Personality Profiles for the Uprising of the Communist ......boycott of Japanese goods. A few years later he joined hands with several Beijing organizations to establish the ‘Reform

Personality Profiles for the Uprising of the Communist Party of China, 1934

Mao Zetan

Mao Zetan was Mao Zedong’s younger brother. He was a member of the communist party since

1923. He was an active participant in the Nanchang uprising. After the uprising, Mao Zetan

retreated to the Jing gang Mountains along with the communists. Since then, he has reconnected

with the communists at the Jiangxi Soviet and developed a deep relationship with his brother

Mao Zedong.

Being none other than Mao Zedong’s brother, Zetan comes with certain privileges. Firstly, Zetan

always has the liberty to approach Mao during informal occasions and manage to extract

information from him. Mao naturally trusts Zetan and this trust comes from a long history of

growing up together with similar ambitions during difficult times. Losing this trust would hurt

Zetan more than anyone. Furthermore, at times where Mao Zedong needs an immediate

correction of his plans or actions, Zetan is the only one who can intercept. A good example of

this is if Mao Zedong is about to eject a member of the CPC from the cabinet due to the low

ratings, Zetan can be quick to intercede and prevent Zedong from making rash decisions. Due to

his close facial resemblance to his older brother, Zetan also could ‘play Mao’ in which he will

have the option of acting as his brother in situations that call for it. This is, however, walking on

thin ice. If he is caught doing such acts without Mao’s consent, or if he is noticed by the

delegations he meets as ‘not Mao’, it could lead to his end in the CPC. Finally, being a brother of

general Mao, Zetan has a small group of Guerilla fighters completely loyal to him. These

warriors are inspired by Zetan and his older brother and can prove to be highly effective if used

intelligently. Lastly, as Zetan spent man days on the run from the KMT, his small army has

developed the skill of secret movement. This makes Zetan and his forces one of the rare groups

in China that can trespass enemy territory seamlessly. Having said that, all it takes is one mistake

to spell the end of his forces, and his ambitions for China.

Lin Biao

Lin Biao was one of the key players behind the communist victory in the Chinese civil war. He

was the general who led the Pingjin and Liaoshen campaigns. In his early days Lin was

extremely independent of politics and invested his time in education, allowing him to grow up to

be extremely useful when it came to war tactics. He started of his contributions to the movement

in 1927 as he worked as a company commander under Chen Yi’s regiment. He soon went on to

join Mao and Zhu de and became their closest and most valuable ally. He was considered as a

political blank sheet which Mao could write on due to his lack of political aspirations. At the

time where Mao lost power, Lin was there to advocate for what Mao believed in and took up the

responsibilities that were once in the hands of Mao.

Despite his depoliticized mindset, Lin was far from being just a common war strategist. Instead,

Lin has his own niche of being the master mind behind the deceptions the communist used to

win battles. Lin has the responsibility of planning all the traps the communists would use during

the long March. He will be expected to provide a blueprint during every battle which will use

various techniques such as hidden ditches to hinder enemy movement. He also possesses a solid

understanding of the natural terrain and environment of the road the armies will take. He can use

these resources to create illusions to trick the enemy forces. He also has a heavy influence over

the red-light zones of the local towns in China. With his command, he could use the concubines

of local villages and the red army to his advantage and place them strategically as a means for

distracting the enemy forces. Finally, Lin also comes with a string force of 15000 troops to help

him conduct his operations and act as a layer of defense for the communists during the long

March

Zhou Enlai

Zhao Enlai was yet another close ally of Mao Zedong. He played a vital role facilitating the

communist party rise to its pinnacle. He later went on to form the foreign policy for China and

became one of the men that took responsibility of China’s economy. Zhou Enlai happened to be

highly educated figure in the CPC. He invested his youth in education. Since his younger days

Zhao was a power orator and won countless declamation competitions. He was born to be an

ambassador of China. Zhou finally turned to politics in 1919 where he established the awakening

party. He was also at the front of the movement against the Japan which involved a nationwide

boycott of Japanese goods. A few years later he joined hands with several Beijing organizations

to establish the ‘Reform Federation’. Although closer to Mao than the other two individuals

jointly in power with as of the given moment, namely Otto Braun and Bo Gu, Zhou Enlai still

feels a sense of superiority over Mao yet continues to believe that the USSR influence in the

party is becoming counterproductive.

