Pesticides and Pastorals: Constructing Metaphor in the 'Green Ballad' Gerald Porter

Pesticides and Pastorals: Constructing Metaphor inthe 'Green Ballad'

Gerald Porter

IntroductionMy paper sets out to examine how traditional songsaddress the relationship between cultural andnatural phenomena, in particular the symbiosis ofhumankind and the environment. It is a contributionto a current debate on 'Ecological LiteraryCriticism' initiated by Karl Kroeber (1994). Modernattention to ecological concerns in the imaginativeacts of cultural beings must be disentangled fromconventional nature poetry, the reactionaryprojection of a Golden Age of rural Englandassociated with the Folk Song Revival and theGeorgian poets, among others. In fact, thecharacteristic stance of traditional song in Englandis not one of asserting timeless values in apastoral setting, but one of resistance. One of thefeatures of the 'green ballads' that are the subjectof my paper is the way they are brought to bear as astandard against the prevailing social process ofcivilisation. In particular, they oppose whatRaymond Williams called in The Country and the City, agroundbreaking work which I will refer to repeatedlyin this paper, 'one of the most strikingdeformations of industrial capitalism', namely, themarginalisation of agriculture to the past or todistant lands (1975:361). In fact, the firstEnglish folk song revival at the beginning of thiscentury made the songs of the rural working class soprominent that they became the type of the Englishtraditional song to the exclusion of the

occupational or industrial song (Harker 1980:147).There are no village idiots in folk song: 'Hodge',the type of the ignorant and often threatening farmlabourer, is an invention of the broadside market, asignifying Other for the city dweller that has beenrevived in mass cultural commodities like thecostume drama and the horror film.1

Above all, traditional songs reflect what IanWatson called “shared, class-internal experience“(1983:193. We would probably now want to add'gender-internal'). Such experience is expressed insong through protagonists who express the strugglesand concerns of a milieu with which they areinwardly familiar. In most cases, of course, thisis because singer and audience are part of that samemilieu. The structure of the working community, itsgeneral exclusion from high culture and the statusaccorded to the singer-composer combined to providean ideal oral milieu in which the songs couldexpress identity and self-awareness. My paperexamines the implications of this perception for thedevelopment of a cultural position that questioned,and often subverted, conventional wisdom on theEnglish rural economy. Since culture is a processrather than a state, and there were wide differencesin rural development across the country, I shalltake regional and diachronic variation into account.

One of traditional song's distinct ways ofperceiving life and the world lies in its analysisof production. In the new economic order largelyset in place in England in the seventeenth centuryand still overwhelmingly the dominant ideology,

1 See, for example, 'The Parson and Hodge's Son' (19th cent. broadside reprinted in John Holloway and Joan Black, eds. Later English Broadside Ballads. London: Routledge, 1979. 2. 94); Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Queen Mary 4. 3. (Poems and Plays. London: Oxford UP, 1965: 591); Sam Peckinpah, Straw Dogs (1971).

production is related above all to consumption. Thecountryside, the working environment, graduallybecame invested with aesthetic qualities. It becameacculturated in another sense, a landscape, anobject of consumption. Hunting woodland became alandscaped park, a transition still going on in JaneAusten's time. In popular culture, on the otherhand, production was more often seen in terms ofreproduction. Material culture – the plough, themillstone – became fused with the culture of humanrelationships. The broadside, now more closelyaligned with its new consumers, who included themakers of traditional song, characteristically sawworkplaces as arenas for sexual experience, whilesongs with rural settings often saw the cultivatedlandscape as a metaphor for the human body.

