Pedro de Brito - Patriciado Porto XVI

Penn State University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Mediterranean Studies.http://www.jstor.orgThe Stillbirth of a Portuguese Bourgeoisie: Leading Families of Porto (1500-1580) Author(s): Pedro de Brito Source:Mediterranean Studies, Vol. 5 (1995), pp. 7-29Published by:Penn State University PressStable URL:http://www.jstor.org/stable/41166828Accessed: 10-08-2015 23:40 UTCYour use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jspJSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected] content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsTheStillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie Leading FamiliesofPorto (1500-1580) Pedrode Brito As theseventeenth centuryprogressed, the Portuguese became firmly anchoredin the social, political, and economicdecadencewhichhas been their predicament wellintothetwentieth century. In 1622 they lost Ormuzto the British, and by 1641 they had also lostMalaccato the Dutch, two points of a triangle whichAf- fonso Albuquerque had consideredvitalforcontroloftheEasterntrade (Aden, thethird point, he never achieved). Butdecadencewas increasingly evidentwhen the eagerly awaited King Sebastiansucceededhis grandfather, JohnIII, in 1554 and crownedhis daydreamingbylosing hislifein a senseless campaign at Alcacer Kibirin 1578; thuswas opened the way to theloss of Portugal'sindependence to Philip II of Spain two years later. This decadencehas been an obsessionwith Portuguese economistssince the early seventeenth century.1 Their beliefs, whichcouldbe classifiedas mercan- tilist, findan echo in Britishobserversof the Portuguese scenedown to Adam Smith.2More recently, Anterode Quental, a great realist poet and a pioneer 1 Three good examples inA. Srgio,Antologia doseconomistas portugueses(SculoXVII) (Lisboa, 1974): Lus Mendesde Vasconcelos, "Dilogos do sitiode Lisboa" (1608); ManuelSeverimde Faria, "Dos remdios para faltade gente"(1655); DuarteRibeirode Macedo,"Sobrea introduo das artes" (1655). 2 A. Smith,The Wealth of Nations, 6thed., ed. Edwin Cannan,bk. 3 (London, 1950),chap. 4; ibid.,bk. 4, chap. 7; see also A. Halliday, ThePresentState ofPortugal(London,1812), 317. 7 This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions8Pedrode Brito socialist, helda lecturein Lisbonin 1872"On thecausesof thedecadenceof the Peninsular peoples."According to him it was due, among other things, to the nondevelopment ofthemiddleclassesin an absolutearistocratic monarchy, and to thelack of a bourgeoisie, thecreatorsof "industry, sciencesand commerce," had held Portugal back from developing to thelevelof the leadingEuropean countries. Though de Quental was nota historian, he had all theintuitionof a poet. Thereis stilltheneed fora social history of sixteenth-centuryPortugal, as well as for monographs on themiddlestrataof Portuguesesociety in the six- teenth century. Sincethiswas an era of prosperity,growth, and social promotion, it is interesting to considerwhat happened to mercantilefamiliesof this period. Portohas traditionally been a mercantile city and is the country's secondin im- portance; itwas far enough fromLisbonnotto suffer strongly fromtheinfluence ofthe court, butclose enough, as we shall see, to exertitsown. Forthisreasonit provides an ideal focusfora study of leading families.It had been a traditional liberty of the city sincethe early Middle Ages thatnoble- mencouldnotremainwithinthe city wallsformorethanthree days, and thisre- mainedin forceuntilthesixteenth century. Another good reasonfor centering on Portois theabundanceof documents kept in thevariousPorto archives,4 espe- cially in the city archives.Forthe period of 1500-1580thereis an almost complete seriesof city council records,and fromtheattendancesat thecouncil's meetings, a listof 1,602 differentnamescan be compiled. Of these, 562 aremembersof the seventy families (figure 1) whichcontrolledthe city'spolicies and administration withinthis period.5 Families Assuming thatwithinthis period on average three generations of each of thesefamilieswere active, we can say thata township withan approximatepopu- lationof 10,000 wasruled roughlyby 190 - lessthan2 percent - ofitscitizens.So muchfor sixteenth-century urban democracy. These seventy familiesarerelatedto each other, withthe exception of eight forwhichno proof of kinship could be found.Indeed mostof thesefamilies 3 JooGaspar,Simes, Anterode Quental(Lisboa,1962), 197-98. Arquivo Histrico Municipal do Porto, Arquivo Distritaldo Porto, Arquivo da Misericrdia Ho Porto. 5 Pedrode Brito,Patriciadourbano quinhentista: As familias dominantesdo Porto (1500-1580) (Porto,1991). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 9 (Motas J (f Camelos J^_J Leites ( Pessoas ) (Carvalhos) - Y~~'(Rodas)x^-X/~V^~~4() ^^MkwbT'N. ''/ // PintO'^ ^r /I' '^ >,.T ) fomachesV^TV^/^'( Costas ^// V^yK^H(^gs^) >C>^i'&/ BabosV J-^UaldaiasJ/lbuque^ ^ Freitas J ^GonaWesj Soutos ( Coelhos J MeixeirasJ f J ( J Vieiras (de Qubraites) (de Francisco Vieira) Figure 1: Family networksin Porto (1500-1580) This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsioPedro de Brito tendedto intermarry, and so forma networkof local power. The same thing has beenobserved by recentGermanhistorians (German historiography is, in Euro- pean terms, themostadvancedin the study of urban patriciates6) in relationto German townships in the sixteenth century, for example in Ravensburg7 and Augsburg; in the latter, twonetworksled by theWeiserand the Fugger families largely controlledthe city.8Using a sociomatrixas developedby Moreno,9 one can easily discernthe intertwiningmarriagepatterns of forty Portofamilieswith membersin the city council (figure 2). Anothercharacteristicof these leading familiesis their highfertility and survivalrate - most couples had fromfourto sevenchildrenwholivedto become adults; thisnumberdoes notinclude illegitimate children, whowere quite com- mon, especiallyamong membersofthesefamilieswhowerein the clergy. In a pe- riod whendeath frequently came soon after birth, thisseemsto confirmthe theory ofthesurvivalofthefittest.It may ofcoursebe argued thatthesewererich families, withno problems of hunger, butthesame argument can also be usedthe other way around: they became powerful because they were physically fertile, whichenabledthemto have many childrenand to acquirepower and wealth through their manymarriages. Misallianceswere