Perspectives on Protest in Latin America

Perspectives on Protest in Latin America 18 Jorge Luna Torres, Adriana Muente, Patrick Hanlin, Michael Stevens, Amanda Clinton, Sherri McCarthy, Rodrigo Barahona, Ricardo Angelino, Eddy Carillo, Eros DeSouza, and Luciana Karine de Souza

lhOUP lbere have been interstate rivalries

1es, 200S) and boundary disputes m.iupez et al., 2003) in Latin America in

.. nt decades, there has been very little inter­'Jte w.-. Consequently, there has been lit­

in the way of antiwar protests. On the other

L Toms(181) Bducativa B. F. Skinner. Lima, Peru

'1: CGI(Ul35Gtbotmail.com

1IICIIIID Ca1Je8e Early Yean. Lima, Peru

I. [email protected]

I leYelll

~'Ulllllrtl Plychology. Illinois State Unive~sity, aJ,O..USA

d: [email protected] .. tntoa aai1J rtl Puerto Rico, Mayagtiez, Puerto Raco, USA 1: [email protected]

.. I.'CirdiJ tioaal Ptycbology, Counseling and Hwnan

Nordlem Arizona Uni¥enity, Yuma, AZ. USA • '1: Sllmt..Mc:CanhyGtNAU.EDU f< B

nselar, Blodtlinc, MA, USA '1: I'CIIIbaboMGtgmail.com

AnpljDo

I ofMedic:al ScieDccs, National University 1 La_ Pilla. La Plata, Argentina

1: [email protected]

hand, dictators have been toppled by civilians (Pion-Berlin, 200S), and there have been anti­US protests (R~nique, 2009), mostly about an economical model influence. Furthermore, the military in many Latin American countries avoid direct confrontations with civilians (Pion­Berlin, 200S); nevertheless, there continues to be protest activity in Latin America, directed primarily at economic tribulations and eco­nomic inequalities.

Protests have a long history of empowering people around the world to express discontent with a particular political issue or policy. As we try to analyze the origins and evolution of social protests, we need to understand that protestors represent only half of a dynamic relationship, the other half being the state or government. Carey (2006, p. 2) defined protest as "any confronta­tional activity by non-governmental actors that disrupts and challenges any government or state

E. Carillo UniveraiUIIndcpcndiente & Director of lhe Center for Psycboana.lytic Studies of lhe Association for Socio-Critical Psychoanalysis. San Jose. Costa Rica e-mail: [email protected]

E. DeSouza Department of Psychology, Illinois Stale University, Normal, IL. USA e-mail: [email protected]

L KariDc de Souza Depanment of Psychology, Federal University of MiDas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil e-mail: [email protected]

Ml!lcJ-Marrison et al . (cds.),/ntenu.uiunal Handbooj; of hace and Reconciliation, e~ Book Series 7, 00110.10071978-14614-5933-()_18, ~Science+Busincss Media New Yorlt 2013

237

238 J.l. Tor -----------------------------------------------------------actor, agency or policy." This definition implies that on one side of the relationship, there are the state's agencies, represenlal.ives, and policies united in their aim to maintain their grasp on power while diminishing any kind of threat from potential or actual opponents. On the other side is the opposition formed by protestors, united by the common goal of changing the government. its policies, or the extent of its power.

Although countries in Latin America achieved their independence from Spain over 100 years ago, colonization left a big social, educational, and economic gap between races, and protest has often been used by underprivileged people of lower social economic status in Latin America to state their grievances. Political institutions in Latin America are viewed as weak in the eyes of tbe population and are often pen:eived as corrupt aad inadequate. This is true even of citizens who voce and especially for the lower class. Consequently, there is a propensity to use protest as a way of expressing discontent when Latin Americans feel that the government does not rep­resent tbeir voices. This propensity is consistent with a pattern found in other countries where people believe that parties do not represent their constituencies and are thereby more likely to pro­test (Machado et al., 2011). Similarly, there is evidence of greater levels of prolest activity when a country has low levels of party system institu· tionalization and high levels of legislative frag· menlal.ion(Arce,20 I O).Peoplefeel misrepresented by the government and believe that it doesn't lis. ten to their voices and doesn't act upon their needs and requests.

