby preventing companies fromshaping a commercial message they believe[d] maximally effective." Id. at 2681. In contrast,Breyer suggested that the legitimate state interests were "substantial where the statutory languagecalled for "protecting the privacy of prescribers . .. ensur[ing] costs are contained . . . through
the promotion of less costly drugs." Id.131 See Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2681-83. The dissent denied that the commercial marketplace forprescriber-identified data "provides a forum where ideas and information flourish" thustriggering heightened First Amendment scrutiny. Id. at 2671 (majority opinion); see id. at 2674-75,2679 (Breyer, J., dissenting). This is a commercial transaction and should be reviewed for FirstAmendment purposes in that light just as would any other regulated industries. Id. at 2673, 2675-76 (Breyer, J., dissenting). Furthering the majority's "marketplace of ideas" concept, which thedissent agrees is at the core of First Amendment protection and a necessary feature of
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would hold that the Vermont's legislation is a routine regulation of economic activity
with only an "incidental burden" on speech that passes muster as a substantial state
goal.132
III. State Laws Restricting Pharmaceutical Gifts and Meals: Do They Violate the
First Amendment?
To date, the U.S. Supreme Court has not ruled on whether the usual marketing
practices employed by pharmaceutical companies, specifically the giveaways that routinely
accompany detailing and the meals that accompany professional presentations, constitute
protected "speech" under the First Amendment. It is also unclear whether the
intermediate standard of First Amendment scrutiny set forth in Central Hudson for
commercial speech or a "heightened" level of scrutiny set forth in Sorrell v. IMS Health,
Inc. would be applied to state laws restricting pharmaceutical and device company food
and gifts. Whether or not the various state restrictions could withstand scrutiny as
permissible regulation of protected speech may depend upon the level of scrutiny. It is
notable that the legislative purpose of the gift and meals laws are similar to that of
Vermont's Prescription Confidentiality Law, at least in part: to reduce over-reliance on
expensive, brand-name pharmaceutical products. This section examines the law to date
on these issues.
A. The Various Forms of Gifts and Giveaways
The complimentary gifts and giveaways traditionally provided to physicians and
currently the subject of state regulation take several forms. Pharmaceutical companies
routinely market their prescription products by sending detailers to hospitals and
medical offices to describe and discuss their brand-name products with an audience
understood to be in a position to prescribe them. 33 Pens, mugs and prescription pads
that display the sponsor's name or product or logo are similar to gifts routinely given out
in many industries and are understood to advertise the company and/or its product or
service. Whether or not they engender a sense of reciprocity as a gift, they certainly
serve as a reminder to the recipient to use or prescribe or tell one's friends about the
product or service advertised.
A second form of usual pharmaceutical or medical device industry giveaway
democracy, the dissent asserted that the regulation at issue here withstands the appropriate levelof constitutional scrutiny. Id. at 2678 (Breyer, J., dissenting).132 See id. at 2681, 2685.133 See Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2659-60 (describing the "detailing process").
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takes the form of events such as local dinners sponsored by industry or expense-paid
travel to Continuing Medical Education programs.134 In both cases the industry funding
the event is also the sponsor of the program and enjoys a substantial advertising
presence. Along the same lines is industry hospitality - social events that include food,
sporting or theatre tickets or other activities hosted and visibly supported by the
sponsor.'13 Certain states, including Massachusetts and Vermont, prohibit health care
practitioners from receiving most of these giveaways at all, and specifically preclude
travel expenses unless the practitioner is a presenter at an educational conference. 136 Do
these gifts of expense-paid travel and hospitality, even when educational (and
presumably combined with industry advertising) constitute protected "speech" for
purposes of the First Amendment? Keeping in mind Sorrell's content- and speaker-
based rationale, note that the same travel sponsored by a computer software company,for example, to showcase its new gadgets would encounter no similar restriction.
The third form of industry giveaway is an invitation to industry-sponsored
"educational" or social events that serve food in a local hotel or restaurant.'37 Under the
Massachusetts and Minnesota laws, the health care practitioner is neither prevented
from attending the lecture nor delivering the lecture; he or she is only prevented from
consuming food at the lecture - food provided by the industry sponsor.138 The
prohibition affects the attendee whether he or she is a speaker or listener. If the event is
purely a social event, or if "hospitality" (e.g., a theatre or sporting event) is involved, the
Massachusetts health care practitioner can participate only if there is a viable opportunity
and a willingness to pay for one's own meal or recreational fare. In part, the operative
inquiry includes whether the consumption of food at such an event is such an integral
part of the gathering that the inability to do so (or fund the activity separately) imposes
such a "chilling effect" on the medical practitioner's enjoyment of the event that it
134 See Ashley Wazana, Physidans and the Pharmaceutical Industry: Is a Gift Ever Just a Gift?, 283 JAMA373, 375 (2000), available at http://jama.ama-assn.org/content/283/3/373.full.pdf (explainingthat when physicians accept all-expenses-paid trips to various educational symposia, it affectsprescribing behavior up to two years later).135 See Pharmaceutical Marketing to Physicians: Free Gifts Cany a High Prce, AM. MED. NEWS (June 10,2002), http://www.ama-assn.org/amednews/2002/06/10/edsaO6lO.htm (arguing thatrestrictions on pharmaceutical marketing are necessary to protect the potential patients' interests).136 See e.g., MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N, 5 2(4) (2009); 18 VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 18, 5 4631A(1)(E)(2011).137 See Wazana, supra note 134, at 378 (stating that many physicians would not attend sucheducational events without the free meals and gifts).138 See MINN. STAT. ANN. § 151.461 (3) (West 2011); MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N, § 2(6) (2009).Whether the Massachusetts law legitimately reaches to events held out of state is another issuebeyond the scope of this article.