It is easy to see why Raymond Williams calls'culture' 'one of the two or three most complicatedwords in the English language' (1976:76). The wordwas long associated with cultivation, a processparadoxically associated with returning 'wildnature' to its tamed state before the Fall (Walter1965:144). Thus Williams himself regards literatureas organic and sees cultural development asfollowing laws analogous to those of the naturalsciences. Such a view is still very prevalent:Amit, for example, in Vikram Seth's A Suitable Boy(1994), describes his novel (perhaps significantly,a first novel) as having the same structuralcharacteristics as a tree:it sprouts and grows, and drops down branchesthat become trunks or intertwine with otherbranches. Sometimes branches die. Sometimesthe main trunk dies, and the structure is heldup by the supporting trunks. . . . It has itsown life – but so do the snakes and birds and

bees and lizards and termites that live in itand on it and off it. (1994:524)

Barre Toelken uses the same metaphor of folk song inhis important study of meaning in traditional song:'Like a tree, expression not only has many roots,but it is also constituted of nutrients supplied bysupportive soil. Like a tree, a folksong is notunique unto itself, but exemplary of a type, oneamong many', etc. (Toelken 1995:27-8). This view ofcultural expression is one that denies the dynamicrelations of cultural production. It does not seenovels and songs as sites where the reader's and theaudience's interventions can be decisive in creatinga multiplicity of meanings. It is, however, ahumanist one, in which human effort is seen as beingrelated systemically to natural, not mechanical,laws. It represents what Williams calls 'residualideology', evoking 'responsible civilization inwhich men [sic] care for each other directly andpersonally, rather than through the abstractions ofa more complicated and more commercial society.This, we are told, is the natural world ofresponsibility and neighbourliness and charity:words we do not now clearly understand, since OldEngland fell' (1975:43)

IEven by the eighteenth century, this ideology was inthe process of being replaced. In a chapter of TheCountry and the City significantly called 'The GreenLanguage', Raymond Williams identifies a shift inthe perception of Nature between Addison andWordsworth. In the one, nature is 'a principle oforder, of which the ordering mind is part, and whichhuman activity, by regulating principles, may then

rearrange and control'. In Wordsworth, however, wefind for the first time in canonised literature'nature as a principle of creation, of which thecreative mind is part, and from which we may learnthe truths of our own sympathetic nature'(1975:158). This fundamental change in perceptionis a principal theme of Thomas Hardy's The Woodlanders(1887), where Grace Melbury's holistic view of hersurroundings comes in conflict with the fracturedand discontinuous scientific observations of herexogamous husband Fitzpiers:

Almost every diurnal and nocturnal event inthat woodland place had hitherto been thedirect result of the regular terrestrial rollwhich produced the season's changes; but herewas something dissociated from these normalsequences, and foreign to local knowledge.

(Hardy 1985:37)

There is a considerable number of songs, perhapsrationalisations of ancient transformation myths,which seem to embody Grace Melbury's principle.They regard the natural world as an extension, orstrictly a metaphor, of the body, on the ‘all fleshis grass‘ principle. Love relationships are seen assharing the same characteristics of growth anddestruction as plants. 'Ann Askew', in an earlyseventeenth century broadside of that name, sees herbody as a garden for seed to be planted, in thiscase by Satan (Day 1987:2.24). The reputed powersof a virginal woman are displaced on to herbs, whilefaithless men are seen as trees that cannotwithstand natural storms, as in 'Waly, waly', one ofthe very few anonymous poems to enter the Englishliterary canon:

I put my back against an oak,Thinking it was a trusty tree,But first it bent and then it broke,And so did my false love to me.

Lloyd 1975:179.

Since this totalising view of nature isinternational, it is not difficult to present thisas a ‘universal‘ tendency of folk song. In thisSinhalese ferryman‘s song, picking the na flower isa common trope for sexual experience:

Onna male oya na mala nela warenAththa bindey paya burulen thaba waren.

There you are, young brother, pick that naflower and come;

The branch will break, so place your footloosely and come.

Trans. Gamini Fonseka

Agricultural imagery was at an early period fusedwith sexual imagery to produce the familiar maleconstructs of women as fields to be mown or hay tobe cut (see G. Porter 1992:93-4). Since the twomilieux of lovemaking and field labour weresimultaneously present in the rural landscape, it isnot surprising that they became fused in song, as in'The Mower', with its numerous European analogues.In fact, the characteristic erotic narrative is nota love song or an erotic romp, but a social satire.In a parodic inversion of the ignorant countrybumpkin stereotype, 'The Merry Hay-Makers', from thelate seventeenth century, concludes with a hit atthe credulity of the city rakes:

At making of Hay they frolick and play as you may observe by this ditty,And when they are crack'd, away they are pack'd, for Virgins, away to the City. (Pinto and

Rodway 1965:324).