During the long March, Zhou comes with a certain set of skills and powers that allow him to

manipulate the progress of the March significantly. Due to his interests in politics along with his

orating abilities Zhou will play an important role talks between the CPC and other parties. He

will have the power to propose cross talks with war lords and enemies whenever he deems it

necessary. He also has the all-important veto power when it comes to public directives of the

CPC that involve negotiations with third party actors. The only other actors in the committee that

will have the veto power include Bo Gu and Otto Braun. In order to veto any public directive, all

three personalities need to vote in favor to do so, however. Zhou also comes with a sound set of

contacts with foreign powers including the USSR which he can use for his advantage. These

relationships stem from his frequent visits as somewhat a ‘ambassador of foreign affairs’ of the

CPC. Lastly, due to his connection with powerful individuals through the awakening party, Zhou

will have special control over underground CPC organizations hidden in bunkers and cells across

China. The location of these groups is hidden, and the information lies with a few members of

the awakening part including Zhou. If used effectively these forces can play a pivotal role during

the long March. It would be a pity if Zhou loses this advantage if he fails to protect these hidden

groups from getting exposed.

Zhu De

Zhu de was a prominent figure of the CPC. He is a high-ranking official of the party and

specializes in war planning and regulating war equipment. He was a general, warlord, politician

and revolutionary of the CPC. Having worked in a variety of roles throughout his life, Zhu De

became a man of strong connections and resources. He spent his early days investing his time in

education and later went on to join the military academy. After the military academy Zhu de

adopted communism and went on to become a war lord due to his activities amongst rebel

groups in China. At the given moment in 1934, Zhu De is the closest ally of Mao, and rumors

have been heard that he is the reason for Mao still maintaining popularity within the Red Army.

Zhu De comes with a huge burden when it comes to the long March. Responsible for the

armaments, Zhu will have to ensure that regiment of the Red Army is well equipped before all

campaigns. He needs to invent ways to use the arms efficiently and conservatively. He will need

to be in constant contact with members responsible for war strategies to ensure that the supplies

are exactly what they are expected to be. The transport of these supplies also falls in the hands of

Zhu de who will have a large force of 800 troops responsible for the protection and

transportation. Zhu is also in contact with multiple local arms manufacturers and uses these

locals to supply him with weapons and war equipment including gun powder and explosives.

What gives Zhu and massive advantage in his work is a group of KMT men working on the other

side. These men have loyalties to Zhu and are a significant tool in acquiring weapons that only

the government can afford to have. However, the responsibility to protect these men and this

information is easier said than done. If Zhu over uses his power over these spies in the KMT, he

may not only lose his men, but his entire position in the CPC. Finally, Zhu also has the

responsibility for conducting site reiki before the campaigns and report to the CPC the

environment conditions the armies are headed towards. As a result, he will have vital information

regarding secret pathways and hidden tunnels giving him a major role of deciding where the

armies will head throughout the course of the long March. No major movement of the CPC

armies can take place unless they go through Zhu De.

Chen Boda

Chen Boda was one of the key figures of the CPC who did not have a military role, however, his

contributions were equally, if not more, important. Chen was a journalist and an educationist

who taught and spread Maoism. He was an important member of the CPC and became a close

ally of Mao. Due to his heavy understanding of Maoism, Chen received the all-important role of

writing speeches, articles and leading the propaganda campaigns for the CPC.

