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Transcript
The Wine-Song (al-Khamriyyah)of ‘Umar Ibn al-Fârid
The Egyptian Sufi ‘Umar ibn al-Fârid (1181–1235 A.D.) was revered as a Saint already in his life-time, and his much visited tomb at the foot of the Muqattam range of hills is held to be one of the seven holy places of Cairo. He ranks unquestionably among the greatest of all Arab poets. Unlike his eminent Andalusion contemporary Muhyi’d-Dîn Ibn ‘Arabî, Ibn al-Fârid wrote only poetry. His odes have been amply commented, in particular by the Damascene Sufi ‘Abd al-Ghanî an-Nâbulusî (1641–1731 A.D.) But since the poet himself chose to give them to the world without any commentary, we will here reduce our notes to a minimum.
Wine is the symbol of Gnosis and Love in their Essential Oneness, the Divine Radiance whereby all things exist and the Divine Attraction whereby all existence is reabsorbed into its Principle. This Gnosis-Love is both Transcendent and Immanent; its Subject as well as its Object is God. Being Absolute, pure Wine is only accessible to man in virtue of the Divine Self in the depth of his heart.
The full moon, its cup, is the Logos, the Spirit of Muhammad (ar-Rûh al-Muhammadî), and by extension the Spiritual Master, the Shaykh. The crescent is a disciple of promise who is ‘growing’ towards the perfection of plenitude. The tavern is the Zâwiyah where the Sufigatherings are held, and the people of the tavern, are the initiates of the Tarîqah, that is, the order or brotherhood.
Each generation of Sufis has lamented the spiritual decadence of the present as compared with the past. The poet complains of his times by dwelling on the absence or hiddenness of the wine.
This poem, here translated into blank verse, was translated into prose by Nicholson in his Studies in Islamic Mysticism, (pp. 184-188) and by Arberry in The Mystical Poems of Ibn al-Fârid (Chester Beatty Monographs, No. 6, pp. 81-84).
Rememb’ring the belovèd, wine we drinkWhich drunk had made us ere the vine’s creation.A sun it is; the full moon is its cup;A crescent hands it round; how many starsShine forth from it the moment it be mixed!But for its fragrance ne’er had I been guidedUnto its tavern; but for its resplendenceImagining could no image make of it.Time its mere gasp hath left; hidden it is.Like secrets pent in the intelligence,Yet if it be remembered[1] in the tribe,All become drunk—no shame on them nor sin.Up hath it fumed from out the vessel’s dregs.Nothing is left of it, only a name;Yet if that name but enter a man’s mind,Gladness shall dwell with him and grief depart.Had the boon revelers gazed upon its seal,[2]That seal, without the wine, had made them drunk.Sprinkle a dead man’s grave with drops of it,
His spirit would return, his body quicken.If in the shadow of the wall where spreadsIts vine they laid a man, mortally sick,Gone were his sickness; and one paralyzed,Brought near its tavern, would walk; the dumb would speak,Did he its savor recollect. Its fragrance,If wafted through the East, even in the West,Would free, for one berheumed, his sense of smell;And he who stained his palm, clasping its cup,Could never, star in hand, be lost by night.Unveil it[3] like a bride in secrecyBefore one blind from birth: his sight would dawn.Decant it, and the deaf would hearing have.If riders[4] rode out for its native earth,And one of them were bit by snake, unharmedBy poison he. If the enchanter[5] tracedThe letters of its name on madman's brow,That script would cure him of his lunacy;And blazoned on the standard of a host,[6]Its name would make all men beneath it drunk.
In virtue the boon revelers it amends,Makes perfect. Thus by it the irresoluteIs guided to the path of firm resolve.Bountiful he, whose hand no bounty knew;And he that never yet forbore forbeareth,Despite the goad of anger. The tribe’s dunce,Could he but kiss its filter, by that kissWould win the sense of all its attributes.
‘Describe it, well thou knowest how it is,’They bid me. Yea, its qualities I know:Not water and not air nor fire nor earth,But purity for water, and for airSubtlety, light for fire, spirit for earth—Excellencies that guide to extol its goodAll who would tell of it, and excellentTheir prose in praise of it, excellent their verse.So he that knew not of it[7] can rejoiceTo hear it mentioned, as Nu‘m’s lover dothTo hear her name, whenever Nu‘m is named.
Before all beings, in EternityIt is, ere yet was any shape or trace.Through it things were, then it by them was veiled,Wisely, from him who understandeth not.My spirit loved it, was made one with it,But not as bodies each in other merge.Wine without vine: Adam my father is.Vine without wine, vine mothereth it and me.[8]Vessels are purer for the purityOf truths which are their content, and those truthsAre heightened[9] by the vessels being pure.Things have been diff’renced, and yet all is One:Our spirits wine are, and our bodies vine.[10]
Before it no before is, after itNo after is; absolute its privilegeTo be before all afters. Ere time’s spanIt pressing was, and our first father’s[11] age
Came afterwards—parentless orphan it!They tell me: ‘Thou hast drunk iniquity’.Not so, I have but drunk what not to drinkWould be for me iniquitous indeed.Good for the monastery folk, that oftThey drunken were with it, yet drank it not,Though fain would drink. But ecstasy from itWas mine ere I existed, shall be mineBeyond my bones’ decaying. Drink it pure!But if thou needs must have it mixed, ‘twere sinTo shun mouth-water[12] from the Loved One’s lips.
Go seek it in the tavern; bid it unveilTo strains of music. They offset its worth,For wine and care dwelt never in one place,Even as woe with music cannot dwell.Be drunk one hour with it, and thou shalt seeTime’s whole age as thy slave, at thy command.He hath not lived here, who hath sober lived,And he that dieth not drunk hath missed the mark.With tears then let him mourn himself, whose lifeHath passed, and he no share of it hath had.
NOTES
[1] The reference is to the dhikr, the remembrance or invocation of the Name of God, the basic rite of Islamic mysticism. It is to this Name that every mention of the wine’s name refers throughout the poem. The tribe is the brotherhood.
[2] The Prophet is not only the cup, but also, as Seal of the Prophets, the seal upon the wine-jar.
[3] Literally ‘unveil her’, for khamr (wine) is feminine. As Arberry remarks in the notes to his translation, the comparison of the unveiling of a becobwebbed wine-jar with the unveiling of a bride is frequent ‘in bacchic poetry’.
[4] The riders are the advanced initiates, sâlikûn (travelers), who are immune from the effects of poison which, according to Nâbulusî, is the passionate attachment to worldly things.
[5] Again according to Nâbulusî, the enchanter is the Spiritual Master and the madman is one who takes appearances for reality.
[6] Another reference to the brotherhood, this time as an army whose warriors are engaged in the Greater Holy War (al-jihâd al-akbar), ‘the war against the soul’.
[7] Every human being is in love with the wine even if he be not conscious of it. The descriptions of it serve to awaken that latent love. Nu‘m, like Laylâ, is one of those women’s names by which Sufis denote the Divine Essence. Love of Nu‘m and love of the wine may therefore be said to coincide.
[8] At the level of my oneness with the principial wine in Eternity—wine which, being absolutely independent, is therefore in no need of grape or vine for its existence—I am a true son of Adam who, as Logos, prefigures my union by his. The vine is Najas ar-Rahmân (the Breath of the All-Merciful) which is also termed at-Tabî‘ah (Universal Nature), the feminine or maternal source of all manifestation.
[9] Reading tasmu as in the oldest manuscript. It is for the mystic to ensure, by the ritual means at his disposal, that his soul is filled with spiritual presences or truths. These presences have a purifying effect upon the soul which is their vessel, and this increase of purity qualifies the vessel to endure a heightening of the truths. If we read tanmu‘have increase’, as in the other manuscripts, the meaning is not basically changed.
[10] But, as Nâbulusî remarks, the vine contains the spiritual juice which will ultimately be transmuted into wine. We may compare the lines of Ibn al-Fârid’s younger contemporary, ‘Alî ash-Shushtarî:
Behold My beauty, witness of MeIn every man,Like the water flowing throughThe sap of branches.One water drink they, yet they flowerIn many hues.
[11] It is not the spiritual or ‘winal’ nature of Adam which is referred to here but his human or ‘vineal’ nature, of which the Prophet said:
‘I was a Prophet when Adam was yet between water and clay.’
[12] If you have not the spiritual strength for oneness with the Divine Essence Itself, then let the water that you mix the wine with be nothing less than ‘the saliva of God’, that is, the Supreme Spirit, which, if it be not fully Him, is not other than Him. The mixing of the wine thus signifies the emergence of the Logos, ar-Rûh al-Muhammadî, and this explains the mention of stars in line four. The manifestation of the Spirit of Muhammad precipitates the existence of the Spirits of his Companions, whom he likened to stars: ‘My Companions are even as the stars. Whichsoever of them ye follow, ye shall be rightly guided’. By extension the words ‘how many stars’ may be taken to include those Saints who are the heirs of the Companions in subsequent generations.
PERJALANAN SEMINAR (TENTATIF)
HARI PERTAMA [30 Disember 2009 (RABU)]
08.00 – 08.30 Pendaftaran
8.45 – 10.00 Pembentangan Selari 1 :
SESI 1 SESI 2 SESI3BALAI ILMU BILIK SEMINAR 2 MOOT COURT
Tajuk:Persepsi Pensyarah Fakulti Pengajian Quran dan Sunnah USIM Terhadap Penggunaan Laman Web al-Durar al-Saniyyah Dalam Mentakhrijkan Hadis
Pembentang:Syed Najihuddin Bin Syed
Hassan*
Tajuk:Penawaran Kursus Takhrij Al-Hadith Kepada Pelajar Pengajian Islam Di Universiti, Di Antara Keperluan Dan Halangan
Pembentang:Dr Rohaizan Baru
Tajuk:Pemikiran Dr. Muhammad Baltaji Dalam Isu Sebatan Terhadap Peminum Arak: Reaksi Kritis Dari Aspek Riwayah Dan Dirayah
Pembentang:Nordi Achie
Tajuk:The Contribution of Syeikh Dawud bin Abdullah al-Fathani towards Hadith Works and Writings in Fiqh Muamalat al-Maliyyah in the Malay Archipelago: An introduction to Nahjur Raghibin wa
Tajuk:Keperluan Takhrij Terhadap Buku Teks Sirah Di Negeri Sembilan
Pembentang:Prof Madya Dr. Adel M. Abdul
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Tajuk:Pemakaian Hadis Syeikh Nik Mat Kechik Fatani Di Dalam Kitabnya Wisyah Al-Afrah Wa Isbah Al-Falah
Tajuk:Keistimewaan Maktabah Syamilah Dalam Mentakhrij Hadis
Pembentang:U. Margono Muhadi
Tajuk:Pendekatan Bersepadu Dalam Pengajaran Takhrij Hadis Di IPTA: Pengalaman USIM
Pembentang:Mohd Zohdi Mohd Amin*
Tajuk:Takhrij al-Hadith di Nusantara: Pengajaran Daripada Usaha Al-Albani.
Pembentang:Roshimah Bt. Shamsudin
10.00 – 10.15 Rehat/ Minum
10.15 – 11.45 Pembentangan Utama 1
TAJUK PEMBENTANGAN PEMBENTANGKeperluan Takhrij Hadith, Dulu, Kini dan Selamanya( : الواقع بين اإلسالمي المجتمع في التخريج دور(والطموح
Prof Dr Mohammed Abullais al-KhairabadiUniversiti Islam Antarabangsa Malaysia
Isu-Isu dan Cabaran Takhrij Hadith di Malaysia
Dr Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM)
11.50 – 12.50 Pembentangan Selari 2
SESI 1 SESI 2 SESI3BALAI ILMU BILIK SEMINAR 2 MOOT COURT
Tajuk:Riwayat Berkaitan Amalan Bacaan Pembuka dan Penutup Majlis: Kajian Dari Aspek Riwayah dan Dirayah
Pembentang:Anwar Ridwan Zakaria
Tajuk:Asas Pemikiran Ilmu Takhrij Dalam Bidang Kewartawanan: Realiti Dan Cabaran.
Pembentang:Nik Yusri Musa
Tajuk:Kepentingan Mekanisme Pemikiran Kritis Menerusi ilm takhrij al-hadith dan ‘ilm jarh wa ta’dil Dalam Membendung Polemik Pemalsuan Hadith Masa Kini
Pembentang:Prof Madya Dr Fauzi Hamat
Tajuk:Ke‘Adalahan Sahabat: Studi Kritis Terhadap Kedudukan Abu Hurairah Dalam Periwayatan Hadis
Pembentang:Ardiansyah
Tajuk:Aplikasi Takhrij Al-Hadith Dalam Penulisan Ilmiah: Penyelarasan Di Institusi Pengajian Tinggi, Institusi Agama Dan Media Cetak Di Malaysia
Pembentang:Fadlan bin Mohd. Othman*
Tajuk:Metode Sheikh Al-Marbawi Dalam Takhrij Hadith: Tumpuan Terhadap Kitab Bahr Al-Madhi.