In recent years, social movements in Latin America have expressed their rejection of the effects of globalization on the continent, and there has been an increase in the convergence and coordination processes between these movements in regional political institutions. These protests against the democratic, economic model imple· mented by governments are a confirmation of the repoliticization view, which indicates that protest increases with economic liberalization in demo. cratic settings (Bellinger & Arce, 2011). One example of this type of protest is the March Against Globalization and Life (Giobalizaci6n y por Ia Vida), which gathered I 0,000 people in

Porto Alegre, Brazil. Another example t k at the 2001 annual meeting of the later-A Bank of Development (BID) in Saaliaaodc where the police repressed prolalon w seeking improvements in the base COnditi living (employment, education, eu:.) (Sc

Taddie, 2001). There are some who believe dull the sch

"new" social movements are bom of lpOnta factors. This is a simple vision, which doe take into account national political, social, cultural history. We must know a countr) · experiences regarding social movement which parts of the populations were in,oh understand these movements. Crouley t.

pointed out that the lack of Reepliveness 11

lie opinion and pressure pen:eiwd in aovem institutions generates in the population a seek out alternative routes of self-agani1 'These proposed alternative routes of cqan11

often result in street protests and ~ movements. Some of these movemeniS arc nized in the blogosphere, which is c:oasidc:rtd bloggers as a valid space of expreaaion ~ their current political and social sttiJ.I (Matheson, 2004); movements borD in the sphere can oftentimes lead to -- proce t .

According to Rosen et al. (2010. p. 4381, Internet effectively serves as a searching, collecting, and exchansiD& in~ rm lion, and catalyzing the decentralized c tion of a political movement," which al people to communicate in an opeD ud cratic way. Online resources are widely u the Internet commonly serves as a s~

express a position on a variety of contem issues including consumer and eavironm advocacy. As mentioned previously, prot~ L

Latin America have been apiDfll thetr governments or political institulioDS but against war. There is lack of data reprding r' spectives on war proteslal.ion boclfJSe America has had little involvement in except against drugs, corruption, or IF"ri internal rather than external wars.

In conclusion, it is important to mention interdependency between protest and repres whereby "protest leads to repression IJid re sion leads to protest" (Carey, 2006. P· 8).

.S ~tlatAinet

o.t1ll" of this interdependency varies depending die kind of government the country has. Carey

2~) found that .in general governments in trnocracies attempted to accommodate opposi­:on pps and avoid using continuous repres­ive behavior, whereas in autocracies, hostile ~0~nts could sometimes intimidate oppo­-itioD fon:cs into cooperation. Furthennore, t..atiD American governors, upon history, try

'

:1l'dJy 10 repress protest, mostly in authoritative

0vemments. to achieve their political or eco-omical goals.

ID 2011-2012, there were massive protests in Chile 10 reform the educational system and e for free and quality public education.

Theil protest led to a S months of paralyzing rivitills in many universities and secondary hoOia around the country. In this context the

gl.R ofCamila Vallejo, the leader of students of 25 uaiwnities. stood up as an opinion leader wilh aJqb influence in the students in Chile. As 3 result of negotiations the Chilean government aped ID an increase in the educational budget by 1 ru reform that would allow collecting

ouad $700 million.

Sample

The Lilia America sample consisted of 869 par-

239

Columbia (63, 7% ), Nicaragua ( 122. 14% ), Costa Rica (61, 7%), and Peru (lSI. 29%).

Procedure

To recruit participants, convenience sampling was utilized by way of peer networking, the Internet and universities. Participants had the option of either completing a paper-and-pencil or electronic version (through a secure website) of the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Scale (PAIRTAPS; Malley-Morrison, Daskalopoulos, & You, 2006). The PAIRTAPS survey was developed for the purpose of gauging individuals' thoughts on different fonns of gov­ernmental aggression. Although there are many sections in the survey that touch on different issues, such as rights. state-sanctioned violence, peace, and reconciliation, this chapter focuses on two specific items.

