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The western side of the Pergamon Altaras reconstructed in the
PergamonMuseum in Berlin.
Pergamon AltarFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaThe Pergamon
Altar is a monumentalconstruction built during the reign ofKing
Eumenes II in the rst half of the2nd century BC on one of the
terraces ofthe acropolis of the ancient city ofPergamon in Asia
Minor.The structure is 35.64 metres wide and33.4 metres deep; the
front stairwayalone is almost 20 metres wide. The baseis decorated
with a frieze in high reliefshowing the battle between the
Giantsand the Olympian gods known as theGigantomachy. There is a
second, smallerand less well-preserved high relief friezeon the
inner court walls which surroundthe actual re altar on the upper
level ofthe structure at the top of the stairs. In a set of
consecutive scenes, it depictsevents from the life of Telephus,
legendary founder of the city of Pergamon andson of the hero
Heracles and Auge, one of Tegean king Aleus's daughters.In 1878,
the German engineer Carl Humann began ocial excavations on
theacropolis of Pergamon, an eort that lasted until 1886. The
excavation wasundertaken in order to rescue the altar friezes and
expose the foundation of theedice. Later, other ancient structures
on the acropolis were brought to light.Upon negotiating with the
Turkish government (a participant in the excavation), itwas agreed
that all frieze fragments found at the time would become the
propertyof the Berlin museums.In Berlin, Italian restorers
reassembled the panels comprising the frieze from thethousands of
fragments that had been recovered. In order to display the
resultand create a context for it, a new museum was erected in 1901
on Berlin'sMuseum Island. Because this rst Pergamon Museum proved
to be bothinadequate and structurally unsound, it was demolished in
1909 and replacedwith a much larger museum, which opened in 1930.
This new museum is stillopen to the public on the island. Despite
the fact that the new museum was hometo a variety of collections
beyond the friezes (for example, a famousreconstruction of the
Ishtar Gate of ancient Babylon), the city's inhabitantsdecided to
name it the Pergamon Museum for the friezes and reconstruction
ofthe west front of the altar. The Pergamon Altar is today the most
famous item inthe Berlin Collection of Classical Antiquities, which
is on display in the PergamonMuseum and in the Altes Museum, both
of which are on Berlin's Museum Island.
Coordinates: 390752N 271102E
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Karl Humann's 1881 plan ofthe Pergamon acropolis
Contents1 The altar in antiquity
1.1 Historical background1.2 The endowment, dating andfunction
of the altar1.3 The altar until the close of antiquity
2 From discovery to presentation in Berlin2.1 From antiquity to
19th centuryexcavations2.2 The Pergamon Altar in Berlin
3 Altar construction and design3.1 The Gigantomachy frieze
3.1.1 East frieze3.1.2 South frieze3.1.3 West frieze (left side,
at thenorth risalit)3.1.4 West frieze (right side, at thesouth
risalit)3.1.5 North frieze
3.2 The Telephus frieze3.3 The collection of statues
4 Relationship to other works of art5 The artists6 Reception7
Notes8 For further information
The altar in antiquityHistorical backgroundThe Pergamene kingdom
founded by Philetaerus at the beginning of the 3rd
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Larger-than-lifesculptured headpresumably ofAttalos I, fromearly
in the reignof Eumenes II.
century BC was initially part of the Hellenistic Seleucidempire.
Attalus I, successor and nephew of Eumenes I, wasthe rst to achieve
full independence for the territory andproclaimed himself king
after his victory over the CelticGalatians in 228 BC. This victory
over the Galatians, a threatto the Pergamene kingdom, secured his
power, which he thenattempted to consolidate. With conquests in
Asia Minor at theexpense of the weakened Seleucids he could briey
increasethe size of his kingdom. A Seleucid counteroensive
underAntiochos III reached the gates of Pergamon but could not
putan end to Pergamene independence. Since the Seleucids
werebecoming stronger in the east, Attalos turned his
attentionwestward to Greece and was able to occupy almost all
ofEuboea. His son, Eumenes II, further limited the inuence ofthe
Galatians and ruled alongside his brother Attalos II, whosucceeded
him. In 188 BC, Eumenes II was able to create theTreaty of Apamea
as an ally of Rome, thus reducing theinuence of the Seleucids in
Asia Minor. The Attalids were thus an emergingpower with the desire
to demonstrate their importance to the outside worldthrough the
construction of imposing buildings.The endowment, dating and
function of the altarAs is the case with most young dynasties, the
Attalids sought to anchor theirlegitimacy with endowments and
monumental construction projects. The imposingaltar accordingly had
also a political dimension.Up until the second half of the 20th
century it had been assumed by somescholars that the altar was
endowed in 184 BC by Eumenes II after a victory overthe Celtic
Tolistoagian tribe and their leader Ortiagon.[1] In the meantime,
laterdatings relating the altar to archaeological ndings and
historical events areunder discussion. It is not imperative to
connect the altar endowment withspecic military events such as the
Roman victories over Antiochos III in 184 BCin alliance with
Eumenes II, or Eumenes II's own victory over the Galatians in
166BC. Investigation of the altar's construction and friezes has
led to the conclusionthat it was not conceived as a monument to a
particular victory. The design ofPergamene victory monuments is
known from the literature and monument relics.The most famous are
Roman copies of bronze statues of the "Great Gaul",representations
of defeated Celts after the victory of Attalos I over
theTolistoagians, or reliefs showing booty weapons from the halls
of the PergameneAthena sanctuary, which was dedicated by Eumenes II
to the goddess whobrought victory after the triumph over the
Seleucids and their allies in 184 BC.The so-called Gigantomachy
frieze on the outside walls of the Pergamon altaravoids to a great
extent any direct references to contemporary military
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campaigns except for the "Star of Macedonia" on the round shield
of one of thegiants on the eastern frieze, or a Celtic oblong
shield in the hand of a god on thenorthern frieze. The struggle of
the Olympian gods, supported by Heracles, theastrological deities
governing the days and hours and originating in the ancientrace of
the Titans, personications of the forces of war and fate, sea
creatures,and Dionysus with his followers, appears much rather to
be a cosmological eventof general ethical relevance. It can perhaps
be interpreted in the sense ofstoicism, and was certainly not
designed without political considerations, as wasthe case with all
artistic image metaphors depicting the struggle between thegood and
just principle the Olympian gods and their helpers and evil
thechaotic forces of nature in the form of the earthbound giants.
The scantyremnants of the dedicatory inscription also seem to
indicate that the altar wasconsecrated to the gods because of
"favors" they had bestowed. The divineaddressees could be
especially Zeus, father of the gods, and his daughter Athena,since
they appear in prominent locations of the Gigantomachy frieze.