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effectively precludes his or her participation.139
Most health care practitioners acknowledge that pharmaceutical giveaways
including pens, mugs and prescription pads that prominently display the company's
name or logo constitute "advertising" for purpose of the First Amendment. 140
Arguably, the "hospitality" freebies and resort trips that display the name or logo of the
sponsor also constitute advertising. The Vermont law that prohibits pharmaceutical
gifts to health care practitioners would be analyzed under traditional First Amendment
"advertising" rules.141 In general, non-commercial (sometimes called "pure" or
"personal") speech is permissible subject only to reasonable "time, place, and manner"
restrictions that are narrowly tailored to a significant state interest and allow "substantial
other opportunity" for the speech to occur.142 Commercial speech enjoys a lesser level
of constitutional protection in accordance with the four-part test set forth in Central
Hudson.143
139 See Lamont v. Postmaster General, 381 U.S. 301 (1965). Lamont did not focus on a law that
explicitly outlawed speech; there, a "chilling effect" existed even without an explicit prohibition
of speech in the law. Id. at 309; see also Freedman v. State of Maryland, 380 U.S. 51, 61 (1965). In
that case the principle was that the law would have a "deterrent effect" on freedom ofexpression. ILamont, 381 U.S at 307. Thus the concept of "chilling effect" refers to laws that do
not explicitly prohibit protected speech, but impose an undue burden on speech. Id.140 See Natasha Singer, No Mug? Drug Makers Cut Out Goodies For Doctors, N.Y. TIMES (Dec. 30,2008), http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/31/business/31drug.html?_r=1 (describing drug
companies widely used practice of branded giveaways to make their product known to doctors).
In 1999, a New York physician started "No Free Lunch," a nonprofit group that encourages
doctors to reject drug company giveaways. Id. Note that the "free lunch" could also be viewedmore in the light of a kickback of sorts which, while perhaps independently problematic, isbeyond the scope of this analysis which is limited to speech implications.141 VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 18, § 4632 (2012). Many states only require transparency in the form of
the reporting of such gifts to the state, and although one could argue that reporting is a limitation
on speech, reporting in and of itself is generally not held to be an impermissible limitation on
speech. See Citizens United v. Fed. Elections Comm'n., 130 S. Ct. 876, 914 (2010) (explaining
disclosure may burden the ability to speak but does not completely prevent it).142 See Va. State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Va. Citizens Consumer Council, 425 U.S. 748, 771 (1976)(explaining restriction must leave open ample alternative channels for the speech and is justified
without reference to the contents of the speech).143 See Cent. Hudson, 447 U.S. at 561-63. "The Constitution ... accords a lesser protection to
commercial speech than to other constitutionally guaranteed expressions." Id. at 562-63; see also
Va. Citizens Consumer Council, 425 U.S. at 758-61 (acknowledging that past decisions indicated
commercial speech was unprotected).
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B. Analysis of the Law on Gifts and Giveaways under Central Hudson'sIntermediate Scrutiny Standard
Under the First Amendment, pure (personal) speech is entitled to the highest
level of constitutional scrutiny. A regulation that burdens pure speech is only upheld if
it advances a compelling state interest. 144 Commercial speech, on the other hand, is
traditionally accorded an "intermediate" level of constitutional scrutiny. 145 In B Ofer '.Youngs Drug Products Corp., the Supreme Court noted three characteristics of "commercial
speech" - the speech is in the form of an advertisement, it is motivated by a speaker's
economic interests, and it references a specific product.'1 To that end, Bolger held that"the combination of all these characteristics" determines whether promotional activities"are properly characterized as commercial speech." 147
The determination of whether the pharmaceutical gift laws constitute "pure
speech" or "commercial speech" or some hybrid could affect the constitutionality of giftlaws since the majority in Sorrell spoke to that distinction in determining the level ofscrutiny that would be applied to a law that burdens protected speech. The fact that the
speech at issue in Sorrell entailed the use of prescriber-identified pharmacy and patient
records for the marketing of pharmaceutical products did not lead the Court to conclude
that it was necessarily commercial speech under the First Amendment.
Prior to Sorrell, the standard generally applied to regulations that attempt to
restrict commercial speech was set forth in the landmark Central Hudson case.148 In
striking down a New York regulation that affected an electric utility by prohibiting
promotional advertising, Central Hudson held that an intermediate standard of scrutinywas the appropriate standard for evaluating the state interest. 149 In so doing it
144 See Brown v. Entm't Merch. Ass'n, 131 S. Ct. 2729, 2738 (2011) (stating a law restricting thecontents of speech must pass strict scrutiny, which requires a compelling state interest that isnarrowly drawn to serve that interest).145 Cent. Hudson, 447 U.S. at 573 (1980) (Blackmun, J., concurring). "I agree with the Court thatthis level of intermediate scrutiny is appropriate for a restraint on commercial speech." Id.146 See Bolger v. Youngs Drug Products Corp., 463 U.S. 60, 66-67 (1983).147 Id. at 67 (emphasis in original).148 Cent. Hudson, 447 U.S. at 565 (outlining four-step analysis for determining if commercialspeech restriction is constitutional); see IMS Health Inc. v. Sorrell, 630 F.3d 263, 275 (2d Cir.2010), affd on other grounds, Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2667-68 (2011) (applyingthe four step analysis from Central Hudson); IMS Health Inc. v. Ayotte, 550 F.3d 42, 55 (1st Cir.2008), abrogated by Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653 (2011) (applying the Central Hudsonanalysis).149 Cent. Hudson, 447 U.S. at 566.