rare; contemporarygenealogists notedthatthosecon- cernedmarried"at will." Marriages were certainlynegotiated betweenthefami- lies, as werethe dowries,but, as willbe discussed later, in the firsthalfof the century theredoes not seemto havebeen thesame policy of avoiding themar- riage of daughters because of its correspondingexpense, as was to becomethe rulelateron. Official Positions City Administration As already mentioned, theofficesof the city administrationwereheld al- most exclusivelyby membersof these seventy families.The Porto city council consisted during thiswhole period of four aldermen, who were appointed fora 6 Pedro de Brito, patriciado urbano na recente historigrafia alem, in Revista da Faculdade de Letras do Porto - Histria - Universidade do Porto, 1992. W. Schtze, OligarchischeVerflechtung und Konfession in der Reichsstadt Ravensburg 1551/52- 1648: Untersuchungen zur sozialen Verflechtung der politischenFhrungsschichten(Augsburg, 1981). K. Sieh-Burens, Oligarchie,Konfession und politik im 16. Jahrhundert: Zur sozialen Verflechtung der AugsburgerBrgermeister und Stadtpfleger 1518-1618 (Mnchen, 1986). y J. L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive? (Washington, 1934). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie ZZZZZZZ~"ZZZZZZ!ZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZ ~ZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZ^ZZZZ"*"ZZZZZZZZZZZZZZ ' ^^gl^"ZZZZZZZZZZZZZ^ZZZZZ '|g>g T Figure 2: Marriage Intertwining of Portolocal officials' families (1500-1580) 'J sgca Z__I 4 g|| T- 'J__ This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions12Pedrode Brito period of one year. No evidencewas foundthatat the beginning of the century these appointmentsrequired the king'sapproval, butas timewenton confirma- tionofthese"elections" by the king seemsto havebecomea rule. The eldestalderman presided overthe city council; he and thenextoldest aldermanalso had judicial functions, especially in civilcases and thoseof petty crimes;indeed, they were designated as judges (juizes) ratherthanaldermen (vereadores). In 1519theCrown appointed a professionalmagistrate(juiz de fora) to the city, but the appointment does not seem to have been final, because by 1525 - thenext year forwhichsome recordsare available - all the judges men- tioned belong to local families. However, by 1533 crown-appointedmagistrates had cometo stay: one judge for crime, and one forcivilmatters. The reasonsforthe appointment of these professionalmagistrates - who always had a universitydegree in law - arenotclear.It couldhavebeenbecauseof injustices committed by local judges, or thefactthat justice had becomemorein- tricateand required a more professionalapproach. It shouldbe rememberedthat thisis the century in whichRomanlaw as taught at Bolognagraduallyreplaced commonlaw all overcontinental Europe.10 This spread of Roman jurisprudence was very muchdue to jurists who, aftera spell abroad, brought backtheirknowl- edge to Lisbon, and thenceto Coimbra, wherethe university residedafter1535.11 The resultwasa gradual increaseofCrowninterferencein the city adminis- tration, and the gradual decreaseof the power of the leading families.Atthebe- ginning ofthe century the leading familiesruledPortowithout hindrance, but by its end they were merelydelegates forthe Crown; this brings us back to the strengthening oftheabsolute monarchy, as cited by Antero. Besidesthe aldermen, therewereother city officials.The cityprocurator, elected yearly, had in his charge thedirectinterestsof the city, and itwas his task to protect them; mostof the procurators came fromthefamiliesunder scrutiny, and, using a sociogram, also developedby Moreno,12 we can see how many of these posts wereheld by membersof the variousfamiliesforthe period con- cerned (figure 3). The empty circles correspond to leading Portofamilieswhich did not supplycity officials.Some of themwerenevertheless frequent sourcesof Crown officials, as is thecasewithBrandesand Cernaches. The city clerkand thealmotacswereother important officialsin the city hierarchy. The clerkwas appointedby the council theoretically for three-year 10 F. Wieacker, Privatrechtsgeschichte der Neuzeit (Goettingen, 1967), 1 12ff. 11 A. M. Hespanha, Histria das Instituies(Coimbra, 1982). 1A Moreno, Who Shall Survive* This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 13 Figure 3: NumberofPortolocal officials perfamily This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions14 Pedrode Brito periods; since1525at thelatestwe can tracetheCrown'seffortsto haveits ap- pointeesstay in officefor periodslonger thanthethree years.By 1580theclerk was practicallyappointedby the king, and stayed on at his pleasure. The almotacsactedas market inspectors and councilbailiffsfor periods of two months. They werethus constantlybeingreplaced, but as thesefunctions werelimitedto membersof the patriciate, mostof themheldthese posts more thanonce.It was considereda sortof apprenticeship before becoming alderman, butex-aldermenwerestillliableforservice. CrownAdministration On the otherhand thesesame familieswerethe sourcefromwhichthe Crowndrewits increasing numbersof officials.Bothat homeand overseas large numbersofsonsfromthesefamilieswere employedby the monarchy. One reasonforthe greatimportance of theCarneiros among thesefamilies is that theyprovided the royal secretariesfora greatpart of this period. First AntnioCarneirowas secretary to D. Manuel, thenhis son Pedrode Alcova Carneirobecame secretary to D. Joo III. They wereat thecenterof Portuguese politics formostofthesixteenth century, and an interestingparallel can be drawn betweenthe parttheyplayed in relationto these Portuguesekings, and the part playedshortly afterwards by theCecilsin relationto ElizabethI and James I. Although Pedrode Alcova Carneirowas notsucha prolific authoras the firsttwo Lords Burghley, he nevertheless provides us, through his correspon- dence,13 witha valuable insight intotheintricaciesof power. He also demon- strateshow family clansheld importantposts in the Early Modern state, and this beforetheCecils or theColbertsand Louvoisof thelate seventeenth century. Whathe does not explain is how his father, theson of a Porto merchant, Vasco Carneiro, ascendedto the top leveloftheCrownadministration. Indeed, Antnio Carneiromarrieda daughter of Pedroda Alcova, a high courtofficial - against the king's will, although he was pardonedshortly afterward.But by thetimehe had done so, he had already been serving D. Joo II fora whilein positions of trust.In any caseitwasnotPedroda Alcaova's son (Ferno da Alcova) who got themost importantappointment, buthisson-in-law.Weknowalmost nothing of howthisman camefromPortoand attainedsuch positions, butitwas certainly not through the university. 