During the long March Chen will have a wide set of responsibilities. He will have complete

control over a regiment of 5000 troops which will be responsible in assisting his propaganda

campaigns in every shape and form. Chen’s main responsibility will be to decide on narrative

which best promotes the party’s ideology among the masses. He will be required to ensure that

through his propaganda the morale of the red army consistently remains high. To conduct

propaganda campaigns within the army, Chen has the ability to post pamphlets and send letters

to regiment leaders across the Red Army. He can also deploy his troops to give sermons or

address troops during dinner meetings. He will also be expected to bring down any negative

ideologies against the communists by any means necessary. However, given that the party holds

many influential leaders, Chen must be increasingly cautious when it comes to propaganda and

censorship within the party, since it could be seen by many leaders as an attempt to overstep their

power. He needs to ensure that the army does not get politicized or divided through his

propaganda strategies. Chen may have a huge responsibility but with it comes great resources to

conduct such activities. He will have strong contacts with the local villages and towns all across

China. These contacts will include artists, poets, radio stations, local businesses men that write

and sell pamphlets and a huge following of scholars of Confucianism. Adding to his powers,

Chen will also have the responsibility of writing speeches for none other than general Mao

himself upon his orders during committee. Lastly, with so much power in hand Chen will always

have the appealing liberty to distort all mechanisms of propaganda to further his own interests.

This freedom gives Chen unlimited amounts of power; however, the smallest mistake and lack of

planning may result in him getting caught if he chooses to take this dark path. Let it be known

that the smallest doubt casted upon Chen’s honesty and loyalties to the CPC, may result in an

immediate loss of power and a death penalty at the hands of the CPC.

Xie Fuzhi

Xie Fuzhi (born 1909) was one of the most loyal supporters of Mao when he joined the

communist party at a very young age of 22 in 1931. Xie has also served as the political

commissar of the CPC. For the purpose of this committee, however, Xie currently holds the

responsibility of coordinating and exercising all activities related to relaying communications

with parties that are outside the sphere of influence of the Red Army. Due to the nature of the

long march, the Red army was not as well equipped, lacking effective routes and modes of

transport. However, Xie is distinguished by the fact that he is the only person in the Red Army

having horses (obtained by raiding Kuomintang held farms) which make the transmission of

messages much faster. Due to the nature of communication, he is the only person who can

effectively send all messages that are to be sent to external parties. As Mao trusts Xie, he also

trusts the fact that any messages being sent will not be tampered. If any evidence comes to light

which suggests that messages are being altered, Mao has the power to strip and penalize Xie.

Given the vast size of the Red Army, Xie will also be responsible for facilitating

communications between different regiments and factions of the Red Army.

It is also important to note that Xie will also be responsible for transcribing all messages that

come from external sources such as the Kuomintang and ultimately delivering them, however,

they need to be careful in dealing with them as any misstep on Xie’s part will be catastrophic to

the cause of the Red Army and Mao will act accordingly.

Peng Dehuai

Peng Dehuai will serve as one of the CPC’s leading war generals. Prior to joining the CPC, Peng

was a part of the Kuomintang’s forces where he was first introduced to communism and

supported an attempt by Wang Jingwei to form a left leaning Kuomintang government.

However, after his defeat, he allied himself with Mao. His success in defending the Jiangxi

Soviet from Chiang Kai’s attack earned him an important role in the CPC. He is now the most

skilled guerilla commander in the cabinet, as due to his efficacy in the art of guerrilla warfare, he

defeated the Kuomintang’s first encirclement campaign and saved Mao from being captured. As

a result of his commitment and bravery, Peng has been entrusted with the top 6000 guerilla

fighters of the Red army who are to defend and hold the ranks from external threats. Mao has

ensured that he is provided with the best equipment the Red Army has in possession. As Mao

knows that a strong guerilla force will prove decisive for the cause of the Red Army, he has also

made sure that Peng’s continued military success will ensure that his forces do not diminish and

tire out. As a result, for every successful campaign, Mao has vested Peng with the power to

decide whether he wants to incorporate the captured troops into his own guerilla force. Any

spoils from guerilla battles, in the form of ammunition or intelligence, will also be in the hands

of Peng Dehuai. Furthermore, due to the nature of Peng’s division, Mao has also allocated

exactly 10 specialized assassins to carry out unconventional executions.