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established a four-prong test for determining whether the regulation at issue constituted
a valid restriction under the First Amendment.150
Under the first Central Hudson prong, the speech must be lawful and not
misleading.151 Secondly, the government must assert a substantial interest in regulating
the speech.'52 Third, the government's substantial interest must be directly advanced by
the regulation; and fourth, the regulation on commercial speech must be narrowly
tailored to achieve the governmental interest.15 3 Although the majority in Sorrellrejected
the Central Hudson analysis as operative in that case, the dissent relied squarely on Central
Hudson, asking "whether Vermont's regulatory provisions work[ed] harm to First
Amendment interests that [was] disproportionate to their furtherance of legitimate
regulatory objectives."1 54 The Second Circuit Court of Appeals (whose decision was
later affirmed by the Supreme Court) also relied upon the Central Hudson analysis,finding, pursuant to the first prong, the speech being banned (prescriber-identified
medical information) was lawful and not misleading.'5 5 As to the second and third
Central Hudson prongs, however, the Second Circuit concluded that the Vermont
regulations were not narrowly tailored to advance the state's substantial interests in
promoting the public health or containing health care costs to any appreciable extent. 56
In particular, the Second Circuit determined that the chain of events between the
regulation and the state interest was too attenuated to advance such interests. 57 Indeed,the Second Circuit concluded that real purpose of the regulation was to suppress speech
that was both very effective and unpopular - the pharmaceutical industry's ability to
promote and encourage the prescription of brand name drugs.'58 Invoking the concept
of the state putting its "thumb on the scales of the marketplace of ideas in order to
influence conduct," the Second Circuit held that the Vermont regulation failed the third
Central Hudson prong.'59 Finally, as to the fourth Central Hudson prong, the Second
Circuit concluded that the New York regulation was not narrowly tailored because, as
applied, there were other means available to limit the use of the prescriber-identified
patient records and the method chosen affected all brand name drugs - regardless of the
150 Id.15' Id.152 Id.153 Id.154 Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2673 (2011).'55 IMS Health Inc. v. Sorrell, 630 F.3d 263, 275 (2d Cir. 2010), afd on other grounds, 131 S. Ct.2653 (2011).156 Id. at 276-79.157 Id. at 277.158 Id.
15 Id.
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availability of a generic equivalent and the effectiveness of the product. 160
C. Analysis of the Laws on Gifts and Giveaways Under Recent First
Amendment Case Law Including Sorrell
In Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Associationl61 the U.S. Supreme Court in 2011
reviewed the constitutionality of a California law that attempted to restrict the sale or
rental of violent video games to minors.162 The statute at issue would have prevented
minors from purchasing video games that included
'killing, maiming, dismembering, or sexually assaulting an image of a
human being, if those acts are depicted' in a manner that '[a] reasonable
person, considering the game as a whole, would find appeals to a
deviant or morbid interest of minors,' that is 'patently offensive to
prevailing standards in the community as to what is suitable for
minors,' and that 'causes the game, as a whole, to lack serious literary,artistic, political, or scientific value for minors."63
The Supreme Court began its examination of the California regulation byobserving that "as a general matter ... government has no power to restrict expression
because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter or its content."1 64 Noting that "the
First Amendment has permitted restrictions upon the content of speech in few limited
areas" the Court struck down the California law, holding that the video games constitute
content-based "speech" which communicates "social messages."165 Finding that the law
was content-based, the Court further concluded that "it is difficult to distinguish politics
from entertainment and dangerous to try." 66 Unwilling to be persuaded by the
offensive nature of the videos, the Court held that "esthetic and moral judgments about
art and literature . .. are for the individual to make." 67 Holding that the California law
imposed a content-based regulation on protected speech, the Court evaluated the law
using a standard of strict constitutional scrutiny and held that California had not
160 Id. at 279.161 131 S. Ct. 2729 (2011).162 Id. at 2732.163 Id. at 2732-33 (quoting CAL. CIV. CODE § 1746(d)(1)(A) (West 2010)).164 Id. at 2733.165 Id166 Id167 Brown, 131 S. Ct. at 2733 (quoting United States v. Playboy Entertainment Group, 529 U.S.803, 818 (2000)).
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demonstrated that the law advanced a compelling state interest.168
In 2010, in Cifiiens United v. FEC,169 the U.S. Supreme Court addressed a
dispute over whether a non-profit corporation could show a film critical of a political
candidate and whether the film could be advertised in ads that presented her image in a
manner that was arguably contrary to a federal campaign reform law (the McCain-
Feingold Act).170 In a 5-4 decision, the Court struck down portions of the McCain-
Feingold Act that imposed various restrictions on "electioneering communications." In
particular, the McCain-Feingold Act limited the spending of "soft money" by tax-
exempt political organizations not officially registered as political committees under the
Federal Election Campaign Act ("FECA") which could support candidates by
contributing to political campaigns without complying with the limitations set forth in
FECA.171 Holding that the contributions prohibited by FECA constitute commercial
speech entitled to the protections of the First Amendment, the Supreme Court
overturned that portion of FECA concerning "electioneering communications" as it
related to corporations and unions. 172 The provision had attempted to ban the
broadcast transmission of political ads paid for by corporations in the days immediately
preceding a presidential primary or general election. 173
Citigens United, widely criticized for limiting the government's ability to rein in
corporate political expenditures, may have a significant impact on other forms of heavily
regulated speech such as that which promotes pharmaceutical products. 174 Holding that
an amorphous regulatory scheme that has the effect of suppressing unpopular speech
functions as a "prior restraint," the CitiZens United Court held that a regulation is
168 Id. at 2741.169 130 S. Ct. 876 (2010).170 Id. at 886-87; Bipartisan Campaign Reform (McCain-Feingold) Act of 2002, Pub. L. 107-155,116 Stat. 81.171 Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, Pub. L. 92-225, 86 Stat. 3 (codified as amended at 2U.S.C. § 431 (1972)).172 See Citizens United v. FEC, 130 S. Ct. 876, 913 (2010).173 Id; see Commonwealth Brands, Inc v. United States, 678 F. Supp. 2d 512 (W.D. Ky. 2010)(invoking the First Amendment to support advertizing regulations in general); Wash. LegalFound. v. Friedman, 13 F. Supp. 2d 51 (D. D.C. 1998), vacated sub nom. Wash. Legal Found. v.Henney, 202 F.3d 331 (First Amendment involved to support marketing activities ofpharmaceutical companies).174 This may include current FDA regulations concerning off-label marketing of pharmaceutical
products. See Decision in Washington Legal Foundation v. Henney, 65 Fed. Reg. 14,286 (Mar.