Pembentang:Dr Faisal Ahmad Shah*
Tajuk:Keperluan dan Kepentingan Takhrij al-Hadith Kepada Semua Displin Ilmu Agama
Pembentang:Zulhilmi Bin Mohamed Nor*
Tajuk:Kepentingan Takhrij Al-Hadith Terhadap Penulisan Al-Sirah Al-Nabawiyyah Bahasa Melayu : Sorotan Terhadap Kisah Dan Karya Terpilih
Pembentang:Prof. Madya Dr. Fauzi Deraman*
Tajuk:Takhrij Hadith Dalam Tafsir Al-Azhar: Tumpuan Khusus Kepada Hadith-Hadith Dalam Surah Al-Fatihah
Pembentang:Abdul Hafiz bin Hj. Abdullah
5
12.50 – 1.50 Rehat / Makan Tengah hari / Solat Zohor
1.50 – 02.50 Pembentangan Selari 3 :
SESI 1 SESI 2 SESI3BALAI ILMU BILIK SEMINAR 2 MOOT COURT
Tajuk:Takhrij Karya-Karya Hadith Ulama Patani Di IPT Malaysia: Satu Tinjauan
Pembentang:Rorsuedee Salaeh@Rushdi*
Tajuk:Hadith-hadith Dalam “Hadith Arba’in” Karya Syeikh Daud Al-Fatani: Takhrij Dan Ulasan.
Pembentang:Nor Hanani Ismail*
Tajuk:بطبيعة المتعلقة أحاديث تخريج
السالم عليه المسيح
Pembentang:زكريا سليمان عثمان
Tajuk:Takhrij Hadith Dalam Penulisan Tesis Dan Disertasi Di Jabatan Fiqh & Usul, Akademi Pengajian Islam Universiti Malaya
Pembentang:Prof Madya Abdul Karim Ali*
Tajuk:Hadis-Hadis Kelebihan Ilmu Faraidh : Analisis Terhadap Sanad Dan Matan
Pembentang:Mohd Ali bin Mohd Yusuf*
Tajuk:تستوعب جماعية موسوعة نحو
بتقنياته وتأخذ العصر بتطورات
Pembentang:Dr Ammar Nasih ‘Ulwan
Tajuk:Sumbangan Ahmad Ali Abu Bakar dalam mengumpulkan hadith Da’if dan Palsu: Kajian Terhadap Kitab Kepalsuan Yang Masyhur.
Pembentang:Aisyah bt Dollah @ Abdullah*
Tajuk:عن الدفاع في التخريج علم أهمية
الحاضر العصر في اإلسالمكتاب على تطبيقية دراسة
( البنا( لجمال التجريد
Pembentang:التريكي مصطفى *أسامة
03.00 – 04.45 MAJLIS PERASMIAN (Lampiran)
05.00 – 05.15 Minum Petang
HARI KEDUA [31 Disember 2009 (KHAMIS)]
08.30 – 08.45 Kehadiran Peserta
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TAJUK PEMBENTANGAN PEMBENTANGPenyelidikan Doktor Falsafah dan Sarjana di APIUM Berhubung Ilmu Takhrij Hadith : Analisis Metodologi & Dapatan Kajian
Prof Madya Dr Ishak Hj Suliaman Akademi Pengajian Islam, Universiti Malaya
Isu-Isu Takhrij Hadith Dalam Masyarakat Islam di Thailand
Asst. Prof. Dr. Abdullah Benyousef KareenaKolej Pengajian Islam, Universiti Songkla, Thailand
10.30 – 10.45 Rehat/ Minum
10.45 – 12.15 Pembentangan Utama 3 Pengerusi Majlis:
6
Pengerusi Sidang: Prof Madya Dr Ali Bin Mohammad
TAJUK PEMBENTANGAN PEMBENTANGDarus Sunnah dan Peranannya Dalam Menangani Penyebaran Hadith-Hadith Bermasalah di Indonesia.
Prof. KH Dr. Ali Mustafa Yaqub ( Institut Ilmu Al-Qur'an (HQ) Jakarta, Indonesia
Isu-Isu Takhrij di Singapura : Satu Tinjauan Awal
Ustaz Jamaluddin Abd WahabPersatuan Ulama dan Guru-guru Agama Singapura (PERGAS)
12.15 – 1.15 Pembentangan Selari 4
SESI 1 SESI 2 SESI3BALAI ILMU BILIK SEMINAR 2 MOOT COURT
Tajuk:Ilmu Takhrij Di Malaysia: Satu Tinjauan Aplikasi
Pembentang:Mohd Al-Ikhsan b. Ghazali*
Tajuk:Pemakaian Hadith-Hadith Dalam Kitab Al-Sirat Al-Mustaqim Karangan Shaykh Nur Al-Din Al-Raniri
Pembentang:Prof Madya Dr Abdul Karim Ali*
Tajuk:مميزاته النبوي الحديث جامع برنامجالحديث تخريج في استخدامه وكيفية
Pembentang:Majed Muhammad Abdoh Al-
Dalalah
Tajuk:Status HAdith-Hadith Dalam Kitab
Syarh Ibn ‘Aqil
Pembentang:Anzaruddin (UPM)
Tajuk:Metodologi Takhrij Kitab-kitab Hadith Ahkam Mazhab Imam al-shafi’i: Tumpuan Kepada Kitab al-Badr al-Munir Karya Imam Ibn Mulaqqin
Pembentang:Agus Setiawan*
Tajuk:ابن عند النبوي الحديث تخريج
التحرير تفسيره خالل من عاشورالتنوير
Pembentang:تفوشيت يوسف سعيد خالد
Tajuk:الفقه بين العالقة جدلية
التخريج" "والحديث
Pembentang:حماد. الكريم عبد حمزة د
1.15 – 02.00 Rehat / Makan Tengah hari
02.00 – 03.30 Pembentangan Utama 4
TAJUK PEMBENTANGAN PEMBENTANGHadith-Hadith Masyhur Dalam Masyarakat Islam Di Malaysia: Realiti Dan Keperluan Takhrij.
Prof Dr Jawiah DakirFakulti Pengajian Islam, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
Institut Kajian Hadith di Malaysia : Suatu Cadangan
Prof. Madya Dr Fauzi DeramanJabatan al-Quran dan al-Hadith, APIUM
03.30 – 04.45 Pembentangan Selari 5
SESI 1 SESI 2 SESI3BALAI ILMU
Pengerusi Sidang:En Mohd Ashrof Zaki bin Yaacob
BILIK SEMINAR 2Pengerusi Sidang:
Dr Hamza Abed Al-Karim
MOOT COURTPengerusi Sidang:
Dr Mohammad Said Mohammad
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Hammad Al-HamiTajuk:
Kitab ‘Al-Nasyr Fi Al-Qira’at Al-‘Asyr’ Di Alam Nusantara: Bicara Seni Takhrij Hadith
Pembentang:Sabri Mohamad*
Tajuk:Penilaian Hadith Antara Ahli Sufi Dan Ahli Hadith: Metodologi Dan Kritikan
Pembentang:Abdul Fatah bin Wan Sidek
Tajuk:"حديث IلIوه " فKاقJت IهK دLين KلMدK ب JنKم
ودراية رواية
Pembentang:باوادي أحمد عبدالله
Tajuk:Takhrij Hadith Dalam Manuskrip Jawi: Tumpuan Kepada Karya-Karya Nik Muhammad Salleh Wan Musa
Pembentang:Fadhilah Adibah binti Ismail*
Tajuk:Takhrij Hadith Dalam Kitab-Kitab Jawi: Tumpuan Kepada Kitab Al-Fawa`Id Al-Bahiyyah Fi Al-Ahadith Al-Nabawiyyah
Pembentang:Prof Madya Dr Muhiden Abd Rahman.
Tajuk:بشبهات المتعلقة أحاديث تخريجالمستشرقين
Pembentang:Muhammad Abdul Ra’uf
Muhammad
Tajuk:بن جابر اإلمام عند المرويات تخريج
التفسير كتب خالل من زيد
Pembentang:النامي عمرو هاجر
0Kalam and IslamShaykh Nuh Ha Mim Keller
Most of us have met dedicated and otherwise intelligent Muslims who have made themselves
"`aqida police" to confront the rest of us with their issues in tenets of faith. We are told that this
group, or that group, or most Muslims, or we ourselves are kafirs or "non-Muslims" on grounds that
are less than familiar, but found in some manual of Islamic creed. Before going to hell on a trick
question, or sending someone else there, many Muslims today would do well to cast a glance at
the history of traditional Islamic theology (kalam), and the real creedal reasons that make one a
Muslim or non-Muslim. Nuh Keller examines them in the following address given at the Aal al-Bayt
Institute for Islamic Thought in Amman, Jordan.
Few would deny today that the millions of dollars spent worldwide on religious books,
teachers, and schools in the last thirty years by oil-rich governments have brought about
a sea change in the way Muslims view Islam. In whole regions of the Islamic world and
Western countries where Muslims live, what was called Wahhabism in earlier times and
termed Salafism in our own has supplanted much of traditional Islamic faith and practice.
The very name Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama'a or "Sunni orthodoxy and consensus" has been
so completely derailed in our times that few Muslims even know it is rolling down another
track. In most countries, Salafism is the new "default Islam," defining all religious
discourse, past and present, by the understanding of a few Hanbali scholars of the Middle
Ages whose works historically affected the tribes and lands where the most oil has been
found. Among the more prominent casualties of this "reform" are the Hanbalis' ancient
foes, the Ash'ari and Maturidi schools of Sunni theology.
For over a thousand years Ash'ari-Maturidi theology has defined Sunni orthodoxy. When I
8
visited al-Azhar in Cairo in 1990 and requested for my library the entire syllabus of
religious textbooks taught by Azhar High Schools in Egypt, one of the books I was given
was a manual on Islamic sects, whose final section defined Ahl al-Sunna as "the Ash'aris,
followers of Abul Hasan al-Ash'ari, and the Maturidis, followers of Abu Mansur al-Maturidi"
(Mudhakkara al-firaq, 14).
This is not an isolated assessment. When the Imam of the late Shafi'i school Ibn Hajr al-
Haytami was asked for a fatwa identifying ashab al-bida' or heretics, he answered that
they were "those who contravene Muslim orthodoxy and consensus (Ahl al-Sunna wa al-
Jama'a): the followers of Sheikh Abul Hasan al-Ash'ari and Abu Mansur al-Maturidi, the
two Imams of Ahl al-Sunna" (al-Fatawa al-hadithiyya, 280).
Few Muslims today know anything about the Ash'ari and Maturidi schools or their relation
to Islam. So I shall discuss their theology not as history, but as orthodoxy, answering the
most basic questions about them such as: What are the beliefs of Sunni Islam? Who
needs rational theology anyway? And what relevance does it have today? We mention
only enough history to understand what brought it into being, what it said, what it
developed into, what its critics said of it, and what the future may hold for it.
I.
Islamic theology is based on an ethical rather than speculative imperative. Many Qur'anic
verses and hadiths show that iman or "true faith" is obligatory and rewarded by paradise,
and that kufr or "unbelief" is wrong and punished by hell. Every Muslim must know
certain matters of faith, be convinced of them himself, and not merely imitate others who
believe in them. The faith God requires of man is expressed in the words:
"The Messenger believes in what has been revealed to him from his Lord, as do the
believers. Each believes in Allah, His angels, His books, and His messengers. We do not
differentiate between any of His messengers, and they say: We hear and obey, O Lord
grant us Your forgiveness, and unto You is the final becoming"
(Qur'an 2:285).
This verse defines the believer as someone who believes in the Prophet's revelation (
Allah bless him and give him peace) in general and in detail. The details have to be
known to be believed, for as Allah says, "Allah does not tax any soul except in its
capacity" (Qur'an 2:286), and it is not in one's capacity to believe something unless it is
both known to one and not unbelievable, meaning not absurd or self-contradictory.
Moreover, "belief" means holding something to be true, not merely believing what one's
forefathers or group believe, such that if they handed down something else, one would
believe that instead. That is, "belief" by blind imitation without reference to truth or
falsity is not belief at all. Allah specifically condemns those who reject the message of
Islam for this reason, by saying:
"When they are told: 'Come to what Allah has revealed, and to the Messenger,' they say,
'It suffices us what we found our forefathers upon' – But what if their forefathers knew
9
nothing, and were not guided?"