By the late nineteenth century, the metaphor hadbeen appropriated by the music hall, as in the song'Man all Tattered and Torn', still being sung inSuffolk in the 1980s:

Oh, I once knew a man who was tattered and torn,Was mowing the grass on a gentleman's lawn,When a door opened wide and a lady so fairSaid, 'Step around the backyard it's much longer

there.'Too-ra-loo, too-ra-lay, you ought to have seen me

go round. (Howson1992:83)

II.'Man or woman-as-landscape' became a topos ofnineteenth and early twentieth century writing,from Meredith to D. H. Lawrence in the firstchapter of The Rainbow (1915). However, I suggestthat this is a basically univocal, Romantic view.‘What is the Life of a Man?‘ is a product of theearly nineteenth century broadside presses whichhas passed into oral circulation. Its lines are apatchwork of borrowings from two of the very feworal texts to have been canonised, namely the worksof Homer and the Book of Isaiah:

What‘s the life of a man any more than aleaf,

For man has a season and why should hegrieve?

Below in the wide world he appears fine andgay,

Like the leaf he shall wither and soon fadeaway.

Time like an ever-flowing stream rolls on,And could we judge the time arightWe would split an arrow in its flight,And we should be as one.

When Sheepshearing‘s Done, Topic 12TS254,1975 (sung by Harry Holman, Sussex, 1972-4).

Vernacular songs of this kind in southern Englandhave always been under challenge. There is anothertendency at work, which disintegrates the naturalworld and sees it as something to be tamed,controlled, appropriated in the way that RaymondWilliams attributed to the Augustan tradition ofpastoral. Karl Marx, for example, saw the naturalworld in this way: 'Living labour must seize upon[raw materials] and rouse them from their death-sleep, change them from mere possible use-value intoreal and effective ones' (1958:94). This tendencycoincides with the crucial moment in the history ofthe language when 'nature' and 'human nature'diverged (according to the OED, about 1662). Theshift was later used by anthropocentric philosophyto justify the subjugation and exploitation ofnature by the view that humankind has an intrinsicvalue, whereas other animal and vegetable life ismerely a tool for human beings (Huuskonen 1993:13).

Many songs glorify the taming of nature bythe heroic efforts of the labourer, and as often asnot, the controlling of nature involved theelimination of animals. In many country districtsthe literal hounding of a fox to death was, and isstill, regarded as sport. One of the best-knownhunting songs, quoted here as it was sung inFaringdon, Wilts. c. 1920, runs:

Now we've followed him close, four hoursin full cry,

Tally ho! Hark away! For now he mustdie:

We'll cut off his brush with a holloaingnoise,

And drink a good health to the fox-hunting boys.

Tally ho! Hark away! away! away! (A. E. Williams 1923:57)

As one meaning of the word ‘game‘ suggests, somesports (but not, of course, foxhunting) do involvehunting for food. Court poetry of the seventeenthcentury, by Jonson and Carew, for example, suggestedthat game birds were competing to offer themselvesto be shot and eaten by the landowners (R. Williams1975:42). However, elaborate rules like protectedseasons for game birds and the convention that duckscould only be shot while in flight, cannot concealthe general atmosphere of licensed massacre.

Agricultural historians have emphasised howEnglish landowners as a whole were a class ofconsumers first, and only secondly farmersinterested in the improvement of soil, stock andcrop yields in a working agriculture (R. Williams1975:44). Singers often found themselves at

loggerheads with this ideology, expressed topicallyin numerous songs attacking the game laws (Palmer1988:47-50). The preservation of wildlife as'game', a direct result of enclosure, had turnedthose living in their own places into outlaws, andthe songs were part of the popular opposition tothis (R. Williams 1975:223). Ginette Dunn's study ofthe songs of a small Suffolk village in the 1970sreveals a gamekeeper being taunted by such apoaching song in the presence of many of hisadversaries. Such narratives, often standing inparodic relation to hunting songs like the onequoted above, routinely transgressed the norms ofthe ruling discourse, particularly through theliteral displacement of authority. In this way thearena of debate could be shifted to the song itself,where there was a certainty of winning. It must beadmitted that the impetus in this case was alibertarian rather than an ecological one. ThomasBewick cites a certain Anthony Liddell, living inSuffolk around 1800, for whom 'the fowls of the airand the fish of the sea were free for all men;consequently game-laws, or laws to protect thefisheries, carried no weight with him' (quoted in R.Williams 1975:126)