16, 2000). FDA guidance document noting that the FDA operates to determine on a case-by-case basis to determine whether a manufacturer's written materials and activities are appropriateto a particular product. Id.
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particularly vulnerable where there is no claim that the speech is untrue or misleading. 75
The local governments' interests in regulating pharmaceutical marketing efforts to
promote the states' public health and fiscal integrity might be held achievable by less
restrictive means. Citizens United sends an ominous signal that the current Supreme
Court harbors an inherent mistrust of governmental regulations that abridge protected
speech.176
Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc. involved a state law which, like the state gift and meals
laws at issue here, singled out the pharmaceutical industry, specifically its marketing
activities, and concluded that such activities constituted protected "speech" (rather than
conduct) under the First Amendment. 77 The conclusion that data mining activities
constitute speech is more nuanced than the argument that a mug displaying it sponsor's
name constitutes commercial speech. Having made that conceptual leap, however, Sorrell
then declined to impose the intermediate standard of First Amendment analysis set forth
in Central Hudson, determining instead that a heightened level of constitutional scrutiny
was appropriate because the regulation imposed direct (not incidental) speaker-based and
content-based burdens on protected speech (as opposed to conduct) to suppress a
disfavored message contrary to public policy.17 8 Because the majority found that the
Vermont regulation implicated "'[. . .p]ure speech and commercial speech"' [that] were
intertwined, so that 'the entirety must ... be classified as noncommercial,"' it declined to
rely upon the Central Hudson four-prong test applicable to traditional commercial
speech.179
In Sorrell, the Vermont regulation was considered content-based because its
prohibition on the sale and use of prescriber-identified prescription data applied to
pharmacies, health insurers, and other similar entities only for their use in marketing
activities. The regulation was also speaker-based because it allowed purchase and use by
some recipients (such as researchers and public health professionals) but not others
(specifically pharmaceutical companies and their marketing departments). The state's
public policy rationale of containing health care costs and shielding physicians from
harassing behavior was not persuasive.
175 See CiiZens United, 130 S. Ct. at 896.176 See generally Tamara R. Piety, Ciiens United and the Threat to the Regulatory State, 109 MICH. L.REv. 16 (2010).177 Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2672 (2011).178 Id. at 2664.179 Id. at 2667 (quoting Bd. of Trustees of State Univ. of N.Y. v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 474 (1989)).The Court did, however, go through the exercise of applying the traditional commercial-speechanalysis to conclude that the regulation would not be upheld even under intermediate scrutiny.Id. at 2667-68.
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The "content" regulated by the gifts and meals laws is the provision of a gift or,in Massachusetts, a meal outside of a health care setting and unaccompanied by an
educational presentation. Presumably, the state interest in enacting the meals laws is to
diminish the effectiveness of pharmaceutical promotion of name-brand products when
there is no redeeming educational value. Thus, the Massachusetts law disallows
"content" when it is purely advertising but not when redeemed by an educational
component. Further, the venue of a restaurant is presumed to be a more attractive
delivery implement to communicate the pharmaceutical message.180 Under Sorrel, the
"meals" law would raise the inquiry of whether the venue and educational requirement
are more than a mere "incidental burden on protected expression."' 8 '
In determining whether pharmaceutical gift laws would be held content-based
and discriminatory under Sorrel!, it is notable that they would not prevent a
pharmaceutical company from hosting a dinner for legislators or insurance companies
for the purpose of influencing them. Similarly, the company could host a dinner for
companies that manage pharmacy benefits or health and hospital systems or a plethora
of other services related to pharmaceuticals. The Sorrell language that a regulation
"burdening disfavored speech by disfavored speakers" 182 makes such regulations
suspect, as does Sorrell's admonition that "fear that speech might persuade provides no
lawful basis for quieting it."183 Finally, since it is unclear that the Massachusetts
"restaurant" prohibition actually accomplishes its intended goal, Sorrel! suggests that a
mere "difference of opinion" as to the virtues of advertising brand-name
pharmaceuticals is better addressed through "more speech, not less."18 4
Although the majority in Sorrell opined that the Vermont regulation also would
not have withstood analysis under even an intermediate standard of First Amendment
scrutiny,185 the issue of whether state pharmaceutical gift and meals laws would be
upheld certainly could depend upon the level of constitutional scrutiny applied.
Specifically, the issue might be whether the gift and meals laws, assuming they constitute
180 The final version of the implementing regulations clarifies that Code does not prohibitcompanies from using hotels, convention centers, or other special-event venues for continuingmedical education or other third-party medical meetings. The code says that venues need to be"appropriate and conducive" to education. See Bay State Bans Pharma Gifts to Physicians, MED.
MEETINGS oune 1, 2009, 12:00 PM), http://meetingsnet.com/medicalmeetings/0601-massachusetts-marketing-code/#ixzzlm66gwwRQ.181 Sorrell, 131 S. Ct. at 2664-65.182 Id. at 2669.183 Id. at 2670 (citing Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 447 (1969) (per curiam)).184 Id. at 2671.185 Id. at 2667-68.
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"speech" at all, would be evaluated under Central Hudson standard applicable to entirely"commercial speech" or under Sorrells "heightened" scrutiny - a hybrid of "pure" and
"commercial" speech.
D. Do the State Laws on Gifts and Giveaways Satisfy Either the Central
Hudson or Sorrell First Amendment Criteria?