(Qur'an 5:104).
In short, Islamic kalam theology exists because belief in Islam demands three things:
(1) to define the contents of faith;
(2) to show that it is possible for the mind
to accept, not absurd or inconsistent;
(3) and to give reasons to be personally convinced of it.
"Very well," one may say, "these are valid aims, but what proof is there that rational
argument, the specific means adopted by traditional theology, is valid or acceptable in
matters of faith?" – to which the first answer is that the Qur'an itself uses rational
argument; while the second is that nothing else would have met the historical threat to
Islam of Jahm and the Mu'tazila, the aberrant schools who were obligatory for Ash'ari and
Maturidi to defeat.
The Qur'anic proof is the verse
"Allah has not begotten a son, nor is there any god besides Him, for otherwise, each
would have taken what they created and overcome the other – how exalted is Allah
above what they describe!" (Qur'an 23:91), whose premises and conclusion are: (a) a
"god" means a being with an omnipotent will; (b) the omnipotent will of more than one
such being would impose a limit on the omnipotence of the other, which is absurd; (c)
God is therefore one, and has not begotten a son, nor is there any god besides Him.
A second proof is in the Qur'anic verse
"Were there other gods in [the heavens and earth] besides Allah, [the heavens and
earth] would have come to ruin" (Qur'an 21:22), whose argument may be summarized as:
(a) a "god" means a being with an omnipotent will, to whom everything in the universe is
thus subject;
(b) if the universe were subject to a number of omnipotent gods, its fabric would be
disrupted by the exercise of their several wills, while no such disruption is evident in the
universe;
(c) God is therefore one, and there are no other gods.
The historical proof for rational argument – unmentioned in kalam literature but perhaps
even more cogent than either of the Qur'anic proofs just mentioned – is that nothing else
could meet the crisis that Ash'ari and Maturidi faced; namely, the heretical mistakes of
the two early proto-schools of `aqida, the Jahmiyya and the Mu'tazila. We say "nothing
else" because a chess player cannot be defeated by playing checkers, and the only way
to refute the arguments of the Jahmiyya and of the Mu'tazila was by intellectual means.
Mere political suppression would have but hardened their party spirit into sectarian
obstinacy, so it was necessary to defeat them with rational argument.
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II.
The challenge facing Abul Hasan al-Ash'ari and Abu Mansur al-Maturidi was thus
threefold: (1) to define the tenets of faith of Islam and refute innovation; (2) to show that
this faith was acceptable to the mind and not absurd or inconsistent; and (3) to give
proofs that personally convinced the believer of it. Though not originally obligatory
itself, kalam became so when these aims could not be accomplished for the Muslim polity
without it, in view of the Islamic legal principle that "whatever the obligatory cannot be
accomplished without is itself obligatory." As we have seen, the specific form of the
response, rational argument, was used by the Qur'an, mandated by human reason, and
necessitated by history. We now turn to the concrete form of the response, which was
the traditional tenets of faith (`aqida) of the two schools, after which we will look at how
the response was conditioned by their historical predecessors, the Jahmiyya and
Mu'tazila schools.
III.
The heart of traditional kalam theology is that – after the shahada "there is no god but
Allah and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah," and after acknowledging Allah's infinite
perfections and transcendence above any imperfection – it is obligatory for every Muslim
to know what is (a) necessarily true, (b) impossible, or (c) possible to affirm of both Allah
and the prophets (upon whom be peace). These three categories traditionally subsume
some fifty tenets of faith.
(a) The twenty attributes necessarily true of Allah are His (1) existence; (2) not
beginning; (3) not ending; (4) self-subsistence, meaning not needing any place or
determinant to exist; (5) dissimilarity to created things; (6) uniqueness, meaning having
no partner (sharik) in His entity, attributes, or actions; (7) omnipotent power; (8) will; (9)
knowledge; (10) life; (11) hearing; (12) sight; (13) speech; such that He is (14) al-mighty;
The article was first published in Islamica Magazine
(www.IslamicaMagazine.com ), with permission.
The Tasawwuf of al-Bistami
Bismillah al-Rahman al-Raheem was-salaat was-salaam `alaa Rasul-illah wa 'alaa alihi wa sahbihi wa sallam
Shaykh al-Islam, Imam Muhyiddin al-Nawawi said in his book Bustan al-`arifin fi al-zuhd wa al-tasawwuf (The garden of the gnostics in asceticism and self-purification) (Beirut: dar al-kitab al- `arabi,1405/1985) p. 53-54:
I shall mention in this book a chapter, Allah willing, in which you will see a type of wonder that will cool your eyes. To illustrate the great extent of the concealment of hypocrisy we only need relate the following from the Teacher and Imam Abu al-Qasim al-Qushayri, may Allah have mercy on him, from his Risala with our isnad previously mentioned.
He said: "I heard Muhammad ibn al-Husayn say: I heard Ahmad ibn `Ali ibn Ja`far say: I heard al-Hasan ibn `Alawiyya say: Abu Yazid [AL-BISTAMI], may Allah be well pleased with him, said: I was for twelve years the blacksmith of my ego (haddadu nafsi), then for five years I became the mirror of my heart (mir'atu qalbi), then for a year I looked at what lay between the two of them and I saw around me a visible belt [i.e. of kufr = the vestmentary sign of a non- Muslim subject of the Islamic state]. So I strove to cut it for twelve years and then looked again, and I saw around me a hidden belt. So I worked to cut it for five years, looking to see how to cut. Then it was unveiled for me (kushifa li) and I looked at creation and saw that they were all dead. So I recited the funeral prayer over them."
I say: That hypocrisy should be as inscrutable as this to the peerless master in this path [i.e. tasawwuf] is enough to show how greatly hidden it lies. His phrase: "I saw them dead" is the apex of worth and beauty, and seldom do other than the Prophet's words, Blessings and Peace be upon him, gather up such wealth of meanings. I shall touch upon its meaning briefly. It means that after he had struggled long and hard and his ego had been disciplined and his heart illumined, and when he had conquered his ego and subdued it and achieved complete mastery over it, and it had subjected himself to him totally, at that time he looked at all created beings and found that they were dead and completely powerless:
they cannot harm nor can they benefit;they cannot give nor can they withhold;they cannot give life nor can they give death;they cannot convey nor can they cut off;they cannot bring near nor can they take away;they cannot make happy nor can they make sad;they cannot bestow nor can they deprive;they possess for themselves neither benefit nor harm,nor death, nor life, nor resurrection.
This, then, characterizes human beings as dead: they are considered dead in all of the above respects, they are neither feared nor entreated, what they have is not coveted, they are not shown off to nor fawned upon, one does not concern oneself with them, they are not envied nor disparaged, their defects are not mentioned nor their faults pursued and exposed, one is not
23
jealous of them nor thinks much of whatever Allah-given favors they have received, and they are forgiven and excused for their shortcomings, although the legal punishments are applied to them according to the Law. But the application of such punishment does not preclude what we have mentioned before, nor does it preclude our endeavoring to cover up their faults without disparaging them in the least.
This is how the dead are viewed. And if someone mentions human beings in a dishonorable manner we forbid him from probing that subject in the same way that we would if he were going to examine a person who died. We do not do anything for their sake nor do we leave Him for them. And we no more stop ourselves from fulfilling an act of obedience to Allah on their account than we do on account of a dead person, and we do not over-praise them. And we neither love their own praise for us nor hate their insults, and we do not reciprocate them.
In sum, they are as it were non-existent in all the respects we have mentioned. They are under Allah's complete care and jurisdiction. Whoever deals with them in such a way, he has combined the good of the next world with that of the lower world. May Allah the Generous grant us success towards achieving this These few words are enough to touch upon an explanation for Abu Yazid al-Bistami's saying, may Allah be well pleased with him. End of Nawawi's words.
Blessings and peace on the Prophet, his Family, and his Companions.
G Fouad Haddad
[12 Jun 1997] AL-JUNAYD AL-BAGHDADIby Sh. G. F. Haddad
Al-Junayd ibn Muhammad ibn al-Junayd, Abu al-Qasim al-Qawariri al-Khazzaz al-
Nahawandi al-Baghdadi al-Shafi`i (d. 298). The Imam of the World in his time, shaykh of
the Sufis and "Diadem of the Knowers," he accompanied his maternal uncle Sari al-
Saqati, al-Harith al-Muhasibi, and others.
Abu Sahl al-Su`luki narrates that as a boy al-Junayd heard his uncle being asked about
thankfulness, whereupon he said: "It is to not use His favors for the purpose of
disobeying Him."
He took fiqh from Abu Thawr - in whose circle he would give fatwas at twenty years of
24
age - and, it was also said, from Sufyan al-Thawri. He once said: "Allah did not bring out a
single science on earth accessible to people except he gave me a share in its
knowledge." He used to go to the market every day, open his shop, and commence
praying four hundred rak`as until closing time.
Among his sayings about the Sufi Path: "Whoever does not memorize the Qur'an and
write hadith is not fit to be followed in this matter. For our science is controlled by the
Book and the Sunna."
To Ibn Kullab who was asking him about tasawwuf he replied: "Our madhhab is the
singling out of the pre-eternal from the contingent, the desertion of human brotherhood
and homes, and obliviousness to past and future." Ibn Kullab said: "This kind of speech
cannot be debated."
His student Abu al-`Abbas ibn Surayj would say, whenever he defeated his adversaries in
debate: "This is from the blessing of my sittings with al-Junayd."
Al-Qushayri relates from al-Junayd the following definitions of tasawwuf:
* "Not the profusion of prayer and fasting, but wholeness of the breast and
selflessness."1
* "Tasawwuf means that Allah causes you to die to your self and gives you life in Him."
* "It means that you be solely with Allah with no attachments."
* "It is a war in which there is no peace."
* "It is supplication together with inward concentration, ecstasy together with attentive
hearing, and action combined with compliance [with the Sunna]."
* "It is the upholding of every high manner and the repudiation of every low one."
When his uncle asked him to speak from the pulpit he deprecated himself, but then saw
the Prophet in his dream ordering him to speak.
Ibn Kullab once asked al-Junayd to dictate for him a comprehensive definition of tawhid
he had just heard him say. He replied: "If I were reading from a record I would dictate it
to you."
The Mu`tazili al-Ka`bi said: "My eyes did not see his like. Writers came to hear him for his
linguistic mastery, philosophers for the sharpness of his speech, poets for his eloquence,
and kalam scholars for the contents of his speech."
Al-Khuldi said: "We never saw, among our shaykhs, anyone in whom `ilm and hal came
together except al-Junayd. If you saw his hal you would think that it took precedence
over his `ilm, and if he spoke you would think that his `ilm took precedence over his hal."
Like the Sunni imams of his generation, al-Junayd hated theological disputations about
Allah and His Attributes: "The least [peril] that lies within kalam is the elimination of
Allah's awe from the heart. And when the heart is left devoid of Allah's awe, it becomes
devoid of belief."
25
Once a young Christian asked him: "What is the meaning of the Prophet's
hadith:'Beware the vision of the believer for he sees with the light of
Allah'?"2 Al-Junayd remained immersed in thought then lifted his head and said:
"Submit, for the time has come for you to accept Islam." The young man embraced Islam
on the spot.
Al-Junayd defined the Knower (al-`arif) as "He who addresses your secret although you
are silent." Ibn al-Jawzi cites another example of Junayd's kashf in his Sifa al-Safwa:
Abu `Amr ibn `Alwan relates: I went out one day to the market of al-Ruhba for something
I needed. I saw a funeral procession and I followed it in order to pray with the others. I
stood among the people until they buried the dead man. My eyes unwittingly fell on a
woman who was unveiled. I lingered looking at her. Then I held back and began to beg
forgiveness of Allah the Exalted. On my way home an old woman told me: "My master,
why is your face all darkened?" I took a mirror and behold! my face had turned dark. I
examined my conscience and searched: Where did calamity befall me? I remembered the
look I cast. Then I sat alone somewhere, asking Allah's forgiveness assiduously. I decided
to live austerely for forty days. [During that time] the thought came to my heart: "Visit
your shaykh al-Junayd." I travelled to Baghdad. When I reached the room where he lived I
knocked at his door and heard him say: "Come in, O Abu `Amr! You sin in al-Ruhba and
we ask forgiveness for you here in Baghdad."3
About the Sufis al-Junayd said:
* "They are the members of a single household that none other than they can enter."
* "The Sufi is like the earth: every kind of abomination is thrown upon it, but naught but
every kind of goodness grows from it."
* "The Sufi is like the earth: both the righteous and the sinners walk upon it. He is like the
clouds: they give shade to all things. He is like the raindrop: it waters all things."