Other songs represent women as ‘sport‘ or ‘fairgame‘ in a patriarchal way familiar from other formsof popular culture. Evidence that some songs ofthis kind were adapted at a later stage to conformto the hegemonic norm of 'man as hunter' is found in'Hares on the Mountain,' a courtship song foundwidely in southern England. The many sets collectedin this century feature at least eleven separatemetaphors of male pursuit drawn from ruralactivities like hare-coursing and harvesting:

If maidens could run like hares on the commons(repeat)

How many young men would take horse and ridehunting.

(Kennedy 1975:395. Dicky Lashbrook,Devon, 1950-2)

Metaphors of fishing, mowing, birdnesting and so onhave become so identified with male seduction thatit is difficult, from our position within theprevailing code, to find other significations.However, the broken rhymes of many of the stanzas(commons/hunting, mountains/beside them) indicate thatthis is a late version of the song (G. Porter1992:47-48). Both Robert Graves and Cecil Sharpcollected versions where the roles are reversed:

If all those young men were like hares on themountain,

Then all those pretty girls would get guns, gohunting.

Graves 1961:403. See also Karpeles 1974:94.

Graves associates this with the hunting and killingof the god of the Old Year. He suggests that womenonce appeared in the song in quite a different role:

the love chase again; the soul of the sacredking, ringed about by orgiastic women, tries toescape in the likeness of a hare, or fish orbee; but they pursue him relentlessly, and inthe end he is caught, torn in pieces anddevoured. (Graves 1961:403)

This, the Diana and Actaeon myth, is a powerfulmetaphor for a matriarchal society. Not only wasthis changed by singers or (more likely) theireditors, but a final moralizing stanza was added in1906 to complete the process of male assimilation.The former female bacchanal intones piously:

But the young men are given to frisking andfooling

I'll let them alone and attend to my schooling.(Kennedy 1975:425).

In short, the ‘green ballad‘ continues to be acontested area.

III.With the exception of the matriarchal version of'Hares on the Mountain', and the poaching sagas, thesongs just cited can be firmly located within anacquiescent attitude to prevailing positions ofclass and gender. Yet their view of nature is stillholistic: there is no sign in them of the closeobservation of a Gilbert White or a Fitzpiers, whoseem to regard the natural world as somethingdetached from themselves and their fellow humanbeings. This tradition of close observation andexperiment, historically associated with the rise ofempiricism and positivism as the ideology of nascentcapitalism, is almost absent from popular song. Incontrast, many songs present, not an attempt atunmediated experience of the environment, but one ofintervention and involvement. This is today stillan emergent ideology, familiar through environmentaland animal rights groups. Any damage to the naturalhabitat or slaughter of animals is represented as an

injury to the self. As early as the eighteenthcentury, vernacular songs are to be found defendingthe ‘innocent‘ hare, and there are hunting songswhere the fox describes his own death in patheticdetail (Kennedy 1975:251).

The organic case can be summarised as follows:the ‘oral mind‘ sees the natural world as a singleentity, while its metaphors are only restoring thetranscending sympathy of all living things. Ofcourse, such a fusion of men and women with theirnatural environment may not have been by any meansas homogeneous or self-evident in reality as it wasin song. This is clearly the case in the erotic song'The Furze Field,' where a woman describes herselfin the form of a series of rural images, including adeerpark, a fishpond and a rabbit warren, the lastbeing a familiar metaphor from Elizabethan timesbecause of the verbal resemblance between cony(rabbit) and cunny:

I have got a warren, my own dearest jewel,Where all my fine rabbits do play,And if you comes a-ferreting when ferreting's in

season,I'll tell you, love, how to proceed. (Purslow

1965:34)