The first item asked participants to indicate on a -point Likert scale how much they agreed with the statement "individuals have the right to stage protests against wai' and in fad presented par­ticipants with the following scenario: .. Police are beating peaceful antiwar demonstrators. What would you want to doT'

Coding Manu.l Development

ticiplldl, of which 437 were female and 2S3 The development of a coclins manual for dlese ~ere male. The ages of participants ranged from two items was done uaiq a deduclivc qualitalive 18 to 79 with the mean age being 27. Only 28 of analysis. In this type of analysis, die coclina sya-11 J)llticipants (4tll of the sample) had any mili- tem is derived from a preexisliq coacepaaal tnry blcqround; however, 318 participants model. The model is tested &Del refiaed in a way 57'1) bad a relative who was in or had been in that allows it to best fit the evidence. BaDdura's

the military. One hundred and thirty-three par- work on personalasency ond moral disc~ t • ipq~~ (24%) had participated in a protest. ment was used as the comerstoae for this coclins Defn0811pbic information was not provided by manual. Bandura's theory has been used to "c:J}OIIe; 4 participants did not identify their explain the cognitive processes underlying indi­ender. 41 did not disclose information on mili- viduals' justifications of their own violent acts or

tary ICI'Yice, IS2 did not disclose whether or not the acts of others/institutions. He identified four a relllive had military experience, and 147 did principal moral disengagement processes that

disclose protest activity. Seven Latin allow people to act in ways that conftict with their Arnericu countries were represented in this morals. and still avoid guilt and shame: (a) cogni­tudy: Araentina ( 46 participants, S% of the sam- tive reconstruction of behaviors, (b) minimiza­

ple), Puerto Rico (7S, ~ ), Brazil (2S I, 2~ ), tion and misrepresentation of the consequences

, ...

240 J.L. Tones et •

Tillie 1L 1 Examples ollllti-profelllapOIUCB

Category P=eot Counll')' Gender Age Response Ntli-prokst I

PSftldt,.monJJ muonin1 1(44) F

M

F

18 We can proleSl for peace. but if we II'C

we have to defend ourselves allbougb we -..aJd cause harm

20 II does 1101 seem that proccstiJig would b.iic padl toward peace: there is somethins e11e lllll missing; people must be awii'C of reality lllld of a united etistence

19 But not wbeo die war is necessary so lbllb Ia possible to rees18blilb order

GeMTtJJ dW,~Df!!"' >I!..~) N_!carlsua M 22 There is no right

Note. 1be firat number ill die pen:cnt column refen to lhe pen:enaaae of raponscs illlbal catepxy out of die 10111 · • to pro1a1 codes. The aecoad number (in parentbcsca) men to the percent of raponacs illlhe prcrequiaita ...., CIIC­py. F female. M male

of behaviors. (c) diffusion of responsibility, and (d) devaluation and dehumanization of the vic­tim. Bandura also emphasized the importance of personal agency, which explains how individuals behave in ~social ways, even when doing so is difficult. There an: two aspects to personal asency. a proactive aspect that allows individuals to '"behave humanely" (Bandurn. 2002, p. 1 J J ) and an inhibitive aspect that prevents individuals from committing antisocial acts.

------------· --··--Right to Protest

Coding Manual

All of the responses to the right to protest item consisted of codable units that fell into one of four major categories. The first major category was made up of responses that contained anti­protest themes. These themes included (a) getJ­eral disagreerMnt (~"); (b) pseudo-moral reasoning, the subcategories of which were sup­port for the troops or support for g~mi'Mnt; (c)

negative labeling; (d) disotlvalltt~Beou compari­son; (e) denial ofpenonal respouibiUty; (f) dis­torting conseq.unces; (S) deluunanir.Dtion (with subcategories for deluurttmi:JIIion of protester or taTBets of war specifically); and (b) attribution of blame (with subcatesories for blaming protester or blaming tat'gets of ww). Pro-pmtut themes characterized the second major set of categories,

most of whtch also have subcategories: (a) Jen­era/ agreerMnt ("yes"), (b) social jrutljlt:Glicm (peace and awareness of negalive C01Ueq11611Ct.s

subcategories), (c) moral responsibUiq (civic duty. nonviolent, and law abiding subca!eaJories), and (d) humaniz.ation (reciprocal righl, IDCiDlly sanctioned righls, and l1uman righu subc:attgo­ries, with it should be a right and inlei'Jflllional law as an additional level of subca~e~Jories or human rights) The third major set of catepi~. ind~terminate status or nonspecific DIJ,_nt. contained responses of the form I don 't know it depends. The last category was for responses ch:l• focused on the perceived ~ality of the silullion (with the right may not be protected or ptrMSI i futile subcategories). There were also a few IUICD­

deable responses and responses that dill not address the prompt.