* "If you see a Sufi caring for his outer appearance, then know that his inward being is
corrupt."
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya related from al-Sulami that al-Junayd said: "The truthful seeker
(al-murid al-sadiq) has no need for the scholars of knowledge" and: "When Allah desires
great goodness for the seeker, He makes him flock to the Sufis and prevents him from
accompanying those who read books (al-qurra')."4
This is similar to al-Junayd's saying reported by al-Dhahabi: "We did not take tasawwuf
from what So-and-So said and what So-and-So-said, but from hunger, abandonment of
the world, and severance of comforts."
Al-Junayd also said: "Among the marks of Allah's wrath against a servant is that He
makes him busy with that which is of no concern to him."5
Ibn al-Qayyim in al-Fawa'id asserts the superiority of the struggle against the ego (jihad
al-nafs) over all other struggles and quotes al-Junayd:
26
Allah said: {Those who have striven for Our sake, We guide them to Our ways}(29:96).
He has thereby made guidance dependent on jihad. Therefore, the most perfect of
people are those of them who struggle the most for His sake, and the most obligatory of
jihads (afrad al-jihad) are the jihad against the ego, the jihad against desires, the jihad
against the devil, and the jihad against the lower world. Whoever struggles against these
four, Allah will guide them to the ways of His good pleasure which lead to His Paradise,
and whoever leaves jihad, then he leaves guidance in proportion to his leaving jihad.
Al-Junayd said: "[The verse means] Those who have striven against their desires and
repented for our sake, we shall guide them to the ways of sincerity. And one cannot
struggle against his enemy outwardly except he who struggles against these enemies
inwardly. Then whoever is given victory over them will be victorious over his enemy. And
whoever is defeated by them, his enemy defeats him."6
Ibn `Abidin related in his fatwa on the permissibility of dhikr gatherings:
The Imam of the Two Groups,7 our master al-Junayd was told: "Certain people indulge in
wajd or ecstatic behavior, and sway with their bodies." He replied: "Leave them to their
happiness with Allah. They are the ones whose affections have been smashed by the
path and whose breasts have been torn apart by effort, and they are unable to bear it.
There is no blame on them if they breathe awhile as a remedy for their intense state. If
you tasted what they taste, you would excuse their exuberance."8
In his Kitab al-Fana' ("Book of the Annihilation of the Self") al-Junayd states:
As for the select and the select of the select, who become alien through the strangeness
of their conditions - presence for them is loss, and enjoyment of the witnessing is
struggle. They have been effaced from every trace and every signification that they find
in themselves or that they witness on their own. The Real has subjugated them, effaced
them, annihilated them from their own attributes, so that it is the Real that works
through them, on them, and for them in everything they experience. It is the Real which
confirms such exigencies in and upon them through the form of its completion and
perfection.9
Al-Junayd went on pilgrimage on foot thirty times. On his deathbed he recited the Qur'an
incessantly. Al-Jariri related that he told him: "O Abu al-Qasim! Put yourself at ease."
He replied: "O Abu Muhammad! Do you know anyone that is more in need of Qur'an at
this time, when my record is being folded up?" He finished one khatma then started over
until he recited seventy verses of Sura al-Baqara, then he died. Ibn `Imad al-Hanbali said:
"If we were to speak of his merits we could fill volumes."
Main sources: al-Qushayri, Risala 148-150; Ibn `Imad, Shadharat al-Dhahab 2:228-230;
al-Dhahabi, Siyar A`lam al-Nubala' 11:153-155 #2555; Ibn al-Subki, Tabaqat al-Shafi`iyya
al-Kubra 2:260-275 #60.
NOTES
27
1In al-Qushayri, Kitab al-Sama` in al-Rasa'il al-Qushayriyya (Sidon and Beirut: al-Maktaba
al-`Asriyya, 1970) p. 60.
2Narrated from Abu Sa`id al-Khudri by al-Tirmidhi (gharib) with a weak chain, Abu Imama
by al-Tabarani with a fair (hasan) chain according to al-Haythami in the chapter on firasa
in Majma` al-Zawa'id, Ibn `Adi, al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, and al-Quda`i in Musnad al-Shihab
(1:387). Also narrated by al-Bukhari in his Tarikh, Ibn al-Sani, and from Ibn `Umar by Ibn
Abi Hatim, al-Tabari, and Ibn Kathir in their commentaries of the verse (Therein lie
portents for those who read the signs( (15:75). Ibn al-Jawzi includes it in the forgeries. Al-
Sakhawi in al-Maqasid al-Hasana (#23) rejects Ibn al-Jawzi's grading of mawdu`, but
considers its chains all weak, as do al-Albani in his Silsila Da`ifa (4:299-302) and al-Ahdab
in Zawa'id Tarikh Baghdad (4:340-343 #687). However, al-Suyuti declares it hasan in al-
La'ali' al-Masnu`a (2:329-330) as do al-Shawkani in al-Fawa'id (p. 243-244) and al-
Zuhayri - Albani's student - in his edition of Ibn `Abd al-Barr's Jami` Bayan al-`Ilm (1:677
#1197). The purported weakness of al-Tabarani's chain revolves around the narrator
`Abd Allah ibn Salih al-Juhani. Cf. al-Dhahabi, Mizan (2:440-445 #4383).
Al-Sakhawi cites another narration whereby the Prophet said: "Allah has servants who
know (the truth about people) through reading the signs" (tawassum). Narrated from
Anas with a fair chain by al-Bazzar in his Musnad, al-Tabarani, and Abu Nu`aym in al-Tibb
al-Nabawi as stated by al-`Ajluni in Kashf al-Khafa'.
3In Ibn al-Jawzi, Sifa al-Safwa 1(2):271, chapter on al-Junayd (#296).
وقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "لي خمسة أسماء: أنا محمد، وأنا أحمد، وأنا الماحي الذي -2 يمحو الله به الكفر، وأنا الحاشر الذي ي�حشر الناس على قدمي، وأنا العاقب الذي ليس بعده نبي" رواه
.مسلم
وقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "أال تعجبون كيف يصـرف الله عني شتم قريش، ولعنهم؟ - 3ا، وأنا محمد Rا، ويلعنون مذمم Rيشتمون مذمم".
ا - 4 Rوقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "إن الله اصطفى كنانة من ولد إسماعيل، واصطفى قريش .من كنانة، واصطفى من قريش بني هاشم، واصطفاني من بني هاشم" رواه مسلم
وقال صلى الله عليه وسلم: "تسموا باسمي، وال تكنوا بكنيتي، فإنما أنا قاسم أقسم بينكم" رواه - 5 .مسلم
:فضائله *
ا -1 Rن�ير �ا م Rاج �ر يRا إ�ل�ى الله� ب�إ�ذaن�ه� و�س� ا * و�د�اع� Rذ�ير�ن �ا و Rر dش�ب دRا و�م� اه� �لaن�اك� ش �س aر��ن�ا أ ا الن�ب�ي� إ ��ي�ه قال الله تعالى: }ي�ا أ
وقال صلى الله عيه وسلم: "أنا أكثر األنبياء تبعRا يوم القيامة، وأنا أول من يقرع باب الجنة" صحيح -4.مسلم
وقال صلى الله عليه وسلم: "أنا أول شفيع في الجنة، لم ي�صدق نبي من األنبياء ما صدقت، وإن نبيRا -5.من األنبياء ما صدقه من أمته إال رجل واحد" صحيح مسلم
وقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "أنا سيد ولد آدم يوم القيام، وأول من تنشق عنه األرض، -6.وأول شافع ومشفع" صحيح مسلم
وقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "فضلت على األنبياء بست: أعطيت جوامع الكلم، ونصرت -7ا، وأرسلت إلى الخلق كافة، وختم بي Rا وطهورRبالرعب، وأحلت لي الغنائم، وجعلت لي األرض مسجد
.النبيون" رواه الترمذي وابن ماجه وهو حديث حسن صحيح
وقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "إن مثلي ومثل األنبياء قبلي، كمثل رجل بنى بنيانRا فأحسنه -8 وأجمله، إال موضع لبنة من زاوية من زواياه، فجعل الناس يطوفون به ويعجبون لـه، ويقولون: هال وضعت
وقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "إني عند الله مكتوب خاتم النبيين، وإن آدم لمنجدل في -9 طينته، وسأخبركم بأول أمري: دعوة إبراهيم، وبشارة عيسى، ورؤيا أمي التي رأت حين وضعتني، وقد
خرج لها نور أضاءت لها منه قصور الشام". رواه أحمد والطبراني والبيهقي وصححه ابن حبان )لمنجدل:(ملقى على األرض .
:لونه *
عن أبي الطفيل رضي الله عنه قال: رأيت رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وما على وجه األرض رجلا مقصدRا. رواه مسلم Rرآه غيري قال: فكيف رأيته؟ قال: كان أبيض مليح.
وعن أنس رضي الله عنه: كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم أزهر اللون ليس بأبيض أمهق وال آدم. رواه.البخاري ومسلم، واألزهر: هو األبيض المستنير المشرق، وهو أحسن األلوان
ا مقصدRا. رواه مسلم Rوعن أبي الطفيل رضي الله عنه: كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم أبيض مليح.
.وعن أبي جحيفة رضي الله عنه: كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم أبيض قد شاب. رواه البخاري ومسلم
29
وعن علي بن أبي طالب رضي الله عنه: كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم أبيض مشربRا بياضه حمرة. رواه .أحمد والترمذي والبزار وابن سعد وأبو يعلى والحاكم وصححه ووافقه الذهبي
:وجهه *
ا غاية التدوير، Rل الوجه، مسنون الخدين ولم يكن مستدير� كان الرسول صلى الله عليه الصالة والسالم أسي بل كان بين االستدارة واإلسالة، وهو أجمل عند كل ذي ذوق سليم. وكان وجهه مثل الشمس والقمر في
ا كأنما صيغ من فضة ال أوضأ وال أضوأ منه Rاإلشراق والصفاء، مليح.
ر� استنار وجهه حتى كأنه وعن كعب بن مالك رضي الله عنه: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم إذا س�.قطعة قمر. رواه البخاري ومسلم
ئل البراء أكان وجه النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم مثل السيف؟ قال: ال، بل مثل وعن أبي إسحاق قال: س�.القمر. رواه البخاري
وقال أبو هريرة: ما رأيت شيئRا أحسن من رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، كأن الشمس تجري في.وجهه
وعن جابر بن سمرة رضي الله عنه قال: "رأيت رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم في ليلةل�ة حمراء، فجعلت� أنظر إلى رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وإلى القمر، فإذا إضحيان) مقمرة(، وعليه ح�
."هو عندي أحسن� من القمر
:جبينه *
عن أبي هريرة رضي الله عنه قال: "كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم أسيل الجبين"، )األسيل: هو.المستوي(، أخرجه عبد الرازق والبيهقي ابن عساكر
وعن عائشة رضي الله عنها قالت: كان صلى الله عليه وسلم أجلى الجبهة، إذا طلع جبينه من بين الشعر، أو طلع في فلق الصبح، أو عند طفل الليل، أو طلع بوجهه على الناس تراءوا جبينه كأنه ضوء السرج المتوقد يتألأل، وكان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم واسع الجبهة. رواه البيهقي في دالئل النبوة وابن
.عساكر
:عيناه *
كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم أكحل العينين أهدب األشفار إذا وطئ بقدمه وطئ بكل�ها ليس له أخمص.إذا وضع رداءه عن منكبيه فكأنه سبيكة فضة" البيهقي وحسنه األلباني
.وكان صلى الله عليه وسلم "إذا نظرت إليه ق�لت أكحل العينين وليس بأكحل"، رواه الترمذي
د�ب� األشفار، � وعن علي رضي الله عنه قال: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم عظيم العينين، ه مشرب العينين بحمرة. رواه أحمد وابن سعد والبزار. ومعنى مشرب العينين بحمرة: أي عروق حمراء
.رقاق
وعن جابر بن سمرة رضي الله عنه قال: كنت إذا نظرت إليه قلت: أكحل العينين وليس بأكحل صلى الله.عليه وسلم. رواه الترمذي وأحمد وأبو يعلى والحاكم والطبراني في الكبير
:أنفه *
ا، أقنى أي طويالR في وسطه بعض ارتفاع، مع Rا وكان مستقيم Rا ولم يكن أشم Rيحسبه من لم يتأمله أشم (دقة أرنبته )األرنبة هي ما الن من األنف .