However, all this power is not to be unaccounted for. Any misuse of the assassins may result in a

particular assassin being killed in action and Mao will keep Peng liable for the loss of any

assassin and will be paying for this by stripping 500 troops from Peng’s guerilla force and

incorporate them back in the army rankings. Repeated offenses may result in stricter action as

per the discretion of Mao.

Yang Shangkun

Yang Shangkun joined the CPC in 1926 as a result of the influence of his elder brother Yang

Yingong, who was one the founding Executive Committee members of the CPC. He also went to

the Moscow Sun Yat-Sen University and became well versed in Marxist theory and techniques

on mobilizing and structuring political campaigns and organizations. Prior to joining the CPC, he

was an important figure in the 28 Bolsheviks.

This proved to be an asset as he is now the leading military commissar of the Red army and is

responsible for upholding and maintaining communist ideologies within the CPC. For this he has

a unit of 50 missionaries who will be preaching the principles of communism to the common

people as well as the infantry of the Red Army by conducting seminars. This will ensure that the

version of Marxism/Leninism as approved by Yang is taught. Because of his ideological

influence and his time in Moscow, he has the backing of the USSR. With the turbulent times that

the army finds itself in, the CPC increasingly relies on the comrade to maintain support of the

army troops and the general populace for all communist parties, and to also ensure that no single

personality deviates from the ideological narrative which has been agreed upon by all. The

comrade is also well versed in Confucian theory, and their confidants have received special

ideological training to mix Confucianism with Marxist ideology in order to make the narrative

more appealing to the masses. As such, the CPC depends on the comrade to use whatever means

necessary to induce the Chinese into blindly following party ideology using any means that the

comrade sees fit.

However, it is important to note that the comrade must be very careful in articulating the

ideological narrative they wish to pursue, keeping in mind the different perspectives of the

leaders of the Red Army. If they decide to blatantly side with one group and ignore the wishes of

the other, they could be susceptible to losing favor of the party. To choose between Mao or

Moscow is a question that the comrade must be prepared to answer and back with complete

strategic planning.

Wang Jiaxiang

Wang Jiaxiang, like Yang Shangkun, was a member of the 28 Bolsheviks prior to joining the

CPC. He was particularly in favor of Mao’s recent policies adopted during the encirclement

campaigns. During his time in Moscow, he also acquired knowledge pertaining to the Marxist

ideology and the political structure that has to be assembled to ensure the success of the cause.

For this reason, Jiaxiang is assigned the responsibility of coming up with a legal framework

which members of the Red Army and the CPC need to adhere to. This also gives him the right to

arrest and try confidants of other comrades, provided he has a legal basis to do so which is in line

with the legal framework he is to propose and the principles of the CPC. To enforce this, he has a

“police” force of 3000 men to ensure maintenance of law and order within the Red Army. He can

also suggest Mao to trial more influential members of the CPC who are a part of the cabinet. The

entire responsibility of maintaining a rigid law and order situation within the party lies on the

shoulders of Wang. He will be expected to come up with a legal framework which takes into

account legal parameters under which relations within the red army will be conducted, what acts

of behavior are legally approved and what different acts shall be seen as illegal. Given that Wang

has the support of both USSR and Mao, he has the freedom to navigate and come up with a legal

system that he desires.

However, if he tries to arrest or trial any person beyond his jurisdiction, he might be boycotted

by the Party which might strip him of any of the legislative powers he currently holds. He must

also tread carefully and come up with an equitable legal framework, since any overt attempts of

using legal means to amass their own power will result in severe penalization by the Red Army

and could even result in the comrade’s execution.

Deng Xiaoping

Deng Xiaoping (born in 1904) became the leader of China from 1978 to 1989 after Mao’s death.

Xiaoping oversaw rehabilitating the economy of China so much so that he gained the title

‘Architect of Modern China’. Before Mao’s death he had joined the CPC in 1923 and became the

political commissar for the red army. In this Committee, Deng is the Comrade for Development.