Distribution of Qualltdve R..,.._ to Right to Protest Item

An analysis of the responses to the antiwar pro­test prompt indicated that only J% of individual~ disagreed with the statement that people ba' that right. The two most common aDD~ ' responses were ones based on pseudo-moral rtO· soning or simple disagreements (no). 1ible 1S.I includes the percentage distribution for die 111.0 1

common anti-protest responses and CJUIIDPlt:' from pnrticipanL-..

L.atAm..-

Responses that indicated JDdJvldual!> were protU' constituted 97% of all responses. ·lse )WS responses to the protest prompt com-

ed SIJ, of the responses. Five percent of pansea were based on social justification; as

· 24-year-old Peruvian woman said, protests nceessarY to reach "social and cultural equi­'U1Jl." ArJUments that protesting is a viable J s for raching peace compromised I 5% of

ll$eS, making it the third most frequently n t'iioaale for a right to protest. Responses ,ckDCJWiedged the negative conseq.unces of and die necessity of protesting war made up of all saponses. Ten percent of responses

·cated lbal individuals had a moral responsi­' to protest for the causes in which they e,e,lllll4% of responses indicated that indi-

Juals hid a civic duty to protest For example, a :"->ear-old Brazilian woman said that protesting

a "'way for populations to make governments w wbal tbey think." Responses that specify IJOIWioknce is a necessary condition for a

ht to protest made up 10% of all responses. number of individuals gave responses indicat­. that if war can be waged, then citizens should able co protest such action; these responses, \(d oa rmprocal rights, comprised 3% of all ponsea. Responses indicating that protest is a

ult riBht or that it is a socially sanctioned 1 c011111i1uted the subcategories with the largest

rtenl.tp of all responses ( 17% each). Two per­·nt of responses stated that people should have

rigllt to protest against war. Table 18.2 shows pcn:enraps of frequently given responses

1catiq a rolerance for war protests. Slalemellts that the right to protest depended the siiUation made up only I% of responl>Cs, only l tJ, of the responses focused on the

rrei!WI reality of protest (e.g., whether they ld ldlieve anything).

inveaaipre the possibility of group differences . the frequency of responses, exploratory ·square analyses and Fisher's exact test were

241

conducted. Only two difference!> were found, and both existed between individuals with protest experience and those without it. A significantly larser proportion of protestors than non-protes­tors said the right to protest is necessary to reach peace. Conversely, a significantly larger propor­tion of non-protestors than protestors indicaled that protesting is a human right. Table 18.3 con­tains the results of the chi-square analyses.

Pollee Bating Peaceful Proteston Scenario

The responses to the prompt in which police were beating peaceful protesters were coded into categories based on the type of agency that characterized the reaction. The first major cat­egory was characterized by responses indicat­ing participants would engage in pro-social agency. These responses consisted of (a) criti­cal judgment of police, (b) personal initiative (activism, personal understanding, and other solutions subcategories), and (c) institutional initiative (legal action and goveT"TJTMnllother agency subcategories). The second major cate­gory consisted of calls for antisocial agency in response to police beatings. The themes that comprised this category included (a) supporting the police, (b) unlawful activism. and (c) dem­onstrations. The lac/c of agency category included themes expressing (a) lack of initia­tive and (b) helplessness. There were also a few uncodeable responses and responses that did not answer the prompt.

Diltltbutlon of Qualltatlft Responses to PoUce Scenario

The majority of responses (83%) to the item in which individuals were asked how they would respond to police beating nonviolent protesters called for pro-social agency. In 4% of all responses, individuals indicated that they believed the police neetkd to be judged. The lmsest

l42 J.L. Tonesetat

T .... 11.2 Ra ........ of prolal-colerut rapoDICI

ClteaorY Perc:eal Country Gender Age Response

Prv-p~--

G#wraJ ·-~ SodtJl jiUtifjcation

Awareness of nepti~ consequences

Moral rrsponsibility

Civic: duty

Nonviolent

Human riJhts

It shou~ be a rip Socially sanctioned right

97 - 8(8)

5(5)

. 15(15)

6(6)

10(10)

4(4)

10(10)