In 44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island,186 the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated a
Rhode Island law that prohibited the advertisement of alcoholic beverage prices in
places other than those establishments where alcohol was sold.'87 Rhode Island's stated
interest was in reducing alcohol consumption.88 Finding that the advertisements
constitute "speech" and relying upon Central Hudson, the Court declared the ban
unconstitutional on the basis that the state had not established that the regulation would
directly further the asserted state interest and was not narrowly tailored to accomplish
that objective.' 89 Among the issues discussed by the Court was whether an increase in
alcohol advertisements would lead to an increase in alcohol sales (public policy
disfavored by the state), or would simply increase competition among sellers (public
policy favored by the state).190
Assuming that a court would find that the state gift and meals laws burden
some form of speech, the next issue would be whether, under the lesser intermediate
scrutiny, the restrictions advance at least a substantial state interest that is narrowly
tailored to advance that interest. Since any law restricting speech is said to have a"chilling effect" on that speech, the state interest must be considered at least"substantial." This is a determination that requires empirical data. In Florida Bar v. Went
For It, Inc.,' 9' the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a Florida regulation limiting the ability of
186 517 U.S. 484 (1996).187 Id. at 516.188 Id. at 504 n.14.189 Id. at 505-08.190 Id. at 506 n.16. On the other hand, in Missouri v. American Blast Fax, Inc., the Eighth CircuitCourt of Appeals upheld a federal law that restricted the ability of marketers to send unsolicited"blast faxes" that contained advertisements. 323 F.3d 649, 660 (8th Cir. 2003). The faxesimposed unwanted costs on the recipient, however minimal, to receive the advertisement. Id. at657. In upholding the law, the Eighth Circuit concluded that the federal government had alegitimate interest in sparing taxpayers that was substantial enough to overcome any FirstAmendment right of the advertisers to communicate their messages. Id. at 660; see also JoshuaWeiss, Note, Medical Marketing in the United States: A Prescrition for Reform, 79 GEO. WASH. L. REV.260, 280 (2010).191 515 U.S. 618 (1995).
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lawyers to solicit clients. 192 The Court specifically noted that the state law was supported
by extensive evidence, both empirical and anecdotal, commenting that the presence of
empirical evidence was a significant factor in being able to support both the claims of a
chilling effect and that of a substantial state interest,193 Even the dissent, which would
have struck down the statute, focused upon the importance of being able to document
the rationale for the state's claim.194 Indeed, Justice Kennedy, who authored the
dissenting opinion, concluded that the state had not met its burden because the empirical
evidence was not necessarily reliable in that it had not been published in peer-reviewed
publications and there was not sufficient information on the methodology of the data
collection.195
If, for example, the data were to show that medical practitioners from
Massachusetts and Minnesota do not attend some medical conferences, or attend in
significantly smaller numbers, it may be possible to demonstrate empirically that the
state laws "chill" protected speech. If a court were to so find, the final analysis would be
whether the effect is either an incidental burden or permissible under the applicable
standard for constitutional scrutiny. The fact that "free food" attracts people to various
gatherings may not, in and of itself, be dispositive on the issue of whether the inability to
consume food necessarily "chills" the opportunity to attend these gatherings.
The Massachusetts and Minnesota regulations that may present the greatest
obstacles to pharmaceutical promotional activities concern the provision of food or
meals at presentations sponsored by industry and showcase uses of their new products.
Note that in Massachusetts the law only prohibits health care practitioners from
consuming food at a conference sponsored by a pharmaceutical company.196 Thus the
192 Id. at 635. The substantial interest stated in this case was to protect state residents from
invasive conduct by lawyers and to prevent the erosion of confidence in the legal profession. Id.
Florida's law, a "30-day restriction on targeted direct-mail solicitation of accident victims and
their relatives," was narrowly tailored to that interest in both scope and duration. Id.193 Id. at 626-29 (focusing on the state's anecdotal and empirical evidence in concluding that the
second prong of the CentralHudson test was met).194 Id. at 640-41 (Kennedy, J., dissenting).'9 Florida Bar, 515 U.S. at 640-41; cf Edenfield v. Fane, 507 U.S. 761, 770-71 (1993). In Edenfield,
the Supreme Court invalidated Florida's ban on certified public accountants from direct, in-
person, uninvited solicitation. Edenield, 507 U.S. at 761. In holding that the ban violated the
First Amendment, the Court relied in part on the fact that the asserted harm, which was to
protect consumers from fraud and maintain Certified Public Accountant independence, was not
validated by studies or anecdotal evidence. Id. at 761-62.196 See MASS. GEN. LAWS ch.111N, § 2 (2009); 105 MASS. CODE REGS. 970.000 (2011)(encompassing Massachusetts's pharmaceutical and medical device manufacturer's marketingcode of conduct). Section 2(1) prohibits:
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provision of food at the same conference, if sponsored by the local medical society, for
example, would not be prohibited.'97 Similarly, the laws prohibiting the "gift" of travel
from the pharmaceutical or medical device company to attend a continuing education
program would not be prohibited if offered by any commercial enterprise other than
one selling pharmaceutical products or medical devices.' 98 A company selling any other
type of widget can fund a demonstration of its products anywhere in the world and issue
an expense-paid trip for potential buyers to attend.
Under either First Amendment standard, content-based regulations generally
trigger strict scrutiny, whether or not the speech is considered commercial." 99 A
regulation is considered content-based if it permits a message that the government
favors but not one that it disfavors. The seminal case is Boos v. Bany,200 in which the
U.S. Supreme Court struck down a District of Columbia regulation that prohibited the
placement of a sign within 500 feet of a foreign embassy if the content of the sign
brought the foreign government into odium or disrepute, but not if the content of the
sign was favorable to the foreign government.201 The Court held that the District of
Columbia regulation was content-based and would only be upheld if it were found to
advance a compelling state interest, which it declined to find.202
The challenge for the Massachusetts law is to determine whether the
[TMhe provision of or payment for meals for health care practitioners that: (a)
are part of an entertainment or recreational event; (b) are offered without an
informational presentation made by pharmaceutical marketing agent or
without the pharmaceutical marketing agent being present; (c) are offered,
consumed, or provided outside of the health care practitioner's office or
hospital setting ....