This gives him control over all party funds as well as the responsibility to purchase food, grain

supplies and other resources to avoid him and his party from experiencing starvation. However,

the party funds are not just limited to purchasing resources, Xiaoping can use them to his

advantage to engage in deals and trades with current warlords in the area, keeping in mind that

all such trades are in the best interests of the party. As the long march plays out, there will be

many necessary instances in which it is paramount to engage with other people and use their

specialties to gain advantages. Xiaoping visited Singapore and met Prime Minister Lee Kuan

Yew in Bangkok, in which he spent a considerable amount of time developing relations and

learning about their economy. As a result, Xiaoping has the ability to call upon the Singaporeans

and use his ability to control party funds to ask for favours that will benefit him and his party.

However, because of travel and other costs, Xiaoping will need a rather large portion of

whatever funds he has to accomplish any sort of deal made with any external actors. Its

important to note that while his financial expertise has led to him being trusted with party funds,

the CPC at any given time can ask for a complete audit of the funds, which means Xiaoping must

be increasingly careful lest he intends to suffer the wrath of the party.

While Deng Xiaoping was not a military man, he did have extensive knowledge and wisdom of

the region as well as a significant relation with the local people around China, especially

students. Furthermore, Xiaoping can form a secret network of transmitting messages throughout

different parts of China. These messages would travel discreetly without other party members

forming a network should he choose to establish it. As someone who has mastered the ability to

disguise themselves, Deng can also make use of the public to hide the communists in plain sight,

using large groups to shroud the movements of communists and prevent the nationalists from

detecting them.

HE Long

He Long was a revolutionary military persona and a significant comrade in the long march, being

one of the ten marshals of the PLA (People’s Liberation Army). In the past, he has been involved

with many feats including the Northern Expedition in which he rebelled against the Kuomintang

which turned to be in Mao’s favor. He was part of the Nanchang Uprising, which although

unsuccessful would further establish his commitment to the Red Army and the communist cause.

He Long is the comrade for mobilization and riots, a title given because of his influence over

various factions before and later during the Long March. An example of these factions includes

his affiliation with local bandit groups and thieves whom he can call upon to his advantage and

which he has a heavy influence over. A special faction that he has control over his own group of

survivors of the Boxer Rebellion. The Boxer Rebellion was an uprising against the imperialist

powers. The Boxers or the Yihequan used Chinese martial arts to fight against the Western

countries that had automated weaponry and other advanced foreign technology. He long making

use of this faction during the Long March will propel him as they are a skillful bloc. Other

skillful divisions at Long’s disposable consist of his small but influential guerrilla army. The

purpose of these guerrilla tactics is to create chaos and destruction in areas around China to

hinder or stagger certain events of choice, however, guerrilla tactics are not limited to only this

purpose. They are, however, limited to creating chaos that is largely only targeting geographical

locations, buildings and resources as opposed to people as the faction would not risk hurting the

public especially not other participating members of the Long March. He Long has significant

control over what he can achieve with these groups from creating riots to even administering

bombs. With the constraints of this era as well as technology, bomb mechanics are limited yet

can be made from common items which includes the rioter’s abilities to make Fertilizer/Dirty

bombs, Molotov cocktails etc. He Long has a reputation of being extremely resourceful and

making use of whatever he can get his hands on, using local poisonous berries for poison or even

concentrating animal poisons (the infamous Gu poison). With so many factions and loyal

members of various groups, He Long clearly has inside knowledge on not only what is occurring

throughout China but also intimate knowledge on how to pass communication around without

alerting other members of his or the opposing party.