0(0) 3(3)

17(18)

2(2)

17(17)

Nieuqua B111Zi1

Puerto Rico

Peru

Bnzil

-Pau

Columbia - -Peru

Costa Rica

Costa Rica

-Costa Rica

Peru -Nicaragua

Brazil

Puerto Rico Peru

Columbia

N~ Nicaragua

F F

M

F

F

M

M F

M

M

M

p

M

F

F F

M F M

28 Of c:oune. It is logical 27 This is a wny to show the desire to~

life 19 This way we can promote harmony 1moea

naliona 18 Yes, we ha~ the right to live peacefully -.1

not li~ a life full of destruction and dual

19 Bec:ause the search and "fight" for s-:e Ia i~

18 Yes, bcc:auac ultimately we are the oaa ... pay,~ with ourowa li~ iD ..

55 War is al~ aa abu~ on human~@! 24 In this life the ultimate pi is to "liw," -.1

live means that we must defend and pracWm all forms of life

33 Of course. it is important thal each pe1101

their own opinion _ 37 ADd goyemmcnts should bear Ul if- • to be~~ (function of~~

22 It is pc:rflaps one of the only ways dlli 1M people can ~ly be heard

19 Yea, but !ithout ~ng to v~-21 Al!-yslfthey use the~ mcchaniwa

38 Yes, likewise. people wbo are In r.votfll ~ ~ha~therigh~to~ -- -

19 Respect that W.!_ ~~'!iff~~ 22 Yes, bcc:ause we ha~ the right to OUI'CIWD

opi~~ it~-~~---30 ~is a~ right in frc!_ 20 E~ should~~ the right'!~ 25 It is a right called democracy

Columbia F 35 Yea bcc:ause we are in a fRJC couaGJ - --- ---- --~

Note. The tint number in the pen:ent column refers to the percentage of responses in that category out of tho 11*1 n to procesa codes. The second number (in poratheic:s) refers to the pc:n:ent of rapoDICI in the ~proccst ....,.,­M male, F female

subcategory of responses (43% of all responses) was comprised of claims lhal persoii/Jl initiative was the necessary reaction. These initiatives included activism (20% of total responses) and personal untkntanding of police officers' motives (I% of all responses); other solutions, not specified by respondents, made up 4% of all responses. Six perc:ent of total responses indi­cated that individuals believed that institutional

initiatives were necessary; these included I action (3% of the total response set) aad IC't ment intervention (2% of all responses). nble I presents the percentages of responses dill cal~ 1

pro-social agency in responses to police beaU as well as examples of responses.

Only 6% of responses were coded ~0 • antisocial agency categories. 1be most tYP antisocial response expressed a desire to e1l

18 Pra

Ta .. 1C

Ca~ Pro-tocll

J~

Go

proteSt Lat Amer 243

T ..... 18.3 Right to protest: percentages of rapo!UC1 in c:oding categories by demographic groups and chi-square values

CategOry Group 1• ~2·_ r ~cxpcri~ No protcsl experience

Pro-protest Sociol justijicalion

Pac:e 13 7 6.24" . HUtriDIIizalion

Human rights 17 24 S.31" --- -Noce. If there is a blank row, there were no significant diffcrenca at that level; ~. we listed the major category because one or the subcatesories had a sipificant srouP difference •ps0.<»5 'l1le numben in these columns are the percent or the group that gave responses falling into each or the specified categories

tdlll 11.4 Examples of pro-social aaencY responses

Percent ~~ntry Gender ~ge R~ - - -83 -- - - -4(S) Brazil M 22 Disapprow: o~ this action

Brazil F 26 Forbid them from beating. show that this iswrons - --

Pe--~~~ 43(S2) Costa Rica F 30 Defend lhat penon Peru F 19 I would tell the police to stop and if not

file a complaint against them ---Acdvllm 20(2S) Nicaragua F 29 Protest and~~~

Nicaragua F 24 ~y unite l:!!~wi~ the~ r.-l~ng I( I) Columbia M 34 Ask W~>: J!iey ~ ~~

Nicaragua F 30 Seeif~~i!!~~C!'~ 0*1' aolutions 4(S) Puerto Rico F 21 PreYCIIl this sltwllion ---- ----~I initiati~ 6(7) Peru F 19 Speak widl the~~~