Such songs, with their transparent reification ofwomen, have been seen as pure male wish-fulfilment,'hunting metaphors that function – as they do inGawain and the Green Knight – as suggestive of sexualpursuit' (Toelken 1995:43). It is true that'training the ferret' is a still-current urbanexpression for such male activity. However, 'TheFurze Field' clearly belongs to a non-Puritantradition in which women are sexual initiators, a

tradition which has been almost eliminated from oursong history: 'The Furze Field' has only beencollected on three occasions (Palmer 1993:15). Thesuppression of this women's tradition, which I havediscussed elsewhere (1992a; 1994), is closely linkedwith questions of the construction of cultural andaeshetic norms:

Sound-ideals and musical “taste“ are in factintimately connected with processes ofsocial and cultural reproduction, and theseprocesses . . . depend upon the unequal possessionand distribution of “cultural capital.“(Pickering 1990:46-47)

This account of the establishment of “sound-ideals“in orature is a reminder of the ideologicalpositions that lie behind the apparently neutralactivity of passing on songs. Any diachronicdiscussion of the nature of occupational songs musttherefore consider the nature of the survivingmaterial, and specifically the charge that it hasbeen subject to economic and cultural control. InBakhtinian terms this means that each song text is aninevitable field of conflict between the performerand the mediator. The performer, who was originallythe controlling force, is not even present at thelater “event,“ the publishing of the text. She orhe has become the marginalised Other of the second,decisive encounter.

Green ballads' are particularly susceptible toeditorial manipulation, perhaps because theyexplicitly associate human behaviour with a naturalworld that, with its pleasures and fecundity,appears to challenge the Puritan tradition at everyturn. One example of intervention in this way is a

rebellious narrative of child marriage, 'The TreesThey Do Grow High'. Such marriages were noinvention of the ballad makers but an important wayof creating alliances of capital between upper classfamilies from medieval times up to the eighteenthcentury. For women, and even for some men, theywere another example of the way young girls wereseen as a commodity to be disposed of at will. OnAugust 1st 1672, the diarist John Evelyn attendedthe wedding of the five-year-old Isabella Bennet toone of Charles II's bastard sons. Seven yearslater, at the second formal marriage ceremony, hespoke to the child's mother:

she told me, the King would have it so, & therewas no going back: & this sweetest, hopfullest,most beautifull child, & most vertuous too, wasSacrific'd to a boy, that had ben rudely bred,without any thing to encourage them, but hisMajesties pleasure. (Evelyn 1959:674. Originalspelling and italics)

'The Trees they do Grow High' appears to date fromsome fifty years earlier, since lines from it appearin the Shakespeare collaboration The Two Noble Kinsmen,published in 1634 but obviously dating fromconsiderably earlier. In the song, it is the boywho marries, and dies, young. The song is cast inthe form of an elegy sung by his former bride, whois some years older. The dynamic of the narrativehinges on her ambivalence between indignation at thecynical nature of the marriage and a fondness, inretrospect, for the boy who was as much a victim asherself. The significance of 'The Trees they doGrow High' in the context of the 'green ballad' liesin its major contrastive image pattern, which sets

the vertical life-images of childhood – trees,sprouting leaves and grass – against the horizontalsof the grave and marriage bed in an astonishingcounterpoint:

Now my love is dead [and] in his grave doth lie The grass that's all o'er himIt groweth so high I had a sweetheartBut now I've got never a one . . .But I'll watch o'er his child while it's growing Growing but I'll watch o'er his child while

it's growing. (Pardon 1975: Side 2, Track 3.

Norfolk)

If it were not for the Two Noble Kinsmen passage,there would be no reason to doubt M. J. C. Hodgart'sstatement that 'The Trees they do Grow High' 'spreadfrom Scotland to England and America' (1950:21),since the first texts were printed there in theeighteenth century. The song first appeared in theHerd MS (c. 1776). Robert Burns published arewritten version in James Johnson's Scots MusicalMuseum in 1792 (Kinsley 1978:510-1), but the firstprinted text to show the full narrative extensiondid not appear until 1824, again in Scotland. Sincethat time, sets have been collected from manysingers all over the English-speaking world. Italso appeared frequently as a broadside, under theLondon imprint of Henry Such among others. One canonly wonder why Francis James Child did not includeit in his collection. It may be because of itslyric format: the narrative is elliptical, notpresented in linear sequence but embedded in a

sequence of rhetorical outbursts by the young girlinvolved.