Animportant dating criterion is also the incorporation of the altar
from theperspective of city planning. As the most important marble
edice of theHellenistic residence and indeed erected in a prominent
position, it was assuredlynot begun only at the conclusion of
numerous initiatives to upgrade the acropolisof Pergamon under
Eumenes II.That events from the last years of Eumenes II's reign,
the increasing uncouplingfrom the Romans, and the victory over the
Celts in 166 BC at Sardis are reectedin the two friezes of the
Pergamon Altar is merely speculation that does notprovide a sucient
foundation for a late dating of the altar.[2] The inner
Telephusfrieze relates the legendary life of Heracles son Telephus
and is meant to conveythe superiority of Pergamon compared with the
Romans. Thus the founder ofRome, Romulus, was traditionally nursed
only by a she-wolf, whereas Telephus, towhom the Attalids trace
their ancestry, is shown in the frieze being suckled by
ashe-lion.[2] It is estimated that the frieze was constructed
between 170 BC and atleast the death of Eumenes II (159 BC).One of
the last suggestions for dating the construction of the altar comes
fromBernard Andreae.[3] According to his ndings, the altar was
erected between 166and 156 BC as a general victory monument
commemorating the triumphs of thePergamenes, and especially of
Eumenes II, over the Macedonians, the Galatiansand the Seleucids,
and was designed by Phyromachos, the seventh and last of
thegreatest Greek sculptors, who included Myron, Phidias,
Polykleitos, Scopas,Praxiteles and Lysippos. In the foundation of
the altar a pottery shard was foundwhich could be dated to 172/171
BC; the building must accordingly have beenerected later. Since
large amounts of money had to be spent on warfare until 166BC, it
is likely that construction of the altar could only start from this
date.Contrary to popular belief, the Pergamon Altar is not a
temple, but probably thealtar of a temple, although altars were
generally located outdoors in front of their
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Model of the 2nd century BCPergamon acropolis in thePergamon
Museum in Berlin,which includes the Romanadditions. The altar is on
aterrace near the center with itsstairway facing left (west)
temples. It is supposed that the Athena temple located on the
acropolis terraceabove it may have been its cultic point of
reference, and the altar possibly servedsolely as a place of
sacrice. This theory is supported by several statue bases
andconsecrating inscriptions found in the vicinity of the altar and
whose donorsnamed Athena. Another possibility is that both Zeus and
Athena were jointlyhonored. It could also be that the altar had an
independent function. In contrastto a temple, which always had an
altar, an altar did not necessarily have to have atemple. Altars
could, for example, be quite small and placed in houses or,
lesscommonly, have gigantic dimensions as in the case of the
Pergamon Altar.[4] Thefew remnants of inscriptions do not supply
enough information to determine towhich god the altar was
dedicated.So far, none of these theories is generallyaccepted. This
situation led a long-timedirector of excavations in Pergamon
toconclude that:
No research is undisputed concerning thismost famous artistic
masterpiece ofPergamon, neither the builder nor thedate nor the
occasion nor the purpose ofthe construction. --Wolfgang Radt[5]
Just as uncertain is the nature of the sacricesmade there.
Judging from the remains of theactual, relatively small re altar
inside thehuge altar edice, it can at least be concludedthat its
shape resembled a horseshoe. It wasapparently an altar with two
projecting sidewings and one or several steps in front. Possibly
the thighs of sacricial animalswere burned here. But it is just as
possible that the altar served only forlibations the oering of
sacrices in the form of incense, wine and fruits.[6] It islikely
that only priests, members of the royal household and illustrious
foreignguests were allowed access to the re altar.Already Attalos I
began to remodel the acropolis of Pergamon. In the course oftime
the original structures were augmented by a Dionysus temple, a
theaternamed after Dionysus, a heroon, an upper agora for the city,
and the great altarknown today as the Pergamon Altar. There were
also several palaces, and alibrary in the Athena sanctuary.The
altar until the close of antiquityProbably in the 2nd century, the
Roman Lucius Ampelius recorded in his libermemorialis ("Notebook"),
in Chapter VIII (Miracula Mundi), "At Pergamum there
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Laocon and His Sons in theVatican Museums
is a great marble altar, 40 feet (12 m) high, with colossal
sculptures. It also showsa Gigantomachy".[7]
Besides a comment by Pausanias,[8] who compares sacricial
practice in Olympiawith that in Pergamon, this is the only written
reference to the altar in all ofantiquity. This is all the more
surprising because the writers of antiquityotherwise wrote a great
deal about such works of art and Ampelius, after all,considered the
altar to be one of the wonders of the world. The absence of
writtensources from antiquity about the altar has given rise to a
number ofinterpretations. One possibility is that the Romans did
not regard this Hellenisticaltar as important since it did not date
from the classic epoch of Greek, especiallyAttic, art. Only this
art and later evocation of the associated values wereconsidered
signicant and worth mentioning. This view was held particularly
byGerman researchers starting in the 18th century, especially after
the work ofJohann Joachim Winckelmann became known.[9] The only
graphic representationsof the altar are on coins of the Roman
Empire, which show the altar in a stylizedform.
Ever since a reassessment of the perception andinterpretation of
antiquities dating from other than"classical" periods took place in
the course of the20th century, it is undisputed that the great
altarof Pergamon is one of the most signicant works, ifnot the
apex, of Hellenistic art. The uninformed,low opinion of the altar
seems strange today. TheLaocon and His Sons in the Vatican
Museums,one of only a very few sculptures which are todayregarded
as especially ne examples of the art ofantiquity, and which was
already in antiquitydeclared to be a "masterpiece surpassing all
otherworks of painting and sculpture",[10] may be basedon an
original that also came from a Pergameneworkshop and was created at
about the same time
as the altar.[11] It is noteworthy that the opponent of the
goddess Athena on theside of the Giants, Alcyoneus, strongly
resembles Laokoon in posture andportrayal. When the frieze fragment
was found, a cry was to be heard, "Now wehave a Laokoon
too!"[12]
From discovery to presentation in BerlinFrom antiquity to 19th
century excavationsThe altar lost its function at the latest in
Late Antiquity, when Christianity
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Christian Wilberg:Ausgrabungen an derbyzantinischen Mauer;
Pencildrawing with whitehighlighting; 29.8 x 46.7 cm,1879; Caption
(translated):"Byzantine Wall. 5-6 meterswide. Here is where the
rstfragments of the reliefs werefound. Pergamon 79"
replaced and suppressed polytheistic religions. In the 7th
century the acropolis ofPergamon was strongly fortied as a defense
against the Arabs. In the process thePergamon Altar, among other
structures, was partially destroyed in order to reusethe building
material. The city was nevertheless defeated in 716 by the
Arabs,who temporarily occupied it before abandoning it as
unimportant. It was onlyresettled in the 12th century. In the 13th
century Pergamon fell to the Turks.[13]Between 1431 and 1444 the
Italian humanist Cyriacus of Ancona visitedPergamon and described
it in his commentarii (diary). In 1625 William Petty,chaplain to
Thomas Howard, 21st Earl of Arundel, a collector and art
patron,traveled through Turkey, visited Pergamon, and brought back
to England tworelief panels from the altar. These pieces were
forgotten after the Earl's collectionwas dispersed and were only
rediscovered in the 1960s.[14] For this reason thesetwo panels are
lacking in the Berlin reconstruction. Other travelers known tohave
visited Pergamon during the late 18th and early 19th centuries
were, forexample, the French diplomat and classical scholar Comte
de Choiseul-Gouer,the English architect Charles Robert Cockerell
and two Germans, thearchaeologist Otto Magnus von Stackelberg and
the classical scholar OttoFriedrich von Richter. Choiseul-Gouer was
the rst to propose excavations inPergamon; the other three
travelers made drawings of the city's acropolis.