Puerto Rico F 49 FII'Cthepolicefor~~i~ll~~ __

LIJ!I!~ 3(4) Nicaragua M 22 Sue the (IC!I~ -Peru F 20 I would apeak wilb wbocwr I bad to in

order to Ft_the police~ ~ orocberentity 2(2) ArJcntina F 24 Gi~ the ~l!cc ~the~

Columbia M 26 Talk to the JJO\IaiiiDellt hi order to put a strong hand to the police

• fint number in the percent column refers to the percenti8C or respoases in that catqory OUl or the toW rcac· eo pollee beating codes. The second number (in parentheses) refers to the percent or responses in the pro-social

*flapOIIIes. M male. F female

n Ullltlwful activism (6% of total responses). These responses varied from "beating up the police" to "killing the police." Table 18.S includes · ~ of lllllisocial responses and XaJnpies.

lnlddilion to responses indicating a desire to eng-.e ia some action if confronted by a situa­. n ia which police were beating peaceful pro-

testors. a number of responses showed a laclc of agency (8% ). Six percent of all responses were claims tlwt the respondent would do nothing. indicating a laclc of initiative. Other responses (2CJIJ of all responses) suggested hopelessneu on the part of the respondenL Table 18.6 contains the perc:entaps and elUllllples of responses with a lac* of agency.

...

J.l. Torres eta .

Tillie 1&5 Bxampleaoflllllilocial agency responses - -

Carcacry_ -· Pen:elll ~D.!'>' Gender Age Response 6 6(92) Brazil

Peru

p

F 20 19

Beat up the police officers Gather people to attack the police

Note. The first llUJDbcr ID lhe pen::ent column rcfen to the percenta&e of responses in that catqory out of lhe total rcac:tion to police beadDg codes. The second number (in parentheses) refen to lhe percent of responses in lbe prerequisites ~category M male, F female

Table 1U Examples of lack of uaency responses

Category Pacent Country Gender lAd of agency 8

Lack of initiative 6( 80) Brazil F

Hopelessaess 2(20) Costa Rica M Brazil F

Age Response

38 Nothing. Protestors should know die: risb involved and decide if they're willing 10 ate it. If they're there:. it's by their own choice

29 Avoid it 19 In the moment of lbe action, nothing c:ould lie

done against the police

Note. The first number in lhe percent column rcfen to the percentqc of responses in that category out of tbe 1111111 lion to police beating codes. The second number (in parentheses) rcfen to the percent of responses in the prcnquisiu:s major cateaorY M male. F female

Explontory Analyses of Scenario 11Mmes

Chi-square analyses were conducted to consider the possibility of group differences in the fre. quency of particular thematic responses. At a marginally significant level, proportionately more women than men gave at least one response coded into at least one of the pro-social agency categories. On the other hand, men were margin­ally more likely than women: (a) to give responses coded for at least one of the antisocial agency categories and (b) suggest that they would engage in unlawftd activism. A significantly larger proportjon of men than women (a) gave responses coded for at least one of the lack of agency categories and (b) lacked initiative to do anything in response to this situ­ation. Finally, protestors were JDOI'8inally more likely than non-protestors to say that would want to exhibit some form of activism in the face of

the beatings. Table J 8. 7 contains the resulr& of the chi-square tests run on the data.

Discussion

The present study provides data about the per­spectives of Latino Americans concemini 1

right to protest. Based on Bandura's dleocY ' personal agency and moral disengasemcat. I

responses were divided into four major c:attf ries: general disagreement, general aprnenl. nonspecific argument, and perceived reality. responses reflect a readiness among maDY LaU"

Americans to protest against what is seen unjust. In regard to predictors of group differ enc:es, protest experience was a signific&Dl c•· tributor to perspectives on protest: ~1' were more likely than non-protestors to as..cr that the right to protest is necessary to ICh e' peace and is a human right.

245

'hble 18.7 Reaction to police beatings: pen:ea~apa of responses in coding categories by demOgraphic groups and Chi-square values

-CarcaorY Group t• Group2· r

Female Male hv-~tteim agency prrunce' 84 79 2.79"

Antisocial agency pnunce' 6 10 3.26.