MAss. GEN. LAWs ch. 111N 5 2(1)(a)-(c); see also 105 MASS CODE REGS. 970.006.197 See MASS GEN. LAWS ch. 11 1N ( 2(l)(a)-(c); 105 MASS CODE REGS. 970.006.198 See MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 11 1N § 2(4); 105 MASS CODE REGS. 970.007. Section 2(4) prohibits
"financial support for the costs of travel, lodging or other personal expenses of non-faculty
health care practitioners attending any CME event, third-party scientific or educationalconference, or professional meetings, either directly to the individuals participating in the event
or indirectly to the event's sponsor. . . ." MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N § 2(4). The U.S. Supreme
Court has held that 'the basic principles of freedom of speech . .. do not vary' when a new anddifferent medium for communication appears." Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Ass'n, 131
S. Ct. 2729, 2733 (2011).199 Sorrell v. IMS Health, Inc., 131 S. Ct. 2653, 2677 (2011) (Breyer, J., dissenting).200 485 U.S. 312 (1988).201 Id. at 316, 334.202 Id. at 318-29.
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promotional activities in question (gifts of travel and hospitality as well as meals
provided at events outside of a medical or hospital setting) constitute "speech" at all
under the First Amendment and, if so, whether the regulation of them is "content-
based." 203 As in Sorrell, the objectionable content in the state gifts and meals laws is the
marketing message that solicits physicians to prescribe new and expensive name-brand
drugs without regard to whether they are the best product for the patients and whether
or not a generic equivalent is available.
A Central Hudson analysis might proceed as follows: Under the first prong,would a state gift and meals statute be considered to be lawful and not misleading? The
Vermont regulation failed this prong because it purported to protect the state's interest
in medical privacy but instead was designed to contain the effectiveness of particular
pharmaceutical markets tactics. 204 Applying this analysis to state gift and meals laws, the
very title of the Massachusetts Act, for example, describes the asserted state interest as
"an act to promote cost containment, transparency and efficiency in the delivery of
quality health care." 205 Under the first Central Hudson prong, the state interest, as
articulated, would appear to be lawful and not misleading. Like Sorrell, however, the
state laws in question specifically target the pharmaceutical industry and might be held to
suppress speech that delivers an unpopular message and is too successful in
accomplishing its intended goal - promoting name brand pharmaceuticals instead of
generic drugs, and promoting the use of pharmaceuticals under circumstances where no
drugs otherwise might have been prescribed.206
Under the second Central Hudson prong, the next question would be whether the
substantial state interest asserted is directly advanced by the state regulation. Evaluating
Massachusetts' asserted interest in promoting cost containment, transparency and
203 If gifts and meals are found to constitute speech, the next inquiry would be whether they
qualify as "pure speech" (as in an individual expressing a viewpoint about a particular subject that
is not otherwise prohibited) or "commercial speech" (as in a company advertising or promoting
its product). In general, a regulation that burdens pure speech is analyzed under the First
Amendment using a standard of strict scrutiny; if the regulation is found to burden commercial
speech, the standard is generally one of intermediate scrutiny. See Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec.
Corp. v. Public Serv. Comm'n. of N.Y., 447 U.S. 557, 562-65 (1980). Under the Sorrell rubric,however, a regulation that burdens commercial speech that is inextricably interwoven with purespeech triggers the "heightened scrutiny" that may have tipped the balance in Sorrell. See Sorrell,131 S. Ct. at 2667.204 Id. at 2663-64 (2011).205 An Act to Promote Cost Containment, Transparency and Efficiency in the Delivery and
Quality of Health Care, ch. 305, 2008 Mass. Acts 1322 (2008).206 See Sorrel, 564 U.S. at 2670-71; Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm. of
N.Y., 447 U.S. 557, 562-63 (1980).
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efficiency in the delivery of quality health care (and assuming that a court finds that the
gift laws satisfy the first Central Hudson prong), there is likely to be ample evidence that
this criteria could be met. The ills created by pharmaceutical gifts and giveaways to
prescribers, both in terms of cost and influence, are extremely well-documented in peer-
reviewed literature207 as well as in the Congressional Record. 208
Under the third Central Hudson prong, the state's substantial interest must be
directly advanced by the regulation of speech. As in Sorrell, there is substantial room for
debate on this issue. In particular, the question is whether cost and quality of health care
is improved by prohibiting many (but not all) of the pharmaceutical giveaways and
restrictions. 209 Does allowing Massachusetts physicians to consume industry-sponsored
food at a presentation at the physician's office or hospital but not at the restaurant
across the street promote cost containment and improved quality of health care? Does a
prohibiting Massachusetts physician from attending social events sponsored by the
pharmaceutical industry while recognizing that physicians from neighboring Connecticut
will attend accomplish the asserted Massachusetts goal?210 The answers to these
questions may depend more upon the ability of each party to marshal compelling
evidence and tailor persuasive arguments. In Florida Bar, both the majority and dissent
focused on the presence or absence of evidence, both empirical and anecdotal, as a
determining factor in whether the state would meet its burden of demonstrating that the
law furthered a substantial state interest.211
207 See Marcia M. Boumil & Harris A. Berman, supra note 22 at 7-14; Lance K. Shell, Drug Reps OffCampus! Promoting Professional Purity by Suppressing Commerdal Speech 37 J.L. MED. & ETHICS 431,439-40 (2009) (part of symposium entitled Dangerous Liaisons? Industy Relations with Health
Professionals); Troyen A. Brennan et al., Health Industy Practices that Create Conflicts of Interest: A Policy
Proposal for Academic Medical Centers, 295 JAMA 429, 429-33 (2006); Jason Dana & George
Lowenstein, A Social Science Perspective on Gifts to Physicians from IndustU, 290 JAMA 252, 253-55
(2003). See generally ASS'N OF AM. MED. COLLEGES, SCIENTIFIC BASIS OF INFLUENCE AND
RECIPROCITY: A SYMPosIUM (2007), available at http://www.ohsu.edu/xd/about/services/
to explore the challenges to objectivity that are presented by gifts, favors, and influence").208 See SuHqeons for Sale: Conflicts and Consultant Payment in the Medical Device Industg: Hearing Before the
Special Comm. on Aging, 110th Cong. 2 (2008) available at http://aging.senate.gov/
publications/2272008.pdf (explaining the prevalence and problems of gifts to physicians); 155
CONG. REC. S788 (daily ed. Jan. 22, 2009) (statement of Sen. George Voinovich) (detailing therelationship between physicians and pharmaceutical companies as relates to drug and device
marketing and prescribing).209 See Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 564 U.S. 2653, 2658 (2011).210 This assumes that industry does not make available the option of paying for the event
separately or that the burden of doing so effectively "chills" participation in the event.211 Florida Bar v. Went For It, Inc., 515 U.S. 618, 626-29 (1995).