:خـد�اه *
لdم� عن يمينه وعن � عن عمار بن ياسر رضي الله عنه قال: "كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ي�س.يساره حتى ي�رى بياض خده"، أخرجه ابن ماجه وقال مقبل الوادي هذا حديث صحيح
.قال يزيد الفارسي رضي الله عنه: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم جميل دوائر الوجه. رواه أحمد
: رأسه *
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عن علي بن أبي طالب رضي الله عنه قال: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ضخم الرأس. رواه.أحمد والبزار وابن سعد
قال هند بن أبي هالة رضي الله عنه: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم عظيم الهامة. رواه الطبراني .في الكبير والترمذي في الشمائل
:فمه وأسنانه *
عن جابر بن سمرة رضي الله عنه قال: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ضليع الفم.. قال شعبة:.قلت لسماك: ما ضليع الفم؟ قال: عظيم الفم. رواه مسلم
وعن جابر بن سمرة رضي الله عنه قال: "كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، ضليع الفم )أي واسعا أشنب أبيض األسنان Rالفم( جميله�، وكان من أحسن عباد الله شفتين وألطفهم ختم فم. وكان وسيم
مفلج )متفرق األسنان( بعيد ما بين الثنايا والرباعيات، أفلج الثني�تين )أي األسنان األربع التي في مقدمئ�ي� كالنور يخرج من بين ثناياه ."الفم، ثنتان من فوق وثنتان من تحت( إذا تكلم ر�
ئي وعن ابن عباس رضي الله عنه قال: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم أفلج الثنيتين، إذا تكلم ر� كالنور يخرج من بين ثناياه. رواه الدرامي والترمذي في الشمائل. وأفلج الثنيتين أي متفرق األسنان
.األربع التي في مقدم الفم، ثنتان من فوق وثنتان من تحت
:سمعه *
عن زيد بن ثابت رضي الله عنه قال: بينما النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم في حائط لبني النجار على بغلة له ونحن معه، إذ حادت به فكادت تلقيه، وإذا أقبر ستة أو خمسة أو أربعة، فقال: "من يعرف أصحاب هذه األقبر؟". فقال رجل: أنا. قال: "فمتى مات هؤالء؟". قال: ماتوا على اإلشراك. فقال: "إن هذه األمة تبتلى في قبورها. فلوال أال تدافنوا لدعوت الله أن يسمعكم من عذاب القبر الذي أسمع منه". رواه
.مسلم
:صوته *
عن أم معبد رضي الله عنها، قالت: كان في صوت رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم صهل. رواه الطبراني.في الكبير والحاكم وقال صحيح اإلسناد ووافقه الذهبي
عن أم هانئ بنت أبي طالب رضي الله عنها، قالت: إني كنت ألسمع صوت رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وأنا على عريشي. يعني قراءته في صالة الليل. رواه أحمد والنسائي وابن ماجه والحاكم
.والطبراني
:ريقه *
لقد أعطى الله تعالى رسوله صلى الله عليه وسلم خصائص كثيرة لريقه الشريف، ومن ذلك أن ريقه صلى الله عليه و سلم فيه شفاء للعليل، ورواء للغليل وغذاء وقوة وبركة ونماء... فكم داوى صلى الله
!عليه وسلم بريقه الشريف من مريض فبرئ من ساعته
جاء في الصحيحين عن سهل بن سعد رضي الله عنه قال: "قال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم يوم خيبر: ألعط�ي�ن� الراية غداR رجالR يفتح الله على يديه، يحب الله ورسوله، ويحبه الله ورسوله. فلما أصبح
الناس غدوا على رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وكلهم يرجو أن ي�عطاها، فقال صلى الله عليه وسلم:.أين علي بن أبي طالب؟ فقالوا: هو يا رسول الله يشتكي عينيه. قال: فأرسلوا إليه
فأ�ت�ي� به وفي رواية مسلم: قال سلمة: فأرسلني رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم إلى علي، فجئت به...أقوده أرمد فتفل رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم في عينيه، فبرئ كأنه لم يكن به وجع
وعن يزيد بن أبي عبيد قال: "رأيت أثر ضربة في ساق سلمة فقلت: يا أبا مسلم ما هذه الضربة؟ قال: هذه ضربة أصابتها يوم خيبر فقال الناس أصيب سلمة... فأتيت النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم فنفث فيه
.ثالث نفثات فما اشتكيت حتى الساعة"، أخرجه البخاري
وروي عن عبد الرحمن بن الحارث بن عبيد عن جده قال: "أصيبت عين أبي ذر يوم أحد فبزق فيها النبي.صلى الله عليه وسلم فكانت أصح عينيه"، أخرجه البخاري
31
:عنقه ورقبته *
عن علي بن أبي طالب رضي الله عنه قال: "كأن عنق رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم إبريق فضة"،.أخرجه ابن سعد في الطبقات والبيهقي
ا، ال ينسب إلى الطول وال إلى القصر، ما Rوعن عائشة رضي الله عنها قالت: "كان أحسن عباد الله عنق ظهر من عنقه للشمس والرياح فكأنه إبريق فضة يشوب ذهباR يتألأل في بياض الفضة وحمرة الذهب، وما
.غيب في الثياب من عنقه فما تحتها فكأنه القمر ليلة البدر"، أخرجه البيهقي وابن عساكر
:منك�باه *
عن البراء بن عازب رضي الله عنه قال: كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم بعيد ما بين المنكبين. رواه.البخاري مسلم
والمنكب هو مجمع العضد والكتف. والمراد بكونه بعيد ما بين المنكبين أنه عريض أعلى الظهر ويلزمه أنه عريض الصدر مع اإلشارة إلى أن ب�عد ما بين منكبيه لم يكن منافيRا لالعتدال. وكان ك�ت�فاه عريضين
.عظيمين
:كفاه *
ا له. Rعن أنس أو جابر بن عبد الله: أن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم كان ضخم الكفين لم أر بعده شبه .أخرجه البخاري
ا، غير أن�ها مع غاية Rلذا كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم رحب الراحة )أي واسع الكف( كفه ممتلئة لحم .ضخامتها كانت ل�يdن�ة أي ناعمة
ا ألين من كف النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم. Rا وال ديباج Rوعن أنس رضي الله عنه قال: ما مسست حرير .أخرجه البخاري ومسلم
وعن أبي جحيفة رضي الله عنه قال: خرج رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم بالهاجرة إلى البطحاء... وقام الناس فجعلوا يأخذون يديه، فيمسحون بها وجوههم. قال: فأخذت بيده فوضعتها على وجهي، فإذا
.هي أبرد من الثلج، وأطيب رائحة من المسك. أخرجه البخاري
وعن جابر بن سمرة رضي الله عنه، قال: صليت مع رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم صالة األولى، ثم خرج إلى أهله، وخرجت معه، فاستقبله ولدان، فجعل يمسح خدي أحدهم واحدRا واحدRا. قال: وأما أنا
ا كأنما أخرجها من جونة عطار. أخرجه مسلم Rا أو ريحRفمسح خدي. قال: فوجدت ليده برد.
وعن عبد الله بن مسعود قال: "كنا ن�ع�د اآليات ب�ركة، وأنتم ت�ع�دونها تخويفاR، كنا مع رسول الله صلى اللهل� الماء، قال عليه الصالة والسالم: اطلبوا لي فضلة من ماء. فأدخ�ل يده في � عليه وسلم في سفر فق
ي� على الط�هور المبارك، والبركة من الله. ويقول ابن مسعود: لقد رأيت� الماء ينبع من بين � اإلناء وقال: ح.أصابع الرسول صلى الله عليه وسلم، ولقد كنا نسمع تسبيح الطعام وهو ي�ؤكل"، رواه البخاري
عن إياس بن سلمة، حدثني أبي، قال: غزونا مع رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم حنيناR إلى أن قال: ومررت على رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وهو على بغلته الشهباء.. فلما غشوا رسول الله صلى الله
عليه وسلم نزل عن بغلته، ثم قبض قبضة من تراب األرض، ثم استقبل به وجوههم، فقال: "شاهت.الوجوه، فما خلق الله منهم إنسانRا إال مأل عينيه ترابRا بتلك القبضة" فولوا مدبرين. أخرجه مسلم
دره * �:ص
قال هند بن أبي هالة رضي الله عنه: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم سواء البطن والصدر، عريض.الصدر. رواه الطبراني والترمذي في الشمائل
قالت عائشة رضي الله عنها: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم عريض الصدر ممسوحة، كأنه المراياا، على بياض القمر ليلة البدر، موصول ما بين لبته إلى Rفي شدتها واستوائها، ال يعدو بعض لحمه بعض
سرته شعر منقاد كالقضيب، لم يكن في صدره وال بطنه شعر غيره. رواه ابن نعيم وابن عساكر.والبيهقي
:ساقاه *
عن أبي جحيفة رضي الله عنه قال: "... وخرج رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم كأني أنظر إلى بيض.ساقيه"، أخرجه البخاري في صحيحه
32
:قدماه *
قال هند بن أبي هالة رضي الله عنه: "كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم خمصان األخمصين )األخمص من القدم ما بين صدرها وعقبها، وهو الذي ال يلتصق باألرض من القدمين، يريد أن ذلك منه مرتفع( مسيح
القدمين )أي ملساوين ليس في ظهورهما تكسر( وسشن الكفين والقدمين )أي غليظ األصابع والراحة(.رواه الترمذي في الشمائل والطبراني
ريفتان تشبهان وكان صلى الله عليه و سلم أشب�ه� الن�اس بسيدنا إبراهيم عليه السالم، وكانت قدماه الش�.قدمي سيدنا إبراهيم عليه السالم كما هي آثارها في مقام سيدنا إبراهيم عليه السالم
قال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم في حديث اإلسراء في وصف سيدنا إبراهيم عليه السالم: "ورأيت.إبراهيم وأنا أشبه ولده به". صحيح البخاري
ا كشبه قدم النبي صلى Rوكان أبو جهم بن حذيفة القرشي العدوي الصحابي الجليل، يقول: ما رأيت شبه .الله عليه وسلم بقدم إبراهيم التي كنا نجدها في المقام
:قامته وطوله *
ا Rوعن البراء بن عازب رضي الله عنه قال: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم أحسن الناس وجه ا، ليس بالطويل البائن وال بالقصير. رواه البخاري ومسلم Rوأحسنهم خلق.
:مشيته *
عن أبي هريرة رضي الله عنه قال: "ما رأيت� شيئRا أحسن من رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم كأن� الشمس تجري في وجهه، وما رأيت أحدRا أسرع من رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم كأن�ما األرض تطوى
."له، إن�ا ل�ن�جهد أنفسنا وإن�ه غير مكترث
أ ) أي مال يميناR وشماالR ومال وعن أنس رضي الله عنه أن� النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم كان إذا مشى ت�ك�ف�ينا )أي ي�قار�ب الخ�طا �و (إلى قصد المشية ( ويمشي اله� .
وعن ابن عباس رضي الله عنه أن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم كان إذا مشى، مشى مجتمعRا ليس فيه .كسل"، )أي شديد الحركة، قوي األعضاء غير مسترخ في المشي( رواه أحمد
:التفاته *
كان صلى الله عليه وسلم إذا التفت التفت معRا أي بجميع أجزائه فال يلوي عنقه يمنة أو يسرة إذا نظر إلى الشيء لما في ذلك من الخفة وعدم الصيانة وإن�ما كان يقبل جميعRا وي�دب�ر جميعRا ألن ذلك ألي�ق بجاللتها لو التفت يمنة أو يسرة فالظاهر أنه كان يلتفت بعنقه الشريف .ومهابته هذا بالنسبة لاللتفات وراءه، أم�
:خاتم النبوة *
هو خاتم أسود اللون مثل الهالل وفي رواية أنه أخضر اللون، وفي رواية أنه كان أحمر، وفي رواية أخرى أنه كلون جسده. ويبلغ حجم الخاتم قدر بيضة الحمامة، وورد أنه كان على أعلى كتف النبي صلى الله
.عليه وسلم األيسر
عن جابر بن سمرة قال: رأيت الخاتم بين كتفي رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، غ�دة حمراء مثل -1 .بيضة الحمامة يشبه جسده
:رائحته *
عن أنس رضي الله عنه قال: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم أزهر اللون كأن عرقه اللؤلؤ، إذا مشاا ألين من كف رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، وال شممت مسكاR وال Rا وال حرير Rتكفأ، وما مسحت ديباج
ا أطيب من رائحة النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم Rعنبر.