13 E. de Campos Andrada, ed., Relaes de Pero de Alcova, Conde da Idanha, do tempoque ie e seu pai, AntnioCarneiro,serviramde secretrios (1515 a 1568) (Lisboa, 1937). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 15 Besidesthe Carneiros, variousfamiliesheld posts in theCrownadministra- tion throughheredity. Some of thesewerein Porto - theBrandeswerecontado- reSy that is, administratorsof taxes, forPortoand the surrounding area.The first to ascendto this importantpost was JooBrando, who had been a supporter of D. AffonsoV in thecrisisthatwas settledat thebattleofAlfarrobeira (1448). As compensation he received property thathad been confiscatedfromthe king'sop- ponents,14 was appointed treasurerto themintin 1464, and becamecontadorin 1472.This post had been held previouslyby another family, the Machuchos, and transferredfromfatherto son-in-law.Did they lose it for opposing the king? No evidencehas beenfoundto corroboratethis. Throughheredity theLeitesbecamemastersof thePortomintafterAlfar- robeira.This post had beenheld previouslyby the Arages, a family which during thecrisis openlysupported D. Pedro, the king's uncleand opponent. As a result they losttheir position, firstto Manuelde Abreu, keeper ofthewardrobeto D. Af- fonso V, whowas succeeded by hiswife's brother, Diogo Leite, in whose family it washeld hereditarily to theendofthesixteenth century. The Cernacheswere already wardensofthePortocustomsat thetimeofAl- farrobeira, and they had the good senseto support the king, whichallowedthem to keep theirfortuneand post.They helditforfive generationsaltogether, butthe lastwas notas lucky as his ancestor.Insteadof supportingPhillip II in 1580, he supported his opponent, the pretender D. Antnio.He did notevenbecomewar- den, and he was also thelastscionofthe Cernaches, who werecontinued onlyby a lateralfemaleline. Otherminor posts werealso transmittedfromfatherto son or son-in-law, suchas thoseofclerksof customs, in whichthree generations in eachoftwofam- ilies - Reimesand Pontes - succeededone another.The Reimesalso heldthe post of clerkto themintforthree generations, wherethe Caminhaswerealso masterofthescalesforthree generations.Although this hereditary transmission apparentlyrequired thecrown's approval, it seemsto havebeentakenfor granted by the beneficiaries, and musthave gradually led to thesale ofoffices.In fact, not only in Portugal butall over Europe, absolutemonarchiesleanedon middlestrata bureaucrats promotedthrough an intricate system of venality.15 We findmembersof thesefamiliesnot only in theCrownofficesin Porto, butalso all overthe country, in North Africa, and in India.Thus threeheadsof 14 H. Baquero Moreno, A Batalhade Alfarrobeira, vol. 1 (Coimbra,1979), 743. 15 1. Wallerstein, TheModernWorld System I (NewYork,1974), 136-38. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditionsi6Pedrode Brito the veryimportantfactory in Flanderswere Joo Brando Sanches, Manuel Cirne - whowas successively marriedto twoof Joo Brandao'snieces - and Fran- ciscoda Rua, halfbrotherofManuel Cirne, and also a son ofMariaEanesda Rua. Before going to Antwerp, ManuelCirnehad helda post in theNorthAfricanfor- tressof Mazago, and was subsequently headofthe factory at Malaga, in charge of grainsupplies to theNorthAfrican garrisons. Mostof theoverseasadministrativeofficesmentioned by Boxer16werealso sought after by thesetownsmenof Porto; not onlybyyounger sonsbutalso by the. heirsto entailed property,perhaps to restoretheirfortunes.Life expectancy in the Eastwas muchlowerthanin Europe, due not only to risksoftraveland warfare, butalso to hardclimatic conditions;thus, onlystrong motivations, suchas attain- inggreat riches, or restoring a declining fortune, wouldinduce people to go to In- dia. But not only the commandersof fortressesin Asia, but also clerksand commonsoldierscamefromthese leading families. Modernmonarchies required a much larger and bettereducatedadminis- trative apparatus thandidtheirmedieval counterparts. The ranksofthisnewoffi- cialdomwerefilledwiththesons of the middle classes, as we have seen. They foundherethe opportunity to betterthemselvesas wellas to get richer.The old militarynobility was too lazy and ignorant to fillthese posts, but begangradually to understandthatbecauseofthis they were losingpower and influence.Thusdid theyprotest in the 1581 cortesy summoned byPhillip II afterhe had takenover Portugal,complaining thatofficesof statewere beinggiven to commonletrados ratherthannoblemen according to "thecustomof old."The Spanish and now Portugueseking was evasive,17 and the noblesse pew&s little by little super- seded by a newnoblessede robe.Effortsto educatethe nobility werenot very effec- tive, and they wouldbe unsuccessfulevenintothe eighteenthcentury, withthe collapse ofthe Colgio dos Nobres, founded by the marquis ofPombal. Butthecrisisofthenoblesse pewas not only a localoccurrence.18Grad- ually men coming fromthemiddlestrataof Portuguesesociety tookovertherun- ning ofthe country;they did notremaina separate and autonomous bourgeoisie, butwereassimilatedintothe aristocracy. Boxer.ThePortugueseSeaborneEmire(London.1963.chao. 13. 17 V. Rau, A casa doscontos (Coimbra,1951), 191. 10 Laurence Stone, TheCrisis of the Aristocracy: 1558-1641 (Oxford,1979). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirth of a Portuguese Bourgeoisie 17 Religious and Military Activities Lay andRegularClergy The leading familiesof Porto provided abundantnumbersbothto the lay and regularclergy. Four bishops, variouscathedralcanonsand other dignitaries, and a considerablenumberof parishpriests came fromthesefamilies.Even thoughby theendofthe period in question theCouncilofTrenthad triedto cur- tailthe rampantnepotism then prevalent in the Catholic Church, it persisted. Misuseof church property for private benefitwas a common practice. The king bestowedthebeneficesunderhis controlto favoritesand as rewardsforservices to the Crown, and other patrons followedthe king'sexample. One man might ac- cumulatevariousbeneficesand thereforebe a frequent absentee, so that parishes were mostly run byill-paid curates. Among these, ignorance and lechery werethe rule.Not only the highclergy, butalso thelowerrankshad numerous illegitimate children, and it all was apparently takenfor granted - evidenceforthisstateof things can be foundin the genealogies of a greatmany of thesefamilies.More thanone vicarentails propertybelonging to the Church, and after obtaining from the king the legitimatization ofhis illegitimate child, makeshimheirto the newly created morgado. Portowas always reluctantto admitthe regularclergy withinits walls; thus in 1500therewere just twomonasteries - a Dominicanand a Franciscan - and a convent - a St. Clare; anotherconvent - Dominican - was to be found just out- sidethe city. The period 1500-1580was one of intensive expansion ofthe regular clergy withinthe city and theimmediate vicinity. Two furtherconventswerees- tablished - a Benedictineand a St.Clare - as werevariousmonasteries - of Loios, Capuchins, Jesuits, and Augustinin hermits.Whilethe entry ofmalemembersof these leading familiesintothelocal monasteriescannotbe established, it can be clearly determinedthatthePortoconventswerefilledwiththeir daughters. As mostof the seventyleading familieswere closely connectedto each other, these nunneriesmusthavebuzzedwith familygossip, theworstof all. The lackof reli- gious vocationin mostofthe nuns, to whomtheconventwas a socialratherthan a religious establishment, madethe spiritual leveloftheseinstitutionsratherlow. The habitof sending their daughters to theconventto avoidthe expense of dow- riesincreasedas the centuryprogressed, and a great numberofthesefamiliesbe- gan entailing their property to morgados; in thelatter part of the century it is difficultto find single women outside a conventin the genealogies of these families. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditionsi8Pedro de Brito MilitaryOrdersandServicein AfricaorIndia The threelocal military orders - Cristo,Aviz, and Santiago - had stopped all institutionalized militaryactivityby the beginning of thesixteenth century. The grand masterofbothAvizand Santiago was thenD. Jorge, dukeof Coimbra, illegitimate childof D. Joo II. The grand masterof Cristowas D. Manuel, notas sovereign, butin hisown right, as the onlysurviving son ofthelast grand master, theInfantD. Fernando.WhenD. Jorge died in 1550, D. Joo III obtainedfrom the papacy the grandmastership of all threeorders.Whathad been thecustom fortheOrderofChristsinceD. Manuel, applied nowto all threeorders - the king distributedtheincomefromtherentsof theorders' properties to favoritesand Crownservants. Although thishad been disguised at firstas a rewardfor military service against theinfidelsin North Africa, in timeit becameextendedto other services.Referencesare frequently foundin contemporary sourcesto thefactthat the person in question had serveda comendain one of theNorthAfricanfor- tresses. Bymid-century theCrownno longer eventriedto disguise thereasonsfor thesebenefactions. Of thosewho came fromthe leading Porto families, it was not only the luckyrecipients ofa knight commander'semolumentswhoservedtheCrownin a militarycapacity. Like hundreds, indeed thousands, of othermercenariesfrom insideand outsidethe Portuguese frontiers, many membersof thesefamilies sailedeastto seektheirfortunesin theserviceoftheCrown.Sinceafter1540sol- diersin theEastwere paid sixmonthsin arrears,19 going to Indiameantan initial investment, whichforsomemeant going intodebt.A fewweresuccessfuland be- came rich, likeAntnio Monteiro, who left money to the Misericrdia, but for manyonlypoverty and deathfarfromhomewas theirfate. In the history ofwarfarethesixteenth century is preeminently a history of mercenaries. Although fortherestof Europe this might be theresultof overpop- ulation,20 suchwas notthecase in Portugal. The menwho leftfortheEastwere sorely missedin theeconomic sphere,especially in agriculture. 19 C. R. Boxer,Seaborne Empire,chap. 13. 20 1. Wallerstein,World System, 139. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 19 Economic Activities Trade We knowthatmostof thesefamilieswereinvolvedin tradeat leastat the beginning of the century, but thereare no sources enabling us to quantify their activities.However, a ledger ofcustoms receipts fromVila do Conde, a harborfif- teen miles northof Porto, referring to 1504-5, was publishedby Cordeiro Pereira.21A caravelfromLa Rochelle, and possiblymaking for Porto, forsome reason put in at thisharborand unloaded significantquantities of textilesand a lesser quantity of paper and other goods. MostofthePortofamilies appear as im- porters,includingDiogo Brando, contadorof Portoand a memberof the family mentionedabove: thismeansthatat thistimeeven important Crownofficials wereinvolvedin trade. Among thetextile importers we also findthreewomenbe- longing to threeof the leading families - we knowthat they wereall single, and they seemto be merchandising on theirown.Laterin the century no suchexam- ples offemalesare found, another sign of theloss of independence forwomen. A codex forthefirst year (1560) of a wine tax imposed on all shipments coming downtheDouro is foundin the city archives.In a previousstudy I used thiscodexto discoverifthe leading familiesof Portowereas heavily involvedin winetradeand export as they wouldbecomein latercenturies.22The conclusions were negative: of a totalof 5,250 pipes,only about 20 percent was exported, a greatpart of whichwas apparently sentas supplies fortheIndia fleet sailing in May that year. Even consideringsmuggling, which certainly existed, we can only concludethatno significantexports of Douro wineto Europe took place at this time.This is curiousbecause, froma 1552listof 152 Portomerchant ships,only nineare carrying wine, and fiveoftheseare carrying itfromAndalusiato Ireland and Flanders23 - it seemsthatat thistime sherry was more popular than pors predecessor. In any case, withthe possibleexception of two, we findnone of the seventy familiesactivein thewinetrade. Braudel's thorough researchon this century's corntradecould have used Manuel Cirneas an example.24 As the king's stewardat Mazago he knewthe 21 TooCordeiroPereira.Paraa histriadas alfndegasemPortugal(Lisboa,1983). 22 Pedrode Brito,"O comrcio portuense de vinhono sc: XVI-Atravsdo livroA da Imposio do Vinho," Boletimdo Arquivo Histrico Municipal do Porto (1991). 