The German engineer Carl Humann came toPergamon for the rst time
in 1864/65. He wascharged with geographic investigations
andrepeatedly visited the city in the following years.He urged the
preservation of the antiquities on theacropolis and attempted to nd
partners to assistin an excavation; as a private person he was
notequal to such a major task, lacking the nancialand logistic
resources. It was important to beginexcavation work as soon as
possible because thelocal inhabitants of Bergama (the modern name
ofthe ancient city of Pergamon) were using the altarand other
above-ground ruins as a quarry, werelooting the remnants of antique
constructions inorder to erect new buildings, and were burningsome
of the marble for lime. In 1871 the Berlinclassicist Ernst Curtius
and several other Germanscholars came to Pergamon at
Humman'sinvitation. He arranged to ship some of the nds toBerlin,
including two fragments of the altar frieze.
He described the reliefs as (translated) "a battle with men,
horses and wildanimals".[15] These pieces were put on display but
were at rst largely ignored.Alexander Conze, who was appointed
director of the sculpture collection of
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Berlin's royal museums in 1877, was the rst person to connect
the fragmentswith the Ampelius text and realize their signicance.
The timing was good,because the German government was anxious to
match the other great powersalso on a cultural level after the
German Empire was established in 1871:
It is very important for the museums collections, which are so
far verydecient in Greek originals [] to now gain possession of a
Greek workof art of a scope which, more or less, is of a rank close
to or equal to thesculptures from Attica and Asia Minor in the
British Museum.[16]
Conze immediately contacted Humann, who at the time was in
Turkey working fora road construction company. Things then moved
quickly. The Germangovernment arranged for a license to dig in
Turkey and in September 1878excavations began, headed by Humann and
Conze. By 1886, large parts of theacropolis had been investigated
and in the following years also scienticallyappraised and
published. Based on an agreement[17] between the OttomanEmpire and
the German government, starting in 1879 the relief panels from
thePergamon Altar along with some other fragments came to Berlin
and into thepossession of the Collection of Antiquities. The German
side was well aware thatby doing this a work of art was being
removed from its original location and wasnot completely happy
about this situation.
We are not insensitive to what it means to remove the remnants
of agreat monument from their original location and bring them to a
placewhere we can never again provide the lighting and environment
inwhich they were created and in which they once conveyed their
fulleect. But we did rescue them from a destruction that was
becomingever more complete. There was not yet an Osman Hamdi Bey
around,who soon became a close friend of Humann, and at the time we
couldnot imagine what has become possible in the meantime with his
help,that the ruins still at the site could be protected from the
stone robbersof the modern city ...[18]
The Pergamon Altar in BerlinThe pieces could not initially be
presented in an appropriate exhibition contextand were placed in
the overlled Altes Museum, where especially the Telephusfrieze
could not be well displayed (the individual slabs were simply leant
againstthe wall facing the altar). For this reason a new
purpose-built museum waserected. The rst "Pergamon Museum" was
built between 1897 and 1899 by FritzWol and opened in 1901 with the
unveiling of a bust of Carl Humann by AdolfBrtt. This building was
used until 1908 but was regarded as being only aninterim solution
and was accordingly called the "temporary building". Originallyfour
archaeological museums were planned, one of them for the Pergamon
Altar.But the rst museum had to be demolished because of problems
with the
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First rough sketch by CarlHumann relating toreconstruction of
thePergamon Altar, c. 1879
Reconstruction of thePergamon Altar in atemporary building,
westernface, before 1908
foundation. Also, it had originally been intendedonly for nds
which could not be presented in theother three archaeological
museums and thus fromthe beginning it was too small for the altar.
Afterthe museum was demolished, the Telephus friezewas set into the
walls of the colonnade on theeastern side of the Neues Museum, but
withwindows allowing a view of the art objects.The new building,
designed by Alfred Messel, tookuntil 1930 to construct, due to
delays caused byWorld War I, the German Revolution of 19181919and
the hyperination of 1922/1923. This newPergamon Museum presented
the altar basically asit is seen today. There was a partial
reconstructionin the central gallery of the museum with thefrieze
fragments installed on the surroundingwalls. The Telephus frieze
is, as in the originalconstruction, reached via the ight of stairs,
butonly an abbreviated version is on display. It is notknown why
the complete altar was notreconstructed when the new museum was
builtand the frieze installed. When conceiving theexhibit, Theodor
Wiegand, the museum's directorat that time, followed the ideas of
Wilhelm vonBode, who had in mind a great "German Museum"in the
style of the British Museum. But there wasobviously no overall
concept, and given the reigning idea of a major architecturemuseum
presenting examples of all Ancient Near Eastern and
Mediterraneancultures, the display of the altar had to be
condensed. Up until the end of WorldWar II, only the eastern part
of the museum with the three large architecturegalleries was called
the "Pergamon Museum".[19]In 1939 the museum closed because of
World War II. Two years later the reliefswere taken down and stored
elsewhere. At the end of the war, the pieces of thealtar which had
been placed in an air-raid shelter near the Berlin zoo fell into
thehands of the Red Army and were taken to the Soviet Union as war
trophies. Theywere stored in the depot of the Hermitage Museum in
Leningrad until 1958. In1959 a large part of the collection was
returned to East Germany (GDR),including the altar fragments. Under
the leadership of the museum's thendirector, Carl Blmel, only the
altar was presented as it had been before the war.The other
antiquities were newly arranged, not least because the Altes
Museumhad been destroyed. In October of that year the museum
reopened. In 1982 a newentrance area was created which permitted a
visit to the museum to begin withthe Pergamon Altar. Previously,
the entrance had been in the west wing of the
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Reconstructed ground plan ofthe entire Pergamon Altar
Ground plan of the altar asmodied for presentation inthe
Pergamon Museum
building, so that visitors had to pass through
theVorderasiatisches Museum Berlin (Middle EastMuseum) to get to
the Pergamon Altar. In 1990, 9heads from the Telephus frieze, which
had beenevacuated to the western part of Berlin because ofthe war,
returned to the Pergamon Museum. Allthese war-related events had
negativeconsequences for the remaining altar and friezefragments.