Kang Sheng

Kang Sheng had a monumental role to play in the internal workings and security of the CPC that

would lead him to the title of Comrade of Whispers for the duration of this Long March. During

the 1930s, Sheng learned a lot from Russia’s NKVD and attempted to apply similar secret

security measures in China as well. With various connections in the Propaganda department as

well, Kang Sheng was a powerful man with many affiliations. One of these men that Kang Sheng

worked with was Li Lisan who’s highly favorable position in the Comintern was and is

especially useful. As a result, he can recruit many spies and secret allies whose actions only he

and Mao can see if called upon specifically. He has their loyalty and commitment to create a

network of spies if he wishes to. Furthermore, these networks of spies do not need to be limited

to his own army. Kang Sheng, therefore, can install long term spies wherever he pleases

including and not limited to Chiang Kei-Shek’s own regiments. Although the resources are at his

disposal, its important to note Sheng will be required to be extremely strategic in the way he

makes use of his spies, since in the event a spy is caught and sensitive party information is

leaked, he could be severely punished by the party and lose Mao’s trust. Nevertheless, his main

goal and outcomes are dedication in controlling the inner workings of the party. This includes

controlling dissent and stopping the outbreak of unacceptable ideologies that go against what

Mao believes in. Keeping the party together is a priority but knowing and being able to intersect

messages is also a power that Kang Sheng has. This ability, however, is something Kang Sheng

needs to develop and can’t be unreadable to Mao if Mao demands information for his loyalties

lie with Mao and the new Chinese Communist agenda. With personal spies already installed in

the nationalist held areas and Chiang- Kai- Shek’s army, Kang Sheng must also figure out a

mechanism for ensuring their identity remains hidden. He has been known to be extremely

ruthless and make use of various torture methods to extract information, something which could

be extremely useful given the turbulent times the party finds itself in.

Liu Shaoqi

Liu Shaoqi was one of the most powerful men in all of China behind Mao as he in his lifetime

executed the role of Vice Chairman of the CPC, head of state and Chairman or President of

China itself. He was very close to Mao and as a result Mao wanted to make Liu as his successor

especially during the Long March and forward up until the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s.

Shaoqi's careful and methodical personality and abilities has made him the Comrade for

Oversight. One of his many abilities that comes from his ability to command and dictate the

steps of war is that he has an extensive network of scouts. The scouts have a scout regiment who

answer directly to Lui Shaoqi and their unique ability is to be able to spot incoming enemy

forces from a distance. Due to Shaoqi’s close relationship with Mao, the reports that the scouts

send him will be shared with Mao for the benefit of the party and their ideology. Liu’s scout

regiment could very well prove to be what lies between the destruction and safety of the Red

Army, since the entire party heavily depends on him to identify enemy movements and report

accordingly. It's important to note that the scout regiment can only spot the general movements,

and while this responsibility is increasingly important the party will not stand any attempts by

Liu to distort reports of enemy movements to further his own private interests and could very

well result in the Comrade’s execution. After a secret meeting with Mao, Liu has also been given

the greenlight to conduct scout operations within the Red Army as well, in order to ensure that

there is no treachery boiling within the party nor discontent amongst the commoners of the

Jiangxi Soviet. However, the comrade must be increasingly careful when conducting such

operations because other party leaders will not be content with scouts monitoring their

movements. If the scouts are caught, Lui has guaranteed Mao that his name will not come

forward and Lui will take full responsibility; surely given the high tensions running in the party

Lui should not be looking towards breaking this promise.

Liu Bocheng

Liu Bocheng was a key military commander in the People’s Liberation Army and a significant

strategist in developing modern China. He was a revolutionary with many military achievements

as Military Secretary of the Yangtze River division of the CPC that eventually earned him the

nickname the ‘One-eyed dragon’. His experience and familiarities with the Yangtze and other

rivers of China means he is to communicate with his personal contacts that are by major rivers.

This gives him the unique ability to know the general movements of anyone should it be enemies

or party members that are near rivers or crossing one. This power is especially useful in knowing

the Kuomintang’s movements and strategies. Furthermore, Bocheng’s own division of men that

he uses are adept at fighting along the river and have the aptitude to use common resources for

the art of boat building. Travelling via boat although not much faster than travelling on foot, does

give a unique mode of transportation that leaves it more secure from attacks that are on land.