23 PedroD' Azevedo, "A marinhamercantedo nortede Portugal em 1 552," ArchivoHistorkoPor- tugus 2 (1904). 24 FernandBraudel, La Mditerraneet le mondemditerranen l'poque de Philippe tf, vol. 1 (Paris,1982). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions20Pedro de Brito significance of corn supplies to theNorthAfricanfortresses.He was thenmade directorof the Malaga factory, in charge of these supplies. The commissionshe earnedin thistrademade hima huge fortune; he had occasionto showit offin 1537, as directorofthe Antwerpfactory, when, in a paradeorganizedby thePor- tuguese ambassadorin honorof Charles V, he had bunchesof cinnamonsticks burnton the way, in spite of the price of cinnamonat thattime. Twentyyears later, long after having lefttheFlanders factory, ManuelCirnewasstillactivewith his corn trading: one of the ships of a 1558 listof shipsleaving Portoharboris notedas being bound forLisbon witha cargo of corn fromthismerchant.25 Other ships fromthislistloaded other typical Douro valleyproducts: chestnuts fortheIndiafleetsand sumachand laurelseedsforFlanders. Anothercurious thing withthe1558 list, muchshorterthanthatof 1552, is thatthe greatest numberof ships mentioned - six - wereboundforcod fishing in Newfoundlandwaters.Fourof themwouldsail firstto Lisbonor Setbalto load thesalt necessary for curing - one of them carrying ManuelCirne'scorn - and only thenwould they set sail acrosstheAtlantic.One of the shipsbelonged to FernoVaz Cemache, thePortocustoms warden; since apart fromthishe was an important landowner, cod fishing seemsto havebeen only a minorinvestment. The islandof SaintTomwas in thefirsthalfof thesixteenth century sec- ond in importanceonly to Madeiraas thecenterof sugarproduction.26 Pedroda Mota, an aldermanin 1539, did notattendthe city council's meetings in May be- causehe was grieving overhisbrotherand his son, who had died in SaintTom. They musthavebeen heavily involvedin the sugar trade; fromthe152Porto ships mentionedin the 1552 list, 21 were carryingsugar to Europe. Yet by 1573 the Porto sugar trademusthavemovedto Brazil; in manuscriptskept at thePorto district archives, listingincoming merchandiseat thecustomsfrom 1573-79, the most frequent itemis sugar fromBrazil.In mostcases thesetransactionstake place betweena partner residentin Brazil, and anotherin Porto.Fromthe large quantities in question itcan be deducedthat they werenot wholly meantforlocal consumption, but veryprobably forfurther export, most probably to Europe. However, by this time, very fewof Porto's leading familieswerestillinvolvedin thistrade. 25 J. A. Pinto Ferreira, "Certas providnciasrgiasrespeitantes guarda da costado reinoe ao comrcioultramarino, no sc. de quinhentos," BoletimCulturalda Cmara Municipal do Porto>30 (1967):331-92. b Vitorino Magalhes Godinho,Os descobrimentose a economiamundial, 4 (Lisboa): 95-98. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie21 Agriculture Althoughtheyprimarily devotedthemselvesto trade, investmentin land by thesefamiliescan already be foundat theend of thefifteenth century.Although freeholdrural properties werealmostall in thehandsof thechurchor thenobil- ity, thecitizensofPortoinvestedin land, ifnot freehold, thenas tenantsofchurch property. Investmentsof thiskindwerecommonwithina fifty-mile radiusfrom Porto, butin one case itwasas faras Santarm, twenty- fivemilesnortheastofLis- bon.Thisdoes not imply a direct exploitation of land; letting or subletting it - mostly for periods of"three lives," i.e. for example, one spouse, followed by the surviving one, and by one ofthesons - was therule.Rentwas then paid in goods: grain (wheat,maize, rye); wine; olive oil; poultry and eggs;pigs and sheep; and (when the property was on a riverbank) fishand lampreys. Land seemedto be a safe investment, resisting inflationand business risks, and some of theseland- ownerscollectedrentsof up to threehundredbushelsofassorted grain. Butruralinvestmentsof other types can also be traced: cattle, water mills, oliveoil presses, and salt pans. Untilthefifteenth century, Portohad beenthecen- treofthe Portuguese salttrade.27Saltwasalso intensively usedfor curing codfish, as was already mentioned. BondsandInsurance Attheend ofD. Manuel's reign, the Portuguese state began tohavefinancial difficulties.It is thenthattheCrownfirstresortedto whatbecamethehabitofthe modernstate: public debt.28The issuing of statebonds founda ready market. Dividendsseemto havebeenbetween4 and 6 percent, butno expiration datewas set; itwas at theCrown'sdiscretion.A safe investment, bond investmentsare fre- quently foundin thesefamilies' wills; thisalso becamea widespread methodof saving.By theend of the century thestatewas notalone in resorting to public fi- nancing: at leasttwo great landowners, thedukesof Bragana and of Aveiro, is- sued bonds, giving as security someoftheirincome.The leading Portotownsmen invested eagerly - they weremuchmorelike us thanlike theirimmediatefif- teenth-century relatives.The ducal landownerstoo actedlike today'scapitalists, resorting, whenshortof cash, to publicfinancing. Shipping insurancewas already established, at leastas a private venture.It is mentionedin an agreement betweenPedroHomemda CostaCarneiroand his 27 Virginia Rau, Estudos sobrea histriado sal portugus^ Lisboa, 98-100. * I. Wallerstein, World System, 138-39. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions22Pedro de Brito mother, Ines Henriques, in whichhe givesup a ship's insurance previouslygiven to him by his mother.She was the daughter of a so-called"new Christian," i.e. a converted Jew. Wasinsurancea traditional Jewish business? Tax Farming Although it may be doubtfulifinsurancewas a characteristic Jewish busi- ness, therecan be no doubtabouttax farming. Untilthe expulsion ofthe Jews by D. Manueltherehad been Jewish involvementin thiskindof activity,29 whichdid not help to ingratiate themwiththeGentile population. The most important "newChristian" family in Porto, the Pazes, also acquired the largest tax farming contracts.Duarteda Paz, and subsequently his brother, Diogo da Paz, heldthose forthetaxon textiles, and forthePortocustomsdutiesin the years 1503-20.But Vasco Carneiro, an old Christian, had also a taxcontractforthe city ofVila Real. Huge sumsof money wereinvolvedin this business, and althoughgreatprofits were generated, italso had inherentrisks. RealEstate Perhaps themost important investmentareafortheseenrichedfamilieswas realestatewithinor