It also turned out that earlierrestorations had created problems.
The clampsand fasteners which connected the individualfragments and
also served to anchor the frieze andsculpture to the wall were made
of iron, which hadstarted to rust. As this rust spread it
threatened tocrack open the marble from the inside.
Restorationbecame urgent after 1990. From 1994 to 1996 theTelephus
frieze, parts of which had not beenaccessible in the 1980s, was
worked on.[20]Afterward the Gigantomachy was restored underthe
leadership of Silvano Bertolin. First thewestern frieze, then the
northern and southernportions, and nally the eastern frieze
wererestored, an eort which cost over three millioneuro.[21] On
June 10, 2004 the completely restoredfrieze was presented for
public viewing. ThePergamon altar can now be viewed in a
formreecting current scientic insights.In 1998 and again in 2001
the Turkish Minister ofCulture, Istemihan Talay, demanded the
return of
the altar and other artifacts. However, this demand did not have
an ocialcharacter and would not have been enforceable under today's
standards.[22] Ingeneral, the Staatliche Museen Berlin (Berlin
state museums) as well as othermuseums in Europe and the USA rule
out, with few exceptions, the possiblereturn of antique objects of
art.[23] Today, most of the altar foundation as well asseveral wall
remnants are at the original location. Also in Turkey are
severalsmaller portions of the frieze which were found later.
Altar construction and designEarlier versions of the altar were
leveled in Pergamon, and to enhance the utilityof the acropolis
several terraces were laid out. The path connecting the lower
partof the town with the acropolis led directly past the
self-contained and nowextended sacred altar area, which could be
accessed from the east. Thus visitors
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Reconstructed entrancewayto the Pergamene Athenatemple,
originally on theterrace above the altar andnow in the Berlin
PergamonMuseum
Foundation of the PergamonAltar after excavation, c.1880
in antiquity rst saw the frieze on the eastern faceof the altar,
on which the chief Greek gods wereportrayed. First, at the right
(northern) side of theeastern frieze, Hera, Heracles, Zeus, Athena
andAres were shown engaged in battle. In thebackground to the right
there was not only thewall of another terrace, presumably
containingmany statues; the visitor also viewed the simpleDoric
Athena temple which had been erected 150years earlier on the
terrace above. The westernside of the altar with the stairway was
in alignmentwith the Athena temple, despite the elevationdierence.
It was probably the case that the altararose in direct relationship
to the redesigning ofthe acropolis and was to be regarded as a
primary,new construction and votive oering to thegods.[24] In its
freely accessible arrangement thealtar was conceived so that
visitors could walkaround it. This inevitably led to further
intendedlines of sight.[25]The shape of thealtar was almost a
square. In this respect it followed Ionic models,which specied a
wall enclosing the actualsacricial altar on three sides. On the
open sidethe altar could be accessed via a stairway. Forcultic
reasons such altars were usually orientedtoward the east so that
those bringing sacricesentered the altar from the west. The
Pergamenealtar follows this tradition, but to a trulymonumental
extent. The huge, almost square basewas 35.64 meters wide and 33.4
meters long[26]and included ve steps surrounding the
entirestructure. The stairway on the western side is almost 20
meters wide andintersects with the lower level, which itself is
almost six meters high. The core ofthe foundation is composed of
intersecting tu walls arranged like a grating,which increased
earthquake stability. This foundation is still preserved and can
beexamined on site in Pergamon. The upper visible structure
consisted of apedestal, a frieze of slabs 2.3 meters in height with
high relief scenes, and a thick,projecting cornice. Grey-veined
marble from the island of Marmara was used,which was typical for
Pergamon.[27] In addition to the Proconnesian marble of thelarge
frieze, the Telephus frieze and the foundation, darker marble
withrecognizable fossil inclusions was also used for the base; it
came from Lesbos-
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The altar foundation inPergamon, 2005
Museum model of thepresumed form of the altar inantiquity
Moria.The frieze is 113meters long,[28]which makes it thelongest
survivingfrieze of GreekAntiquity after theParthenon frieze.On the
western sideit is interrupted bythe ca. 20 meterwide stairway,
which cuts into the foundation on that side andleads to a
superstructure with columns. On bothsides of this stairway there
are projections constructed and decorated in amanner similar to the
rest of the encircling frieze. The three-wing superstructureis
relatively narrow compared with the base. The pillars surrounding
thesuperstructure have platforms with proles and Ionic capitals.
There are manystatues on the roof: a quadriga of horses, lion
grins, centaurs and deities, aswell as uncompleted gargoyles. The
upper hall gives a spacious impression thanksto the widely spaced
columns. An additional columned hall was also planned forthe inner
courtyard where the re altar itself was located, but not
implemented. Afrieze was installed there at eye level depicting the
life of the mythical founder ofthe city, Telephus.[29] Although no
remains of paint have been found, it can beassumed that the entire
structure was brightly painted in antiquity.[30]
The Gigantomachy friezeThe Gigantomachy frieze depicts the
struggle of the gods against the children ofthe primordial goddess
Gaia, who were snake-footed giants. After the new godsunder the
leadership of Zeus and with the help of Gaia had overcome the old
godsled by Cronus, Zeus then opposed several of Gaia's children,
contrary to hispromise. Gaia accordingly incited several of her
children and could only bevictorious with the help of mortals. For
this reason, Heracles and Dionysus, bothof whom had been born of
mortal mothers, took part in the battle.The gods are depicted in
the frieze in accordance with their divine nature andmythical
attributes. For example, gods who lived o their strength and
dynamics,such as Zeus, the father of the gods, are shown in an
appropriately powerful way.Others, who lived o their skillfulness,
are shown dierently, like Artemis withbow and arrow. The frieze
sides are described below, always proceeding from leftto right.East
frieze
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Hecate ghts against Klytios(left); Artemis against
Otos(right)
Athena and Nike ghtAlkyoneus (left), Gaia rises upfrom the
ground (right)
As mentioned above, visitors rst saw the eastern side as they
entered the altararea. Here was where almost all of the important
Olympian gods were assembled.On the left the presentation begins
with the three-faceted goddess Hecate. Sheghts in her three
incarnations with a torch, a sword and a lance against the
giantKlytios. Next to her is Artemis, the goddess of the hunt; in
keeping with herfunction she ghts with a bow and arrow against a
Giant who is perhaps Otos.Her hunting dog kills another Giant with
a bite to the neck. Artemis mother Letoghts at her side using a
torch against an animal-like Giant; at her other side herson and
Artemis twin, Apollo, ghts. Like his sister, he is armed with bow
andarrow and has just shot Ephialtes, who lies at his feet.