As Mao’s most significant military advisor in the Red Army, Bocheng can call private meetings

with Mao to discuss war strategy. Bocheng has the ability to generate success reports on any

militaristic actions (through public directives) taken by the Red Army. This includes giving a fair

assessment of how successful the military action will be, and the comrade can also give a counter

strategy to Mao or make amendments to the plan. The problem with doing so is that if he fails in

making his desired amendments or the course of action he has planned fails to come to fruition,

his relationship with Mao within the party will fall. Yet, if he succeeds with his plans, his

relationship will be enhanced within the party coming with additional benefits as well. Lui

Bocheng’s most envied army consists of 25,000 skillful military personnel. As the head of his

army and with Mao’s approval, his duties lie with suggesting which key strategic areas the

Communists should incite violence next to distract and thwart the Nationalists.

Otto Braun

Otto Braun (born 1900) is a German journalist who currently serves as one of the three leaders of

the CPC central leadership committee. Although his differences with Zhou Enlai are aware to all,

his close ties with Bo Gu mean that on all matters of importance, he is able to outvote Zhou Enlai

in a two to one majority. Also having served in the KPD in Germany and being involved in the

communist activities in China earned him the role of military advisor in 1933, which allowed

him to make contacts and establish relations with the lower military leadership.

Within the Red Army, no one has a clear idea of what exactly are the powers of Otto Braun.

Rumors within the party have spread claiming that the comrade is someone who has the ability to

perform all tasks and none of the tasks at the same time, which has earned him the name of

Leader without a portfolio. Given that he acts as the default representative of the Soviet Union,

he has a direct line of contact with them which is completely secure and whose contents are

completely hidden from other members of the party. Having served as the military advisor, he

has the contacts of nearly all of the regiment commanders in the Red army, and some have said

that not only does he have a personal relationship, but he could very well be aware of all of their

personal details as well. Given that the post of party leader has enabled Otto Braun to access

information which is hidden from all the other comrades, Otto Braun is aware of the secret

passages and tunnels which were built during the Qing dynasty and run throughout China. No

one as of today knows whether this rumor is true, or if these passages are even operational.

As the sole person responsible for removing Mao from the post of Chairman of the Jiangxi

Soviet, it is safe to say relations between the two personalities have severely deteriorated. Otto

Braun does not see Mao as anyone but a low order military general who betrays the principles of

Marxist Leninism. Yet he is completely aware of the growing popularity of Mao within both the

party and the military. Throughout the red army camp whispers are being heard that party leaders

are turning against Otto Braun day by day, which puts his authority at a great risk. As such, Otto

Braun has been heard going about willingly doing the tasks of other comrades in order to earn

their support. Given his monumental status in the army, he has the authority to veto any public

directive and instead announce that he will be taking ownership and solving the issue at hand

using his own resources. While this might prove to be powerful, if Otto Braun fails to

successfully solve the crisis at hand, not only would his popularity severely decrease but could

very well result in his complete removal from all positions of authority.

Zhang Wentian

Zhang Wentian (born 1900) was one of the high-ranking leaders within the CPC. Joining the

CPC in 1925, he was sent to study in Moscow. He was also a member of the well-known group,

the 28 Bolsheviks and served as the General Secretary of the party. Given his close relationship

with Mao, Zhang’s relationship with the 28 Bolsheviks lies on thin ice and his support for the

USSR’s narrative declines by the day. During the gruesome encirclement campaigns, Zhang was

increasingly impressed with Mao’s strategic prowess and his use of guerilla tactics and had

decided to stick by his support for Mao ever since the establishment of the Jiangxi Soviet.