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Finally, under the fourth Central Hudson prong, the state regulation on
commercial speech must be narrowly tailored to achieve the state interest. Are the
various restrictions imposed by state gift and meals laws narrowly tailored to the
substantial state interest? In Board of Trustees v. Fox, 212 the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a
regulation of a state university prohibiting commercial demonstrations in its
dormitories. 213 In that case, the students organized a "Tupperware party" that involved
commercial transactions but arguably also advanced an educational objective. 214 The
Court took the opportunity to define what it considered to be a "narrowly tailored"
restriction: one that is "no[] more extensive than necessary" but not necessarily one that
meets the more exacting standard of a "least-restrictive-means." 215 Similarly, in Thompson
v. Western States Medical Center,216 the U.S. Supreme Court applied the Central Hudson
analysis in a case where a federal statute permitted pharmacists, pharmacies and
physicians to advertise "compounding service[s]" but prohibited them from advertising
the actual compounded drug.217 Holding the federal restriction to be unconstitutional,the Court concluded that the regulation could not satisfy the fourth Central Hudson prong
because it was not sufficiently narrowly tailored - burdening as little speech as
necessary.218 So stated the Court, "[i]f the First Amendment means anything, it means
that regulating speech must be a last - not first - resort." 219
Under the more rigorous Sorrell rubric, the Massachusetts and Minnesota laws
would likely be found to be content-based because they permit attendance at a
conference sponsored by a pharmaceutical company with food if the content of the
presentation is something other than promotion of drug products. For example, if the
content of the lecture were a non-marketing discussion about the company's
philanthropic endeavors in a third-world country, or research efforts concerning orphan
drugs - but not a discussion of its new name brand drugs - attendance at the conference
and food would likely be permitted. The laws would also likely permit a pharmaceutical
company to hold a conference with food if, for example, it sought to market a new
software product that assists health care practitioners in organizing their medication
formularies to prevent medication errors. On the other hand, a court could consider the
laws to be content-neutral in that they allow any of these presentations to be delivered in
212 492 U.S. 469 (1989).213 Id. at 486.214 Id. at 472.215 Id. at 480-81.216 535 U.S. 357 (2002).217 Id. at 364-65. The regulation specifically banned "advertis[ing] and promot[ing] thecompounding of any particular drug." Id. at 365.218 Id. at 377.219 Id. at 373.
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a medical office or hospital with food - regulating only the place of the presentation. As
such the regulations could be viewed merely as a reasonable time, place, or manner
regulation of otherwise content-neutral laws, arguably constitutional since there is
substantial other opportunity for the speech to occur.220
Under the Sorrell framework, the Massachusetts and Minnesota laws could also
be found to be speaker-based in that they allow the health care practitioner to attend
marketing events and consume food or receive giveaways from any vendors other than
those who market pharmaceuticals. A company selling physicians widgets-perhaps
medical billing software to make their offices more efficient, or services for investing
their money or insurance products for their office staff-could market with food. And
what would the laws in Massachusetts and Minnesota say if it were a pharmaceutical
company that developed a wing devoted to offering these collateral products? The
Massachusetts law specifically targets those who are engaged in "the marketing of
prescription drugs or medical devices," thus exempting any unrelated marketing
activities. 221 Finally, a court might consider the law speaker-based since the same
presentation can be delivered by any other speaker (not connected to the
pharmaceuticals) in any location, with food, as long as it is fully divorced from the
pharmaceutical or medical devices industry's marketing efforts.
IV. Conclusion: Do State Gift and Meals Laws Violate the First Amendment?
Certainly there are legitimate, credible, and even compelling arguments that
highlight the ills that are a direct result of the marketing giveaways that are a hallmark of
the pharmaceutical and medical device industry, including the so-called "free lunch."
There is ample, convincing evidence that pharmaceutical marketing strategies result in
drug choices influenced by factors other than the well-being of patients. The literature is
so vast and the anecdotes so numerous that all of the major medical, academic and even
the pharmaceutical trade organization, PhRMA, have taken steps to control them. 222
Nevertheless, First Amendment protections cannot be ignored to accomplish an end
that is inimical to the Constitution.
The Supreme Court's guidance in Sorrell suggests that if a state law implicates
220 See Va. State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Va. Citizens' Council, Inc., 425 U.S. 748, 771 (1976)(explaining time, place, and manner regulations that leave open ample other channels may be
constitutional).221 MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111N, 5 1 (2010) (defining "[p]harmaceutical or medical device
marketer").222 See supra note 207.