The next reliefpanel has barelysurvived. It issupposed that
itshowedDemeter.[31] She isfollowed by Hera,entering the battlein a
quadriga. Herfour winged horsesare identied as thepersonications
ofthe four winds,Notos, Boreas,
Zephyros and Euros. Between Hera and his father Zeus, Heracles
is ghting,identied only by a frieze fragment showing a paw of his
lion pelt. Zeus isphysically especially present and agile. He ghts
by hurling lightning bolts,sending rain and massed clouds not only
against two young Giants but alsoagainst their leader, Porphyrion.
The next pair of ghters also shows an especiallyimportant battle
scene. Athena, the city goddess of Pergamon, breaks the
GiantAlkyoneus contact to the earth, from which the mother of the
Giants, Gaia,emerges. According to legend, Alkyoneus was immortal
only as long as hetouched the ground, where the power of his mother
could ow through him. Theeastern frieze concludes with Ares, the
god of war, who goes into battle with achariot and pair of horses.
His horses rear up in front of a winged Giant.South friezeThe
depiction of the ghting begins here with the great mother goddess
of AsiaMinor, Rhea/Cybele. With bow and arrow she rides into battle
on a lion. On theleft can be seen the eagle of Zeus holding a
bundle of lightning bolts in his claws.Next to Rhea, three of the
immortals ght with a mighty, bull-necked Giant. Therst, a goddess,
has not been identied; she is followed by Hephaistos, who raisesa
two-headed hammer aloft. He is followed by another unidentied,
kneeling god
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Rhea/Cybele riding on a lion,Andrasteia (?)
Left to right: Nereus, Doris, agiant, Oceanus
who thrusts a spear into the body.Next come the gods of the
heaven. Eos, goddess ofthe dawn, rides sidesaddle into battle. She
pullsback her horse and is armed with a torch whichshe thrusts
forward. She is followed by Helios, whorises up from the ocean with
his quadriga andenters the battle armed with a torch. His target
isa Giant standing in his way. He has rolled overanother Giant.
Theia follows, amidst her children.She is the mother of the day and
night stars. Nextto her mother and with her back to the viewer,
themoon goddess Selene rides on her mule over aGiant.In the last
third of the south frieze an unidentied young god, possibly Aither,
isghting. He is holding in a stranglehold a Giant with snake legs,
human body, andthe paws and head of a lion. The next god is
obviously elderly. It is supposed thathe is Uranos. On his left is
his daughter Themis, goddess of justice. At the end (orbeginning,
depending how the frieze is viewed) is the Titan Phoibe with a
torchand her daughter Asteria with a sword. Both are accompanied by
a dog.West frieze (left side, at the north risalit)
The ocean gods are gathered together on the northrisalit of the
altar. On the western wall (risalitfront) Triton and his mother
Amphitrite ghtseveral Giants. Triton's upper torso is human;
thefront half of his lower torso is a horse, the backhalf a
dolphin. On the inside wall (stairway) are tobe found the couple
Nereus and Doris as well asOceanus, and a fragment supposed to be
Tethys,all of whom are engaged in ghting Giants.West frieze (right
side, at the south risalit)Several gods of nature and mythological
beings
are gathered on the south risalit. On the risalit front,
Dionysus, accompanied bytwo young satyrs joins the struggle. At his
side is his mother Semele, leading alion into battle. Fragments of
three nymphs are shown on the stairway side. Here,too, is the only
artist's signature found, THEORRETOS, on the cornice.North
friezeAphrodite starts o the line-up of the gods on this side, and
since one has to
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The three Moirai club GiantsAgrios and Thoas to death
imagine the frieze as continuous, she is to be found next to her
lover Ares, whoconcludes the east frieze. The goddess of love pulls
a lance out of a dead giant.Next to her, her mother, the Titan
Dione, is ghting, as well as her small son,Eros. The next two gures
are uncertain. They are most likely the twins Castorand Pollux.
Castor is being grabbed from behind by a Giant who bites him in
thearm, whereupon his brother hastens to his assistance.The next
three pairs of ghters are associated withAres, the god of war. It
is uncertain who theydepict. First, a god is about to hurl a tree
trunk; inthe middle a winged goddess thrusts her swordinto an
opponent, and third, a god ghts a Giant inarmor. The next god was
long considered to beNyx; in the meantime it is assumed that it is
one ofthe Erinyes, goddesses of revenge. She is holding avessel
wrapped in snakes, ready to hurl it. Next,two other personications
are ghting. The threeMoirai (goddesses of fate) kill the Giants
Agriosand Thoas (or Thoon) with bronze clubs.The next group of
ghters shows a "lion goddess" said to be Ceto. This group doesnot
immediately follow the Moirai; there is a gap which probably held
anotherpair of ghters. They may have been Ceto's children, the
Graeae. Ceto was themother of several monsters, including a whale
(Greek: Ketos) who rises at herfeet. The north frieze closes with
the god of the sea Poseidon, who rises up out ofthe ocean with a
team of seahorses. The next scene in the sequence is the
northrisalit with the ocean gods.The Telephus friezeThe frieze
narrates in chronological order the life of Telephus, one of the
heroesof Greek mythology; the legend is also known from written
records, for examplein the tragedies of Aischylos, Sophocles and
Euripedes from the 5th century BC.Since there was only a limited
amount of space available in the upper, internalcourtyard where the
actual re altar was located, the Telephus frieze wassculpted on
slabs that was shallower than in the case of the Gigantomachy.