ال )أي نام( عندنا، فعر�ق� وجاءت �ق �ا قال: "دخل علينا رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ف Rوعن أنس أيض ل�يم ما هذا الذي ق، فاستيقظ النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم فقال: يا أم س� � أمي بقارورة فجعلت ت�سل�ت� الع�ر
ق نجعله في طيبنا وهو أطي�ب الطيب"، رواه مسلم �.تصنعين؟ قالت: ع�ر
ف � وكان صلى الله عليه وسلم إذا صافحه الرجل وجد ريحه، وإذا وضع يده على رأس صبي فيظل يومه ي�عر.من بين الصبيان بريحه على رأسه
33
ا فيتبعه أحد إال عرف أنه قد سلكه Rيقول جابر بن سمرة: ما سلك رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم طريق ا كأنما أخرجها من جونة عطار Rا أو ريحRا - فمسح خدي فوجدت ليده بردRمن طيب عرقه، وقد كنت صبي.
:كالمه *
و� إ�ال� و�حaي� و�ى * إ�نa ه� �ا ي�نط�ق� ع�ن� الaه �م �ا غ�و�ى * و �م �ب�ك�مa و اح� �ل� ص �ا ض ��ذ�ا ه�و�ى * م م� إ aالن�ج � قال الله تعالى: }و(4-1ي�وح�ى{ )النجم .
كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم يمتاز بفصاحة اللسان، وبالغة القول، وكان من ذلك بالمحل األفضل، والموضع الذي ال يجهل، سالسة طبع، ونصاعة لفظ وجزالة قول، وصحة معان، وقلة تكلف، أوتي جوامع الكلم، وخص ببدائع الحكم، وعلم ألسنة العرب، يخاطب كل قبيلة بلسانها، ويحاورها بلغتها، اجتمعت له
قوة عارضة البادية وجزالتها، ونصاعة ألفاظ الحاضرة ورونق كالمها إلى التأييد اإللهي الذي مدده الوحي،."لذلك كان يقول لعبد الله بن عمرو: :اكتب فوالذي نفسي بيده ما خرج مني إال الحق
يقول رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: "بعثت بجوامع الكلم، ونصرت بالرعب، فبينما أنا نائم رأيتني.أوتيت بمفاتيح خزائن األرض، فوضعت في يدي" مسند اإلمام أحمد
ل�س إليه، وقد ورد في الحديث الصحيح: � وكان كالمه صلى الله عليه وسلم ب�يdن ف�صaل ظاهر يحفظه من جدdث حديثاR لو ع�د�ه العاد� ألحصاه �.""كان ي�ح
ل عنه" رواه البخاري" � .وكان صلى الله عليه وسلم يعيد الكلمة ثالثاR ل�ت�عق
:ضحكه *
لت� أكحل العينين وليس" ماR، وكنت� إذا نظرت� إليه ق� � كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ال يضحك إال ت�ب�س.بأكحل"، حسن رواه الترمذي
ا من الرسول صلى الله عليه وسلم، وكان - Rأكثر تبسم Rوعن عبد الله بن الحارث قال: "ما رأيت� أحدا ا Rفس�م وكان م�ن أضحك الناس وأطي�ب�هم ن دdث حديثاR إال تب�س� �."رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ال ي�ح
وكان صلى الله عليه وسلم إذا ضحك بانت نواجذه أي أضراسه من غير أن يرفع صوته، وكان الغالب منم �.أحواله الت�ب�س
يقول خارجة بن زيد: كان النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم أوقر الناس في مجلسه ال يكاد يخرج شيئاR منا، Rأطرافه، وكان كثير السكوت، ال يتكلم في غير حاجة، يعرض عمن تكلم بغير جميل، كان ضحكه تبسم
.وكالمه فصالR، ال فضول وال تقصير، وكان ضحك أصحابه عنده التبسم، توقيراR له واقتداءR به
قال أبو هريرة رضي الله عنه: كان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم إذا ضحك كاد يتألأل في الجدر. رواه .عبد الرزاق في مصنفه
:خاتمه *
كان خاتم رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم من فضة، نقش عليه من األسفل إلى األعلى "محمد رسول.الله"، وذلك لكي ال تكون كلمة "محمد" صلى الله عليه وسلم فوق كلمة "الله" سبحانه وتعالى
عن أنس بن مالك رضي الله عنه قال:" لما أراد رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم أن يكتب إلى العجم،ا، فكأني أنظر إلى بياضه في كفه"، رواه Rا عليه ختم، فاصطنع خاتمRقيل له: إن العجم ال يقبلون إال كتاب
.الترمذي في الشمائل والبخاري ومسلم
وعن ابن عمر رضي الله عنه قال: "اتخذ رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم خاتماR من ور�ق )أي من فضة( فكان في يده، ثم كان في يد أبي بكر ويد عمر، ثم كان في يد عثمان، حتى وقع في بئر أريس" وأريس
.بفتح الهمزة وكسر الراء، هي بئر بحديقة من مسجد قباءRūmī and the Sufi Tradition
Wine in ferment is a beggar suing for our ferment, Heaven in revolution is a beggar suing for our consciousness.
Wine was intoxicated with us, not we with it; the body came into being from us, not we from it.
(Mathnawī, I, 1811, trans. by R. A. Nicholson).
LIKE a majestic peak that dominates the countryside around it near and far, the figure of Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, that supreme Sufipoet of the Persian language, dominates the whole of the later Sufi tradition in the eastern lands of Islam. He stands out as a spiritual pole not only for the Persian people to whom he belongs by origin but also for the Turkish world where his earthly remains are interred and even for the Muslims of the Indo-Pakistani sub-continent whose soul still reverberates to the music of his poetry. Moreover, the message of this towering figure which has remained alive to this day in the Islamic world is now sought ever more eagerly in the West beyond the circle of orientalists by those who have become tired of the rapidly passing fashions of the day, of the supposedly timely and pertinent new ideas which in the twinkle of an eye turn into stale thought no longer possessing any actuality or relevance.
Rūmī is fast becoming a leading spokesman in the West for the philosophia perennis, for that eternal wisdom which is timely precisely because it is timeless. Rūmī is the bearer of a message that is most relevant and timely for modern man because it concerns the real man within all of us, the man who has always been and will always be the same, but who has been stifled by the veil of negligence and forgetfulness with which modern civilization has shrouded him, a veil which is now suddenly rent asunder by the colossal failures of this very civilization.[1] To the extent that this veil is removed and the fallacies of the modern world are seen to be what they really are, Rūmī and sages like him will become ever more timely, and their message will be heard ever more clearly across the barrier of many centuries even by Western man who has been heir to another civilization than the one which brought Rūmī into being.[2]
Rūmī is indeed a major peak in the tradition of Sufism, but like every peak which is related to a mountain chain of which it is a part Rūmī is inextricably linked to the Sufi tradition, to the sacred tradition which as a result of the possession of sacred teachings and the grace (barakah) present within its spiritual means was able to produce a saint and poet of this dimension. The appearance of Rūmī was not an accidental affair. Rather, he was the flower, albeit an outstanding one, of a tree that was at that time in full bloom. He appeared at a moment when six centuries of Islamic spirituality had already molded a tradition of immense richness. And he lived during a century which was like a return to the spiritual intensity of the moment of the genesis of Islam, a century which produced remarkable saints and sages throughout the Islamic world, from Ibn ‘Arabī, who hailed from Andalusia, to Najm al-Dīn Kubrā from Samarqand. Rūmī came at the end of this period of immense spiritual activity and rejuvenation which in fact molded the subsequent spiritual history of the Islamic peoples.
By the time Rūmī appeared upon the stage of history the Islamic tradition of which Sufism is like the heart or marrow had already crystallized into its classical form.[3] The various Islamic sciences from Quranic commentary to philosophy and theology had already produced their Fakhr al-Din al-Rāzīs, Ibn Sinās, and Ghazzālīs. Sufism itself had also left its early period of relative silence and heroic asceticism to enter into the phase of eloquent expression of love and gnosis. The cycle of fear, love and knowledge (makhāfah,mahabbah and ma'rifah) which is present in every religion and in a sense is to be seen within the Abrahamic tradition itself in the successive appearance of Judaism, Christianity and Islam[4], had already appeared within the Sufi tradition. The early Mesopotamian ascetics emphasized above all else that reverential fear before the Divine Majesty which is the origin of wisdom according to the famous prophetic saying (ra’s al-hikmah makhāfat Allāh “the origin of wisdom is the fear of God”) and which is itself the source of majesty and nobility within men. The era of these saints, such as Dā'ūd al-Antākī, who spoke of the fear of God, in turn led to the period in which the love of God was openly expressed, most of all in exquisite poetry by such Sufi masters as al-Hallâj and Abū Sa'īd Abī'l-Khayr. And finally the explicit formulation of ma‘rifah or gnosis which was begun to a certain extent by al-Ghazzālī and ‘Ayn al-Qudāt al-Hamadānī reached its peak with Ibn ‘Arabī, that supreme master of Islamic gnosis whose formulation of Islamic metaphysics has dominated all later Sufism.[5]
Rūmī, who had undergone a long period of training, both formal and initiatic, was fully acquainted with the long tradition before him both in Sufism and in other Islamic sciences. Although his father was a Sufi, Rūmī became first an authority in the exoteric sciences before becoming a Sufi master. He was deeply immersed in the Quranic sciences and the numerous Quranic commentaries that had come before him. Careful study of his works reveals not only the truth of his own assertion that his Mathnawī is a commentary upon the Quran but that even his Dīwān flows like a vast river which has come into being from the mountain springs of the Quranic revelation.[6]
Likewise in the case of the Hadīth literature and the early sacred history of Islam, Rūmī shows himself to be a full master of his subject. Over and over again he cites various traditions as the source for his doctrines and his inspiration. In fact one of the most sublime and profound descriptions of the personality of the Prophet of Islam is to be found in the Mathnawī and the Dīwān. If one were to assemble those parts of Rūmī's works which deal with the Holy Prophet one would come into the possession of an incomparable spiritual biography, which is in fact so much needed today especially in a European language.[7]
Likewise, Rūmī draws from both Quranic accounts of other prophets and Hadīth sources to provide a new life for the sacred history of the Abrahamic prophetic chain as a reality within the souls of men. The stories connected with such patriarchs and prophets as Abraham, Solomon, David, Moses, Joseph and Christ as well as the Virgin Mary are interpreted esoterically to reveal the spiritual personality of these figures not only in history but also in the ever-living firmament through which the spiritual man journeys on his way to ultimate beatitude and union. All of Rūmī's works are in the profoundest sense what he considers his own Mathnawī to be, namely “The principles of the principles of the principles of religion concerning the unveiling of the mysteries of union and certitude.”[8]
Rūmī began to acquire his knowledge of the religious sciences through their formal study, but he did not stop at this stage. Rather he continued by penetrating into their inner meaning until he reached that pearl of wisdom which is the origin of all sacred tradition, or “the principles of the principles of the principles of religion" to use his own words. Herein he attained that knowledge which is the origin of both the exoteric religious sciences and the esoteric sciences associated with Sufism.[9]
Rūmī was intimately associated with the Sufi tradition both through formal and external contact with earlier Sufi writings and as a result of the vastness of his own spiritual personality and the breadth of his spiritual experience, which in a sense embraced all that had come before him. He had already experienced and lived the reverential fear of a Dā'ūd al-Antākī, the Divine love of an Abū Sa'īd and the gnosisof an Ibn 'Arabī. He was like a vast sea into which all the streams of earlier Islamic spirituality had flown so that his rapport with the earlierSufi tradition was not merely scholarly and formal. It was "existential” and "experiential.” In a sense be contained within himself the earlierSufi tradition because he had lived and experienced the various spiritual possibilities inherent in Sufism within himself.
As far as the early Sufis are concerned, Rūmī was well acquainted with the spiritual personality of nearly all these masters and must have made an intimate study of their writings and their biographies in the standard Sufi hagiographies, from such early works as theHilyat al-awliyā' of Abū Nu'aym to the Tadhkirat al-awliyū' of 'Attār.[10] Moreover, he had an intimate inner knowledge of these figures which can only be the result of his vision of their celestial reality beyond their earthly form. The early saints of Islam, particularly Bāyāzīd al-Bastamī, Hallāj, Dhu'l-Nūn al-Misrī, Ma’rūf al-Karkhī and Abū'l-Hasan al-Kharraqānī, gain such transparency and shine with such luminosity in the Dīwān and the Mathnawī that one might say that through Rūmī they re-enter upon the stage of Islamic history. Like the prophets whom they follow both in time and in the spiritual hierarchy, the saints of Sufism shine through the writings of Rūmī as so many living poles of spirituality, as so many living norms and prototypes which concern the seeker of the truth here and now. Even the concretebarakah of some of these earlier saints can be felt in various poetical utterances of Jālāl al-Dīn, while their spiritual experiences are invoked by him to resuscitate within the soul of the reader an awareness of the ever present landscape of the world of the spirit.