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both content- and speaker-based burdens on speech, a heightened level of First
Amendment scrutiny will be applied even to commercial speech pursuant to a state
regulatory program. Like the Vermont data mining regulation, the pharmaceutical gift
laws target a single industry. In Sorrell, the majority's conclusion that the Vermont
regulation amounted to a content-based burden on speech was based upon the Court's
determination that the law prohibited only that speech disfavored by the state - the
promotion of brand name drugs - while not addressing or prohibiting speech that
favored or encouraged the use of generic drugs. As to the Sorrell majority's conclusion
that the Vermont regulation was "speaker-based," it cited the fact that the regulation
only prohibited pharmaceutical companies from obtaining and using the prescriber-
identified data; those who would obtain it for research and other purposes favored by
the state would continue to be entitled access. A similar argument should be expected
by those challenging the gift and meals laws.
The pharmaceutical companies' pens and mugs would appear to be products of
advertisement, displaying a company name, product, or logo. It would be difficult to
deny that these are implements of commercial speech. Thus, they would likely be
reviewed under the Central Hudson four-prong analysis and the state interest in denying
their distribution would have to be at least substantial. This may be a difficult burden to
meet.
The state laws restricting giveaways and some meals could be found to be
content-based in that they only prohibit some activities of the pharmaceutical and
medical device companies, but not others. The fact the Massachusetts law applies to the
"activities or other marketing of prescription drugs or medical devices" 223 but does not
apply to other commercial or even charitable endeavors or products of a pharmaceutical
or medical device company will make it vulnerable. The pharmaceutical company that
chooses to open a new division to improve the efficiency of a health care practitioner's
billing or formulary operation presumably could market that division with a full
complement of gifts, giveaways or food at its promotional events. A law is content-
based if it only prohibits some messages of the speaker and not others.
The laws imposing restrictions on gifts and meals, analyzed under Sorrell, could
be held as speaker-based in that they only apply when it is a representative of a
pharmaceutical company who is delivering the speech. That is, the regulations are
industry-specific, applying only to speakers in the pharmaceutical industry and not to a
3 See MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 111 N, § 1 (2010) (defining "[p]harmaceutical or medical devicemarketer").
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speaker other than one who is engaged by the pharmaceutical industry. Would a
shareholder of the company also be prohibited from delivering such a speech?
Furthermore, once a law is held to be content-based, it is unclear that the speaker
increases its vulnerability.
A state law that burdens commercial speech will only be upheld if it promotes at
least a "substantial" state interest and is narrowly tailored to that interest. The
significance of the interest and the tailoring of the interest are measured in First
Amendment terms and it is not enough that the interest is well-documented or
considered very important as a matter of state policy. In the 1976 case of Virginia State
Board of Pharmacy P. Virginia Citia.ens' Council, Inc,224 the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated a
Virginia law that forbade pharmacies from advertising the prices of their drugs. The
Court held that advertisements constituted commercial speech, which could be regulated
through content-neutral time, place and manner regulations. 225 However, to be upheld,the advertisement would have to advance a "substantial" state interest and must burden
no more speech than necessary to achieve the state's interest. 226 In striking down the
law the Court held that although the Virginia statute did articulate a substantial state
interest in regulating the pharmacy profession, the statute promoted consumer
ignorance, effectively preventing them from ascertaining prescription drug prices.227
Significantly increasing the odds of a successful challenge to state gift laws is the
Sorrell Court's application of "heightened" scrutiny for commercial speech inextricably
interwoven with pure speech. If applied, it would require more than a "substantial"
state interest, and indeed one that may be nearly indistinguishable from a "compelling"
interest. While the absence of the buzz-word "compelling" is notable in Sorrell, the
Supreme Court's literal interpretation (including the idea that the law might contain both
"pure speech" and "commercial speech") would impose a very high bar for state gift and
meals laws that are found to burden both pure speech and commercial speech or some
hybrid variety of speech.
Sorrell is not the first case in which the U.S. Supreme Court has held that
commercial speech can be interwoven with pure speech thus triggering more than an
intermediate level of constitutional scrutiny. In Rily v. National Federation of the Blind of
224 Va. State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Va. Citizens' Council, Inc., 425 U.S. 748 (1976).225 Id. at 770-71.226 See Aaron S. Kesselheim, & Jerry Avorn, Pharmaceutical Promotion to Physicians and First
Amendment Rights, 358 NEw ENG. J. MED 1727, 1728-29 (2008).227 Va. Bd. of Pharmacy, 425 U.S. 748 (1976). This case preceded Central Hudson and hence was
not reviewed under its four-prong test. See id.
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North Carolina, Inc.,228 the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a North Carolina law that
required professional fundraisers to report to potential donors the percentage of the
charitable revenue that actually ended up with the charity after deducting the expenses
of the fundraising.229 While recognizing that the solicitation itself involved primarily
commercial speech, the Court nevertheless imposed strict scrutiny on the basis that the
North Carolina statute was content-based: "mandating speech that a speaker would not
otherwise make necessarily alters the content of speech." 230 Finding that "pure speech"
and "commercial speech" were intertwined, the Court imposed a heightened level of
constitutional scrutiny-strict scrutiny in that case-and required a compelling state
interest that was narrowly tailored to accomplish the state's goals. 231 The North
Carolina regulation was unable to meet that burden.232
Should that very rigorous Sorrell or even Riley standard be imposed on state
pharmaceutical gift and meals laws on the basis that they are both content-based and
speaker-based, it may be difficult to craft a policy argument that can sustain the burden
of evincing a nearly "compelling" state interest. Outside of the civil rights context,marshaling a First Amendment argument demonstrating a compelling state interest is
rarely accomplished. Thus despite the influence of pharmaceutical marketing practices,restrictions on gifts, giveaways, and meals may still elude substantial regulation after
Sorrell.
228 487 U.S. 781 (1988).229 Id. at 798. The law required that the fundraisers disclose the percentage of gross revenue thatwas turned over to the charity within the past twelve months. See N.C. GEN. STAT. § 131C-16.1(1986) invalidated by Riley v. National Federation of the Blind of North Carolina, Inc., 487 U.S.781 (1988).230 Riley, 487 U.S. at 795.231 Id. at 796.232 Id. at.798.
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