Itsdimensions were also more modest and its arrangement was on a
smaller scale.The height was 1.58 meters. The frieze was originally
painted, but no signicanttraces of color remain. There were several
technical innovations for the time: thegures are staggered in
depth; architectural elements are used to indicateactivities taking
placed indoors, and the landscapes are lush and scenic.[32]
Thesenew ways of depicting spatial arrangements set the tone for
Late Hellenistic andRoman times.After restoration in the mid-1990s
it was discovered that the formerly assumed
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View of the reconstructedportico between the stairway(left) and
the inside courtwith the re altar and theTelephus frieze
(right)
King Teuthras nds Augestranded on the shore, panel10
chronological sequence was in some casesincorrect. The
installation was accordinglyrearranged, but the original numbering
of the 51relief panels in the Pergamon Museum wasretained. For
example, the resorting led to movingwhat had formerly been regarded
as the rst panelto a location following panel 31. Not all
panelssurvived, so there are a few gaps in thepresentation of the
story. (Of the original 74panels, only about 47 whole or partial
panelssurvived. Panels 37 and 43 are not on display aspart of the
frieze for lack of space.) The followinglist reects the sequence
after reassembly in1995.[33]Panels 2,3 - 2: Atthe court of
KingAleus; 3: Heraclescatches sight ofAleus daughterAuge in the
templePanels 4,5,6 4:
The infant Telephus is abandoned in thewilderness; 5 and 6:
carpenters construct a boat inwhich Auge is to be cast adrift.Panel
10 King Teuthras nds Auge stranded onthe shorePanel 11 Auge
establishes an Athena cultPanel 12 Heracles identies his son
TelephusPanels 7, 8 Nymphs bathe the infant TelephusPanel 9
Telephus childhoodPanels 13, 32, 33 and 14 Telephus voyages byship
to Mysia in Asia MinorPanels 16 and 17 Telephus receives weapons
from AugePanel 18 Telephus goes to war against IdasPanel 20
Teuthras gives Auge to Telephus in marriage
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Telephus receives weaponsfrom Auge, panels 16 and 17
The Argives welcomeTelephus, panels 36 and 38
Telephus threatens to killOrestes, panel 42
Panel 21: Mother and son recognize each other onthe wedding
nightPanels 22-24 Nireus kills the Amazon Hiera,Telephus wifePanel
51 The ghting is interrupted for Hiera'ssolemn funeralPanel 25 Two
Scythian warriors fall in battlePanel 28 The battle at the Kaikos
springsPanels 30, 31 Achilles wounds Telephus with thehelp of
DionysusPanel 1 Telephus consults an oracle about thehealing of his
woundPanels 34 and 35 Telephus lands in Argos to meetAchilles, who
is able to heal his woundPanels 36 and 38 The Argives welcome
TelephusPanels 39 and 40 Telephus asks Agamemnon toheal himPanel 42
Telephus threatens to kill Orestes,whom he took hostage to force
Agamemnon to healhimPanel 43 Telephus is healedPanels 44-46 The
founding of cults in PergamonPanels 49 and 50 An altar is
erectedPanel 47, 48 Women hasten to the hero Telephus,who lies on a
klineThe collection of statuesOn the roof of the altar there were
various small statues of gods, teams of horses,centaurs, and lion
grins. The nds have not yet been unambiguously describedby
archaeologists as to their function and placement. On the north
wall of thealtar sanctuary a 64 meter long pedestal was also found,
richly adorned withstatues. How extensively the altar area was
furnished with bronze and marblestatues is still unknown. But it is
certain that the embellishments must have been
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Three unidentied guresfrom the altar area, now inthe Pergamon
Museum
extraordinarily rich and have represented a majorexpenditure for
the donors. The upper oor abovethe Gigantomachy housing the
Telephus frieze alsohad an encircling portico. There were
possiblyadditional statues between the columns. Thistheory is
supported by 30-odd sculptures of womenamong the nds; they may have
personied thecities of the Pergamene kingdom. It is assumedthat
there were no statues or other decorations onthe actual re altar,
but a canopy was possiblyinstalled there in Roman times.[34]
Relationship to other works ofartAt many places in the
Gigantomachy frieze, other Greek works of art can berecognized as
having served as models. For example, Apollo with his
idealizedstance and good looks recalls a classical statue by the
sculptor Leochares,produced about 150 years before the frieze and
famous already in antiquity; aRoman copy has survived and is now in
the Vatican Museum (The BelvedereApollo). The important group which
includes Zeus and Athena moving in oppositedirections recalls the
scene showing the struggle between Athena and Poseidonon the
western pediment of the Parthenon. Such allusions are not
accidental sincePergamon considered itself to be something like a
reborn Athens.[35]The frieze on its part also inuenced later works
of classical antiquity. The mostfamous example is the Laokoon Group
mentioned above, which was created abouttwenty years after the
Pergamon relief, as Bernard Andreae could show. Theartists who
produced the statue group were in the direct tradition of the
creatorof the relief, or may indeed even have participated in
crafting the frieze.[36]
The artistsLong discussed but so far unresolved is the question
of how many artistsparticipated in producing the Gigantomachy. Just
as disputed is the extent towhich the character of individual
artists can be identied in this work of art.There is agreement that
at least the basic design of the frieze was the work of asingle
artist. In view of its consistency down to the level of details,
the plan musthave been worked out to its smallest elements; nothing
had been left tochance.[37] Already in the arrangement of the
ghting groups it can be noted thateach group is unique and, for
example, that the hairstyle and the footwear of thegoddesses always
dier. Each of the pairs of ghters is individually arranged.Thus,
the gures in themselves reveal their distinctive character rather
than this
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The Pergamon
Altar(http://smarthistory.khanacademy.org/the-pergamon-altar1.html),Smarthistory[40]
External video
being the result of the artists personal styles.Although
scholars have certainly ascertained dierences that can be
attributed toindividual artists, given the coherence of the whole
frieze it is remarkable thatthese dierences are almost irrelevant
when the work is viewed in its entirety.[37]According to this
interpretation, artists from all over Greece deferred to the
plansof a single artist with overall authority. This is
substantiated, for example, by theinscriptions of artists from
Athens and Rhodes. The sculptors were permitted tosign their
sections of the frieze on the lower molding, but only a few
suchinscriptions have been found. Thus no conclusions can be drawn
about thenumber of participating artists. Only one inscription on
the south risalit survivedin a manner which permitted attribution.
Since there is no lower molding at thatlocation, the name,
Theorretos (), was chiseled into the marble nearthe portrayed god.