The following ghazal from the Dīwān-i Shams is a clear example of how Rūmī makes use of various incidents of sacred history (here the story of the taking of refuge of the Prophet and Abū Bakr during the night of the hijrah in the cave) and episodes in the life of earlier Sufisaints (here Mansūr al-Hallāj and Farīd al-Dīn ‘Attār) to re-awaken in man the nostalgia for the Divine.[11]
Awake, the time hath arrived, awake, awake!Without union with Him, detest thyself, detest thyself!The heavenly proclamation hath arrived, the healer of lovers hath arrived,If thou wilt that He visiteth thee, become ill, become ill!He shall remove the thorn from thy hand; become a garden of roses, become a garden of roses!Consider thy breast as a cave, the place for the spiritual retreat of the Friend;If thou art really the "companion of the cave", then enter the cave, enter the cave!Once time hath brought ruin upon thee, laments will be of no avail,
If thou wilt that he restore thee, become a restorer, become a restorer!See the world filled with tumult, see the dominion of the victorious(mansur).If thou wilt to become victorious (mansur), hang on the gallows, hang of the gallows!In as much as each early morn the zephyr entangles Her Hair,If thou wilt to benefit from its scent, become a druggist ('attar), become a druggist!
As far as later Sufism, especially of the school of Ibn ‘Arabī, is concerned, there is again an intimate relation between this form of gnosisand Rūmī. There is still a great deal to be said concerning the rapport between Ibn ‘Arabī and Rūmī, these two giants of Sufism who were destined to live within a generation of each other and in each other's proximity. There is no doubt that Rūmī knew directly of the teachings of the master from Murcia through Sadr al-Dīn al-Qunyawī, who was at once the foremost expositor of Ibn ‘Arabī's doctrines in the East and Rūmī's most intimate friend, behind whom Rūmī performed his daily prayers. Some have in fact called the Mathnawī theFutūhat al-makkiyyah in Persian verse.
No doubt Rūmī accepted Ibn ‘Arabī's fundamental doctrine of wahdat al-wujūd, the transcendent unity of Being, which is the central axis of all Sufi doctrine. In several poems of exquisite beauty Rūmī describes this doctrine, as for example in the well-known verses of theMathnawī.[12]
We and our existences are non-existent: Thou art the absolute appearing in the guise of moralityThat which moves us is thy Gift: our whole being is of thy creationThou didst show the beauty of Being unto not-being, after Thou hadst caused not-being to fall in
love with Thee.Take not away the delight of Thy Bounty: take not away Thy dessert and wine and wine-cup!But if Thou takest it away, who will question Thee? Does the picture quarrel with the painter?Look not on us, look on Thine own Loving-kindness and Generosity!We were not: there was no demand on our part; yet Thy Grace heard our silent prayer and
called us into existence.
No poet could depict in more moving words the utter nothingness of all existing things before the One who alone is. Here is the doctrine of wahdat al-wujūd shrouded by the theophany of its own beauty.
39
Likewise Rūmī follows Ibn ‘Arabī in believing that the existence of everything is identical with the relation of that particular being to Being Itself, that existents are nothing but the relation they possess to the Absolute. This fundamental metaphysical doctrine whose intricacies and implications were later developed by such theosophers as Mullā Sadrā is summarized in a deceivingly simple couplet by Rūmī when he states, referring to the relation between beings and Being Itself:
There is a link beyond all description and comparison between the Lord of creatures and their inner being.
As for the complementary doctrine of the universal man (al-insān al-kāmil), which, like the doctrine of wahdat al-wujūd, was also formulated for the first time by Ibn ‘Arabī,[13] its meaning is reflected throughout Rūmī's writings, but he does not use the term insān-i kāmil. Rather when wishing to refer to the idea he uses such terms as the macrocosm (‘ālam-i akbar), which he considers the spiritual man to be in contrast to “profane man,” who is the microcosm. For example he addresses the man whom he wishes to awaken to his own spiritual possibilities in these terms:
Therefore in outward form thou art the microcosmWhile in inward meaning thou art the macrocosm.
Rūmī, however, was not simply a continuator of the school of Ibn ‘Arabī, as were such masters as Sadr al-Dīn al-Qunyawī, ‘Abd-al-Razzāq al-Kāshāni and Dā'ūd al-Qaysarī. In fact, in certain matters such as the meaning of evil he departed from Ibn 'Arabi and his followers. Rūmī must rather be considered as another peak of Sufism, as the perfection of a type of spirituality that is akin but distinct from that of Ibn ‘Arabī. Throughout the later history of Sufism, the type of spirituality represented by each master has remained distinct, each with its own fragrance and form of radiance, while at the same time some like Jāmī and Hājjī Mullā Hādī Sabziwārī have sought to bridge the gap between the two types of spirituality in question.
As far as Rūmī’s rapport with the Persian Sufi poets is concerned, there is no doubt that he stands directly in the line of those like Sanā’ī and ‘Attār and before them Abū Sa’īd Abi'l-Khayr and Khwājah ‘Abdallāh al-Ansārī of Herat who prepared the Persian language as a vehicle for the expression of Sufism. Of the earlier Sufi poets Sanā’ī and ‘Attār have already been noted by numerous historians of Persian literature such as Ethe, Browne, Rypka, Nu‘mānī and Safā as predecessors of Rūmī, and the relation between these three masters is too obvious to need elucidation.[14] But what is not as well known is the relation between Nizāmī and Rūmī on the one hand and Firdawsī and Rūmī on the other. As far as Nizāmī is concerned, his work is like a body into which Rūmī breathed the spirit and which he endowed with spiritual life.
As for Firdawsī, his Shāh-nāmah is in a sense the complement of the Mathnawī. The first is the supreme epic poem of the Persian people of the pre-Islamic period and the second the supreme epic of the Islamic period, but an epic whose field of battle has now become transformed to the world within the soul of man. The Shāh-nāmah is in a sense an account of the "lesser holy war" (al jihād al-asghar) and the Mathnawī the tale of the "greater holy war" (al jihād al-akbar) to use the terminology of the well-known prophetic hadīth. In the same way that Suhrawardī sought through esoteric
interpretation to interiorize the heroic tales of the Shāh-nāmah,[15] Rūmī on a much larger scale sought to create a vast canvas in which the supreme epic of the spiritual hero in quest of the Fountain of Life was depicted with the finest detail.
To achieve this end, Rūmī drew from all the resources of the Persian language and benefited from all the literary masters who preceded him. He was at once an excellent story teller, sacred historian, lyricist and above all poet. Yet, he was not a poet like other poets, even the great Sufi poets before him. For Rūmī the meaning predominated over the form in such a way that in the Dīwān he broke nearly all the rules of classical Persian prosody. Yet, because the meaning came from the world of the Spirit and not from his own whims and fancies, it always created forms of beauty. In the Dīwān even those metrics which are described as unpleasing in classical handbooks of prosody possess the power to attract the soul of man to the vast empyrean beyond the confines of its earthly imprisonment and to create in man an ecstatic joy for union with the Infinite. It is, therefore, strange that this supreme poet whose tongue was touched by the wing of the angels should consider himself not to be a poet at all. In the Diwān he writes:
What is poetry that I should boast of it,I possess an art other than the art of the poets.Poetry is like a black cloud; I am like the moon hidden behind its veil.Do not call the black cloud the luminous moon in the sky.[16]
Rūmī, like Shabistarī after him, was an outstanding poet in spite of himself. The beauty of his verses is like the beauty of a sanctuary which is there of necessity as the “existential” condition for all authentic manifestations of the sacred. But despite this disregard for poetry, Rūmī could not cease to compose poetry. The ocean within his being could not spew forth its waves except in the rhythms and rhymes which have appeared in the nearly sixty thousand verses of the Mathnawī, the Dīwān and the Rubā‘iyyāt and have made of Rūmī, who did not consider himself a poet, perhaps the greatest mystical poet the world has ever seen.
* * *
It is, needless to say, a tribute to the spiritual personality of Rūmī that the 700th anniversary of his death should be celebrated now on such a wide scale in both East and West. This celebration is not only appropriate because it is recognized internationally and celebrated on a world-wide scale, but also because it concerns the date of his death. It was characteristic of Rūmī to combine the idea of death with joy and felicity. It is, therefore, most appropriate that today the anniversary of his death should also be an occasion for joy and celebration. Rūmī saw in death the supreme ecstatic moment of life, for he had already died before dying according to the famous prophetic saying, "Die before you die.”
For him death could only be entrance into the world of light, according to his own well-known poem:
Go die, oh Sire, before thy death,So that thou wilt not suffer the pain of dying.Die the kind of death which is entrance into light,Not the death which signifies entrance into the grave.
Rūmī had already entered the world of light before encountering physical death. Consequently physical death could not but be the moment of celebration when the last obstacle was lifted and he was able to return fully to the ocean of light from which he had become momentarily separated. Rūmī had already realized that amors est mors; through the love of God he had tasted death while physically alive and was a resurrected being shrouded in the light of Divine knowledge when still discoursing and walking among men.
What had made it possible for Rūmī to look upon the encounter with death as a moment of supreme ecstasy was of course the kind of life he had led in this world, a life which had already led him into the state of sanctity before passing through the gate of death. We do not intend to deal with his life in detail. There are already numerous studies on his life in various languages.[17] But a few points of special interest need to be mentioned here. The life of Mawlānā can be divided into three periods: from birth until the age of twenty-five, from twenty-five until about forty and from forty until his death.
During the first period Jalāl al-Dīn learned the Quranic sciences, Arabic and Persian and advanced in the domain of religious studies until he became an authority in various exoteric sciences.[18] Although he studied extensively with his father Baha' al-Dīn Walad Sultān al-‘Ulamā', who was himself a Sufi and author of the Ma‘ārif, which has left so much influence upon the Mathnawī, during this period Rūmī was not as yet attracted to Sufism. This was the period of formal instruction for him which made of him a respected religious scholar in Qonya, an authority who taught the religious sciences and gave opinions on questions pertaining to the Sharī‘ah.
At the age of twenty-five this period came to an end and Rūmī met Burhān al-Dīn al-Tirmidhī, a student of Rūmī's father, who initiated him into Sufism and who guided him for nine years until his death. He bestowed upon Rūmī his father's esoteric teachings and made of Rūmī a Sufi well-versed in the intricacies of the path. After his death Rūmī continued to practice the Sufi way and was in fact already an accomplished spiritual personality by the time he met Shams al-Dīn Tabrīzī at the age of thirty-nine. Rūmī had also known other Sufis at this time such as Salāh al-Dīn Zarkūb, who later became Rūmī's close friend and disciple. But the dominant figure of this second period of his life was Burhān al-Dīn, whose spiritual fragrance is also reflected in certain parts of the Mathnawī.
The third period of Rūmī's life begins with his meeting with the mysterious Shams al-Dīn Tabrīzī, is witness to the composition of his major works, the Mathnawī and the Dīwān, and terminates with the death of Rūmī. Few figures in Sufism are as mysterious as Shams al-Din Tabrīzī, a learned qalandar type of Sufi who appeared across the sky of Rūmī's life like a comet and disappeared with almost the same suddenness with which he came. Shams al-Dīn must be considered at once a Sufi master with a human form, the inner light of Rūmī's own being and the spiritual sun itself. In this remarkable man the supernal reality and the human form were fused in such a way that often it is difficult to distinguish about which aspect Rūmī was speaking. For example when he says,
Shams-i Tabrīzī, who is the absolute Light,Is the sun and a ray of the lights of Divine Truth,
One is left in a state of bewilderment as to whether Rūmī is speaking about a man or a spiritual function. It is our view that although Shams-i Tabrīzī was a human master and the author of the remarkable Maqālāt,[19] which resemble Rūmī's Fīhi mā fīhi (Discourses)and have influenced the Mathnawī, he was a person of such exalted spiritual station that the spiritual reality which shone within him in a sense obliterated the confines of his human individuality. Moreover, Rūmī refers to him at once as a human master, the initiatic function of the master as such, the Divine Light, the uncreated and also created Intellect, and even as the sun which rises in the Western horizon at the time of the eschatological event identified as the Day of Judgment and which the seeker of the Truth experiences at the moment of the spiritual death and resurrection. It is symbolic of the particularly mysterious personality of Shams-i Tabrīzī that after his death several places were claimed as his tomb and to this day the saint possesses several mausoleums which are centers of pilgrimage for the faithful.