In this case too, the song has been appropriatedby its editors to serve their various agendas.Robert Burns' text is made more class-specific. Theprotagonist is 'Lady Mary Anne'. Unlike the ballad,the courtship of his protagonists has a precociousair about it. In his text the young laird survives,and he adds two stanzas conventionally comparingLady Mary to a 'flower in the dew' and her younghusband to 'the sprout of an aik' (Burns 1978:511,lines 9, 13). This clearly changes the genderdynamics of Herd's and other texts, wheretraditional male and female roles are inverted andthe girl is older and more experienced.Nevertheless, Burns' appropriation has succeeded tothe point where Burns' version is included instandard editions of his works as an original poem,along with about thirty other poems that are knownto have existed before his time.2

The line which gives the protagonists' ages varieswidely according to the source, and may be taken asa broad touchstone of fluctuating sexual conventionsin different societies:

Devon, 1889-91: For he is only seventeen years,and I am near eighteen.Wales, 1908: For the boy he is sixteen and I'mjust twenty one.NE Scotland, c. 1930: He's scarce twelve, andI'm but thirteen.

2 James Kinsley's frequently reprinted 1969 edition of the Poems and Songs, for example, includes, in addition to versions of 'John Barleycorn' and 'Seventeen Come Sunday', the Child ballads 'Tam Lin', 'Lord Randal', 'The Lass of Roch Royal', 'Geordie' and 'Kellyburn Braes' (1978: 22, 429, 658, 485, 538, 491, 512). All are attributed to Burns, even where he himself said that he collected them from singers.

Canada, 1952: For I am twice twelve and he'sonly thirteen.N. Ireland, 1954: His age is sixteen, aye, and Iam twenty-one.Scotland, ?1955: For he is only sixteen yearsand I am twenty-one.(Baring Gould 1895: 9; Dawney 1977:44; Ord

n.d.:112; Creighton 1979:101; Kennedy 1975:473;Buchan and Hall 1978:71)

The reason for the difference is not a matter fordebate, as editors made no secret of the controlreaders (through the mediation of publishers)exercised over their work. Baring Gould, forexample commented on his raising of the ages of theboy: 'I advanced his age a little, in deference tothose who like to sing the song in a drawing room orat a public concert' (1895:xiv). This, of course,was to destroy one of the essential theses of thesong, the cruelty of using a boy who is still almosta child to promote an economic alliance of families.

ConclusionSinging is a formalizing, ritualizing, shaping actthat captures time and space in a manner homologousto that of myth (J. Porter 1993: 165). Diachronicstudies of songs like 'The Trees They Do Grow High'show the inevitability of ideology in interpretingdynamic change in a supposedly static “tradition.“As their variants show, none of these vernacularsongs can be regarded as expressing a single,homogeneous viewpoint. The same dialecticalrelation between an ordering and a holistic view ofnature that Raymond Williams found evolving in theEnglish Augustan and Romantic traditions is to befound in vernacular song. Privileging oral sources,

or regarding rural or illiterate communities assomehow 'uncontaminated', fails to account for thecontinuous interventions of mediators into thistradition, through the work of editors, thebroadside presses, or the bleeding of canonisedauthorities into the spoken language through therepresentatives of church and state. On the otherhand, The songs I have discussed here, andparticularly the last, articulate a relation to theenvironment that could not necessarily be realisedin actuality but were “consciousness-raising.“