nearthe city walls.Thus GomesAnesAranhahad fourteen houses yieldingup to a totalof 9,835 reaisin rent;Joo Martins Ferreira, twenty- three houses, yielding 14,434rs., and ninetyyears laterRui BrandoSanchesen- tailedto his morgado elevenhouseswitha totalrentrollof 1 1,227 rs.Thesewere great urban property owners, butalmost everyone in these leading familieshad a houseor twoto hisname. Porto Citizens Versus DouroFisheries Owners: The Navigability of the River Mostof thefamilieshad close tiesof businessand even kinship withthe Douro river valley; but theirinterestswerenot always thesame. The city was mainly interestedin theboat trafficbetweenthe uppervalley and the sea, so that grainsupplies and exports - chestnuts,wine, and sumach - mighteasily reach the city. Buta significant numberoflandowners upstream weremoreinterested in their fisheries; theseconsistedoftheso-called"channels*"earthdamsacrossthe 29 Maria Jos Pimenta Ferro Tavares, Os judeus em Portugal no sculo XVyvol. 2 (Lisboa, 1984), 630-54. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 23 river, held togetherby bamboo,where, whenthewaterlevel fell, enormous quan- titiesoffishwere trapped. Fromthe beginning of the century, D. Manuel became involvedin what seemedto be a permanent feudbetweenthe city and these"channel"owners. Try- ing to please both sides, the king orderedthat passages sevenmeterswide be opened in the dams, so as to allowtheboats to pass through. The Crownobvi- ously had an interestin keeping theriver open to traffic, and so had many of the more important Douro landowners, likethe bishop of Viseu and the countof Marialva; althoughthey also possessed thesekindsof fisheries, they showedno restraintin having them destroyed.30 It was evidently of greaterimportance to themthattheir agriculturalproduce should easily reachPorto.Butfor other, pos- sibly smaller,landowners, thefisheriesweremore important, and they werealso represented on the Porto city council.The matterwas discussedin successive council meetings between1500and 1580, and neitherfactionseemsto havewon an absolute victory. The feud persisted, and in 1574thefisheriesownerswentas faras to stop all grainshipments to the city. Institution of Chapels and Morgados Catholics todayrely on theirrelativesto offer prayers and massesaftertheir deathsforthesakeof their souls, but in thesixteenth centurytheypreferred to makecontractswiththelocal churchesor monasterieswhilestillaliveto secure burial places in the body of the church, and to ensurethat prayers wouldbe of- feredoverthese graves. The object of one of thesecontractswas calleda chapel, evenwhenitwas nota physical burial place, but simplyregularprayers or masses; we shallcall theselatter spiritualchapels, in opposition to the physical ones. In orderto ensurethe yearlypayments forthese chapels, thePortocitizensentailed their properties and appointed administrators (normally theeldest son) to be succeededin lineof primogeniture. In wills dating fromthe beginning ofthecen- tury, the objects are designated bothas chapels and as morgados, butthe purpose is emphatically a religious one. Morgados had been common among the landowningnobility since the late thirteenthand early fourteenthcenturiesto avoid the dispersal of family property; therethe purpose had been exclusively a secular one, and the right of 30 Rui Fernandes, "Descripo do terrenoem roda da cidade de Lamego duas leguas" in Col- leco de Inditosde Historia Portugueza, AcademiaReal das Scienciasde Lisboa, t. 5 (Lisboa, 1824) (written in 1532). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions24 Pedro de Brito primogeniture a basicruleofsuccession.As thesixteenth centuryprogressed the emphasis revertedto thesecularreasonfor entailing.Bymidcentury,although the alternative designation of chapel or morgado remains, as wellas theexistenceofa chapel, the emphasis is clearly on the preservation of property linkedto the family name.In facttheentailed property is not only town houses, and sometimes gov- ernment bonds, but predominantly land estates.Thisshowsthat having invested their profits in land, thesePortofamilieswere economically involvedlessand less in trade, and moreand morein landowning;entailing tradeventureshad never beenthe custom, becauseofthenatureoftheseventures. The formsof establishmentof the chapels or morgados filled pages and pages with provisos aboutthesuccession.The basicrulewas primogeniture, as al- ready mentioned, but everything was done to ensuresafeadministrationof the entailed property:replacing theheirin case he might notbe healthy in mindand body;forcing himto marry someoneof noble blood, never anyone of Jewish or Moorish blood; or dispossessing himifhe wereto takeorders.The formsthenlist theentailed properties and record any other legacies. Therewas almost always a concern that, even if he was only distantly related, the heir should use the founder's surname, but up to themiddleofthesixteenth century we findno men- tionofcoatsofarmsin relationto these families, evento thoseof clearly nobleor- igin, like Joo Martins Ferreira's;however, starting in thesixtieswe findthem concernedaboutthe preservation and correctuse oftheircoatsofarms. Forty out ofthe seventy familiesfounded chapels and morgados withinthis period. Forsomeofthese families, suchas theCarneirosand the Figueiroas,eight chapels and two morgados can be accountedfor.The averageperfamily is, how- ever, smaller:two chapels and one morgado. The resultin the family structureis thatthenumberof younger marriedsons and daughters decreased.As we have seen, dowrieswerea drainon thefamilies' fortunes, and sending their daughters to theconventwas the onlysociallyacceptable solution; norwere younger sons acceptablepartners forthe daughters of affluent fathers, so they too tookorders orwentto seektheirfortunesin Indiaand lateron in Brazil.Withtheincreasein theamountof entailed property, the leading Portofamiliesbecame moreand morelikethelanded nobilitythey had once stopped at the city'sgates, and less and lesslikethemercantile societythey had beena generation or two earlier, a so- ciety in which younger sonsand even singledaughters had had thesamechances to maketheirfortunesin tradeas theireldestbrothers. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 25 Bourgeoisieor Nobility? The structureof medieval society in thethreelevelsof oratores,bellatores, and laboratoresy established by the Bishop of Laon31in accordancewiththeirem- ployment, no longer made sense by thetimeD. Duarte, king of Portugal (1433- 43) and grandson of John of Gaunt, came to writehis"Leal Conselheiro."32He added two others, one for"officials"and anotherin whichhe includedliberal professions and variousothers unspecified. No merchantsare mentionedin the "Leal Conselheiro," although thebellatoresor defendersare discouraged frombe- coming involvedin trade.The common people wouldsoon be complaining in the cortesthatthe clergy and nobility were indulging in trade, and doing so at an un- fair advantage becauseoftheir exemption fromtaxes.33Howeveritwouldnotbe commonmerchantswho wouldbenefitfromthetrade expansionarising out of the discoveries, butthenew phenomenon ofthe merchant-knight. This brings us to the difficulty of classifying the nobility at thedawnof the modernera.Sinceit had ceasedto be simply a militarynobility as it had been in theMiddle Ages, it could no longer be distinguishedby its actions.This made necessary a formal acknowledgment of its status, whichmakesit easy to identify thoseknownto havedescendedfromtheold noblesse pe, butharderforthose on the wayup. The criteriaarethereforetherecordofthose formallyknighted, of thoseto whoma coatof armswas granted, and ofthoseso namedin formaldoc- uments.Penaltiesfor wrongful use of coatsof armsand surnameswerein force since, at latest, the beginning of thesixteenth century. Abuseof privilege did not alwaysgo unpunished, butitwas nevertheless widespread. Another difficulty is that grants of coats of arms generally includethe phrase thatthe beneficiary is "removedfromthe commonalty," buta numberof recipients had already been knightedpreviously, as was the case withGabriel Gonalves, a leading Portotownsman.This leavesus the question as to whether they becamenoblemenwhen they were knighted, or only when they were granted a coatofarms. Unfortunately, therecordsof the nobility wereburnt during the 1755Lis- bon earthquake; it is estimatedthatat leastthreethousand copies of grants of coatsofarmswere destroyedapart fromletters patentgranted to squires,knights and fidalgos. Hence thereis greatdifficulty in determining thestatusof mostof 31 GeorgesDuby, Les troisordres,ou l'imaginaire du fodalisme (Paris,1962). "* Duarte (DJ, Leal Conselheiro,Obrasdos Prncipes deAvtz (Porto,1981). " Armindode Sousa, As cortesmedivais portuguesas(1385-1490), vol.2 (Porto,1990), 348. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions26Pedro de Brito thesefamilies. Thus, for example, letus considerthecase of theCarneiros:while the royalsecretary's branchwas granted thetitleof countand theconcomitant right to use "D."beforetheirnames by 1580, theirPortocousins were, at most,y- dalgosy and someofthemwerenoteventhat. Despite thesedifficultiesit is still possible to prepare a chart showing the aproximate dateswhenthesefamilies formally becamenoble: thus, of thesesev- enty families, eight enteredthesixteenth century as noblemen, twenty- sixwere ennobled during thefirsthalfofthe century, and a furtherfour by 1580.Allthese familieshad been establishedfora numberof generations as citizensof Porto, withtheconcomitant rights, whichwerethesameas thoseof noblemen, but they wereno longer satisfiedwiththisand would go to greatlengths to obtaina title grantedby theCrown. Conclusions The presence or absenceof a merchant bourgeoisie in Portoin the periods defined by LucienFebvreand HenriHauser34-1450to 1550and 1550to 1640- can providegood evidenceof their importance in the development of thenew world system.35 In thecase ofPortowe findtheexistenceofa merchant bourgeoi- sie in thesecondhalfof thefifteenthand thefirsthalfof thesixteenth century. They wereinvolvedin tradeon a wholesaleand international scale, importing textiles, paper, and metalware, and exporting sumac,chestnuts, and as yet unim- portantquantities ofwine.Thismerchant bourgeoisie controlledtheadministra- tionof Portoand even though it was conditioned bypowerstruggles at the top political level - considerthe replacement offamiliesthat opposed the king'sparty in the 1448crisis - it was nevertheless quiteindependent of theCrownand suc- cessfullyopposed the attempt of any nobleman trying to settledownin the city, notto mentioninfluenceits policies. Therefore, I cannot agree withVicensVivesthattherewas no urbanbour- geoisie,36 as regards Portoat least, and thattheir gap was filled by the Jews. Until theirforcedconversionin 1497 throughKing D. Manuel,Jews might be involved in trade, but theykept to the ghetto, the judiaria in theSt. Miguel street, and had no part in the citygovernment. After they wereforcedto become"newChris- tians," they stillhad no significantpart in the city's activities, withthe exception 34 Fernand Braudel, "Qu'est-ce que le XVI sicle?" Annales, conomies,Socits,Civilisations,8:1 (janvier- mars 1953): 73. I. Wallerstein, World System, 63. Jaime Vicens Vives,An Economie Historyof Spain (Princeton, 1969), 248. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 27 ofthePazes - whoseconversiondatedfrom long before that, and who mixed by marriage withtwoofthe leading families, Leitesand Mesquitas. As regards the city administrationitseemsto havebeenin thehandsofthe seventy families studied, and ofa dozen among themin particular.They seemto havehad complete control, withlittleinterferencefromtheCrown. But, as the centuryprogressed, the king started appointingprofessionalmagistrates to Porto, seeking to controllocal policiesthrough them.He also graduallyimposedsuper- visionoftheelectionof the city council; the city clerk, whose appointment was a cityprivilege, wouldin practice be nominated by the king. Thismeantthatlittle by littlethe city lostits autonomy and by thetime Phillip II began to rulein 1580, although membersof thesefamiliesstillheld the major posts in the city,they somehowwerenot as independent fromCrowninterferenceas they had been; they seemto havebecomemere delegates of a centralizedabsolute monarchy.37 As faras the economy is concerned, Vasco da Gama's discovery of thesea routeto Indiahad itseffects. Gradually these leading familiesmusthave begun to lose interestin trade. By thesecondhalfof thesixteenth century we findno fur- ther signs of their continuing to be involvedin significant merchant activity; as timewenton they investedtheir profits notin commercebutin land, and in pri- vateor publicusury.Along withthis they also became