Whatever may have been the actual identity and personality of Shams-i Tabrīzī, there is no doubt that he was not simply a spiritual master for Rūmī. By the time he met Shams-i Tabrīzī Rūmī was already an accomplished Sufi. What in fact Shams did was to act as a pole of attraction for the manifestation and externalization of an aspect of Rūmī that had not manifested itself until that time. Like the fleeting comet that he was, his sudden appearance upon the firmament of Rūmī's being created vast tidal waves in the ocean of Rūmī's soul, waves which were then crystallized into poems of immortal beauty in the Dīwān. The voluminous Dīwān is the response of Rūmī to thesympathia (hamdamī in Rūmī's own words) created between Shams and Rūmī. It seems that this great saint-poet needed spiritual and intellectual companionship in order to force him to leave the world of silence and to have recourse to poetry to explain that which cannot but issue from holy silence.[20] In a sense Husām al-Dīn Chalabī played the same role for Rūmī vis-a-vis the Mathnawī. In the same way that if there is no appropriate disciple, the initiatic function retires within the being of a master, the lack of spiritual companionship and discourse can lead the most artistically creative of Sufis into silence. To quote the well-known verse of Sa‘dī:
If there were no rose the nightingale would not be singing in the grove.
It was the hands of destiny that brought Shams and Husām al-Dīn, like two roses that attract the nightingale, into the life of Rūmī and thus bestowed upon the world the two great masterpieces which have made of Rūmī the supreme mystical poet of the Persian language.
But these two works could not not have come into being, for such a perfect wedding between wisdom and beauty was a possibility that had to be realized. Rūmī was one of those rare beings who possessed a kind of "sensual awareness" of spiritual beauty, a person for whom things appeared as transparent forms reflecting the eternal essences.[21] For him the very existence of beauty was the most direct proof of the existence of God. It can also be said that for the perceptive reader the beauty of Rūmī's poetry itself is the most powerful proof of the reality of the world of the spirit. Rūmī bathed in beauty like an eagle soaring in the light of the sun and he left in his poetry as well as in the spiritual music and dance of the Mawlawī Order something of this beauty for posterity. The beauty of Rūmī's poetry, music and dance is a way of bringing about recollection and of awakening within man an
awareness of that supreme Beauty of which all terrestrial beauty is but a pale reflection, for as Rūmī says:
Kings lick the earth whereof the fair are made,For God hath mingled in the dusty earthA draught of Beauty from His choicest cup.'Tis that, fond lover—not these lips of clay—Thou art kissing with a hundred ecstasies,Think, then, what must it be when undefiled![22]
Complementary to Rūmī's sensitivity to beauty is his awareness of the sacred in all things and his ability to provide keys for the spiritual solution of practically every problem man faces in any age or situation. The Prophet of Islam was given the possibility of experiencing everything that a human being can experience, from losing his only son to uniting all of Arabia under the banner of Islam. He was given this mission in order to be able to sanctify all of human life. Rūmī, who is one of the outstanding fruits of the tree of “Muhammadan poverty” (al-faqr al-Muhammadī) was able to accomplish this same task on of course a smaller, yet vast, scale. He was able to express the fullness and diversity of human existence in such a way as to reveal the fact that behind every possible kind of experience there lies a door towards the Invisible. Rūmī is able to address every man and to lead him from where he is towards the spiritual realm, provided he is willing to be guided and to open his eyes to see beyond every situation that man faces the Hand of God, with whose aid alone can any situation be solved in an ultimate sense. That is why Rūmī has continued to rule over the hearts of men to this day.
During the seven centuries that have passed since his death Rūmī has left such an immense impact upon the Persian, Turkish and Indian worlds that volumes would be needed to track down the visible traces of his influence. In the Turkish world the Mawlawī Order founded by him has played such a dominant role in the history of the Ottoman Empire that even from an external point of view no account of Ottoman and even modern Turkish history would be complete without mention of it. Moreover, the Turks extended the influence of Rūmī to the Balkans, as far as Albania, as well as to Cyprus, Syria and Lebanon where Mawlawī centers are to be found to this day. The people of Anatolia also wrote numerous commentaries upon the Mathnawī, beginning with Ahmad Rūmī and continuing to this day. His tomb in Qonya, moreover, remains until the present day the spiritual centre of the Turkish world.
In Persia, likewise, numerous commentaries have been and continue to be written on the Mathnawī, from the Jawāhir al-asrār of Kamāl al-Dīn Khwārazmī to the present day commentaries of Jalāl Humā’ī, Badī‘ al-Zamān Furūzānfar and Muhammad Taqī Ja‘farī.[23] There is practically no Persian speaker who does not know some verses of the Mathnawī by heart, while the art of singing the Mathnawī has become a recognized musical form of a most delicate and profound nature whose continuing influence upon the cultural and artistic life of the Persians is immense.
In the Indian subcontinent Rūmī was appreciated among the Naqshbandiyyah Order already in the 9th/15th century and his influence has grown ever since. Not only have numerous commentaries been written upon him, such as those of ‘Abd al-Latīf al-‘Abbāsī and Shāh Mīr Muhammad Nūrallāh al-Ahrārī, but also there developed in the subcontinent, as well as in Persia and the Ottoman worlds, a particular musical genre which is associated solely with the singing of the Mathnawī, a form that again remains popular to this day. More particularly certain of the Sufis of that region, especially Shāh ‘Abd al-Latīf, the great Sindhi poet and mystic who was also an outstanding musician, may be said to be direct emanations of Rūmī's spirituality in the Indian world.[24] It is not without reason that many have compared Shāh 'Abd al-Latīf's Risalo with the Mathnawī.
Today in the Western world, impoverished of spirituality and suffocating in an ambience where ugliness has become the norm and beauty luxury, Rūmī is discovered by many as the antidote to the ills from which the modern world suffers. And indeed he is a most powerful antidote provided his teachings are followed, however bitter might be the medicine he proposes. In order to draw aid from Rūmī in the spiritual battle at hand one must read him not as a mere poet but as the porte-parole of the Divine mysteries who like the birds could not but sing in melodies that move the spirit. It is our hope that the occasion of the seven-hundredth anniversary of the death of this master will also be an occasion for recollection and for the coming into being of a new yet ancient awareness of the Truth which is always wedded to beauty and of the beauty which is an aspect of Divine Mercy and which leads to the Truth. The works of Rūmī and his ever living spiritual presence stand as a strong beacon to guide men by means of beauty to that Truth which alone can liberate them from the illusory prison of deprivation and ugliness that they have created around themselves, a prison whose confines cannot be eradicated save by means of the message of men like Rūmī in whom the vision of the Truth and its expression in the most perfect human form are combined. Verily it must be said of the works of Rūmī that:
These words are the ladder to the firmament.Whoever ascends them reaches the roof—Not the roof of the sphere that is blue,But the roof which transcends all the visible heavens.
NOTES
[1] See S. H. Nasr, “Contemporary Man, Between the Rim and the Axis,” Studies in Comparative Religion, vol 7, Spring 1973, pp. 113-26; also F. Schuon, Light on the Ancient Worlds, trans by Lord Northbourne, London, Perennial Books, 1965.
[2] It is of interest to note that already the selection of the poetry of Rūmī translated by R. A. Nicholson as Rūmī, Poet and Mystic, London, 1950, has sold many more copies than works of most European “thinkers” who were supposed to be very “progressive” and “timely” at the moment when they first appeared.
[3] In the strict sense one should refer to the Islamic tradition and not to the Sufi tradition, because the first is an integral tradition and the second a part of the first and inseparable from it. In using the term "Sufi tradition", therefore, we have the more limited sense of the word in mind and do not wish in any
way to imply that Sufism can be practiced in itself without reference to the Islamic tradition of which it is a part.
[4] In the Abraham family the dominant aspect of Judaism can be said to be related to the fear of God, of Christianity to the love of God and of Islam to the knowledge of God, although of necessity in every integral tradition all three elements must be present. See F. Schuon, “Images d'Islam," Etudes traditionnelles, vol. 73, Nov.-Dec. 1972, pp. 241-43.
[5] See S. H. Nasr, Three Muslim Sages, Cambridge (U.S.A.), 1946, chapter 3; S. H. Nasr, Sufi Essays, London, 1972, chapter 7.
[6] One of the greatest living authorities on Rūmī in Persia today, Hādī Hā'irī, has shown in an unpublished work that some six thousand verses of the Dīwān and the Mathnawī are practically direct translations of Quranic verses into Persian poetry.
[7] Despite numerous biographies of the Prophet in Western languages very few succeed in underlining his spiritual grandeur. One remarkable and exceptional work in European languages which does succeed in illuminating the contours of the Prophet's spiritual personality is F. Schuon, Understanding Islam, trans. by D. M. Matheson, London, 1963 and Baltimore 1972, chapter 3; see also S. H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities of Islam, London, 1967, and Boston 1972, chapter 3, with an annotated bibliography at the end.
[8] This is the very first statement with which the preludium of the Mathnawī begins.
[9] Like many of the greatest spiritual poles of Islam, such as al-Ghazzālī, 'Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī and Ibn ‘Arabī before him and Shaykh al-'Alawī after him, Rūmī was a master and authority in both the exoteric and the esoteric sciences.
[10] On the early Sufis, especially those in Persia who were directly connected to the line of Rūmī, see S. H. Nasr, "Sufism" in theCambridge History of Iran, vol IV, (in press); also A. J. Arberry, Sufism, London, 1950; and J Spencer Trimingham The Sufi Orders in Islam, Oxford, 1971.
[11] Rūmī, Diwān-i Shams-i Tabrīzī, ed. by B Furūzānfar, vol. 5, Tehran, 1339, ghazal, No. 2133, trans. by S. H. Nasr. In this ghazal Rūmū plays upon the name of Hallāj and ‘Attār. The first name of Hallāj was Mansūr, which means “victorious,” while ‘Attār means “druggist” in the traditional sense of one who sells both drugs and perfumes.
[12] Mathnawī, I. 602ff. English translation by R. A. Nicholson, Rūmī, Poet and Mystic, p. 107.
[13] For an analysis of Sufi doctrine upon the basis of the two fundamental doctrines of wahdat al-wujūd and al-insān al-kāmil, see S. H. Nasr, Science and Civilization in Islam, Cambridge, U.S.A., 1968, New York 1970, chapter 13. For an exposition of the meaning of al-insān al-kāmil, see the introduction of T. Burckhardt to al-Jīlī, De-l'homme universal, Lyon, 1953.
[14] Extensive discussions in the histories of Persian literature of these and other scholars have been devoted to the link between Sanā’ī, ‘Attār and Rūmī, and there is no need to repeat them here.
[15] See H Corbin, En Islam iranian, vol. 2, Paris, 1971, pp. 82ff.
[16] Here as elsewhere in this essay, wherever the name of the translator is not indicated, the translation has been made by ourselves.
[17] In Persian there have been numerous studies, from the Manāqib al-‘ārifīn of al-Aflākī to B. Furūzānfar's Risālah dar tahqīq-i ahwāl wa zindigāni-yi Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn Muhammad, Tehran, 1315 (A. H. Solar). As for European languages the studies of Browne, Nicholson, Arberry, Harry and Meyerovitch contain detailed material on his biography.
[18] Rūmī was also well acquainted with the “intellectual sciences,” such as philosophy and cosmology, as well as Kalām, and often gives a masterly account of these disciplines, even when rejecting certain views of this or that philosopher or theologian. He was in fact also well acquainted with Greek philosophy as his many references to Plato and Galen demonstrate. But here as in the domain of sacred prophetic history he uses the personality and ideas of these philosophers as a means of expounding and illustrating his own metaphysical doctrines.
[19] The text of the Maqālāt has been edited recently by A Khushniwīs (‘Imād), Tehran 1349 (A. H. Solar).
[20] It is of interest to note that Rūmī's pen-name (takhallus) was "silent" (khamush).
[21] “The teleological proof also embraces the aesthetic proof, in the profoundest sense of that term. Under this aspect it is perhaps even less accessible than under the cosmological or moral aspects; for to be sensitive to the metaphysical transparency of beauty, to the radiation of forms and sounds, is already to possess—in common with a Rūmī or a Ramakrishna—a visual and auditative intuition capable of ascending through phenomena right up to the essences and the eternal melodies.” F. Schuon, “Concerning the Proofs of God,” Studies in Comparative Religion, Winter, 1973, p. 8.
[22] Mathnawī, V, 372-75. English translation by R. A. Nicholson, Rūmī, Poet and Mystic, p. 45.
[23] The immense commentary of Ja‘farī has already reached eight long volumes and many more are to follow. This popular commentary alone shows to what extent Rūmī is still alive for the Persians.
[24] See N. A. Baloch, Maulana Jalaluddin Rūmī's Influence on Shah Abdul Latif, International Mavalana Seminar, Ankara, 1973.