Works CitedBaring Gould, S., ed. (1895). Songs and Ballads ofthe West. 1889-91. London: Methuen.Buchan, N., and P. Hall (1978). The ScottishFolksinger. 1973. Glasgow: Collins.Burns, Robert (1978). Poems and Songs. 1969. Ed.James Kinsley. Oxford: Oxford UP.Creighton, Helen (1979). Maritime Folk Songs. 1961.n.p.: Breakwater.Creighton, Helen, and D. H. Senior, eds. (1987).Traditional Songs from Nova Scotia. 1950. Toronto:McGraw-Hill.Dawney, M., ed. (1977). The Ploughboy's Glory. Aselection of hitherto unpublished folk songscollected by George Butterworth. London: EFDSS.Day, W.G., ed. (1987). The Pepys Ballads. Cambridge:D. S. Brewer.Evelyn, John (1959). The Diary of John Evelyn. Ed.E. S. de Beer. London: Oxford UP.Gramsci, Antonio (1973). Selections from the PrisonNotebooks. Ed. Q. Hoare and G. Nowell Smith.London: Lawrence and Wishart.Graves, Robert (1961). The White Goddess. London:Faber and Faber.

Hardy, Thomas (1985). The Woodlanders. 1887.Harmondsworth: Penguin.Harker, Dave (1980). One for the Money. London:Hutchinson.Hodgart, M. J. C. (1950). The Ballads. London:Hutchinson.Howson, J., ed. (1992). Songs Sung in Suffolk.Haughley, Stowmarket: Veteran Tapes.Huuskonen, M. (1993). Report on Congess on Ecologyand Folklore, Lodz, Poland, September 9-12,1992. NIF Newsletter 1.Karpeles, Maud (1974). Cecil Sharp's Collection ofEnglish Folk Songs. London: Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Peter , ed. (1975). Folksongs of Britainand Ireland. London: Cassell.Kroeber, Karl (1994). Ecological Literary Criticism.Romantic Imagining and the Biology of Mind.Columbia: Columbia UP.Lloyd, A. L. (1975). Folk Song in England. 1967.London: Granada.MacColl, E., and P. Seeger, eds. (1977): Travellers'Songs from England and Scotland. London: Routledge.Marx, K., and F. Engels (1958). Selected Works.Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House.Ord, John (n.d.). Ord's Bothy Songs and Ballads.1930. Edinburgh: John Donald.Palmer, Roy (1993). "Authentic Voice". English Danceand Song. 14-16. London: English Folk Dance andSong Society.--- (1988). The Sound of History. Oxford: Oxford UP.Pardon, Walter (1975). A Proper Sort. Leader RecordsLED 2063.Pickering, M. "Recent Folk Song Scholarship inEngland," Folk Music Journal 6 (1990): 37-64.Pinto, V. de Sola, and N. Rodway, eds. The CommonMuse. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965.

Plumwood, Val (1993). Feminism and the Mastery ofNature. London: Routledge.Porter, G. (1992a) ‘Kvinnors sånger om arbete ibrittisk tradition‘ in A-M. Häggman, B. Eklund andS. Svanström eds., Folk och Musik 1992. 53- 66. Vasa:Finlands svenska folkmusikinstitut.--- (1992b) The English Occupational Song.Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell.--- (1994) ‘“Work the old lady out of the ditch“ -Singing at Work by English Lacemakers‘ in Journal ofFolklore Research., Vol. 31, Nos 1-3. 35-55.

Bloomington, Indiana.Porter, J. (1993) '(Ballad-)Singing andTransformativity' in Scandinavian Yearbook of Folklore1992. 165-180. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell.Purslow, Frank (1965). Marrowbones. London: EnglishFolk Dance and Song Society.Seth, Vikram (1994). A Suitable Boy. 1993. London:Phoenix.Toelken, Barre (1995). Morning Dew and Roses.Nuance, Metaphor, and Meaning in Folksongs.Urbana, Ill.: Illinois UP.Walter, J. H. (1965). W. Shakespeare. King Henry V.Arden ed. London: Methuen.Watson, Ian (1983). Industrial Song and Culture.London: Croom Helm.When Sheepshearing‘s Done (1975). Topic 12TS254.Williams, A. E., ed. (1923). Folksongs of the UpperThames. London: Duckworth.Williams, Raymond (1975). The Country and the City.1973. St Albans: Paladin.– – – (1976). Keywords. London: Fontana.– – – (1977). Marxism and Literature. Oxford: OxfordUP.