When analyzing the various inscriptions it could be determinedon
the basis of the typeface that there was an older and a younger
sculptorgeneration at work, which makes the coherence of the entire
frieze all the moreremarkable.[37] Considering the 2.7 meter
distance between the existingsignature and the associated
inscription ( "made it"), it issuspected that there was possibly
another sculptor's signature in this space. Ifthat is the case, an
extrapolation suggests at least 40 participating sculptors.[38]The
front side of this risalit was signed by two sculptors, but their
names did notsurvive.[39]
ReceptionThe German Empire, which subsidized theexcavation not
least for reasons of prestige,quickly began to monopolize the altar
andother archaeological relics. The "JubileeExhibition of the
Berlin Academy of Arts" inMay and June 1886 devoted a 13,000
squaremeter site to archaeological acquisitions fromrecent
excavations in Olympia and Pergamon.But since the Greek government
had notgiven permission to export art treasures, nonds from Greece
could be shown there.Instead, a "Temple of Pergamon"
wasconstructed. With a true-to-scale model of thewestern side of
the altar base containingselected copies of the frieze including
theZeus and Athena group from the easternfrieze an entrance area
for a building was erected which resembled the Zeustemple in
Olympia. Part of the exhibit was a model of the city of Pergamon in
the2nd century AD reecting the state of knowledge at that
time.[41]
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Possibly the most striking example of the reception of this work
of art is the Berlinmuseum which has on view a reconstruction of
the altar. The design of thePergamon Museum was inspired by the
gigantic form of the altar.[42] For viewingthe altar, indeed for
studying this work of art in itself, the reconstruction in
thePergamon Museum came to be important. The partial reconstruction
of the edicedoes not however reect what was the main side in
antiquity, the eastern wall, butrather the opposite, western side
with the stairway. Opinions about thisreconstruction, including the
installation of the rest of the frieze on the wallssurrounding the
central exhibition room, were not entirely favorable. Criticsspoke
of a frieze "turned inside out like a sleeve" and of
"theatrics".[43]In Nazi Germany this type of architecture later
served as a model worthy ofemulation. Wilhelm Kreis chose for his
Soldiers Hall at the Army High Commandheadquarters in Berlin
(1937/38) and for a never realized warriors monument atthe foot of
Mount Olympus in Greece a building shape which was very similar
tothe Pergamon Altar. But for the Soldiers Hall the frieze was
limited to the frontface of the risalit. The friezes by the
sculptor Arno Breker were, however, neverexecuted. Referencing this
architectural form was not least in tune with theideological
concepts of the Nazis; an altar prompted ideas of being ready
tosacrice and heroic death. For the Nazis, the Pergamon Altar and
Kreis' twotestimonies of Nazi architecture were all "cultic
buildings". The Nazis alsoattempted to appropriate the message
behind the altar frieze, namely the victoryof good over
evil.[44]Peter Weiss begins his novel, The Aesthetics of
Resistance, with a description ofthe Gigantomachy frieze. By way of
retrospection Weiss contemplation is alsoextended to include the
altar's origin, history, discovery, and reconstruction in
themuseum.[45]Some of the media and population criticized the use
of the Pergamon Altar as abackdrop for the application submitted by
the city of Berlin to host the Olympicsummer games in 2000. The
Senate of Berlin had invited the members of the IOCexecutive
committee to a banquet taking place in front of the altar. That
called tomind Berlin's application to host the games in 1936. Also
at that time the NaziMinister of the Interior Wilhelm Frick had
invited the members of the IOC to abanquet laid out in front of the
altar.
NotesThis article is based on a translation of the equivalent
article "Pergamonaltar" inthe German Wikipedia.
^ Bernard Andreae: Datierung und Bedeutung des Telephosfrieses
imZusammenhang mit den brigen Stiftungen der Ataliden von Pergamon,
in:
1.
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Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer (ed.): Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue
Prsentation nachRestaurierung des Telephosfrieses, Wasmuth, Tbingen
1997, p. 67.^ a b Bernard Andreae: Datierung und Bedeutung des
Telephosfrieses imZusammenhang mit den brigen Stiftungen der
Ataliden von Pergamon, in:Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer (ed.): Der
Pergamonaltar. Die neue Prsentation nachRestaurierung des
Telephosfrieses, Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997, p. 68.
2.
^ Skulptur des Hellenismus, Hirmer, Mnchen 2001, p. 132147,
ISBN3-7774-9200-0.
3.
^ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer Kulturbesitz.
Antikensammlung (ed.): DieAntikensammlung im Pergamonmuseum und in
Charlottenburg. AlsoAntikensammlung Berlin, von Zabern, Mainz 1992,
ISBN 3-8053-1187-7. p. 25.
4.
^ Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken
Metropole,Primus, Darmstadt 1999, p. 169.
5.
^ On the use of the altar and possible ways of sacricing see Max
Kunze: DerPergamonaltar. Seine Geschichte, Entdeckung und
Rekonstruktion. von Zabern,Mainz 1995, ISBN 3-8053-1468-X, p.
19.
6.
^ 8,14 (ed. E. Woelin 1873): Pergamo ara marmorea magna, alta
pedes quadragintacum maximis sculpturis; continet autem
gigantomachiam.
7.
^ Pausanias 5,13,8.8.^ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer
Kulturbesitz. Antikensammlung (ed.): DieAntikensammlung im
Pergamonmuseum und in Charlottenburg. AuchAntikensammlung Berlin,
von Zabern, Mainz 1992, ISBN 3-8053-1187-7, p. 23.
9.
^ Pliny the Elder, naturalis historia 36, 37: opus omnibus et
picturae et statuariaeartis praeferendum.
10.
^ Bernard Andreae: Laokoon oder die Grndung Roms, von Zabern,
Mainz 1988(Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt, vol. 39.
11.
^ Quoted as in Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der
Altar vonPergamon. Hellenistische und rmische Architektur.
Henschelverlag, 2. Auage,Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9. p.
33.
12.
^ On Pergamon in Byzantine times see Wolfgang Radt and Albrecht
Berger in DerNeue Pauly, vol. 9 (2000), cols. 551 and 561.
13.
^ One of the two fragments, a back view of a Giant, was found in
1962 on the wall ofa building in Worksop, (Nottinghamshire)
England. The second panel, showing a deadGiant, had been built into
a Gothic ruin in Fawley Court (Buckinghamshire), see:Michael
Vickers: The Thunderbolt of Zeus: Yet More Fragments of the
PergamonAltar in the Arundel Collection, in American Journal of
Archaeology, vol. 89, no. 3(July, 1985), pp. 516519.
14.
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^ Quoted as in Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der
Altar vonPergamon. Hellenistische und rmische Architektur.
Henschelverlag, 2nd edition,Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9, p.
27.
15.
^ The Prussian Minister of Culture in a letter to the Prussian
king, Wilhelm I, quotedas in Max Kunze, Volker Kstner:
Antikensammlung II. Der Altar von Pergamon.Hellenistische und
rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag, 2nd edition, Berlin 1990,ISBN
3-362-00436-9, p. 28 (translated).
16.
^ Initially, the Ottoman government wanted to share the nds (2/3
to Germany 1/3 toTurkey), but in negotiations which took place
1878/79, which were even inuenced byBismarck, an agreement was
concluded which allocated all nds to the GermanEmpire for a payment
of 20,000 goldmarks. It helped that the Ottoman Empire was atthat
time weak on the domestic front and grateful for Bismarck's
mediating role atthe Congress of Berlin. See Kunze, Kstner:
Antikensammlung II, p. 30; Schaller:Pergamonaltar, col. 211.
17.
^ Alexander Conze, quoted from Max Kunze, Volker Kstner:
Antikensammlung II.Der Altar von Pergamon. Hellenistische und
rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag,2nd edition, Berlin 1990, ISBN
3-362-00436-9., p. 30 (translated).
18.
^ Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer (ed.): Aufstellungsgeschichte im 20.
Jahrhundert. DieAufstellungen von 1901, 1930 und 1955, Wasmuth,
Tbingen 1997, ISBN3-8030-1045-4k. See there: Heilmeyer: Der
Pergamonaltar. Die neue Prsentationnach Restaurierung des
Telephosfrieses, p. 17.