Unlawful activism s 8 2.8·

I..IJd of agency pnunce' 7 12 4"

Lack of initialive s 9 4.87"

Procest experience No procest experience Prrrsocim agency

PrnotUJI agency AA;tiviam 27 19 3.6T

Note. If there is a blank row. there wen: no significaru differences a& that level: however, we liatcd the major category because one of the subcategories had a significant group difference. ·.OS<p<.IO; ·p~O.OS ~ numbers in these columns arc the percent of the group that ga11e responses falling into each of the specified categories "'"Presence" at the end of a variable name indicates that the participant provided at least one example of a response that was coded into that category and/or one of its aubcldesoria

The saudy also provided evidence about ·entioas to exercise agency on behalf of protes­

• in a situation where police are beating peace­.ul protesters. The responses were divided in .. categories: pro-social agency, antiso-

•al aaeocY· and lack of agency. The majority of pt'l08ell called for pro-social agency with a par­ular emphasis on the: importance of personal

'lillativc. Regarding predictors of group differ-cs ia themes, gender was significant:

ignificaady more women than men indicated at they would want to take pro-social action, d sipificantly more men than women expressed inclination to behave antisocially or to respond

n ways tbat lacked agency. Our findings are consistent with the view that

latia Americans believe they have the right to mostly as a way to express their discon­

tent wilb the government or policy, or against an etoaomic model. Funhennore, they provide evi­

nce that Latinos are ready to exercise agency n bebalf or perceived human rights, which may

'ndicaJe why the military in many of the Latin Alllerican countries avoids confrontation with

civilians (Pion-Berlin, 200S). However, more research is needed to underswad the complex relationship between economic and political fac­tors that contribute to an open expression of dis­content by the citizens .

References

An:c, M. (2010). Parties and social procest in Latin America's Neoliberal Era. Pany Politics, 16(S), 669.

Bandura. A. (2002). Selective mornl disengagement in the exercise of moral agency. Joumal of Mol'tll Educalion, 11. 101-119.

Bellinpr, P .. Jr., & Arce. M. (2011). Protest and democ­racy in Latin America's Marta Era. Political Research Q~rly. 64(3), 688-70S.

Carcy, S. (2006). The dynamic relationship between pro­test and rcpreasion. Politit'al Research Q~rly, 59(1). 1-11.

Crosalcy, N. (2003). Even newer social movements? anti-<:orporate protests, capitalist criaea and the rcmoralizalion of society. Organi:ntion, 10(2), 287-305.

Domfnaucz. J., Mares. D., Orozco. M., Palmer, D .• Rojas Ara~ F., & Serbin, A. (2003). Boundary Disputes in Latin America. U.S. lrutilute of ~'Nee, 50.

~ F .. Scadalcbd. C., cl 1bmmasi. M. (2011). Pblilical illlli"dloi!Jaadllnlel ..... in Lalin America. JOfllftlll ofColffiJtt:l ......... .5$(3). 30-365.

Mallcy·Monisoft. K.. Dnteq,nwos, M., Oeftcr, J., Wellpr, J., Hlllblm. K., cl Scldlepinc, D., ct al. (2006). lnlei'Ditioaal pcnpccdves OD war IDd peace. !'race Psychology. 15(1), 6-7.

MathcsOD. D. (2004). Wdllop and 1be epistemology or tbe news: some crcnds in online journalism. New Media tlllll Society, 6(4). 443-468.

Pioo·Bcrtin, D. (2005). Politic:al Manaaemmt or lhe Military in Latin America. MiliiDry Revw. JtJIUUJry· Fn,I'UIJry. 19-31.

J.L. Torrtsthl.

R6lique. 0. (2009). Latin America: The new noolilllnJ. iJm IIDd popular mobilization. Socialiat Qo

!Nmocracy. 2J(3), 1-27. Rosen. D., Kim,J.H.,cl Nam, Y.(2010). Birdsofaflllber

procest topdlcr: theorizina self-orpnizina protests with ftoclt theory. Sys~mk Pl'fiCI/a ,. Action Reseatdt, 2J, 419-441.

Seoanc, J .• & Taddei, E. (2001). Prolala social, democracia: Ia encrucijada latinoa._ CLACSO.

Thies. C. (2005). War, riwlry, and ll8IC buildiDa Ia Lat America. American Journal of Political Sciertc.. 4ll(1 4SI~S.

In