Within the Red Army, Zhang has been tasked with maintaining all documentation that takes

place. This includes keeping a record of reporting any meetings which take place with external

groups, such as representatives of foreign nations and warlords. Furthermore, the comrade is

tasked with reporting directly to Mao details and minutes of the meeting. However, the trust

placed within them could be easily lost if it were found that the comrade has distorted their

reports in order to further their own specific agenda. As someone who connects with people very

easily, the comrade has contacts of farmers throughout China, and can rely on them to facilitate

mechanisms for contracting grain supplies in the event that the Red Army runs short on them. A

true communist by heart, the comrade has met and established relations with various labor

unions throughout the Jiangxi Soviet and the nearby villages, and the Red Army might depend

on Zhang to make use of these contacts to increase support, gather resources for arms and

ammunitions or for the simple task of increasing the size of Red Army troops.

Zhang Wentian has always been a proponent of maintaining harmony within the Red Army and

preventing different factions from breaking out. As such, Mao increasingly trusts the comrade

and expects them to keep the ambitious leaders of CPC in line with maintaining party unity. In

the event that a conflict is to break out between two or more leaders, Mao hopes that the comrade

will be prepared to devise strategies which aim to help reconcile the differences between party

leaders and consolidate unity within the party.

Ye Jianying

Ye Jianying (born in 1897) was a Chinese communist revolutionary leader and one of the

founding ten marshals of the People’s Liberation Army. Due to his extensive experience in the

military, he shall be serving as the sub-commander of the Fourth Front of the Red Army under

the leadership of Zhang Guotao. Having taught at the Whampoa Military in academy in the

KMT, Ye will be overlooking training camps which would be responsible for producing guerilla

warriors and soldiers well-versed in guerilla warfare, forming the on-foot firepower for the Red

army. He has been entrusted by the CPC to train all soldiers of the Red Army, regardless of the

regiments they belong to. He solely reigns over these training camps and shares authority with

none other than himself. It must be noted however that in the event the efficiency of troops

decline, the comrade will be held responsible. Since there is no guarantee of what future holds

for the Red Army, it would be advisable for them to prepare strategies beforehand to increase

troop efficiency regardless of the situation they find themselves in.

Within the Red Army, Ye has also been tasked to scrutinize thoroughly within the villages that

the red army passes through and recruit those who can wield arms and are willing to devote

themselves to the cause of the party. Whilst searching and recruiting troops, Ye would ensure

that the soldiers or himself do not cause any such action which leads to hostility between the

villagers and the red army, because that would lead to his support in the party to diminish and

would further weaken the red army which is already struck with pangs of hunger and economic

disparity. Due to his extensive role as the subcommander in the fourth regiment, he has 5000

soldiers comprising largely infantry and some guerilla fighters. These troops are completely

loyal to him and Zhang Guotao and will be tasked with protecting the red army from any threats

coming from the rear guard or flanks.

Wang Ming

Wang Ming (born 1904) was a senior leader of the early Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and

the mastermind of the famous 28 Bolsheviks group. Wang is also a major political rival of Mao

Zedong, opposing what he saw as Mao's nationalist deviation from the Comintern and orthodox

Marxist–Leninist lines as an act that should not be allowed to go unpunished. According to Mao

on the other hand, Wang epitomized intellectualism and foreign dogmatism. The current

competition between Wang and Mao could be described as a reflection of the power struggle

between the Soviet Union, through the vehicle of the Comintern, and the CCP to control both the

direction and future of the Chinese revolution.

Wang was sent to Moscow by the CCP where he mastered the Russian language and his

appreciation for the Marxist-Leninist theory grew. It is also where he encountered several

notable nationalist leaders who he was able to develop special relations with. As a result of these

relations, Wang can secretly contact these nationalist military generals and use them to gain

pivotal intelligence, although this will require some working since KMT leaders do not intend to

flip sides very easily. However, it is important for the comrade to tread carefully, since given his

shaky ties with Mao any attempt to withhold information could result in severe penalties if the

communists catch wind of it. Wang is also the only individual whose word the nationalists trust

which has resulted in him being the official channel of all communication between the

nationalists and the communists. Any official or unofficial negotiations, statements or proposals

will be carried out by Wang, but given that there are many in the party who do not trust him,

Wang will have to appoint two subsidiary leaders to take with him in case of any meetings

between the two parties.