19.
^ Detailed description in Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer: Der
Pergamonaltar. Die neuePrsentation nach Restaurierung des
Telephosfrieses, Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997,ISBN 3-8030-1045-4.
20.
^ Berliner Zeitung Online, 25 January 2003 and 10 June 2004 (in
German).21.^ Die Welt: Pergamon-Altar soll in neuem Glanz
erstrahlen. 21 March 200322.^ die tageszeitung, 12 Dec. 2002,
http://www.taz.de/pt/2002/12/12/a0186.1/text.ges,1.
23.
^ Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken
Metropole,Primus, Darmstadt 1999, ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p. 170.
24.
^ On the design see Max Kunze: Der Pergamonaltar. Seine
Geschichte, Entdeckungund Rekonstruktion. von Zabern, Mainz 1995,
ISBN 3-8053-1468-X, p. 19.
25.
^ These measurements are according to Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon.
Geschichte undBauten einer antiken Metropole, Primus, Darmstadt
1999 ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p.171. Max Kunze, Volker Kstner:
Antikensammlung II. Der Altar von Pergamon.Hellenistische und
rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag, 2. Auage, Berlin 1990,ISBN
3-362-00436-9., p. 47 give the dimensions as 36.44 meter wide and
34.20meters long.
26.
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^ Thomas Cramer: Multivariate Herkunftsanalyse von Marmor auf
petrographischerund geochemischer Basis - Das Beispiel
kleinasiatischer archaischer, hellenistischerund rmischer
Marmorobjekte der Berliner Antikensammlung und ihre Zuordnung
zumediterranen und anatolischen Marmorlagersttten. Dissertation
FGLagerstttenforschung, Berlin, 340 pages, 2004, URN:
http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:83-opus-7426 The marble of
the Pergamon Altar came from theisland of Marmara.
27.
^ According to Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten
einer antikenMetropole, Primus, Darmstadt 1999 ISBN 3-89678-116-2,
p. 173; in Max Kunze,Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar
von Pergamon. Hellenistische undrmische Architektur,
Henschelverlag, 2. Auage, Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9,p. 47,
the gure is 120 meters.
28.
^ On the design and dimensions see Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon.
Geschichte undBauten einer antiken Metropole, Primus, Darmstadt
1999 ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p.171-174, and Max Kunze, Volker Kstner:
Antikensammlung II. Der Altar vonPergamon. Hellenistische und
rmische Architektur, Henschelverlag, 2. Auage,Berlin 1990, ISBN
3-362-00436-9, p. 47.
29.
^ Zeit Online, Dec. 2003,
http://www.zeit.de/2003/12/A-Pergamonaltar?page=3.30.^ Max Kunze:
Der grosse Marmoraltar von Pergamon, Berlin 1988, p. 24.31.^ Max
Kunze: Der Pergamonaltar. Seine Geschichte, Entdeckung und
Rekonstruktion.von Zabern, Mainz 1995, pp. 45-47; detailed
description in: Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer(ed.): Der Pergamonaltar. Die
neue Prsentation nach Restaurierung desTelephosfrieses. Wasmuth,
Tbingen 1997.
32.
^ Huberta Heres, Volker Kstner, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
PreuischerKulturbesitz, Fhrungsblatt-Nr. Ant 2E 1997.
33.
^ On the collection of statues see Max Kunze: Der Pergamonaltar.
Seine Geschichte,Entdeckung und Rekonstruktion. von Zabern, Mainz
1995, ISBN 3-8053-1468-X., p.21.
34.
^ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer Kulturbesitz.
Antikensammlung (ed.): DieAntikensammlung im Pergamonmuseum und in
Charlottenburg. AuchAntikensammlung Berlin, von Zabern, Mainz 1992,
ISBN 3-8053-1187-7., p. 35f.
35.
^ Bernard Andreae: Laokoon und die Grndung Roms, von Zabern,
Mainz 1988.36.^ a b c Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer
Kulturbesitz. Antikensammlung(ed.): Die Antikensammlung im
Pergamonmuseum und in Charlottenburg. AlsoAntikensammlung Berlin,
von Zabern, Mainz 1992, ISBN 3-8053-1187-7, p. 36.
37.
^ D. Thimme in: American Journal of Archaeology 50 (1946), p.
348.38.^ Max Kunze: Theorretos, In: Knstlerlexikon der Antike,
Nikol, Hamburg 2007, S.897 ISBN 978-3-937872-53-7.
39.
Pergamon Altar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Perga...
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^ "The Pergamon Altar"
(http://smarthistory.khanacademy.org/the-pergamon-altar1.html).
Smarthistory at Khan Academy. Retrieved April 5, 2013.
40.
^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung
undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN
3-596-23935-4, col. 212-214.
41.
^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung
undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN
3-596-23935-4, col. 211-212.
42.
^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung
undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN
3-596-23935-4, col. 214.
43.
^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung
undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN
3-596-23935-4, col. 214-215.
44.
^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung
undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN
3-596-23935-4, col. 215.
45.
For further informationBoth friezes can be viewed in their
entirety and in excellent quality in aninteractive Flash Viewer at
http://www.secondpage.de/pergamonaltar/gigantomachie.htmlMany
segments of both friezes can be viewed at
http://worldvisitguide.comPollitt, J.J., Art in the Hellenstic Age
(Cambridge 1986)Queyrel, Franois, L'Autel de Pergame. Images et
pouvoir en Grce d'Asie.Antiqua vol. 9. Paris: ditions A. et J.
Picard, 2005. See Bryn Mawr ClassicalReview 2005.08.42.Ridgway,
B.S. 2000. Hellenistic Sculpture II. The Styles of ca. 200-100
BC,(Madison, Wisconsin)Stewart, A. 2000. "Pergamon Ara Marmorea
Magna. On the Date,Reconstruction, and Functions of the Great Altar
of Pergamon" in N. DeGrummond and B.S. Ridgway, editors, From
Pergamon to Sperlonga:Sculpture and Context (Berkeley).Homann,
Herbert, "Antecedents of the Great Altar at Pergamon" TheJournal of
the Society of Architectural Historians 11.3 (October 1952),pp.
15.Thomas Cramer, Klaus Germann, Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer: Marble
objects fromAsia Minor in the Berlin Collection of Classical
Antiquities: stonecharacteristics and provenance In: Yannis
Maniatis (ed.): ASMOSIA VII.
Pergamon Altar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Perga...
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The Study of Marble and Other Stones in Antiquity Proceedings of
the 7thInternational Conference of the Association for the Study of
Marble andOther Stones in Antiquity. Bulletin de Correspondance
Hellnique, Vol.Supplment 51, Athen 2009, ISSN 0007-4217, pp.
371383.
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