ashamedof being called merchants, and this designation became sociallyunacceptable.Apparently condi- tionshad been radically altered.Whatwas thisdue to?Had itto do withthecon- trolof themost significantportion of internationaltrade - the spice cartel - by theCrown? Only thosenearto the king had accessto thistrade.ButbeforetheIn- dia tradeexistedthesefamilieswere alreadytrading in textilesand in local pro- ducewithnorthern Europe; couldthishavebecomeso muchless profitable than trading in spices thatit was no longerinteresting? Or could it be, as Max Weber would say, thatthe theologyarising outoftheCouncilofTrentdid not encourage the growth of a mercantile bourgeoisie? On theother hand, whilethemembersofthese leading familieshad exerted effectivecontroloverthe city,they had beencontentwiththe rights and privileges ofcitizensof Porto - whichwerethesameas thoseof noblemen - and they were proud to so call themselvesin every kindof officialdocument.Butas the century progressed and theCrown tightened itscontrolof citypolitics and administra- tion, thosewho had been happy to call themselvescitizensnowdemandedtitles 37 FranciscoRibeiroda Silva, O Portoe o seu termo (1580-1640): Os homens, as instituies e o poder(Porto,1988). This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions28Pedro de Brito grantedby the Crown, particularly thatof fidalgo da casa real which by definition impliedroyalsponsorship. Withthe craving fortitlescame the craving fortheir trappings: coatsofarmsand otheradornments. While early in the centurythey had entailed property to ensuretheirburial places in themonasteriesand prayers fortheir souls, they nowdid so merely to safeguard the family name, as did theminorrural nobility. Withthiscomesalso theconcernaboutsuccession:all theintricaterulesaboutthe preservation ofsur- namesand coatsof arms, aboutthe prevention of marriages to anyone of Jewish ancestry to maintain purity ofblood.In facttherewas practicallynothing to dis- tinguish themfromnoblemenand so itwillcomeas no surprise thatthelasttime we hearofa nobleman being askedto leavethe city is in 1549. Similar to Lord Burghley'ssaying"gentilitie is nought but auncient riches,"38 we havethatof the royalsecretary Antonio Carneiro, who was offered an elaboratebutfalse family tree, butdeclinedit withthewords"for my descen- dantssufficetheservicesI haverendered myKing and Country."39 AntnioCar- neirodiedin 1545, and hisdeathmarkedtheend ofan era. Porto, a city thatonce wouldnot allownoblemento remainwithinitswallsformorethanthree days, wasruled by a closely knit group ofmerchantfamiliesat the beginning ofthesix- teenth century. Atitsend thefamilieswere effectively stillthe same, but they were no longer merchants, and so therewas no longer theneed to keep out thenoble- menbecause they had becometheir equals. Further Research I believethatfurther study of themiddlestratahas the potential to supply significant contributionsto thesocialand economic history of Portugal in thesix- teenth century. One path of study would be to concentrateon studiesforeach city,possiblyby orderof importance as setin thebenchorderat theCortes.Thus we havein thefirstbench Lisbon,Coimbra,vora,Santarm, and Porto; in the secondbench Braga, Viseu,Silves, and Guarda; in thethirdbench Eivas, Guima- res, Beja, Tavira, and Leiria; and so on up to thesixteenthbench.40 In each study thestructure might be thesame:to try to determinethelistof city officialsand ofthose present at the city council meetingsusing as sourcesthe 38 LordWilliam Cecil Burghley, Certaine precepts(London, 1617), 8. ^ Anselmo Braamcamp Freire, Brases da Sala de Sintra, 2d. ed., vol. 2 (1973), 220; Eugenio An- drea da Cunha E Freitas,Portuensesna cortein "Duascidades ao servio de Portugal: Subsdios para o estudo das relaes de Lisboa e Porto durante oito sculos" (Porto, 1947). Armindo de bousa, As cortes* vol. l, lo. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsThe Stillbirthof a PortugueseBourgeoisie 29 documents kept at thevarious municipal archives - theabundanceofthese is, of course,limited, Porto beingperhaps therichestas faras sourcesforthis purpose areconcerned.41Sincethelast greatupheaval in theurban patriciateup untilthe endofthesixteenth century musthavetaken place at thetimeoftheAlfarrobeira crisis, it wouldbe advisableto setthis - 1448 - as a starting date for any mono- graph on this subject; thesame applies to Porto - only itwas foundouttoo lateto be considered. Havingprepared a listofthe city'sleadingpeople, thenext step wouldbe to establishthe family networks.Forthistwoofthemost significantgenealogical en- cyclopedias can be used;42 besidesthese two, othersstillin manuscript can be consultedat theBibliotecaNacionalde Lisboa.43 The final step wouldbe to conductresearchintothesefamilies' economic, social, and politicalbackgrounds. In thecase of Porto, besidesthe municipal ar- chive, I used thedistrict archive, theMisericrdiaArchive - themaincharitable brotherhood - in the city, and thenationalarchivein Lisbon, the Arquivo Nacio- nal da Torredo Tombo.Willsare verygood sourcesof personal information, and abundant examples can be foundat thePortoarchives.Suitabledocumentsfor researchcan be foundin all thedistrict archives, parishregisters44 and notary minutes, and old monasteriesand convents.In whatrelatesto office holding, re- quests forennoblementor other requests to the Crown, the military orders, or the Inquisition, theresearcheris advisedto consultthe corresponding indexesat the Arquivo Nacionalda Torredo Tombo. All thisdoes not meanthatin thecase of everycity sourceswill prove as abundantas with Porto, but onlythrough research using the primary documents can thehistorianfindtheactuallimitationsin eachcase. 41 For a list of late medieval city council minutessee J. A. Machado and L. M. Duarte, "Vereacoens"1431-1432LivroI (Porto,1985), 19. CristvoAllo de Morais, PedaturaLutstatia (Nobilirio das famlias de Portugal)(Porto, 1943-48);FelgueirasGayo, Nobiliriodas Famliasde Portugal(Braga,1938-41). Fora listofthese manuscripts see Luisde MelloVaz de So Payo, "Armase Trofeus,"Revistade Histria,Herldica, Genealogia e deArte (Lisboa,1966), 2 srie,t. 6, 312-14. 44 Mostofthesehavebeenmicrofilmedand are kept in thecentralMormonArchivesin Utah. This content downloaded from 150.135.239.97 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 23:40:19 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions