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OxfordModernEnglishGrammar

BasAartsisProfessorofEnglishLinguisticsandDirectoroftheSurveyofEnglishUsageatUniversityCollegeLondon.HispreviousbooksincludeSmallClausesinEnglish:TheNonverbalTypes(MoutondeGruyter,1992);TheVerbinContemporaryEnglish,co-editedwithCharlesF.Meyer(CambridgeUniversityPress,1995);EnglishSyntaxandArgumentation(Palgrave,1997,2001,2008);InvestigatingNaturalLanguage:WorkingwiththeBritishComponentoftheInternationalCorpusofEnglish,co-authoredwithGeraldNelsonandSeanWallis(JohnBenjamins,2002);FuzzyGrammar:AReader,co-editedwithDavidDenison,EvelienKeizer,andGerganaPopova(OxfordUniversityPress,2004);TheHandbookofEnglishLinguistics,co-editedwithAprilMcMahon(Blackwell,2006);andSyntacticGradience:TheNatureofGrammaticalIndeterminacy(OxfordUniversityPress,2007).HeisoneofthefoundingeditorsofthejournalEnglishLanguageandLinguistics.

OxfordModernEnglishGrammarBasAarts

DepartmentofEnglishLanguageandLiteratureUniversityCollegeLondon

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InmemoryofmymotherSjéAarts-Postmes(1934–2008)

ContentsListoffigures

Listoftables

Preface

Notationalconventionsandabbreviations

Abbreviations

PartI:Thebasics

Chapter1:AnoverviewofEnglishgrammar

PartII:Formandfunction

Chapter2:Wordstructureandword-formation

Chapter3:Wordclassesandsimplephrases

Chapter4:Grammaticalfunctions,semanticroles,andtreediagrams

PartIII:Phraseandclausepatterns

Chapter5:Complexphrasesandcoordination

Chapter6:Clausetypesandnegation

Chapter7:Finitesubordinateclauses

Chapter8:Non-finiteandverblesssubordinateclauses

PartIV:Grammarandmeaning

Chapter9:Tenseandaspect

Chapter10:Mood

Chapter11:Informationstructuring

Appendix1:Englishirregularverbs

Appendix2:ThestructureoftheICE-GBcorpus

Notesandfurtherreading

Listofsourcesofexamples

References

SubjectIndex

LexicalIndex

ListoffiguresFigure2.1:Thefieldofmorphology

Figure3.1:ThesubclassificationofEnglishverbs

Listoftables

Table2.1:

Thepersonsystem

Table2.2:

TheparadigmfortheregularverbINSULT

Table2.3:

TheparadigmfortheirregularverbBREAK

Table2.4:

Theprogressive,perfect,andpassiveconstructions

Table2.5:

ThepresenttenseformsoftheverbBE

Table2.6:

Non-finiteclauses

Table2.7:

Plural-formation

Table2.8:

Thecaseformsofpersonalpronouns

Table2.9:

Theinflectionalformsofadjectivesandadverbs

Table2.10:

Somecommonderivationalsuffixes

Table2.11:

Somecommonderivationalprefixes

Table2.12:

Compoundnouns

Table2.13:

Compoundverbs

Table2.14:

Compoundadjectives

Table2.15:

Compoundprepositions

Table2.16:

Compoundadverbs

Table2.17:

Combiningforms

Table3.1:

Wordclasses

Table3.2:

Somecommonnominalsuffixes

Table3.3:

Thedistributionalpropertiesoftypicalnouns

Table3.4:

Pronounsubclasses

Table3.5:

Reflexivepronouns

Table3.6:

Reciprocalpronouns

Table3.7:

Relativepronouns

Table3.8:

Interrogativepronouns

Table3.9:

Demonstrativepronouns

Table3.10:

Indefinitepronouns

Table3.11:

Determinatives

Table3.12:

Thedistributionalpropertiesoftypicaldeterminatives

Table3.13:

Thedistributionalpropertiesoftypicaladjectives

Table3.14:

Themodalauxiliaries

Table3.15:

Theperfectconstruction

Table3.16:

Theprogressiveconstruction

Table3.17:

Thepassiveconstruction

Table3.18:

UsesofdummyDO

Table3.19:

Prepositions

Table3.20:

Complexprepositions

Table3.21:

Postpositions

Table3.22:

Deverbalprepositions

Table3.23:

Subordinatingconjunctions

Table4.1:

Grammaticalfunctions

Table4.2:

ThepropertiesoftypicalSubjects

Table4.3:

ThepropertiesoftypicalDirectObjects

Table4.4:

Aselectionoftransitiveverbs

Table4.5:

ThepropertiesoftypicalIndirectObjects

Table4.6:

Aselectionofditransitiveverbs

Table4.7:

Aselectionoflinkingverbs

Table4.8:

Aselectionofcomplextransitiveverbs

Table4.9:

ThedistributionalpropertiesoftypicalPredicativeComplements

Table4.10:

ThedistributionalpropertiesofPPCs

Table4.11:

AselectionofverbslicensingPPCs

Table4.12:

ThedistributionalpropertiesoftypicalAdjuncts

Table4.13:

Semanticroles

Table5.1:

Grammaticalfunctionsatphraselevel

Table5.2:

Determinersinnounphrases

Table5.3:

Predeterminersinnounphrases

Table5.4:

Complementsinnounphrases

Table5.5:

Adjunctsinnounphrases

Table5.6:

Complementsinadjectivephrases

Table5.7:

Adjunctsinadjectivephrases

Table5.8:

Complementsinverbphrases

Table5.9:

Basiccomplementationpatterns

Table5.10:

Anoverviewofconstructionsinvolvingnon-locativePPsfunctioningasPPC

Table5.11:

AnoverviewofconstructionsinvolvinglocativePPsfunctioningasPPC

Table5.12:

Adjunctsinverbphrases

Table5.13:

Complementsinprepositionalphrases

Table5.14:

Conjunctiveprepositions

Table5.15:

Conjunctivecomplexprepositions

Table5.16:

Adjunctsinprepositionalphrases

Table5.17:

Complementsinadverbphrases

Table5.18:

Adjunctsinadverbphrases

Table6.1:

Thepropertiesofdeclarativeclauses

Table6.2:

Thepropertiesofopeninterrogativeclauses

Table6.3:

Thepropertiesofclosedinterrogativeclauses

Table6.4:

Thepropertiesofimperativeclauses

Table6.5:

Thepropertiesofexclamativeclauses

Table6.6:

Overviewoftheclausetypes:syntaxanduse

Table7.1:

Finitesubordinateclauses

Table7.2:

Contentclauses

Table7.3:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘DECIDE[clausethat…]’

Table7.4:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘WONDER[clauseif/whether/wh-phrase…]’

Table7.5:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘MENTION([PPtoNP])[clausethat…]’

Table7.6:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘TELLNP[clausethat…]’

Table7.7:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘ASKNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

Table7.8:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘PERSUADENP[clausethat…]’

Table7.9:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘REMINDNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

Table7.10:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘ItSEEM(PP)[clause(that/asif)…]’

Table7.11:

Thescalar/non-scalarandequality/inequalitycontrasts

Table8.1:

Non-finiteclauses

Table8.2:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘WANT[clause(for)NPto-infinitive…]’

Table8.3:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘HESITATE[clause,Øto-[clauseinfinitive…]’

Table8.4:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘WONDER[clausewhether/wh-phraseØto-infinitive…]’

Table8.5:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘TELLNPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’

Table8.6:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘TELLNPi[clausewh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’

Table8.7:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘PERSUADENPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’

Table8.8:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘ADVISENPi[clausewhether/wh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’

Table8.9:

Table8.10:

Table8.11:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘HAVE[clauseNPbareinfinitive…]’

Table8.12: Verbsoccurringinthepattern

bareinfinitive…]’

Table8.13:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘REMEMBER[clauseØ-ingparticiple…]’

Table8.14:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘RECOMMEND[clauseNP/NP’s-ingparticiple…]’

Table8.15: Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘PREVENT -ing

participle…]]’

Table8.16: Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘REGARD -ing

participle…]]’

Table8.17:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘FINDNPi[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]’

Table8.18:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘DESCRIBENPi[PPas[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]]’

Table8.19:

Table8.20:

Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘HAVE[clauseNPpastparticiple…]’

Table10.1:

FrequenciesoftheEnglishcoremodalauxiliariespermillionwordsintheICE-GBcorpus

Table10.2:

Themorphosyntacticpropertiesofthemodalverbs

Table10.3:

TheusesofWILL/would

Table10.4:

TheusesofSHALL

Table10.5:

Theusesofshould

Table10.6:

TheusesofCAN/could

Table10.7:

TheusesofMAY/might

Table10.8:

TheusesofMUST

PrefaceTheaimofthisgrammaristoofferamodern,concise,butneverthelesswide-rangingdescriptionofthestructureofcontemporarystandardBritishandAmericanEnglish.ThebookisintendedforanyonewhoisinterestedinEnglishgrammar,andhasbeenwrittenwithoutanassumptiononmypartthatthereaderhasanypreviousknowledgeofgrammaticalconcepts.

Theaccountofgrammarpresentedinthisbookisdescriptive,notprescriptive:itdescribesthelanguageasitisusedtoday.Readershopingtofindconfirmationthattheso-calledsplitinfinitiveisanodiousmanifestationofthedeclineoftheEnglishlanguage—togivebutoneexampleofacommonusageshibboleth—willbedisappointed.TheviewtakenhereisthattheEnglishlanguageisnotastaticentity,butiscontinuallysubjecttoinevitablechange,whichisreflectedinitslexisandgrammar.

ItisnotpossibletowriteabooklikethiswithoutacknowledgingpreviousworkonEnglishgrammar.Theframeworkadoptedherereliesheavilyonthetwomostcompleteandin-depthaccountsofEnglishgrammarcurrentlyavailable,namelyRandolphQuirk,SidneyGreenbaum,GeoffreyLeech,andJanSvartvik’sComprehensiveGrammaroftheEnglishLanguage(1985)andRodneyHuddlestonandGeoffreyPullumetal.’sCambridgeGrammaroftheEnglishLanguage(2002).ThesegrammarsoffersophisticatedanddetaileddescriptionsofEnglishthatgofarbeyondthescopeofthepresentbook.Itshouldbenoted,however,thatIhavenotinallcasesfollowedthegrammaticalanalysespresentedinthesebooks.ThemajorpointsofdivergencearediscussedintheNotesandfurtherreadingsection.

IoweanenormousdebtofgratitudetoFlorAarts,PeterCollins,RodneyHuddleston,andGeoffreyLeech(inalphabeticalorder)forreadingtheentiremanuscriptandcommentingonitingreatdetail.Iamveryfortunatetohavereceivedthistremendouslyvaluablefeedbackfromsucheminentgrammarians,andtheirinputhasmadethisamuchbetterbookthanitwouldotherwisehavebeen.I’malsogratefultomyeditorsatOxfordUniversityPress,BenHarris,VickyDonald,RebeccaLaneandClare

Jenkins.FortheirhelpduringtheeditingstageIwouldliketothankJillBowieforhersuperbcopy-editing,HelenLiebeckforproofreading,andPhilAslettforcompilingthesubjectindex.

BASAARTS

UniversityCollegeLondonApril2010

NotationalconventionsandabbreviationsNotationalconventions

* Anasteriskindicatesanimpossiblestructure,i.e.astructurethatdoesnotconformtothegrammaticalrulesofEnglish.Example:*Theylikestoread.InthisexamplethethirdpersonpluralSubjecttheyisfollowedbyaverbwithathirdpersonsingularinflectionalending.

Ø ThissymbolisusedtoindicateanimplicitSubject.Example:Iwant[Øtoreadit].

Ørel. Thisisusedtoindicateanimplicitrelativizedelement.Example:Thepower[thatØrelenablesthisunion]Coleridgecategorizedastheimagination.

Øsub Thisisusedtoindicateamissingsubordinatingconjunctionthat.Example:Theythink[Øsubtheyarefunny].

¤ Thissymbolisusedwheretheformlabelcanbeofdifferentkinds(thatis,wherethefunctioncanberealizedbydifferentkindsofforms).

arrows Theseindicatemovement,e.g.passivization,extraposition,orraising.Example: toenjoycricket.Theunderscoresymbolisexplainedbelow.

brackets Bracketsareused:

[…] (1)toindicatewordsthattogetherformaconstituentphrase,clause,etc.Alabelledbracketingincludesasubscriptindicatorofthesyntacticstatusoftheconstituent.Example:[NPCats][VPeat[NPfish]];(2)toindicatethatalexicalitem,usuallyaverb,isfollowedbyaComplementwhichcontainsaparticularword.Example:HAVE[to]indicatesthattheverbHAVEisfollowedbyaComplementthatcontainsthewordto,e.g.Ihavetoleave.

capitals Theseareused:(1)toindicatefunctionalgrammaticallabels,e.g.Subject,DirectObject;(2)semanticroles,e.g.Agent,Patient.

coindexing Itemsthatarecoreferentialcanbecoindexed,i.e.bearthesamesubscriptletter,usuallyan‘i’.Example:Heishaveshimselfitwiceeveryday.

italics Theseareused:(1)toindicatethefirsttimeaparticulartechnicaltermisused;(2)tocitewords,sentences,etc.aslinguisticforms;(3)toindicatewords,phrases,etc.thatrequirehighlighting.Forunderlineditalics,seebelow.

SMALLCAPS

Theseindicatelexemes(i.e.dictionarywords).Example:theformslaugh,laughs,laughed,andlaughingareinflectionalformsbelongingtothelexemeLAUGH.Thesmallcapsnotationwillbeusedforverbsthroughout,andforotherwordclasseswheneverrelevant.

underlineditalics

Withinitalicizedtechnicalterms,underliningisusedtodistinguishcitationsofparticularwords(orother

elements),e.g.existentialthere,–ingparticipleclauses.

underscore(‘_’)

Thissymbolindicatesa‘gap’intheclausewithwhichadisplacedelementisassociated.Examples:inWhatdidyousee_?thewh-word(seebelow)functionsastheDirectObjectoftheverbSEEandhasbeenfrontedtoformaninterrogativestructure;inthepassiveclauseTheflightwasbooked_bymethegapindicatesthepositionfromwhichtheDirectObjectoftheverbBOOKwasmoved.

wh-words Thistermisusedforasetofwordsmostofwhichbeginwiththeletterswh-,e.g.what,who,butwhichalsoincludeshow.

Abbreviations

A Adjunct

Adj/AdjP adjective/adjectivephrase

Adv/AdvP adverb/adverbphrase

CC ComplementClause

Comp Complement

D/DP determinative/determinativephrase

DET Determiner

DO DirectObject

EXT-A ExternalAdjunct

H Head

ICE-GB TheBritishcomponentoftheInternationalCorpusofEnglish

ind indicative

IO IndirectObject

MC matrixclause

N/NP noun/nounphrase

NICE AnacronymforNegation,Inversion,Code,Emphasisproperties

P/PP preposition/prepositionalphrase

PPi/PPt prepositionalphraseheadedbyanintransitive/transitivepreposition

PC PredicativeComplement

PCR Predicator

PPC PrepositionalPhraseasComplement

Pred Predicate

Predet Predeterminer

pres. present

ps. person

sing. singular

Subj Subject

subjve subjunctive

V-ing -ingparticipleformofaverb

V-ed/-en pastparticipleformofaverb

V/VP verb/verbphrase

PartI:Thebasics

Chapter1AnoverviewofEnglishgrammar

1.1Grammarandgrammarwriting

Grammarisconcernedwiththestructureofwords(morphology),andofphrasesandclauses(syntax).Thereisalongtraditionofgrammarwriting,startingwiththeancientGreeksandleadinguptothepresentday.Thistraditionhashadalastinginfluenceonhowlanguages—notjustEnglish—havebeendescribed.Thebookinfrontofyouisnoexception:itwilldescribethestructureofEnglishrelyingheavilyonthistraditioninmanydifferentways,notleastintermsoftheterminologyadopted.However,itisimportanttostressthatitdoesnotexclusivelybaseitselfontheclassicaltradition,becauseithaslongbeenacceptedthatweshouldnotassumethatthegrammaroftheclassicallanguages,especiallyLatin,shouldserveasamodelforthedescriptionofEnglish.ManygrammarsofEnglishwerewritteninLatinuptothemiddleoftheeighteenthcentury,thoughWilliamBullokar’sPamphletforGrammar(1586),thefirstgrammarofEnglishtobewritteninEnglish,isanexception.After1750grammariansincreasinglyrecognizedthatthedifferencesbetweenLatinandEnglisharetoogreattobeignored.AsanexampleofthemismatchbetweenEnglishandLatingrammar,considerthewordthe,themostfrequentwordintheEnglishlanguage.InEnglishthiswordbelongstotheclassofdeterminatives(seesection1.3),butinLatinthiswordclassdidnotexist,andsoithadtobeintroducedintogrammaticaldescriptionsofEnglish.ItisgenerallyacknowledgedthattheplaywrightBenJonsonwasthefirstpersontodoso(thoughheusedthemorefamiliarlabelarticle).

Inthehistoryofgrammarwritinganumberofdifferenttypesofgrammarcanbedistinguished.Schoolgrammarsaimtoteachbasicandoftensimplifiedgrammaticalpatterns.Veryoftentheyhaveaprescriptiveoutlook,ratherthanapurelydescriptiveone—thatis,theytelltheirreaderswhattodoandwhatnottodowhenspeakingorwritinginEnglish.Theywereusedverywidelyintheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies.OneofthebestknownexampleswasLindleyMurray’swonderfullyentitledEnglishGrammar,AdaptedtotheDifferentClassesofLearners.Withan

Appendix,ContainingRulesandObservationsforPromotingPerspicuityinSpeakingandWriting(1795).Stemmingfromthistradition,butmoreuptodateandmodern,arepedagogicalgrammars,usedinavarietyofeducationalsettings.Traditionalgrammarsaredetailedscholarlyworkswhichbelongtothenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Theyarecharacterizedbytheirlength,usuallyseveralweightyvolumes,andtheirextensiveuseofliteraryexamples.PrincipalamongthemisOttoJespersen’sAModernEnglishGrammaronHistoricalPrinciples(1909–1949).Theaimoftheoreticalgrammaristodiscoverthe(abstract)rulesandprinciplesunderlyingthestructure(andsometimesuse)oflanguage.Therearemanydifferenttypesoftheoreticalapproachestogrammar.ThebestknownisprobablythetheoryoftheAmericanlinguistNoamChomskywhichaimstoarriveatablueprintforamentallyencodedUniversalGrammarthatallhumanbeingsaregeneticallyendowedwith.

Althoughthepresentbookhasbeeninfluencedbyideasintheoreticalwork,itsoutlookisthesameasthatfoundinmoderndescriptivereferencegrammars.Suchgrammarsdescribethelanguageasitisusedtodaybyitsspeakers,anddonotaimtolegislateinmattersof‘correctgrammar’.Thus,whileyoumayfindadescriptionoftheso-calledsplitinfinitive(tocheerfullysinginthebath)inareferencegrammar,youwillnotbetoldtoavoidthisconstructiononthegroundsthatitis‘badEnglish’.Naturally,thisdoesnotmeanthateverythingutteredbyaspeakerofEnglishwillberegardedasacceptable.Ifsomeonedescribesapaintingas‘executedbrilliantwithalsovividlycolours’,thentheyareviolatingthegrammaticalrulesystemofEnglish.Youmaybewonderingatthispointwhethertheuseofthesplitinfinitive—orindeedmyuseofthepronountheyintheprecedingsentence—doesnotalsoviolatetherulesofEnglish.Theansweris‘no’,andthereasonisthattheuseofthesplitinfinitiveandtheuseofthepluralpronountheywithanon-specificsingularantecedentaresanctionedbywidespreadcurrentusage,theformermoresothanthelatter.Thethinkingunderlyingtheseobservationsisthatthegrammarofalanguageisshapedovertimebythespeakersofthatlanguage,notbyself-appointedindividualsorlearnedbodies.Theeffortsofthosewhohavetriedinthepasttoinfluencehowthelanguageshouldbeusedhavegenerallyfailed.JonathanSwift,whoproposedsettingupanAcademyinhis1712pamphletentitled‘AProposalforCorrecting,ImprovingandAscertainingtheEnglishTongue’,wasunsuccessful,andeventhelexicographerSamuelJohnson,whothoughthecouldimprovetheEnglishlanguagewhenhebeganhis

magisterialDictionaryoftheEnglishLanguage(publishedin1755),hadtogiveuponthatidea.JosephPriestleywasopposedtosettingupanAcademy,andhisattitudetousage,expressedinhisRudimentsofEnglishGrammar(1761),foreshadowedmodernthinkingwhenhewrotethattheonlystandardweneedtoadmitisthatofcustom.

Allowingthelanguagetorunitsowncoursemeansthatapreviouslyfrowned-uponusagecanbecomenormal.Fordifferentspeakersthiswillhappenatadifferentpace.Thus,whiletheinterrogativetaginnit,asinHeleftthecountry,innit?,usedinLondonandsoutheastBritain,isnotpartofstandardEnglishatpresent,overtimeitmaywellbecomeacceptableinthesamewaythatn’est-cepasinFrenchisacceptableasageneralizedtag.(Seesection4.1.1.8foranexplanationoftheterminterrogativetag.)AlesscontentiousexampleofusagethatisslowlymakingitswayintoEnglishisaparticularwaythattheso-calledprogressiveconstructionisused.ThisconstructioninvolvestheverbBEfollowedbyanotherverbthatendsin-ing,asinI’mwatchingtelevision.Inthepresenttenseitstypicaluseistoexpressthatasituationbeganinthepastandiscontinuingbeyondthepresentmoment.Recentlyithasbeenpossibletohearpeoplesay,forexample,I’mwantingtolearnaboutgrammar,wherethemoreestablishedpatternisIwanttolearnaboutgrammar.ThisnoveluseoftheprogressiveconstructionisalsofoundinthesloganI’mlovingit!,coinedbyapopularpurveyoroffastfood.Whileusagematterswillplayaroleinthisgrammar,theywillnotbethemainfocusofattention.

InsteadoffollowingtheclassicaltraditiontoocloselyIwillbedescribingthegrammarofstandardEnglishasasysteminitsownright,makinguseoftheinsightsofmodernlinguistics.AsnotedinthePreface,thedescriptiveframeworkadoptedhereisinfluencedbytwomajorgrammarsofEnglish,namelyQuirketal.’sComprehensiveGrammaroftheEnglishLanguage(1985)andHuddlestonandPullumetal.’sCambridgeGrammaroftheEnglishLanguage(2002).ThedescriptionwillfocusonthetwomainstandardvarietiesofEnglish:BritishEnglishandAmericanEnglish.Throughout,Iwilluseauthentic(occasionallyadapted)writtenandspokenlanguagedatatakenfromtwokindsofsourcestoillustrategrammaticalpoints.TheprimarysourceistheBritishcomponentoftheInternationalCorpusofEnglish(ICE-GB),basedattheSurveyofEnglishUsage,UniversityCollegeLondon.Thisisacollectionof500‘texts’(passagesof2,000words)ofgrammaticallyanalysedspokenandwrittenEnglish

selectedfromvarioustypesofcategoriesoflanguageuse.ThestructureoftheICE-GBcorpusisoutlinedinAppendix2.Thesecondkindofsourceofexamplesincludesonlinebroadsheetnewspapers,newschannelssuchasBBCNews,andthelike.Thesourcesoftheexamplesarelistedatthebackofthebook.Aswesawabove,traditionalgrammarsoftenusedliteraryexamples,whilemoremoderntextsongrammaroftenusemade-upexamples.Usingauthenticexamplesispreferablebecausetheyofferaninsightintohowlanguageisusednaturallyinrealsituations.

ThegrammarofEnglishisacomplexsysteminwhichallthecomponentsinteract.Inordertohelpreadersgetagriponthissystemtheremainderofthischapterwillconsistofanoverviewofthebasiccomponentsofgrammar.Thesectionnumberscorrespondtothechapternumbers.PartsII,III,andIVofthebookwillthenofferadetailedelaborationofthissystem.ItisimportanttomentionfromtheoutsetthatthegrammarofEnglishisbynomeansfixedandagreedupon,andnodescriptionofitcaninanywayberegardedasdefinitive.Toguidereadersinunderstandingthedifferencesinthetreatmentofparticulargrammaticalphenomenainotherframeworks,IwillincludebriefdiscussionsofothertreatmentsintheNotesandfurtherreadingsectionattheendofthebook.

1.2Wordstructureandword-formation

Westartwithadiscussionofwords.Consider(1)below:

1Theverynoisyvisitorcontinuallyinsultedthereceptionistandthecaretakerinthelibrary.

Trivially,thisstructurecontainsfourteenorthographicwords,thatis,wordsastheyappearinwritingseparatedbyblankspaces.Inspeechallthewordsarestrungtogetherwithoutpauses,andsomeonewhodoesnotknowEnglishwillnotknowwherethewordboundariesare.Asforthemeaningsofthewordsin(1),ifyoudidnotknowaparticularword,youwouldconsultadictionary.Inallcases,exceptforinsulted,youwouldlookforthewordinthedictionaryundertheforminwhichitappearsin(1).Thus,inthecaseofnoisyyouwouldlookunderNOISY;inthecaseofreceptionistyouwouldlookunderRECEPTIONIST;butinthecaseofinsultedyouwouldlookunderINSULT.Wordswhichcanactasdictionaryentriesarecalledlexemes(indicatedaboveinSMALLCAPS),whereaswordswhichperforma

particulargrammaticalrole(e.g.‘presenttenseform’)arecalledinflectionalforms(orgrammaticalwords).TheinflectionalformsassociatedwiththelexemeINSULTare:insult,insults,insulted,andinsulting.Noticethatinsultedin(1)isanorthographicwordaswellasaninflectionalform(namelythepasttenseformoftheverbINSULT),butnotalexeme.Manywords,butnotall,haveaninternalstructure.Forexample,thewordinsultedendsin-edwhichiscalledapasttenseinflection.Thiswordthuscommunicatesatleasttwothings:themeaning‘offendverbally’,and‘pastness’.TheinternalstructureofwordswillbediscussedinChapter2,aswellasword-formationprocessessuchasderivation,compounding,andconversion.

1.3Wordclassesandsimplephrases

Traditionallywordsarecategorizedintopartsofspeechwhicharealsocalledwordclasses.Englishhasthefollowingwordclasses:noun,determinative,adjective,verb,preposition,adverb,conjunction,andinterjection.Thewordclasslabelsarereferredtoasformlabels.

Youwillhavecomeacrossthenotionofanounasanamingword,thatis,awordthatnamesaperson,place,orthing.In(1)thewordsvisitor,receptionist,caretaker,andlibraryarenouns.Infrontofvisitorwehavethreeitems.Firstwehavethewordthewhichisanexampleofadeterminative,thoughyoumaybemorefamiliarwiththetermdefinitearticle(theindefinitearticleisa).Wealsohavenoisywhichisadescriptivewordthattellsyoumoreaboutthepersonthatthenounvisitorrefersto.Wecallsuchwordsadjectives.Theadjectivenoisyisitselfmodifiedbyverywhichbelongstothewordclassofadverbs.Next,wehavecontinually.Thisisalsoanadverb,butthistimeitmodifiestheinflectionalforminsulted,whichwecalledaverb.WewillseeinChapter3thatadverbscanmodifyitemsfrommorethanonetypeofwordclass.Linkingthephrasesthereceptionistandthecaretakerwehavethewordand,whichisaconjunction,morespecificallyacoordinatingconjunction.Wewillneedtodistinguishsuchconjunctionsfromsubordinatingconjunctions.Thelatterarewordslikethat,whether,andifwhichcanintroduceasubordinateclause,asin(2).

2Ithink[clausethathesingswithachoir].

AclauseisagrammaticalstructurethatexemplifiesaSubject–Predicaterelationship,thatis,astructurewhere‘somethingissaidabout’(‘predicatedof’)aSubject.Simplesentenceslike(1)containonlyoneclause,whereas(2)containstwoclauses,namelythestructureasawhole,andthestringthathesingswithachoir.Finally,wewillsaythatin(1)thewordin,whichherecarriesaspatialmeaning,isapreposition.Werefertothesequenceenclosedinsquarebracketsin(2)asalabelledbracketing.Thebracketsindicatethatthestringofwordsisaconstituent(section1.4)whosegrammaticalstatusisindicatedbythesubscriptlabel.

Wordsaregroupedtogetherintophrases.Examplesofnounphrases(NPs)in(1)aretheverynoisyvisitor,thereceptionist,thecaretaker,andthelibrary.Thestringverynoisyisanadjectivephrase(AdjP).Aswehaveseen,thewordsveryandcontinuallyareadverbs,buttheyarealsoadverbphrases(AdvPs).InChapter3wewillseethatawordonitsowncanalsobeaphrase.Thesequenceinthelibraryin(1)isaprepositionalphrase(PP).Afinaltypeofphraseistheverbphrase(VP).InChapter3wewillseethattheverbphrasein(1)doesnotconsistonlyoftheverbinsulted,butalsoincludesthephrasescontinually,thereceptionistandthecaretaker,andinthelibrary.EveryphrasehasanelementthatfunctionsasitsHead.Thisisthemostprominentelementwhichthephraseasawholeisa‘kindof’.ThusinthephrasethenoisyvisitortheelementvisitoristheHead,andthisisbecauseanoisyvisitorisakindofvisitor.Nounphrasesareheadedbynouns,adjectivephrasesareheadedbyadjectives,verbphrasesareheadedbyverbs,andsoon.

1.4Grammaticalfunctions,semanticroles,andtreediagrams

Consider(3)below.

3Thereceptionistandthecaretakercontinuallyinsultedtheverynoisyvisitorinthelibrary.

Herewehavethesamewordsasin(1),butinadifferentorder.Thisresultsinaradicallydifferentmeaning.Howcanweaccountforthis?Inordertoexplainwhywecanhavethesamewordsandyetadifferentmeaningin(1)and(3),weneedtoappealtoafewfurthergrammaticalconcepts,namelygrammaticalfunctions.In(1)wesaythattheSubjectisthestringofwordstheverynoisyvisitor,whilethereceptionistandthecaretakertakenasa

unitfunctionsastheDirectObject.(NoticethatI’veusedcapitallettersatthebeginningofwordsthatarefunctionterms.)WefurthermoresaythattheverbinsultedfunctionsasaPredicatorandthestringcontinuallyinsultedthereceptionistandthecaretakerinthelibraryfunctionsasPredicate.ThePredicatorfunctionisalwaysrealizedbyaverb,whilethePredicateiseasilyidentifiedaseverythingexcludingtheSubject.In(3)thereceptionistandthecaretakeristheSubject,whiletheverynoisyvisitoristheDirectObject.

WhatareSubjects,andwhatareDirectObjects?AsapreliminarydefinitionwewillsaythatinthesimplestclausesexpressingactionstheSubjectreferstothepersonwhocarriesouttheactionexpressedbytheverb(the‘Agent’),whilethereferentoftheDirectObjectundergoestheactionexpressedbytheverb(the‘Patient’).Thenotions‘Agent’and‘Patient’arecalledsemanticroles(alsoindicatedbycapitalletters).Wecannowsaythat(1)and(3)donotmeanthesamebecausetheactiondenotedbytheverbinsultediscarriedoutbydifferentindividualsinthetwoexamples,andfurthermoretheundergoeroftheassaultinthetwocasesisadifferentperson(orpersons).Whataboutcontinuallyandinthelibrary?Thesephrasessupplycircumstantialinformation,andwewillsaythattheyfunctionasAdjuncts.

Thestructureofphrasesandclausescanberepresentedinso-calledtreediagrams.Asimplenounphraselikethereceptionistcanberepresentedusingthetreediagramin(4).

4

In(4)thefunctionandformlabelsareindicatedjustabovethelexicalitems.TreediagramswillbediscussedinChapter4,aswillthenotionof

constituent,definedasastringofwordsthatcanbeshowntobehaveasaunitofsyntacticstructure.

1.5Complexphrasesandcoordination

Simplephraseswereintroducedinsection1.3above.InChapter5ofthisgrammarmorecomplexphrasalstructureswillbedealtwith,exemplifiedbythenounphrasesshownbelow.

5ourreviews

6ourfavourablereviews

7ourfavourablereviewsofthemarket

8ourfavourablereviewsofthemarketthatwerepublishedlastweek

9allourfavourablereviewsofthemarketthatwerepublishedlastweek

10perhapsallourfavourablereviewsofthemarketthatwerepublishedlastweek

Withinphraseswedistinguishthefollowingfunctions:Head(inbold),Complement(doublyunderlined),Adjunct(underlined),and,innounphrasesonly,Determiner(italics),Predeterminer(italics+underline),andExternalAdjunct(bold+underline).Themotivationforassigningdifferentfunctionlabelstothehighlightedstringswillbediscussedindetail.Inthischapterwewillalsolookatcoordinatedstructures,thatis,phrasesandclauseslinkedbyacoordinatingconjunction.

1.6Clausetypesandnegation

Languagecanbeusedtodoawiderangeofthings.Forexample,ifIsayPaullivesinLondon,thenI’musingadeclarativeclausetomakeastatement.Icanalsouseaninterrogativeclausetoaskaquestion(DoesPaulliveinLondon?Whatdidtheybuy?),animperativeclausetoissueanorder(Leavethehouseatonce),oranexclamativeclausetoutteranexclamation(Whatanicehouseyoulivein!).Theseparticularstructuresarecalledclausetypes.Whatisinterestingisthatthevariousclausetypes

donothaveaone-to-onerelationshipwiththeusesthatcanbemadeofthem.Forexample,ifsomeoneasksyou‘Areyousurethatyourchildrenaresafelyinbed?’theymaybeaskingasimplequestion,butinasituationinwhichapersonwishestointimidateanotherperson,itcouldbeconstruedasathreat.Theseexamplesshowthatlanguagemustbestudiedsituationallybecausethemeaningofexpressionsinparticularcontextsoftendependsoncircumstances.WewillseehowthisworksinChapter6,whichwillalsodiscussnegation.

1.7Finitesubordinateclauses

Insection1.3abovewedefinedsimpleclausesasgrammaticalstructuresthatinstantiateaSubject–Predicaterelationship.Aswehaveseen,theexamplein(2)containstwoclauses,eachofwhichexpressesitsownSubject–Predicaterelationship.Ontheonehandwehavethematrixclause,whichspanstheentirestructure.Withinthisclausethereisasubordinateclause,namelythestringofwordsintroducedbythat.Wewillsaythatthisclauseisfinitebyvirtueofitslexicalverbcarryingapresenttenseinflection.TheformsandfunctionsoffinitesubordinateclauseswillbediscussedinChapter7.

1.8Non-finiteandverblesssubordinateclauses

Herearesomefurtherexamplesofstructurescontainingsubordinateclauses.

11Ijustwant[youtoalterthescenarioveryslightly].

12Isupposeinawaythatgavethemsomethingincommon,andperhapsmadehim[feelprotectivetowardsher].

13Weare[trainingmoreofouryoungpeople].

14Ihave[benefittedfromthis].

Inthesecasesthebracketedconstituentsarenon-finiteclauses.Wedistinguishfourtypesofnon-finiteclause,namelyto-infinitiveclauses(exemplifiedin(11)),bareinfinitiveclauses((12)),-ingparticiple

clauses((13)),andpastparticipleclauses((14)).Suchclausesdonotcarrytense.Theformsandfunctionsofnon-finitesubordinateclauseswillbediscussedinChapter8,aswillclauseswithoutaverb.

IturnnowtothechaptersinPartIVofthebookwhichdealwiththeinteractionofgrammarandmeaning(semantics)inEnglish.

1.9Tenseandaspect

Timeisareal-worldsemanticconceptthatstructuresourexistence.Languagescharacteristicallyusethegrammaticalsystemoftensetoexpresstime.Thus,aswesawabove,theverbforminsultedin(1)grammaticallyencodesthattheeventreportedoccurredatsomepointinthepast.Thereisnofurtherspecificationofwhentheverbalabusetookplace,thoughitcouldeasilybesupplied,forexamplebyaddingthephraselastweekoryesterday.Englishhasonlytwogrammaticallyencodedtenses,thepresenttenseandthepasttense.

AsusersofEnglishweoftenneedagrammaticaldevicetomakereferencetothewayaparticulareventunfoldsintime.Thisiscalledaspect.Forexample,ifwewishtoexpressthataneventtookplaceinthepast,buthasrelevanceatthepresenttime,wecanusetheEnglishpresentperfectconstructionexemplifiedin(15):

15Wehavepursuedalimitedwarforlimitedobjectives.

Compare(15)to(16):

16Wepursuedalimitedwarforlimitedobjectives.

Thedifferencebetween(15)and(16)isthatweviewtheeventin(15)asbeinginsomewaystillrelevantatthemomentofspeaking(forexampleasanexplanationofthereasonwhythetroopscanreturnhometomorrow).Thisiscalledperfectaspect.Anexamplelike(16)islikelytobeusedwhenpursuanceofthewarisviewedasbeingwhollyinthepast,thatis,overanddonewith.Noticethatwecanaddaphraselikesincelastweekto(15),butnotto(16).Conversely,wecanaddyearsagoto(16),butnotto(15).

Englishalsohasprogressiveaspect,whichisusedtopresentaneventasbeinginprogressoveracertaintimespan,asin(17).

17Shewassquinting.

Whatthismeansisthatatsomepointinthepastthepersonreferredtoasshestartedsquintingandthiscontinuedforawhile.Thebeginningandendpointsarenotspecified,thoughtheycouldbe,forexamplebyadding‘whilewewereinthemeetingbetween8and9a.m.yesterday’.Aspectisagrammaticalnotion,whichreferstothewaytheassociatedsemanticnotionofaspectualityisimplementedlinguistically.

1.10Mood

Muchofthetime,languageisusedtocommunicatestraightforwardstatementsoffact.However,weoftenneedtotalkaboutsituationswhichhavenothappenedyet,orarehypothetical,uncertain,desirable,ornecessary,asinthefollowingexamples.

18Youmaybeleftoutofitbecauseyouareafreelancer.

19Youmustkeepthemmoist.

20Iwillleavethedecisionuptoyou.

In(18)thespeakerisexpressinga‘possibility’;in(19)an‘obligation’isimposed;whilein(20)a‘resolve’isexpressed.Thesearethreeofanumberofconceptsthatbelongtotherealmofmodality.Thisisasemanticnotion(justlike‘time’and‘aspectuality’),whichisimplementedinlanguagebymeansofmood.Inmanylanguagesmoodisindicatedbyverbendings,butinEnglishmodalityisprincipallyexpressedbyagroupofverbscalledmodalauxiliaries,namelyCAN/could,MAY/might,SHALL/should,WILL/would,andMUST.ThesewillbediscussedinChapter10,alongwithotherwaysofexpressingmodality.

1.11Informationstructuring

Thewordsin(1)alladduptoexpressameaning,namelytheproposition

thattherewassomeindividual,namelyavisitortoalibrary,whoonsomeoccasioninthepastverballyoffendedareceptionistandacaretaker.Asfarastheirmeaningisconcerned,thewordsin(1)eachhaveacontributiontomake,buttheyarenotequalinthisregard.Thus,whileitiseasytosaywhatthemeaningofawordlikevisitoris,youwouldbehardputtosaywhatthemeans.Whataboutthemeaningofthestructureasawhole?Althoughthewordsindividuallycontributemeanings,itshouldbeobviousthatthewordsbythemselvesarenotenough.Inotherwords,itisnotenoughtosaythatthemeaningof(1)issimplythesumtotalofthemeaningsofitsparts.Thereasonisthatifweuseexactlythesamewords,butinadifferentorder,asin(3),repeatedhereas(21),themeaningchanges.

21Thereceptionistandthecaretakercontinuallyinsultedtheverynoisyvisitorinthelibrary.

However,itisimportanttoseethatachangeinorderdoesnotalwaysresultinachangeofmeaning,as(22),avariantof(1),shows.

22Thereceptionistandthecaretakerwerecontinuallyinsultedbytheverynoisyvisitorinthelibrary.

Thisisthepassiveversionof(1).Noticethat(1)and(22)meanexactlythesameintermsofwhathappenstowhom.Wewillsaythattheyhavethesamepropositionalmeaning.ThisraisesthequestionofwhyusersofEnglishhaveachoicebetweenthesetwostructures.Theansweristhat(1)and(22)presenttheinformationcontainedintheminslightlydifferentways.Thus,(1)canbesaidtohavethenoisyvisitorasitstopicofinterest,while(22)hasthereceptionistandthecaretakerasitstopic.Speakersveryfrequentlyvarythestructureoftheirutterances,whichgivestheiraddresseesimportant(subconscious)cluesastowhatrequirestheirattention.Inthecaseofthepassive,changingtheorderofthevariousconstituentsdoesnotresultinachangeofpropositionalmeaning,merelyinachangeofhighlighting.FurtherexamplesofvariationsinconstituentorderwhichaffectthewayinformationispresentedwillbeexploredinChapter11.

PartII:Formandfunction

Chapter2Wordstructureandword-formationInthischapterwewilltakealookinsidewordstoseehowtheyarestructured.Wordstructureisstudiedundertheheadingofmorphologyinlinguistics.ThistermisgenerallythoughttohavebeenintroducedinthenineteenthcenturybytheGermanauthorGoethe.Itisusednotonlyinlinguistics,butalsointhegeologicalandbiologicalsciences,andmeans‘thestudyofform’;comparebiology,psychology,criminology,andsoon.Diagrammatically,wecanrepresentthefieldofmorphologyasinFigure2.1:

Figure2.1Thefieldofmorphology

2.1Morphology

Recallfromthepreviouschapterthatwecandistinguishbetweenthefollowingtypesofwords:

•Orthographicwordsarewordsthatappearonapageorscreen,separatedbyblankspaces.

•Inadictionarywelookupthemeaningofaword(orofwordsgrammaticallyrelatedtoit)underanentrycalledalexemeordictionaryword(writteninSMALLCAPITALSinthisbook).Thus,welookupthewordthere(whichhasnovariants)underTHERE,catsunderCAT,andtheverbformswork,works,worked,andworkingunderWORK.

•Inflectionalforms(alsocalledgrammaticalwords)arewordsthatplayaparticulargrammaticalrole:forexample,catsisthepluralofthenounCAT;

workedisthepasttenseformoftheverbWORK.

Inflectionisconcernedwiththeformslexemescantake.Forexample,theformsofthenounlexemeCATarecatandcats,andtheformsoftheverblexemeWORKarework,works,worked,andworking.Theendingsonthesewords(-s,-ed,-ing)arecalledaffixes.Morespecifically,theyareinflectionalsuffixes.Theywillbediscussedinsection2.2.

Considernextpre-inPREHEATandun-inUNHAPPY.Thesearederivationalaffixes.Byaddingthesetoalexicalbase(anelementtowhichaffixescanbeappended)wederiveanewlexeme.Derivationalaffixescanbeprefixesorsuffixes.Asthediagramaboveshows,derivationisonetypeofword-formation,abranchofmorphologythatdealswiththecreationofnewlexemes,alongwithcompounding,conversion,andafewminortypes.Word-formationprocesseswillbediscussedinsection2.3.

2.2Inflection

Inflectionisanotionwhichisconcernedwiththealternativeforms,calledinflectionalforms,thatlexemescantake,asdeterminedbythesyntacticenvironmenttheyoccurin.Inflectionisamorphosyntacticnotion,whichmeansthatitisaphenomenonthatisrelevantbothtosyntaxandmorphology.Inflectionsaretypicallyrealizedbydifferentsuffixes.Aswehaveseen,wecanaddapluralsuffixtocatresultingincats.IntheclauseCatsareindependentanimalsthepluralformofthenouncatrequirestheverbBEalsotobeinthepluralform.Thisisamatterofsyntax.Theshapeofparticularinflectionalforms(spellingandpronunciation)isamatterofmorphology.

2.2.1Verbinflections

2.2.1.1ThepersonsysteminEnglish

ThepersonsystemofgrammarcanbeshownasinTable2.1.

Table2.1:Thepersonsystem

Thefirstpersonsingularreferstothespeaker.Inthepluralwereferstoagroupofpeoplewhichincludesthespeaker.Thesecondpersonreferstothepersonaddressed,eitheroneperson(singular)oragroup(plural).Thethirdpersonsingulartypicallyreferstoapersonotherthanthespeakerorthepersonbeingaddressed.Apartfromhe,she,andit,referentialexpressionslikethecat,thechurch,andPaularealsothirdpersonsingular.Inthepluraltheytypicallyreferstoagroupofpeopleotherthanthespeakerandaddressee.Nounphrasesheadedbypluralnouns(e.g.thecats)arealsothirdpersonplural.

2.2.1.2Tensedandnon-tensedverbforms

Considerthefollowingexample.

1Hisrefusaltoresign,compoundedbyhisre-election,insultseveryonewhotrulyholdsEnglishcricketdear.

The-sendingontheverbisaverbalinflectionalaffix,andinsultsisaninflectionalformofthelexicalverbINSULT.Itisamatterofsyntaxin(1)thattheverbendsin-sbecausealllexicalverbswiththirdpersonsingularSubjects(seesection1.4)takethisendinginthepresenttense.However,itisamatterofmorphologythatwecanspeakofanendingontheverb(anaffix)withtheshape-s.

WecandisplayalltheformsforEnglishverbsinagridliketheoneshowninTable2.2fortheverbINSULT.

Table2.2:TheparadigmfortheregularverbINSULT

Suchgridsarecalledparadigms,whichsomereadersmaybefamiliarwithfromlearningforeignlanguages.Inmanylanguagestheverbalparadigmsdisplaydifferentformsforeachpersoninthesingularandplural,butEnglishdoesnothavearichverbalinflectionalsystem,asTable2.2illustrates.

Verbalinflectionalformscanbetensedornon-tensed.Astheirnamessuggest,presenttenseformsandpasttenseformsaretensed.Thepresenttenseformsofregularlexicalverbsoccurintwoshapes:withtheending-sforthirdpersonsingularSubjects(-esforsomeverbs,e.g.Do/does,Go/goes,SNATCH/snatches,HURRY/hurries),andintheplainpresentformforotherpersons.Regularverbshavepasttenseformsendingin-ed,whereasirregularverbstypicallyformtheirpasttenses(andpastparticiples,seebelow)bymeansofavowelmodification(calledablaut),astheparadigmforBREAKinTable2.3shows.

Table2.3:TheparadigmfortheirregularverbBREAK

SeeAppendix1forafulllistofirregularverbs.

WewillsaythatlexicalverbsagreewiththeirSubjectsinthepresenttenseforpersonandnumber,althoughtheagreementisonlyvisibleonthethirdpersonsingularformoftheverb.ThereisnoagreementbetweenSubjectsandverbsinthepasttense,becausetheinflectionalformsareidenticalforallSubjects.However,theverbBEisanexception:itspasttenseformsdoagreewiththeirSubject.Wehavewasforthefirstandthirdpersonsingular,wereelsewhere.

Thenon-tensedformsaretheparticipleandtheplainformoftheverb.Wedistinguish-ingparticiplesfrompastparticiples.Theformerendin-ing,astheirnamesuggests,whereasthelatterendin-edinthecaseofregularverbs,andin-en(andanumberofothershapes)inthecaseofirregular

verbs.ParticiplesoccurastheitalicizeditemsintheconstructionsexemplifiedinTable2.4.

Theprogressiveconstruction:BE+-ingparticipleformofaverb(V-ing)Example(a):Britishsupermarketsaresellingsushi,butnotastheJapaneseknowit.

Theperfectconstruction:perfectHAVE+pastparticipleformofaverb(V-ed/-en)Example(b):Therhetorichaschanged.

Thepassiveconstruction:passiveBE+pastparticipleformofaverb(V-ed/-en)(byNP)Example(c):MrFortywasreportedforcarelessdriving.

Table2.4:Theprogressive,perfect,andpassiveconstructions

Theprogressiveconstructionexpressesanongoingsituation,whilethepresentperfectconstructionintheexampleaboveisusedtosignalthattheeventinquestiontookplaceinthepastandhaspresentresults.(Otherperfectconstructionswillbediscussedinsections3.6.3.3and9.3.1.)Thepassiveconstructionisusedasameansofhighlightingaparticularunitinaclause.TheconstructionsinTable2.4andtheirmeaningswillbediscussedandexemplifiedfurtherinchapters4,8,9,and11.

Thenon-tensedplainformoftheverbisusedininfinitive,subjunctive,andimperativeclauses.Theinfinitiveexemplifiedin(2)isprecededbythewordto.Wecallthistheto-infinitive.

2Iwouldn’twanthimtoleaveherforme,butwhenImethimshe’dalreadylefthim.

Whentheinfinitiveoccursaftermodalverbs(seesection1.10),asin(3),andafterafewotherverbs,itiscalledthebareinfinitive.

3Thesemethodsmaymeanverylittletoyou.

Infinitivescanoccurinawiderrangeofstructures.ThesewillbediscussedinChapter8.

Noticethattheshapeoftheinflectionalformsforthepasttenseandpastparticiplesisthesameforregularverbs(e.g.insulted/insulted).WeneverthelessdistinguishtwoinflectionalformsherebecauseirregularverbsinEnglishoftenhavetwodifferentshapesfortheseinflectionalforms(e.g.broke/broken).

Theplainpresentandtheplainformoflexicalverbsalsohavethesameshape,as(4)and(5)show.

4Theyinsultuswhenevertheycan.

5Theywillinsultus,I’msureofit.

IntheformerwehaveaplainpresentformoftheverbINSULT,whilethelatterhasaplainform.Again,weregardtheseasbeingtwodifferentinflectionalforms.ThereasonforthisisthatthereisatleastoneverbinEnglish,namelyBE,whichhasawiderrangeofshapesforitspresenttenseforms.Ithasthreeformsinthepresenttensesingular,andoneform,namelyare,fortheplural(seeTable2.5).Theplainformisbe.ItisbecausetheverbBEhasaplainformwhichdoesnotshareitsshapewithanyofthepresenttenseformsthatweneedtodistinguishtheplainformasadistinctinflectionalform.AndifwedosoforBEweshoulddosoforallverbs.

Table2.5:ThepresenttenseformsoftheverbBE

Noticethattheplainpresentformisalwaystensed,whereastheplainformisalwaysnon-tensed.

2.2.1.3Onso-called‘subjunctiveverbforms’

ReadersmayhavenoticedthatIhavemadenomentionofthe‘subjunctiveverb’,atermtraditionallyusedfortheunderlinedverbinthebracketedportionin(6).

6Hisfriendsshoulddemand[thathegetjustice].

Abracketedclauseliketheonein(6)isusedinasituationinwhichaspeakeristalkingaboutastateofaffairsthathewantstoobtain,butwhichdoesnotobtainatthemomentofspeaking.Inasituationinwhichsomeoneutters(6),thepersonreferredtoashehasnotreceivedjustice.Itisimportanttostressthatmanyspeakerswouldopttousethethirdpersonsingularformgetsinstead,asin(7),especiallyinBritishEnglish.

7Hisfriendsshoulddemandthathegetsjustice.

Thisisperfectlyacceptable,andthereisnodifferenceinmeaning.

Theverbinthehighlightedclausein(6)istraditionallycalledapresentsubjunctiveverb,alabelwhichwewillnotbeusing.Thereasonisthattheinflectionalformsoftheso-called‘presentsubjunctive’arethesameforeachperson.Thereisnodistinctinflectionalformforit.Whenthishappenswespeakofsyncretism.Theinflectionalformin(6)istheplainform,andwecallthebracketedclausein(6)asubjunctiveclause.Thenotionofsubjunctiveclauseisuseful,becauseforthethirdpersonsingulartheformthatoccursinasubjunctiveclausediffersfromtheformthatappearsinanon-subjunctiveclausewithwhichitcanbecontrasted,suchasthethat-clausein(7),wheretheverbendsin-s.Inaddition,compare(8)and(9).

8Hisfriendsshoulddemand[thathenotbearrested].

9Hisfriendsshoulddemand[thatheisnotarrested].

Inthenegatedsubjunctivethat-clausein(8)thenegativewordnotprecedesaformofBE,whereasitfollowsonein(9),whichdoesnotinvolveasubjunctivesubordinateclause,butanordinarydeclarativeclause(sections1.6and6.1).

Contrast(6)with(10).

10Iwishwehadmoreofthatsortofcompetitioninthefamilyofnations.

IntraditionalgrammartheverbhadiscalledapastsubjunctiveverbwhoseappearanceistriggeredbytheverbWISH.However,inEnglish,‘pastsubjunctive’formsareindistinguishablefrompasttenseforms.WewillthereforesaythatEnglishdoesnothaveapastsubjunctiveverbinflection.Unlikewiththe‘presentsubjunctive’,inthiscasewewillnotrecognizepastsubjunctiveclausesinEnglish.Thereasonisthatwecannotcontrastaclausecontaininga‘pastsubjunctiveverb’withaclausecontainingapasttenseformoftheverb,inthewaythatwecontrasted(6)and(7),becausetheinflectionalformsareidentical.

Whatabouttheverbformwerein(11)?

11Iratherthinkyouwish[itweretrue].

ThisformoftheverbBE,inthefirstorthirdpersonsingular,canbeseenasarelicofthepastsubjunctive.Noticethatsubjunctiveclausescanbemainclauses(Heavenforbid,GodsavetheQueen),butagainonlyasfossilizedconstructions.

2.2.1.4Thetraditionalmoodsindicative,subjunctive,andimperative

Somereadersmaybefamiliarwiththenotionsindicative,subjunctive,andimperative,andthinkofthemasthemoodsofEnglish,asintraditionalgrammar.RecallfromChapter1thatmoodisthegrammaticalimplementationofthesemanticnotionofmodalitywhichisconcernedwitharangeofmeaningsinEnglishsuchas‘possibility’,‘obligation’,‘intention’,‘necessity’,andthelike.Thelabelsindicative,subjunctive,andimperativewereappliedtoverbformsintraditionalgrammars,suchthattheyrecognized‘indicativeverbforms’,‘subjunctiveverbforms’,and‘imperativeverbforms’.Indicativeverbformsweresaidtobetypicallyusedinclausesthatmakestatementsbelievedtobetruebythespeaker(‘unmodalized’statements);subjunctiveverbforms,asin(6)and(10),weresaidtobeusedinclausesthatexpressthespeaker’sattitudeoropiniontowardswhatwasbeingsaid;andimperativeverbformsweresaidtobeusedinclausesexpressingcommands.Fromwhathasbeensaidaboveitwillbeclearthatitisbettertoregardmoodasanon-inflectionalnotion.(Theoneexceptiontothisistheverbwere,usedinexampleslike(11).)Englishprincipallygrammaticallyimplementsmoodthroughtheuseofclausetypesormodalauxiliaryverbs.Forexample,ratherthansaythat

speakersuseindicativeverbformstomakeassertions,wewillsaythattheytypicallyusedeclarativeclausestodoso.Thus,ifIutter(12)I’msayingsomethingaboutastateofaffairsintheworldwhichIbelievetobetrue.

12Everyonelikesflattery.

Thelabels‘subjunctive’and‘imperative’likewisedonotapplytoinflections,aswehavealreadyseen,buttoclausalconstructions.Althoughthereisno‘subjunctiveclausetype’,wedorecognizean‘imperativeclausetype’.(Notethatby‘clausalconstruction’Imeanastringofwordsthatformaclause,whereas‘clausetype’isagrammaticaltermwhichwillbediscussedinChapter6.)TheconceptsofmoodandmodalitywillbediscussedfurtherinChapter10.

2.2.1.5Theconceptsfiniteandnon-finite

Wenowturntotheconceptsfiniteandnon-finite,Thetermfinitemeans‘finished’(fromtheLatinfinitus)or‘limited’.Traditionally,‘finiteness’isconcernedwithvariationforpersonandnumber,andisappliedtoverbs,inthattheytakeondifferentinflectionalformsdependingonthepersonandnumberoftheirSubjects.However,inpresent-dayEnglishitmakesmuchmoresensetospeakoffiniteandnon-finiteclauses(orconstructions),sincetheverbalparadigmscontainalmostnoformswithdistinctendings.Asageneralizationwecansaythatanyclausethatistensedisalsofinite.However,notallfiniteclausesaretensed.Specifically,subjunctiveclauses(cf.thebracketedportionin(6))andimperativeclauses(e.g.Openthedoor;seesection6.3)arefinite,butnottensed.Despitenotcontainingatensedverb,subjunctiveclausescanbeconsideredtobefinitebecausetheyalternatewithtensedclauses(cf.(7)),andbecausetheyresemblethestructureoftypicaltensedclausesintworespects:theymusthaveaSubject,andtheytakethesamesubordinatorassometensedclausesdo,namelythat.Imperativeclausesarelessclearlyfinite,butwecanconsiderthemassuchbecausetheyalwaysoccurasmainclauses,thoughnotethatthefactthattheytypicallylackaSubjectdetractsfromthisobservation.

Non-finiteclausesareclausesthatdonotcontainatensedverb,andarealwayssubordinate(section1.3).Aswesawinsection1.8,werecognizefourtypes,showninTable2.6withexamples.

Typeofnon-finiteclause

Example

to-infinitiveclause (a)Wouldanybodyliketoeat?

bareinfinitiveclause

(b)Theycanstopatanypoint.

-ingparticipleclause

(c)Wearesellingthem.

pastparticipleclause

Perfect:

(d)Sowehaveplayedourpartinthehistoryofcricket.

Passive:

(e)Shewasdelayedbytraindifficulties.

Table2.6:Non-finiteclauses

Structurescontainingnon-finiteclauseswillbediscussedindetailinChapter8.

2.2.2Nouninflections

Englishnounsdisplaytwokindsofinflections,namelythosefornumber(singular/plural)andforcase(nominative/accusative/genitive).

2.2.2.1Number:plurals

Table2.7showswaysofformingthepluralinEnglish.Thelistsarenotexhaustive.

Regularpluralin-sor-esgroup–groups;idea–ideas;theme–themes;bus–buses;class–classes;potato–potatoes

Withachangeofvowelfoot–feet;man–men;tooth–teeth

Withamodificationofthebase-finalvowel(-y>-ies)activity–activities;body–bodies(butnotif-yisprecededbyavowel:boy>boys)

Withachangeordoublingofthebase-finalconsonantknife–knives;life–lives;wife–wives;quiz–quizzes

Singularisthesameasthepluralaircraft,bison,deer,series,sheep,trout

Pluralswithoutformalmarkingcattle,people,police

Pluralswithirregularsuffixesbrother–brethren;child–children;ox–oxen

Foreignpluralsalumnus–alumni;antenna–antennae(alsoantennas);criterion–criteria;datum–data(pluralalsousedasasingular);index–indices;kibbutz–kibbutzim;mafioso–mafiosi;tableau–tableaux;thesis–theses

Table2.7:Plural-formation

SomeEnglishnounsoccuronlyintheplural.Thesearetheso-calledpluraliatantum.Amongthemare:auspices,binoculars,jeans,scissors,trousers,valuables.

2.2.2.2Case:nominative,accusative,andgenitive

OldEnglishhadanextensivecasesystem,butinModernEnglishthesystemismuchlessrich.Nominativecaseandaccusativecaseshowuponlyonpronouns,whichalsohavespecialgenitiveforms,asTable2.8showsforpersonalpronouns.

Table2.8:Thecaseformsofpersonalpronouns

NominativecaseistypicallyusedforpronounsinSubjectposition,whileaccusativecaseistypicallyusedforIndirectObjects,DirectObjects,andComplementsofprepositions(seesection1.4andchapters4and5),asthefollowingexamplesmakeclear.

13I(Subject)likeher(DirectObject).

14They(Subject)likeus(DirectObject).

15She(Subject)gavehim(IndirectObject)alift(DirectObject).

16I(Subject)gavethefolder(DirectObject)tohim(Complementofapreposition).

Noticethatyouanditdonotdistinguishnominativeandaccusativecase.

Thegenitiveofnounsisformedbyaddingthesuffix-’stoaregularnoun,orsimplyaninaudibleapostrophe(-’)ifthenounalreadyendsinan-s,cf.(17)–(20).

17thebook’scover

18thosebooks’covers

19Peter’shouse

20Jesus’(orJesus’s)mother

WewillseeinChapter3thatitismoreaccuratetosaythatthegenitiveendingisattachedtonounphrases.Thegenitiveformsaredependentwhentheyoccurinnon-finalpositioninsidenounphrases,asinmyhouse,orindependent,asinThehouseismine,Mineisamodernhouse,orthishouseofmine(seesections3.2.2.1.1and5.2.1.2).Thebasicmeaningexpressedbythegenitiveis‘possession’.ThecaseformsofothertypesofpronounswillbediscussedinChapter3.

2.2.3Adjectiveandadverbinflections

Adjectivesandadverbscaninflectforcomparison.Theplainformofadjectivesisusedtodescribethereferentsofnouns(forexample,thecleanhouse/thehouseisclean).Constructionscontainingthecomparativeformorsuperlativeformindicatethatthepropertydenotedbytheadjectiveappliestodifferentdegrees(forexampleMyhouseiscleanerthanyours/Myhouseisthecleanesthouseinthestreet).Thecomparativeformsareformedbyadding-ertoabase.Thesuperlativeformsareformedbyadding-est.Similarconsiderationsapplytoadverbs,exceptthattheydonotgenerallymodifynouns,aswehaveseen.Table2.9showsthatthereareanumberofirregularitemswhosecomparativeandsuperlativeformsaremorphologicallyunrelated,aphenomenonthatiscalledsuppletion.

Table2.9:Theinflectionalformsofadjectivesandadverbs

Adjectivesandadverbsthathavetwoormoresyllablesusuallydonotformtheircomparativeandsuperlativeformsinflectionally,butanalytically,thatisbyusingmoreandmost,aswithincongruous–moreincongruous–mostincongruous.Adverbsthatendin-lynevertakeinflections.

2.3Word-formation

Underthisheadingwewilldiscussderivation,compounding,conversion,andanumberofminorword-formationtypes.

2.3.1Derivation

Inthisgrammarwewillregardderivationasaword-formationprocessinvolvingsuffixationorprefixation.

2.3.1.1Suffixation

Consideragain(21),takenfromChapter1:

21Theverynoisyvisitorcontinuallyinsultedthereceptionistandthecaretakerinthelibrary.

Herethewordreceptionistisanounwhichisformedfromthenounreceptionbyadding-ist.Noticethatwehaveformedonelexemefromanotherthroughaprocessofsuffixation,andthatthesuffix-istisaclass-maintainingsuffix,becauseboththeinputandoutputformsarenouns.Considernexttheadverbcontinually.Thislexemeisformedfromthewordcontinualbyadding-ly,Heretoowehavesuffixation,butthistimeitisaclass-changingprocess(adjective>adverb).Herearesomefurtherexamplesofsuffixation:

22address>addressee(class-maintaining:noun)

23furious>furiously(class-changing:adjectivetoadverb)

24happy>happiness(class-changing:adjectivetonoun)

25regular>regularize/-ise(class-changing:adjectivetoverb)

26relate>relation(class-changing:verbtonoun)

27spite>spiteful(class-changing:nountoadjective)

28work>workable(class-changing:verbtoadjective)

29yellow>yellowish(class-maintaining:adjective)

InTable2.10anumberofcommonderivationalsuffixesareshown.

Table2.10:Somecommonderivationalsuffixes

BritishEnglishspellingpreferssuffixesin-ise/-isation,whileinAmericanEnglishthepreferenceisfor-ize/-ization,thoughthisdistinctionbetweenthetwovarietiesofEnglishisfading,themorecommonspellingbeing-ize/-ization.

2.3.1.2Prefixation

Wecanalsocreatelexemesthroughprefixation.Thisprocessismostlyclass-maintaining.Herearesomeexamplesofprefixation:

30historical>ahistorical(class-maintaining:adjective)

31edit>co-edit(class-maintaining:verb)

32watt>kilowatt(class-maintaining:noun)

33list>enlist(class-changing:nountoverb)

34bus>minibus(class-maintaining:noun)

35earth>unearth(class-changing:nountoverb)

36wit>outwit(class-changing:nountoverb)

37offend>reoffend(class-maintaining:verb)

Table2.11showssomecommonprefixes.

Table2.11:Somecommonderivationalprefixes

2.3.2Compounding

Compoundscanbedefinedasformationsthatinvolve,inthemajorityofcases,combinationsoftwobases,whichcanmanifestthemselvesinvariousshapes.Examplesarecaretaker,boyfriend,andoperationschief.Compoundscanalsoinvolvephrases,asinoff-roadroute.Englishallowsagreatvarietyofcompounds,asshownbyTables2.12–16.Readersshouldbeawarethatnoteveryoneagreesexactlyonhowtodelimittheclassofcompounds.

Itshouldbeborneinmindthatsomeoftheitemsinthetablescanhavedualclassifications.Thus,DOWN-AND-OUTintheNPdown-and-outtrampisaphrasaladjectivalcompound,butinThesedown-and-outsareheremostofthedayitisanoun(witnessthe-spluralinflection).Similarly,MAKE-BELIEVEisacompoundnouninthestrategyofmake-believe,butanadjectivalcompoundinmake-believeallegations.

Thereareanumberofissuesinthestudyofcompoundswhichwedonothavethespacetodiscusshere.Amongthemisthequestionofhowtodistinguishacompoundfromaphrase.Asageneralrulethestressincompoundsisonthefirstcomponent,whileinphrasesthesecond

componenttendstobestressed.Compareblackboard(‘aboardfixedtothewall,usedinschoolsforteaching’)withblackboard(‘aboardwhichisblack’),whereinbothcasesthestressisindicatedbytheboldfacetype.Individualcasescanremaintricky.Forexample,inTable2.14above,Ihavelistedwhite-collarinwhite-collarstaffasanAdj–Ncompound,butwemightequallysaythatinthisparticularcasetheHeadnounstaffismodifiedbytheNPwhitecollar.

Table2.12:Compoundnouns

Compound Examples

verbtypes

verb+verb blow-dry,daresay,drink-drive,freeze-dry,makedo,stir-fry

noun+noun handcuff,stonewall

noun+verb babysit,brainwash,carbondate,colourcode,hand-wash,proofread

adjective+noun

bad-mouth,blindfold,deep-fry,fast-track,short-change

adjective+verb cold-call,dry-clean,whitewash

preposition+noun/verb

upstage,background,overbook,overrun,underestimate

Table2.13:Compoundverbs

Compoundadjectivetypes

Examples

adjective+adjective

bitter-sweet,blue-black,dark-red,icy-cold,deaf-mute,squeaky-clean

adjective+noun

broad-brush(assessment),white-collar(staff)

adjective/adverb+verb

clean-shaven,easy-going,hard-working,high-rise,long-suffering,plain-spoken,quick-change,well-behaved,well-travelled

noun+verb awe-inspiring,drug-related,hair-raising,home-made,newborn,thought-provoking

noun+adjective

accident-prone,ankle-deep,bone-dry,camera-shy,capital-intensive,dirt-cheap,germ-resistant,head-strong,oil-rich,razor-sharp,self-conscious,sky-high,sugar-free

verb+noun roll-neck(sweater)

verb+verb go-go(dancer)

verb+adjective fail-safe

verb+preposition

see-through(shirt)

preposition+adjective

over-qualified,overactive,uptight

phrasal down-and-out(tramp),top-of-the-range,under-the-weather,up-to-the-minute

Table2.14:Compoundadjectives

Compound Examples

prepositiontypes

preposition+preposition

hereat,hereby,herefrom,herein,hereof,hereon,hereto,herewith,into,onto,thereat,thereby,therefrom,therein,thereof,thereon,thereto,therewith,throughout,upon,within,whereat,whereby,wherefrom,wherein,whereof,whereon,whereto,wherewith,without

preposition+noun

downhill,downstairs,indoors,inside,overland,upstream

Table2.15:Compoundprepositions

Compoundadverbtypes

Examples

determinative+adverb/adjective/noun

al(l)-series almost,already,also,altogether,always

any-series anyhow,anyway

some-series somehow,sometimes,somewhat

miscellaneous forthwith,furthermore,indeed,maybe,meantime,meanwhile,moreover,nevertheless,nonetheless,nowadays,oftentimes

Table2.16:Compoundadverbs

InadditiontothecompoundsinthetablesaboveEnglishhasanumberofneoclassicalcompounds.Thesetypicallyconsistoftwocombiningformsofclassicalorigin:aninitialcombiningformandafinalcombiningform.AlistofbothkindsisgiveninTable2.17.

Initialcombiningform Finalcombiningform

aer(o)- -(a)emia

andr(o)- -cephaly

anthrop(o) -cide

astr(o)- -crat

audio- -ectomy

aut(o)- -gamy

bibli(o)- -geny

bio- -gerous

cardi(a/o)- -grade

electr(o)- -gram

giga- -graph(y)

heter(o)- -lithic

hom(o)- -logy

hydr(o)- -meric

hyper- -merous

idio- -morph

macro- -morphous

mega- -nomy

morph(o)- -onym

neur(o)- -opia

omn(i)- -opsy

phil(o)- -pathy

phot(o)- -phil(e)

pseud(o)- -phobe

psych(o)- -phone

socio- -saurus

tele(o)- -stasia

the(o)- -stat

Theelement‘(o)’isinsertedtolinkcombiningforms.

Table2.17:Combiningforms

Herearesomeexamplesofpossiblecombinationsofitemsfromthetwocolumns:anthropology,autocrat,bibliophile,morphology.Someofthecombiningformsthatareincommonusecanoccurontheirown,forexampleaudio,homo.Incertaincasestheinitialorfinalcombiningformscombinewithexistinglexemes,asinaeroplane,astrophysics,biodiversity,heterosexual,insecticide.

2.3.3Conversion

ItispossibleinEnglishtocreatenewlexemesfromothersthroughaprocesscalledconversion.Inthesecasesthewordclassoftheelementinquestionchanges.Theresultinglexemecandisplaytheinflectionalformsthatareappropriateforthewordclassitnewlybelongsto.Thefollowingconversionsarepossible.

N>V

Example: Hebaggedthegoods.(BAGN>BAGV)

Otherpossibilities:

badger,bottle,bridge,butcher,can,eye,eyeball,finger,gesture,holiday,knife,mail,vacation,water

V>N

Example: Theassaultwasrecordedontape.(ASSAULTV>ASSAULTN)

Otherpossibilities:

abstract,attempt,cheat,coach,control,discount,guess,import,laugh,read,transfer,whisper

Adj>N

Example: TheseOlympichopefulsarenotreadyforaction.(HOPEFULADJ>HOPEFULN)

Otherpossibilities:

daily,intellectual,natural,original,regular,roast

Adj>V

Example: Theyemptiedthebath.(EMPTYADJ>EMPTYV)

Otherpossibilities:

bare,better,blind,calm,dirty,faint,right,smooth,weary,wrong

Inthecaseofverb>adjectiveconversionsitisthe-ingparticipleorpast

participleformoftheverbthatisconverted.

V>Adj

Example: Thesesillystoriesarenotveryamusingatall.(AMUSEV

>AMUSINGADJ)

Otherpossibilities:

bored,boring,entertaining,missing,spoilt,stunning

P>V

Example: Hedownedhisdrink.(DOWNP>DOWNV)

Otherpossibilities:

out,up

2.3.4Minortypesofword-formation

InthissectionIexemplifyanumberofminorword-formationprocesses.

2.3.4.1Abbreviationsandacronyms

Onetypeofabbreviationismadeupofthefirstlettersofaseriesofwords,which,whenspoken,arepronouncedindividually:AMS(AmericanMeteorologicalSociety),BBC(BritishBroadcastingCorporation),BC(BeforeChrist),ETS(EmissionsTradingScheme),EU(EuropeanUnion),NYPD(NewYorkPoliceDepartment),WWW(WorldWideWeb).Thesearecalledinitialisms.Otherabbreviationsarelesspredictableintheircomposition:etc.,Ltd,viz.

Acronyms,bycontrast,arepronounceableabbreviations.Examplesinclude

CAD(computeraideddesign),FAQ(frequentlyaskedquestion),JPEG(jointphotographicexpertsgroup;pronounced‘jaypeg’),LAN(localareanetwork),NATO(NorthAtlanticTreatyOrganization),UNESCO(UnitedNationsEducational,Scientific,andCulturalOrganization),andWYSIWYG(whatyouseeiswhatyouget).Insomecasestheacronymshavedevelopedintowordsintheirownright,asisthecaseforlaser(lightamplificationbystimulatedemissionofradiation)andradar(radiodetectionandranging).

2.3.4.2Back-formation

Somewordsareformedbyremovingsuffixes.Astockexampleofaback-formationisthecreationoftheverbeditfromthenouneditor.Thisprocessoftentakesplacebyanalogywithotherexistingformations.Furtherexamplesofback-formationsare:headhunter>headhunt;television>televise;recycling>recycle;sculptor>sculpt.

2.3.4.3Blending

Blendingoccurswhentwobasesarecombinedintoanewlexeme.Reductionofoneorbothofthebasesmayoccur.Herearesomeexamples.

channel+tunnel>chunnel

smoke+fog>smog

breakfast+lunch>brunch

breath+analyser>breathalyser

guess+estimate>guesstimate

gigantic+enormous>ginormous

motor+hotel>motel

stagnation+inflation>stagflation

2.3.4.4Clippings

Clippingsinvolveanumberofwaysinwhichwordscanbeshortenedby

removingsyllables.Personalnamesareoftenshortenedaswell.Someexamplesareshownbelow.

advertisement>ad

doctor>doc

influenza>flu

laboratory>lab

MetropolitanPolice>Met

Michael>Mike

omnibus>bus

Peter>Pete

radiator>rad

Sebastian>Seb

Chapter3WordclassesandsimplephrasesInthepreviouschapterwelookedattheinternalstructureofwords.Inthischapterwelookatwordsaswholes,andhowtheyformphrases.

3.1Wordclasses:distributionaldefinitions

InEnglishwecandistinguishthewordclasses,alsocalledpartsofspeech,showninTable3.1.

Wordclasses

noun

determinative

adjective

verb

preposition

adverb

conjunction

interjection

Table3.1:Wordclasses

InmypreliminaryoverviewofthewordclassesinChapter1Idefinedthemmainlynotionally,thatis,intermsoftheirmeaning.Forexample,Iwrotethatnounsarewordsthatnameaperson,place,orthing.Inmanycasesthisdefinitionwillidentifythenounsinaclause.However,itisnotsatisfactoryifwewishtobemorepreciseaboutnouns.Forexample,withregardto‘things’,howdoweestablishwhattheyare?Atableisathing,butwhat

aboutfriendship,happiness,idea,intention,love,thought,andyesterday?Thesewordsdenoteconcepts,mentalconstructs,timespans,andthelike.Theproblemisthatwecanonlylabelsomethingasanounifwealreadyknowthatitisathing.Asimilarproblemrearsitsheadwhenwesaythatverbsareaction-words.Notallthewordsthatwewouldliketoclassasverbsdenoteactions.Itiseasytothinkofverbsthatdonot,suchasKNOW,POSSESS,RESEMBLE,andWANT.What’smore,therearenounsthatdenoteactions(e.g.announcement,departure).Whatweneedisadefinitionofeachofthevariouswordclassesthatencompassesallmembers,oratleastthetypicalmembers.

Ifwecannot(exclusively)appealtomeaning,howdowedefinethewordclasses?Theansweristhatwecandosoonthebasisoftheirbehaviourinclauses.Thatis,weneedtodefinethewordclassesbylookingatthecompanywordskeep.Thisiscalleddistributionalanalysis.Ineachofthesectionsbelowthewordclasseswillbedefinedintermsofthewaytheybehavesyntacticallyinclauses.Whereappropriate,meaningconsiderationswillalsobeincluded.InadditiontothewordclassesIwillalsodiscusssimplephrases,suchasnounphraseandadjectivephrase.ComplexphraseswillbediscussedinChapter5.

3.2Nounsandnounphrases

Thewordclassofnounsincludeswordsthatdenoteconcreteobjectsintheworldaroundus,forexamplebicycle,cat,house,door,planet,vase,pencil,screen.Thenounslistedherearecommonnouns.Wealsodistinguishwordslikehe,she,his,her,who,what,whicharecalledpronouns(section3.2.2),andpropernouns(section3.2.3)suchasPeter,Leonard,Tim.

3.2.1Distributionalpropertiesofnouns

WhatarethedistributionalpropertiesofnounsinEnglish?ThefirstthingtonoteisthatanouncanfunctionastheHeadofanounphrase(NP).AHeadisthemostprominentelementofastringofwords,andanounphraseisastringofwordswhoseHeadisanoun.Herearesomeexamples.

1[NPthehouse]

2[NPthebighouse]

3[NPthebighousewiththeredroof]

IneachofthesestringsthewordhouseistheHead,becauseitdetermineswhatthestringasawholeisakindof.Thusthebighouseisakindofhouse,asisthebighousewiththeredroof.Ineachcasethenounhouseisobligatory.NotethattheHeadcanalsooccuronitsown,asinthefollowingexample.

4Hebuys[NPhouses]foraliving.

Theunityofthewordsinthephrasehasbeenindicatedbythesquarebrackets,withtheopeningbracketcarryingthelabelNP.NPscanperformavarietyoffunctions,suchasSubject,DirectObject,andIndirectObject(seesection1.4andChapter4).Forexample,in(4)theNPisaDirectObject.

Asecondpropertyofmanynounsisthattheycantakeapluralinflection,asin(4)(seesection2.2.2.1).

Thirdly,nounsarewordsthatcanbeprecededbythewordthe,asinthecat.Thatis,theycanoccurinthefollowingframe:

the—

Thedashindicatesthepositionofthenoun.Mostnounscanalsobeprecededbya,butnotallofthem.Exceptionsareso-calleduncountablenounslikesaltandflourwhichrefertoamassofsomesort,andpluraliatantum(Latinfor‘pluralonly’),suchastrousers,scissors.Uncountablenounscannotbepluralizedbyaddingtheinflectionalsuffix-s:*twosalts,*threeflours(theasteriskindicatesthatastructureisimpossibleinEnglish).Wewillseeinsection3.3thatwordsliketheandabelongtotheclassofdeterminatives.

Anothercharacteristicofnounsisthattheycanbeprecededbydescriptivewords,whichwecalledadjectivesinsection1.3:thebighouse,thehungrycat,thefinaldraft,andsoon(seealsosection3.4).Afewnounscanbefollowedbyadjectives,asinsetexpressionslikegovernorgeneral,presidentelect.

Morphologically,agreatmanynounsendinsuffixesthataretypicalofnouns.InTable3.2somecommonnominalsuffixesareshown.

Finally,itissometimessaidthatnounsarewordsthatcantakegenitivecaseendings(seesection2.2.2.2),asintheseexamples:thecat’spaws,theteachers’reports.However,thegenitiveendingisbestanalysedasattachingtoaphrase,ratherthantoanoun,asbecomesclearwhenweconsidernounphraseslikethefollowing:[thePresidentofFrance]’sstatement,[thewomaninthelibrary]’sbriefcase.Seealsosection5.2.1.2.

Table3.2:Somecommonnominalsuffixes

ThedistributionalcharacteristicsoftypicalnounsarelistedinTable3.3.

Typicalnouns…

•functionastheHeadofanounphrasewhichcanperformavarietyoffunctions,suchasSubject,DirectObject,IndirectObject;

•takepluralforms;

•canoccurintheframethe—;

•canbeprecededbyadjectives.

Table3.3:Thedistributionalpropertiesoftypicalnouns

Typicalnounsconformtoallormostofthesecriteria.However,notallnounsdoso.Pronouns,whichweregardasformingasubsetoftheclassofnouns,areacaseinpoint.Weturntothemnext.

3.2.2Pronouns

PronounsbelongtotheclassofnounsbecausetheycanheadnounphrasesthatcanfunctionasSubject,DirectObject,IndirectObject,Complementofapreposition(seesection3.7),andPredicativeComplement(seesection4.1.3.3).Compare(5)and(6):thefullNPsin(5)arereplacedbypronounsheadingNPsin(6).

5[NPFrankRigby’swife]endures[NPworking-classpoverty]dutifully.

6[NPShe]endures[NPit]dutifully.

Example(6)showsthatpronouns(headingNPs)canoccurintypicalnounphrasepositions.Forthisreasonwetreatthemasasubclassofnounsinthisgrammar.

Insomegrammarspronounsareregardedasaseparatewordclass.Thereareanumberofreasonsforthis.Amongthemarethefollowing.

•Pronounsshowadistinctionbetweennominative,accusative,andgenitivecase,whilecommonnounsdonot.Seesection3.2.2.1.1below.

•Pronounsshowadistinctionforperson(1stperson,2ndperson,etc.;seesection2.2.1.1)andgender(he/she,him/her,etc.),butcommonnounsdonot.

•Pronounsdonothaveinflectionalplurals(seesection2.2.2.1)inStandardEnglish(cf.*yous,*hes,etc.),thoughtheydohavesingularvspluralpersondistinctions(e.g.Ivswe).Thepronounoneisanexception,cf.Ilikethoseones(seesection3.2.2.1.4).

•Pronounsaremuchmorelimitedthancommonnounsintheirpotentialfortakingdependents.Forexample,whilewecanhavedeterminativesandadjectivesinfrontofcommonnouns(aswesawintheprecedingsection),theycannotgenerallydetermineandmodifypronouns.Thuswecannotsay*Theheleftthemeetingor*Intelligentyoudidwellintheexams.Therearesomeexceptions,ofcourse,aswhenwesayI’mnotthemeIusedtobeorSillyoldmeleftthegason.Nounscanbefollowedbyprepositionalphrases(seesections1.3and3.7),asinmycancellationofthereservation;

pronounsgenerallycannot.

•NounphraseswithcommonnounsasHeadcanhaveindependentreference,whilepronounsrelyonthelinguisticorextra-linguisticcontextfortheirreference.Thus,ifIsayImetthebossthismorningtheNPthebossreferstoamutuallyidentifiableindividual.IfIsayKatiemarriedHarrybecausesheloveshimthenthemostlikelyreadingofthisutteranceisforshetorefertoKatieandforhimtorefertoHarry.

DespitetheseobservationswetakethefactthatpronounscanactastheHeadsofphrasesthatcanfunctionasSubject,DirectObject,PredicativeComplement,andsoon,asasufficientlyweightyreasonforregardingthemasnouns.

InEnglishwerecognizethetypesofpronounslistedinTable3.4.

Pronounsubclasses

personalpronouns

reflexivepronouns

reciprocalpronouns

relativepronouns

freerelativepronouns

interrogativepronouns

demonstrativepronouns

indefinitepronouns

Table3.4:Pronounsubclasses

3.2.2.1Personalpronouns

Personalpronounsdependfortheirreferenceonaprecedingnounphrase(theantecedent),ortheirreferencecanbeestablishedfromthecontext.

3.2.2.1.1Caseforms

Personalpronounscancarrynominative,accusative,andgenitivecase,aswesawinsection2.2.2.2,dependingontheirfunctioninaclause.ThuswesayIloveher,not*Melovesshe,andwesayIsentthelettertothem,not*Mesentthelettertothey.Thegenitivepronounstypicallyindicatepossession,asinherglasses.InthisexamplethepronounisplacedbeforetheHeadnoun.Wecallthisthedependentuseofthepronoun.Theindependentformisusedinexampleslikethefollowing:theglassesarehersandtheseglassesofhers.

Thedependentgenitiveformsareoftenclassedasdeterminativesbyvirtueofbeingpositionedinfrontofnouns,butinthisgrammarweregardthemaspronounsfortworeasons.Oneisthatdeterminativesdonottakegenitiveinflections;anotheristhatthedependentformscanoccurinSubjectposition,asin(7),wheredeterminativescannotoccur.

7Iactuallyfinditquitedifficulttorememberverymuchabout[clausemybeingveryyoung].

Notethatdespitebeingadependentform,thepronounisnotfollowedbyanouninthisexample.Wewillseeinsections3.2.2.3and3.2.2.5thatgenitivewhoseindependentpre-nominalposition(e.g.whosehouse)isalsoapronoun.Seealsosections5.2.1.2and8.1.2.1.

3.2.2.1.2It

Thepronounitoccursinvariousguises.Wedistinguishreferentialit,dummyit,anticipatoryit,andcleftit.Thefirstoftheseisusedtorefertoanentitythathasalreadybeenintroducedintoaparticulardiscourse,asin(8).

8Yougaveittoher.

Dummyitismeaningless,andisusedinSubjectpositionwhenwetalkabouttheweatherortheenvironmentingeneral.

9Itwasraining.

10It’sreallyhotinhere.

ItcanalsobeusedinDirectObjectorprepositionalComplementpositioninidiomaticexpressions.

11Iinterviewpeoplethathavemadeitinsomeway.

12Letthemgetonwithit.

AnticipatoryitisusedtostandinforaclausalSubjectorObjectwhichhasbeenextraposed(displaced)duetoits‘heaviness’,asin(13)and(14).

13

14

Theseexampleswillbediscussedfurtherinsection11.3.2.2.Inasenseanticipatoryitrefersforwardtothedisplacedclause,andcouldforthatreasonberegardedasbeingreferential.However,unlikeitinexampleslike(8),anticipatoryitdoesnotrefertoanentityinthediscourse,andcanneveroccuronitsowninaclause.

Finally,cleftitisusedinso-calledcleftconstructions,exemplifiedin(15)and(16),tobediscussedindetailinsection11.8.1.

15ItisSimioniwho’sgonedown.

16Itwasancienthistorythatattractedme.

3.2.2.1.3There

Thepronountherein(17)iscalledexistentialtherebecauseitoccursin

clauseswhichareconcernedwiththeexistenceofaperson,entity,orsituation.ItisregardedasameaninglesswordthatfillstheobligatorySubjectslot.

17Therearelotsofwindows.

In(18)belowthere1isanexampleofexistentialthere,butthere2isnot.Itiscalledlocativetheresinceitpointsoutalocation.Ofthethreeinstancesofitinthispassageit1andit3arereferential,takingtheoccasionalshardoffruitandthechickenasantecedents.It2isanexampleofanticipatoryit,whichsubstitutesfortheextraposedSubjectclausetofindthechicken.

18There1ismorejuliennedcarrotontheplatethananythingelse;whenyoudocomeacrosstheoccasionalshardoffruit,it1isoverripeandwoolly;andit2takesajointactionfrombothsidesofthetabletofindthechicken.There2it3is.

Seesection11.6forfurtherdiscussionofexistentialconstructions.

3.2.2.1.4One

Likeitandtherethewordonealsooccursinseveralguises.In(19)itisacommonnoun,witnessthefactthatitisprecededbyadeterminativeandanadjective,andhasapluralinflection(section2.2.2.1).

19Ilikethesweetones.

In(20)oneisusedasapersonalpronouninaformalmannertorefertothespeaker,ortopeopleingeneral.

20Onecan’tsaythattheygetagoodpress.

Whenonesubstitutesforafullnounphrase,asin(21),whereitstandsinforaphotograph,wealsoregarditasapronoun.(22)isaspecialcase:hereonerefersbacktopartofanounphrase,namelytheHeadnouncancellation.

21HaveIshownyouaphotograph?I’vegotonesomewhere.

22Thisishersecondcancellation.It’snotjustthefirstone.

Onecanalsobeusedasanumeral;seesection3.2.4below.

3.2.2.2Reflexiveandreciprocalpronouns

Reflexivepronounsaretypicallylinkedtoaprecedingantecedentintheshapeofanounphrase(underlinedintheexamplesbelow),whichreferstothesameindividual(s)orentity.

23Thegoalkeepercommittedhimself.

24ThesubjectsofByzantiumweretocallthemselvesRhomaioi.

InthesecaseshimselfreferstothegoalkeeperandthemselvesreferstothesubjectsofByzantium.InbothcasesthereflexivepronounsfunctionastheHeadsofNPswhichinturnfunctionasDirectObjects.

Areflexivepronouncanoccurwithoutanovertantecedent,asin(25),thoughnotinSubjectposition(cf.(26)).

25Enjoyyourselflots.

26*Myselforderedasteakfordinner.

In(27)and(28)thereflexivepronounsareusedemphatically.

27Sheherselfacquiredasummerdispositionafterthetraumaofherrecentmanneroflife.

28I’mnotdoingitmyself.

Oneself,exemplifiedin(29),isratherformal.

29Itmustbepeculiarlydisconcerting,don’tyouthink,tobeleftforsomeoneentirelydifferentfromoneself?

Increasingly,thepronounthemselfisusedasthereflexiveformofthepersonalpronounTHEYwithasingularantecedent.Toillustrate,compare(30),inwhichtheyrefersbacktosomeone,with(31).

30Ifsomeonedoesn’twearappropriatefootwearordevelopsmusclestrengthimbalances,theycangethurt.

31Noteveryonewhoishandedascalpelconsidersthemselfasurgeon,andnoteveryonegivenaSteinwayconsidersthemselfaconcertpianist.

TheprincipalreflexivepronounsoccurintheformsshowninTable3.5.

Table3.5:Reflexivepronouns

Thereciprocalpronounseachotherandoneanother(Table3.6)areusedwhentheverb’smeaningappliesmutuallybetweentwoormorepeopleorgroupsofpeople,asin(32)and(33).

32Anyhow,youandHarrietknowoneanother.

33That’sagoodwayoftryingtogettoknoweachother.

In(32)thereisanexplicitmentionoftheantecedentthatoneanotherrefersto.As(33)shows,anantecedentneednotbepresent.Reciprocalpronounsarenotonlyusedforpeople,as(34)demonstrates.

34TheenergythatmakesthecomponentsofamusclefibreslidealongeachotherwhenthemuscleexertsapullisultimatelyderivedfromthebreakdownofATP.

Likereflexivepronouns,reciprocalpronounscannotoccurasSubject:

35*Eachotherwatchedthemovie.

Reciprocalpronouns

eachother

oneanother

Table3.6:Reciprocalpronouns

3.2.2.3Relativepronouns

TherelativepronounsinEnglisharewho,whom,whose,andwhich(Table3.7).

Relativepronouns

who/whom/whose

which

Table3.7:Relativepronouns

Thesepronounsbelongtoalargersetofwh-words(thatis,wordsthatbeginwiththeletterswh-),whichadditionallyincludeswhat,where,when,why,andhow.(Althoughthelatterdoesnotbeginwithwh-,itbehaveslikethewordsthatdo,andisgroupedwiththemforthatreason.)Notallwh-wordsarepronouns,aswewillsee.

Relativepronounsoccurinsideawh-phrasepositionedatthebeginningofarelativeclause.Suchclausesprovidemoreinformationaboutapersonorentitydenotedbyaprecedingnoun,calledtheantecedent.Thepronounswhoandwhomcarrynominativeandaccusativecase,respectively,andtypicallyhavehumanantecedents.Whosecarriesgenitivecase,andcanhavehumanandnon-humanantecedents.Whichiscase-neutral,andusuallyhasnon-humanantecedents.Herearesomeexamples.Therelativepronounsinsidethebracketedrelativeclausesareunderlinedineachcase;theantecedentsareinboldfacetype.

36Anotherstudent[[NPwho]wrotethesameessay]madethesamemistake.

37Lunchwasservedintherestaurantdownstairsbytheproprietorhimself–aMonsieurSavlon[[NPwhom]we’dmet_briefly].

38IshallrereadThomasMann’sBuddenbrooks(Minerva),[[NPwhich]Iread_solongagoI’veforgottenalotofit].

39TheFamilyPractitionerCommittee(FPC)[[PPtowhom]yourformwillbesent_]mayhowevercheckyourclaimatalaterdate.

40InareportfromGreenpeacelastyear,andstillavailableonline,retailersandcanningcompanieswererankedinorderoftheirtuna-fishingpolicies.Sainsbury,Co-opandMarks&Spencercametop;PrincesandJohnWest–[[NPmostofwhose]wasfrompurseseiners]–camebottom.

In(36)–(38)thewh-phrasesaresimplewh-NPs,headedbyarelativepronoun,whereasin(39)and(40)thewh-phrasesarecomplex.In(39)itisaprepositionalphrasewhoseHeadtotakesanNPheadedbytherelativepronounwhomasitsComplement.In(40)therelativepronounoccursinsideaPPwhichcomplementstheHeadofanNP(most).Complexwh-phraseswillbediscussedinsection7.3.3.1.

Thesymbol‘_’intheexamplesaboveindicatesa‘gap’intheclausewithwhichtheinitialwh-phraseisassociated.Onewayofviewingtheassociationbetweenthewh-phraseandthegapistoregardtheformerashavingbeenmovedfromthegappositiontoaclause-initialposition.Thereisnosuggestionthatthismovementactuallytakesplaceinourminds;theterm‘movement’isusedmerelyasaconvenientwaytoconceptualizetherelationbetweenthewh-phraseandthegap.

InformalwritingwhomisusedwhentherelativepronounfunctionsasDirectObjectorastheComplementofapreposition.Thusin(37)whomistheDirectObjectofMEET,andin(39)itistheComplementofto.Thisruleisoftenrelaxed,thoughlesssoafterapreposition;whoisthenusedinstead.

Inalltheexamplesabovetherelativepronounsareusedindependently.Relativewhosecanonlybeusedindependentlyafterapreposition,asin(40).Itisuseddependentlybeforeanounin(41).

41Apparently,Johnsonstillgetstheodd“Morning,Boris”fromsellersofTheBigIssuemagazine,[[NPwhosecover]hecurrentlyadorns_].

In(41)weusewhosecoverratherthanthemorecomplexthecoverofwhich.Weregardwhoseasapronounhere,ratherthanasadeterminative,becauseitcarriesgenitivecase.ItfunctionsasaDeterminerinsidethegenitiveNPheadedbycover.(Seealsosection3.2.2.5fortheindependentuseofwhoseasaninterrogativepronoun.)

In(42)whichisarelativedeterminative.

42Buttheresultswereinconclusive,[[PPatwhichpoint]itssharesweresuspended].

Itisnotapronounherebecausewhichbeforeanouncannevertakegenitivecase(cf.*Thesociety,which’sregulationswereamended,waswithoutachair).SeeSection3.3.5.

Thewordthatinthebracketedrelativeclausein(43)isanalysedinthisgrammarasasubordinatingconjunction,notasarelativepronoun(seesection3.9).

43Itsoundslikesomekindoftherapy[thatyou’redoing].

IwillreturntorelativeclausesinSection7.3.3.

3.2.2.4Freerelativepronouns

Thebracketedstringsintheexamplesbelowarecalledfreerelativeclauses,whichtypicallyoccurinnounphrasepositions.

44[[NPWhat]youdo_]isjusttoswitchitoff.

45Youhavegottherighttodo[[NPwhatever]youwant_],think[NP[whatever]youwant_]andsay[NP[whatever]youwant_].Thoserightswerewonbypeoplewhofoughtforusanddiedforus.

46Isitworthcomplainingto[[NPwhoever]wasincharge]?

Inthesecasesthefreerelativeclausesareintroducedbytheitalicizedfreerelativepronouns,whichfunctionasthenominalHeadofawh-phrase.Themosttypicalmemberofthisclassiswhat.Lesstypicalarewho(m),which,who(m)ever,andwhatever.Theyaresaidtobe‘free’becausethey

lackanantecedent.Withintheclausesin(44)and(45)theitalicizedwordsareassociatedwiththegapsindicatedby‘_’,asbefore.

Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatthewordswehaveanalysedasfreerelativepronounsabovecanalsobeassignedtootherwordclasses,dependingonthesyntacticenvironmentinwhichtheyoccur.Forexample,whatisaninterrogativepronouninWhatdidyoueat?(section3.2.2.5),andaninterrogativedeterminativeinWhatfilmsdidyouwatch?(Section3.3.4).Finally,in(47)whatisafreerelativedeterminative,tobediscussedinSection3.3.5.

47Shehadsenther[[NPwhatmoney]shecould].

Iwilldiscussfreerelativeclausesindetailinsection7.3.3.5.

3.2.2.5Interrogativepronouns

Interrogativepronouns(listedinTable3.8)arewh-wordsthatoccurinsidewh-phrasespositionedatthebeginningofinterrogativeclauses.Thesearecharacteristicallyusedtoaskquestions(section6.2).Theformswho,whom,andwhoserefertohumans.

Interrogativepronouns

who/whom (occuronlyindependently)

whose (occursindependentlyanddependently)

which/what (occurindependentlyaspronouns,dependentlyasdeterminatives)

Table3.8:Interrogativepronouns

48[NPWho]needsmoreofthese?

49[NPWhom]didyoubeat_inthefinal?

50[PPTowhom]areyouaccountable_?

51[NPWhom]didyouenjoyworkingwith_themost?

52Whentherearecompetingrituals–stockingsorpillowcases–[NPwhose]doyoujettison_?

WhoisthenominativeformusedinSubjectposition,whilewhomistheaccusativeformassociatedwithaDirectObjectpositionorwithaprepositionalComplementposition(indicatedby‘_’).Whomisformal,andmorelikelytooccurinwrittenlanguage.Prepositionalphrasescontaininginterrogativepronounscaneitherbedisplacedasawhole,asin(50),orhaveonlytheComplementmoved,asin(51).Thewordwhosein(52)isanindependentgenitiveformfunctioningastheDirectObjectoftheverbJETTISON.ItcanbecontrastedwiththedependentgenitiveinterrogativepronouninsideanNP,exemplifiedin(53).

53[NPWhosehome]didyoutakeherto_?

Seealsosections3.2.2.3,5.2.1.2,and6.2.1.

Theinterrogativepronounwhichcanbeusedtoaskquestionsabouthumansornon-humans.

54[NPWhichofthesemen]wouldyouchoose_tobabysitforyou?

55[NPWhich]camefirst,thegoldengooseorthegoldenegg?

Bycontrast,thepronounwhatcanonlybeusedtoaskquestionsaboutnon-humans.

56Whatdidyousay_?

57Whatisthetime?

Noticethatin(52)and(55),butnotin(56),wehaveasensethatanounismissing.

Wewilltreatdependentwhichandwhatin(58)and(59)asinterrogativedeterminatives.

58[NPWhichlane]wasthedebrisfoundin_?

59[NPWhatnationality]ishe?

Seesection5.2.1.2forfurtherdiscussion.

3.2.2.6Demonstrativepronouns

Englishhasfourdemonstrativepronouns,asshowninTable3.9:thisandthat,andtheirpluralformstheseandthose.Thisandtheseareusedtorefertoentitiesthatareproximal(i.e.closeby),whereasthatandthoserefertoentitiesthataredistal(i.e.furtheraway).

Table3.9:Demonstrativepronouns

Herearesomeexamples.

60ThisisaperfectlygoodconversationasfarasI’mconcerned.

61Thesearepeanutty.

62That’sthechallenge.

63ThosearedefinedinverybroadtermstoincludetheentireJewishpeople.

Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatwhentheyoccurbeforenouns,this/these(asinthisstory/thesestories)andthat/those(asinthatallegation/thoseallegations)aredeterminatives(seesection3.3).

3.2.2.7Indefinitepronouns

Thiscategorycomprisespronounswhichare‘indefinite’inthesensethattheydonotrefertoindividualsorentitiesthatareidentifiabletotheaddressee.Forexample,ifsomeonesaysI’veeatensixcakesandIwantanotherthewordanotherreferstoanycakethatcanbechosenfromasetofcakes.Table3.10liststheindefinitepronounsinEnglishwithexamples.Someofthesepronounsaresimpleinform(all,many,some),whileothersarecompounds(anyone,somebody).

Indefinitepronouns

additive another

(a)Oneexampleisthevertebrateimmunesystem.Anotheristhelearningsystem.

degree few,fewer,less,little,many,more,most,much

(b)Fewhavesucceeded.

disjunctive either,neither

(c)Neitherwillbestandingatthenextgeneralelection.

distributive each,every,everybody,everyone,everything,everywhere

(d)Everybodyquestionsthe

significanceoftheresults.

existential any,some,somebody,someone,something

(e)SomebodyhadbeenintotalktoPaulinenextdoortoborrowallhervases.

negative nobody,noone,none,nothing

(f)Nothingisputawayandnothingreallyhasafixedplacewhereitiskept.

positivepaucal

afew,alittle,several

(g)Bycombiningseverallikethisyoucanmakeadistributionlist.

sufficiency enough

(h)Enoughwasenough.

universal all,anybody,anyone,anything,both

(i)Obviouslyanyoneisentitledtocomeforward.

Table3.10:Indefinitepronouns

Manyoftheitemslistedinthetablecanalsobelongtothewordclassofdeterminatives,tobediscussedinsection3.3.

3.2.3Propernouns

Propernounsareusedforthenamesofpeople,places,animals,andsoon,forexampleHarry,Pete,James,Kelvin,Amsterdam,Japan,France,May,September.SuchnounsfunctionastheHeadofpropernames.Forexample,inthesimpleclauseHarrylikesSallybothHarryandSallyarepropernounswhichfunctionastheHeadofnounphraseswhicharepropernames.Wecanrepresentthelatterasfollowsusingalabelledbracketing(section1.3):[NP[NHarry]]and[NP[NSally]].Wealsoregardaspropernamesmulti-wordexpressionssuchasTheHague,UniversityCollegeLondon,andtheUnitedKingdom.ThesemayhaveapropernounasHead(e.g.NewYork),butaresometimesheadedbyacommonnoun(theIslesofScilly).

Inaparticularcontextofusepropernounshaveauniquereference.Theirmodificationalpropertiesarelimited,aswiththepronouns.Thus,theycannotnormallybepluralized(*Harries,*Toms,*Petes),orprecededbydeterminatives(*theMary,*aJeremy),thoughthereareexceptions.Forexample,inasituationwhereseveralgroupsofpeoplewiththesamenamehavegatheredonemightaskWouldallthePaulsgotoroomA,andallthePetestoroomB?Inthiscasewehavebothadeterminativeinfrontofthenoun,andpluralization.Modificationbyadjectivesseemstobemorefreelyallowed,asinThelovelyRoxannekissedyoungFrank.

3.2.4Numerals

Wedistinguishbetweencardinalnumeralsandordinalnumerals.Theformerarenounswhentheyoccurontheirown,asin(64)and(65)—noticethepluralendingsin(65)—butdeterminatives(section3.3)whentheyoccurbeforenouns,asin(66).

64He’sseventy-one.

65Hetookmetowhathecalledaplaceroundthecorner,akindofclubwhereyoungishmen,allcivilians,satintwosandthreesatlittletableswithdrinksinfrontofthem,talkinginlowvoices.

66Ifellasleepfortwohours.

Ordinalnumerals(first,second,third,etc.)areadjectives,exemplifiedin(67).

67Couldwehaveasecondquestionplease?

3.3Determinatives

WordsbelongingtotheclassofdeterminativesfunctionastheHeadsofdeterminativephrases(DPs)whichinturnprincipallyfunctionasDeterminersinsidenounphrases(seeChapter5forexamplesofDPsperformingotherfunctions).Themeaningsexpressedbydeterminativesinclude‘definiteness’,‘proximity/remoteness’,‘number’,‘gender’,and‘quantification’.Table3.11liststhemostcommondeterminatives,withexamples.

Distributionally,determinatives,asHeadsofDPs,almostalwaysprecedenouns,eitherimmediately(e.g.thestory)orbeforeotherphrasessuchasadjectivephrases(e.g.theunlikelystory).Somedeterminativescanbemodified,andcantakeinflections(e.g.[verymany]results;[almostevery]comment;[these]results),buttheycannottakecase,withtheexceptionofthepersonaldeterminatives(cf.uslawyers).Table3.12summarizesthepropertiesofdeterminatives.

Table3.11:Determinatives

Typicaldeterminatives…

•functionastheHeadsofdeterminativephraseswhichinturnfunctionasDeterminers,principallyintheleftmostpositioninsidenounphrases;

•canbemodifiedorinflectedtoaverylimitedextent(somecannotbemodifiedatall);

•donottakecase(withtheexceptionofthepersonaldeterminatives).

Table3.12:Thedistributionalpropertiesoftypicaldeterminatives

InwhatfollowsIwilldiscussthemostimportantdeterminativetypeslistedinTable3.11.Asnoted,determinativesalwaysfunctionastheHeadsofdeterminativephrases,thoughforclarityofexpositiontheDPlevelisnotalwaysmentionedorrepresented.

3.3.1Articles

Thewordaistraditionallycalledanindefinitearticle,andcanonlybeusedinfrontofsingularnouns,whiletheisreferredtoasadefinitearticle,andcanbeusedbeforesingularandpluralnouns.Weuseainsituationswhereweintroduceanentity(orconcept)thatisnotuniquelyidentifiabletotheaddressee(hence‘indefinite’)intoadiscourseortext,asinthefragmentin(68).

68Anewwordiscreepingintotheworldofbanking:netting.Itcouldmakebankingcheaperandsafer.

Theindefinitearticleaisusedherebecausethenewwordinquestionhasnotbeenmentionedbeforeinthecontext.Onsubsequentmentionitisreferredtobythepronounit.

Thedeterminativetheisusedwhenthenouninfrontofwhichitoccurshasbeenusedbefore,orisidentifiable,asin(69)whichisfromastoryinwhichflyinghaspreviouslybeenmentioned.

69Theplanecamedownatnighttimeonthenarrowstripthatjutsacrossthebay.

Insomecasesthecanbeusedinfrontofanounthathasnotbeenmentionedpreviously.Thishappensincaseswherethereferentofthenounisknowntotheaddressee.Forexample,in(70)theaddresseewillassumethatthespeakeristalkingaboutthecatshekeepsinherhouse.

70It’sniceandquiet.I’vegotitalltothecatandmyself.

Similarly,consider(71).

71Imetagirlonthetraintoday.

Evenif(71)isutteredinasituationinwhichspeakerandaddresseedonotknoweachotherandhavenevermetbefore,theaddresseewillconstrueameaningforthephrasethetrain,suchas‘thetrainonwhichthespeakertravelstowork’.Noticethatif(71)hadreadImetthegirlonthetraintoday,thiswouldhavebeenoddwithoutagirlhavingbeenmentionedpreviously.

3.3.2Degreedeterminatives

Weregardtheitemsfew,little,many,andmuchasdegreedeterminatives,thoughitisworthpointingoutthattheyshareanumberofpropertieswithadjectives.Ifwetakemanyasanexample,considerfirst(72)and(73)below,wherewehavemoreandmost,whicharethecomparativeandsuperlativeformsofMANY.Takingcomparativeandsuperlativeformsisapropertyofadjectives(andadverbs,Section2.2.3),butnotofdeterminatives.

72[NPMorepeople]werebeginningtositonchairsintheOttomanworld.

73Womenread[NPthemostbooks]!

Next,manycanbemodifiedbytheadverbvery,whichistypicalofadjectives.

74Thereare[NPverymanybasilicachurches]builtalloverByzantiuminthefirstthreecenturiesofChristianity.

Wethusseethatdegreedeterminativesresembleadjectivesintheirdistributionalbehaviour.

3.3.3Demonstrativedeterminatives

Thedemonstrativedeterminativesthis/thatandthese/thosehavea‘pointing’function:theyservetoidentifypeopleorobjectsthatarenearby(proximaldeterminatives)orfurtheraway(distaldeterminatives),eitherinthesingularorintheplural.Seealsosection3.2.2.6.

3.3.4Interrogativedeterminatives

Theinterrogativedeterminativesoccurininterrogativeclauses(seesection6.2),asinthefollowingexamples.

75[NPWhichpainters]areyoutalkingabout_?

76[NPWhatpainters]areyoutalkingabout_?

Thedifferencebetweentheseexamplesisthattheformercanbeusedwhenthespeakerhasadefinitesetofpaintersinmind,suchastheImpressionistpainters,whereasthechoicecanbefromanon-specificsetwhenwhatisused.

Notethatinterrogativewhoseoccurringbeforeanoun,asin(77),isaninterrogativepronoun,notadeterminative,aswesawinsection3.2.2.5.Thisisbecauseitcarriesgenitivecase,whichdeterminativescannotdo.

77Whoseideawasthat?

3.3.5Relativeandfreerelativedeterminatives

Therelativedeterminativewhichoccursbeforenounsinrelativeclauses(sections3.2.2.3and7.3.3).Itcannotoccurasanindependentelement.

78Youwon’tgetthislettertillMonday[clause[PPbywhichtime]I’llnodoubthavespokentoyou_].

Aswesawinsection3.2.2.3,whosein(79)isarelativepronounfunctioningasDeterminer.Itisnotadeterminative,byvirtueofcarryinggenitivecase.

79Iwasencouragedtoplaytheclarinetandwastaughtbyateacher[clause[NPwhoseclaimtofame]wasthathehadtaughtReginaldKell].

Freerelativedeterminativesoccurinsidenounphrasesthatintroducefreerelativeclauses,whichwerebrieflydiscussedinsection3.2.2.4.Whatdistinguishesthemfromrelativedeterminativesisthattheylackanantecedentnoun.Intheexamplesbelow,repeatedfromTable3.11,thefreerelativeclausesfunctionastheDirectObjectoftheverbsCHOOSE,EAT,andSUPPORT.WithinthefreerelativeclausesthemselvestheNPsareassociatedwiththepositionsindicatedby‘_’.

80Youthenchoose[clause[NPwhichcheese]youprefer_]andwhetheryouwantonions,peppersorothertoppings.

81Weate[clause[NPwhatfood]wehad_onthetrees].

82TheLiberalDemocratswouldsupport[clause[NPwhicheverparty]hadthemostseats]iftherewasahungparliament.

IwillreturntorelativeclausesinSection7.3.3andtofreerelativeclausesinsection7.3.3.5.

3.4Adjectivesandadjectivephrases

AnadjectiveisawordthatfunctionsastheHeadofanadjectivephrase(AdjP)andcandescribethereferentofanounphraseinattributiveposition(i.e.infrontofanoun).

83Hesaid[AdjPbright]pupilswouldbepreventedfromfulfillingtheirpotential.

84We’vehada[AdjPveryinteresting]year.

Attributiveadjectivescanbestacked,thatis,occurinsequence,withoutlimitation(e.g.thebiggreenbox),thoughaddingtoomanyadjectivestoanNPwillobviouslyleadtoproblemsofcomprehensionduetolimitationsonhumanmemory.Anumberofadjectivesoccurexclusivelyinattributiveposition.Amongthemareformer,future,main,andutter.

AdjectivesfunctioningasHeadsofadjectivephrasescanalsooccurinpredicativepositionafterso-calledlinkingverbslikeAPPEAR,BE,BECOME,andSEEM(seeSection3.6.1below).

85Iwas[AdjPlucky].

86Ifanything,itseems[AdjPlighter].

Someadjectivescanonlyoccurinpredicativeposition,forexampleafraid,alive,alone,awake,aware.

Thirdly,adjectivescanbemodifiedbysuchwordsascompletely,quite,really,so,too,very.

87Thebuildingwillbe[AdjPcompletelyclosed]forapproximatelyoneweekduringthereligiousholidayperiods.

88Therearesome[AdjPreallynice]peoplethere.

89Therearetwotypesofgorilla,[AdjPsosimilar]thatittakesaspecialisttotellthemapart.

90Itseems[AdjPveryexpensive].

Relatedtothisisthepropertyofgradability.Thisconcernstheplain,comparative,andsuperlativeformsofadjectivesandtheiranalyticformswithmore/most,whichwerediscussedinSection2.2.3.

Finally,anumberofadjectives,butbynomeansall,cantaketheprefixun-:(un)friendly,(un)helpful,(un)decided,(un)married,andsoon.Table3.13summarizesthepropertiesoftypicaladjectives.

Typicaladjectivescan…

•actastheHeadofanadjectivephrase;

•modifytheHeadofanounphrase(attributiveposition);

•occurafterlinkingverbs(predicativeposition);

•beintensified;

•begraded;

•taketheprefixun-.

Table3.13:Thedistributionalpropertiesoftypicaladjectives

Itisimportanttostressthatadjectivesthatoccurontheirownarealsoadjectivephrases.Thisisbecausetheycanusuallybeexpandedtoaphrasewithmorethanoneword.Compare(83)and(84)above.

3.5Thedifferencesbetweendeterminativesandadjectives

Insomegrammarsdeterminativesareanalysedasadjectives,sincebothoccurbeforenouns,asintheexamplethebrilliantexplanation.Thiscannotbecorrectforseveralreasons.Thefirstpointtonoteisthat

determinativesaddaverydifferenttypeofmeaningtothephrasesinwhichtheyoccur.IntheNPabovethewordtheaddsdefiniteness,whichmeansthattheexplanationthatisbeingreferredtocanbeidentifieduniquelybytheaddressee.Bycontrast,thewordbrilliantaddsdescriptivemeaningtotheHeadnoun.

AsecondpointtoobserveisthattherearelimitsonthenumberofdeterminativesthatcanbeaddedtoNPs,andtherearesyntacticrestrictionsontheirorder.Adjectivescanbestackedwithoutlimitinprinciple,andtheorderingrestrictionsaresemanticinnature.Iwillreturntothispointinsection5.2.4.1.

Finally,adjectivescantakeinflectionsandarangeofmodifiers,suchasadverbs,whereasdeterminativesaremuchmorerestrictedinthisrespect.

3.6Verbsandverbphrases

Verbsarethemostcentralelementsofclauses.Theycanexpressactions,events,statesofaffairs,andthelike.Inthissectionwewillexpandontheinitialnotionalcharacterizationofverbsas‘actionwords’bydescribingtheirgrammaticalproperties.

3.6.1Intransitive,transitive,andlinkingverbs

Verbscanbeinflectedfortense,oroccurinnon-tensedforms(seesection2.2.1.2),withtheexceptionofthemodalverbs(section3.6.3.2)whichalwayscarrytense.Verbsaretypicallypositionedafteraclause-initialnounphrasewhichfunctionsasSubject.In(91)belowtheitalicizedverbstandsonitsown,andissaidtobeanintransitiveverb.

91Henceifyousmile,youwillfeelhappy.

OtherintransitiveverbsincludeARRIVE,BLUSH,COLLAPSE,COME,DANCE,DIE,FAINT,FALL,JOKE,RELAX,andWALK.

Contrast(91)with(92)wheretheverbWANTrequiresaDirectObjecttocompleteitsmeaning.

92Shejustwantsachange.

Wecannotsay*Forlunchhewantswithoutspecifyingwhatitishewants.VerbsthattakeaDirectObjectarecalledtransitiveverbs.

In(93)theitalicizedverbisalinkingverbwhichisfollowedbyaPredicativeComplement(underlined).

93Thisisaperfectlygoodconversation.

PredicativeComplementstypicallyindicateapropertythatisascribedtoaSubjectorDirectObject.In(93)theNPaperfectlygoodconversationisaSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement.Thisgrammaticalfunctionwillbediscussedinsection4.1.3.3,alongwiththefunctionObject-relatedPredicativeComplement.OthercommonlinkingverbsincludeBECOME,SEEM,andAPPEAR.

3.6.2Verbphrases

VerbsfunctionastheHeadsofverbphrases(VPs).Wewillsaythattheverbphrasein(91)comprisesonlytheintransitiveverbSMILE,asshownin(94).

94Henceifyou[VP[Vsmile]],youwillfeelhappy.

IntransitiveVPscancontainoptionalAdjuncts(section1.4),asin(95),wherethephraseinJunesuppliesatimereference.

95I’m[VP[Vgraduating][PPinJune]].

In(92)and(93)theVPconsistsofaverbandafollowingnounphrasetakentogether,asindicatedin(96)and(97).

96Shejust[VP[Vwants][NPachange]].

97This[VP[Vis][NPaperfectlygoodconversation]].

Aswehaveseen,in(96)theNPfunctionsasDirectObject,whereasin(97)itfunctionsasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement(tobediscussedinsection4.1.3.3.1).In(98)theVPcontainsaverb,anounphrasefunctioningasDirectObject,andaprepositionalphrasefunctioningas

Adjunct(seesection4.1.3.6).ThelatterislesscloselyrelatedtotheverbthantheDirectObject.

98She[VP[Vhad][NPadog][PPatherfeet]].

OtherComplementsthatcanappearinsideverbphraseswillbediscussedinSection5.4.1.

3.6.3Lexicalverbsandauxiliaryverbs

Considerthesetofexamplesbelow.

99Theagentswillbookthetickets.

100Athickfoghasdescendedonthecity.

101Theteacherispreparinganoutdoorlesson.

102Thecrookwasapprehended.

103Hedidagree!

Ineachoftheseexamplesthereismorethanoneverb.Wewillmakeadistinctionbetweenlexicalverbsandauxiliaryverbs:lexicalverbs(doublyunderlined)expresstheprincipalactionoreventinaclause,whereasauxiliaryverbs(singlyunderlined)aretraditionallysaidto‘help’lexicalverbsinspecifyingadditionalmeanings.Forexample,in(99)theauxiliaryverbWILLexpresses‘intention’.Theclassofauxiliaryverbscanbedividedintofourcategories:modalauxiliaries,aspectualauxiliaries(comprisingperfectHAVEandprogressiveBE),thepassiveauxiliaryBE,anddummyDO.Here’sanoverviewofhowEnglishverbscanbesubclassified.

Figure3.1ThesubclassificationofEnglishverbs

Thesyntacticpropertiesofauxiliaryverbswillbediscussedinthenextsection.

3.6.3.1TheNICEproperties

Auxiliaryverbsshareanumberofdistributionalcharacteristics,collectivelyreferredtoastheNICEproperties.NICEisanacronymthatstandsforNegation,Inversion,Code,andEmphasis.Letuslookateachoftheseinturn.

Asregardsnegation,auxiliaryverbscanbefollowedbynotortakeanendingin-n’tasthefollowingexamplesshow.(ThisisrarefortheverbMAY.)

104Theagentswillnot/won’tbookthetickets.

105Athickfoghasnot/hasn’tdescendedonthecity.

106Theteacherisnot/isn’tpreparinganoutdoorlesson.

107Thecrookwasnot/wasn’tapprehended.

Lexicalverbscannotbenegatedbyusingnot,anddonottaketheending-n’t,cf.*Heagreednot/agreedn’t.Instead,as(108)shows,dummyDO(section3.6.3.5)isused.

108Hedidn’tagree!

AuxiliaryverbscaninvertwiththeirSubjects.

109Willtheagentsbookthetickets?

110Hasathickfogdescendedonthecity?

111Istheteacherpreparinganoutdoorlesson?

112Wasthecrookapprehended?

In(113)dummyDOisusedtoinvertwiththeSubject.

113Didheagree?

Theterm‘code’intheacronymNICEreferstothepropertyofauxiliariesthatallowsthemtobe‘stranded’,asintheexamplesbelow.

114Theagentswillbookthetickets,andsowilltherepresentatives.

115Athickfoghasdescendedonthecity,andagloomyatmospherehastoo.

116Theteacherispreparinganoutdoorlesson,butthelecturerisn’t.

117Thecrookwasapprehended,andsowasthesolicitor.

118Hedidagree,andsodidshe.

Theitalicizedauxiliariesareashorthand‘code’forthelargerverbalconstructions.Thus(116)isanellipticalversionofTheteacherispreparinganoutdoorlesson,butthelecturerisn’t[preparinganoutdoorlesson].Ineachofthesecasesanitalicizedauxiliaryverbappearswithoutalexicalverbaccompanyingit.Thistypeofstructureisnotpossibleforlexicalverbs:

119*Heagreed,andsoagreedshe.

The‘E’inNICEreferstoprosodicemphasis(i.e.theforcewithwhichsomethingisuttered),indicatedbyunderlininginthefollowingexamples:

120Theagentswillbookthetickets.

121Athickfoghasdescendedonthecity.

122Theteacherispreparinganoutdoorlesson.

123Thecrookwasapprehended.

124Hedidagree!

Lexicalverbsdonotallowsuchemphasis.Forexample,ifIsayJimdidn’twatchtelevisionlastnight,itwouldnotbepossibleforsomeoneelsetosayJimwatchedtelevisionlastnightwithheavystressontheverbwatched.Instead,theywouldsayJimdidwatchtelevisionlastnight.

ThelexicalverbsBEandHAVE,exemplifiedin(125)and(126),alsoconformtotheNICEproperties,butwewillnotregardthemasauxiliaryverbs.Thereasonisthattheycanoccurontheirowninclauses,whereasauxiliariescan’t.

125Iwaslucky.

126Shehasahugerangeinherkitchen.

3.6.3.2Modalauxiliaries

Modalauxiliaries(or‘modals’forshort)areinvolvedinexpressingthefollowingmeanings,amongstothers:‘ability’,‘probability’,‘possibility’,‘prediction’,‘obligation’,‘necessity’,‘intention’,‘permission’,‘logicalconclusion’.Asanexample,considertheclausein(127),whichinvolvesapredictionaboutafuturesituation.

127Iwillbereallybusythatnight.

TheEnglishmodalauxiliariesareshowninTable3.14.

Themodalauxiliaries

presenttenseform pasttenseform

will would

can could

may might

shall should

must n/a

Table3.14:Themodalauxiliaries

Thereareafewmorphosyntacticpointstonoteaboutthemodals.Firstly,theydonothavethirdpersonsingularpresenttenseendings.Thus,whilewehaveheworks,shepaints,andsoon,wedonotget*hemays,*shecans,andsoon.

Secondly,theyoccuronlyintensedforms(presentorpast),thoughnoticethatMUSTdoesnothaveapasttenseform.

Thirdly,exceptin‘code’structures(section3.6.3.1),themodalsarefollowedbyabareinfinitiveformoftheverb(BEin(127)).

Amoredetaileddescriptionofthesyntaxandsemanticsofthemodalauxiliariesfollowsinsection10.3.3.Chapter10willalsodiscussanumberofmarginalmodalsandmodalidioms.

3.6.3.3Aspectualauxiliaries

Aspectualauxiliariesandthelexicalverbsthatfollowthemareinstrumentalinexpressinghowaneventisviewedintime.TherearetwoaspectualconstructionsinEnglish:theperfectandtheprogressive,whichwealreadybrieflydiscussedinSection2.2.1.

TheperfectconstructionisrealizedbyperfectHAVE+apastparticipleformofaverb(section2.2.1.2),asshowninTable3.15.

Theperfectconstruction:perfectHAVE+pastparticipleformofaverb(V-ed/-en)

presentperfect have/has+V-ed/-en

pastperfect had+V-ed/-en

non-finiteperfect have/having+V-ed/-en

Table3.15:Theperfectconstruction

Thepresentperfectconstructionconcernseventsthattookplaceinthepast,buthave‘currentrelevance’.Thus,in(121),repeatedhereas(128),theeventisviewedashavingcommencedinthepast,andasbeingstillrelevantatthemomentofspeaking,forexamplebecausethefogishamperingtheflowoftraffic.

128Athickfoghasdescendedonthecity.

BecausetheverbHAVEoccursinitsthirdpersonsingularpresenttenseform,thestructureaboveinvolvesapresentperfectconstruction.In(129)theverbHAVEoccursinthepasttense.Inthiscasetheconstructioniscalledapastperfect.

129Bythetimewearrivedhere,wehadhadenoughoftravelling.

Thepastperfecttypicallyinvolvesareferencepointinthepast,inrelation

towhichasituationislocatedintime.Forexample,in(129)thereferencepointisthepointintimewhen‘we’arrived,andthesituationof‘our’havingenoughoftravellingistemporallylocatedinrelationtothatpoint.Theperfectcanalsooccurinnon-finiteclauses(section2.2.1.5),as(130)and(131)show.Intheseexamplestheperfectconstructionexpressesthatthesituationsinthebracketedclausestookplaceinthepastfromthepointofviewofthemomentofutterance.

130Anywayit’snice[tohavemether].

131[Havingsaidthat],IcanreallyonlysayhowitwasformewhenIcametowork.

InaprogressiveconstructiontheprogressiveauxiliaryBEisalwaysfollowedbyan-ingparticipleformofaverb,asshowninTable3.16.Thiscombinationexpressesthataneventisongoingorwasongoing.ThusTheteacherispreparinganoutdoorlesson(a‘presentprogressive’construction)communicatesthefactthatthepreparationisinprogress.InWewerewatchingafilmlastnight(a‘pastprogressive’construction)theeventofwatchingthefilmwasinprogressinthepast.Theprogressivefocusesontheunfoldingofevents,ratherthanonaneventviewedasawholewithabeginningpointandanendpoint.

Theprogressiveconstruction:progressiveBE+-ingparticipleformofaverb(V-ing)

presentprogressive am/are/is+V-ing

pastprogressive was/were+V-ing

non-finiteprogressive be/been+V-ing

Table3.16:Theprogressiveconstruction

Aswiththeperfect,theprogressivecanalsooccurinnon-finitestructures,

asin(132).

132Theclassseems[tobevotingwithitsfeet].

Theperfectandprogressiveconstructionswillbedealtwithingreaterdetailinsection9.3.

3.6.3.4PassiveBE

ThepassiveconstructioninEnglishisformedbycombiningthepassiveauxiliaryBEwiththepastparticipleformofalexicalverb,followedbyanoptionalby-phrase,asshowninTable3.17.

Thepassiveconstruction:passiveBE+pastparticipleformofalexicalverb(V-ed/-

en)(byNP)

presentpassive am/is/are+V-ed/-en(byNP)

pastpassive was/were+V-ed/-en(byNP)

Table3.17:Thepassiveconstruction

Passiveconstructionscontainingaby-phrasecanberelatedtoactivecounterparts,suchthataDirectObject,IndirectObject,orObjectofaprepositionofanactiveclausebecomestheSubjectofapassiveclause.Herearesomeexamples.

InactiveconstructionsthereischaracteristicallyanagentiveSubject,thatis,theSubjectreferstoananimateinstigatorofanactiondenotedbytheverb,whereasinpassiveclausestheSubjectistypicallyaPatient(‘Undergoer’)ofanactiondenotedbyaverb.Iwillreturntosuchnotionsas‘Agent’and‘Patient’insection4.2.

AspecialtypeofpassiveconstructioninvolvestheverbGET.Someexamplesareshownbelow.

137Igotsenthome.

138Thesetemplesgotabandonedaftermedievaltimes,thoughthesitewasstillusedandinhabitedbymedievalpeopleuptoabouttheeighthcenturyBC.

TheGET-passiveconstructionislessformalthantheconstructionwithBE,andisoftenusedwhenthespeakerwishestoimputesomeresponsibilityforthesituationbeingexpressedtotheSubjectoftheclause.Thusinthecaseof(137)itislikelythatthespeakerinsomewaybroughtabouthisbeingsenthome.ThepassiveversionwithBEcarriesnosuchimplication.

Passivizationwillbediscussedfurtherinsections4.1and11.4.

3.6.3.5DummyDO

WealreadyhadcausetorefertodummyDOanumberoftimesintheprecedingsections.Thisverbhasthisnamebecauseitismeaningless.Itisinsertedtoallowlexicalverbstoformnegative,interrogative,‘code’,andemphaticstructures.ThiskindofinsertioniscalledDO-support.Toillustrate,considerthe‘basic’clauseHereadsalot,togetherwithitsnegative,interrogative,‘code’,andemphaticcounterparts,inTable3.18.

UsesofdummyDO

‘Basic’version:

Hereadsalot.

Negatedversion:

Hedoesn’treadalot.

*Hereadsn’t

Invertedversion:

Doeshereadalot?

*Readshealot?

‘Code’version:

Hereadsalot,andsodoesshe.

*Hereadsalot,andsoreadsshe.

Emphaticversion:

Hedoesreadalot.

*Hereadsalot.(The*pertainstothestress,notthestructureperse.)

Table3.18:UsesofdummyDO

ItwillbeclearfromtheseexamplesthatdummyDOisrequiredeachtimethereisneedforanegated,interrogative,‘code’,oremphaticversionofaclausewhichdoesnotalreadycontainanauxiliaryverb.

Insection8.6Iwilldiscusscombinationsoftwo,three,orfourauxiliaryverbs.

3.7Prepositionsandprepositionalphrases

PrepositionsfunctionastheHeadsofprepositionalphrases(PPs).Theyareuninflected,usuallyshortwordswhichoftenexpressspatialmeaningswhichcanbeliteral(inthebox,neartheschool,onthedesk)orfigurative(inlove,beyondbelief,beneathcontempt).Othermeaningsarenon-spatialandabstract,asinthephrasesforyourbenefit,thefirstofJuly.WedistinguishtransitiveprepositionswhichtakeNPsorclausesasComplements,intransitiveprepositionswhichdonottakeaComplement,complexprepositionswhichconsistofmorethanoneword,postpositionswhoseComplementprecedesthem,anddeverbalprepositionswhicharederivedfromverbs.

3.7.1Transitiveprepositions

PrepositionscanbetransitiveinwhichcasetheytakeaComplement.Wedistinguishtwotypesoftransitivepreposition:regularprepositionswhichtakeanNP,AdjP,AdvP,orPPasComplement,andconjunctiveprepositionswhichtakeaclauseasComplement.Someprepositionsbelongtobothclasses.Conjunctiveprepositionswillbediscussedinsection5.5.1.5.

RegularprepositionstypicallytakeanNPasaComplement,asin(139)–(143).

139Anextrafacility[PPin[NPthearea]]isthereforeunnecessary.

140Catscangoout[PPthrough[NPthecatflap]].

141Iwillbeawayfromthe17thAugusttothe9thofSeptembersosomehowifyouwanttobewithme[PPduring[NPthattime]]Ihavetosharethismagicwithyou.

142ThedanceworldortheworldthatIwasworkinginandstudyinginwas[PPin[NPmanyways]]veryremovedfromtherestoflife.

143TonightEmilyhasgoneoff[PPwith[NPherDad]].

WhenanounphrasefunctioningasComplementofaprepositionisheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrast(e.g.firstandthirdpersonpersonalpronouns),thepronouncarriesaccusativecase(section3.2.2.1.1):

144Whyareyoulooking[PPat[NPme]]?

LesscommonlyprepositionstakeAdjPs,AdvPs,andPPsasComplements.Thesewillbediscussedinsections5.5.12–5.5.1.4.

3.7.2Intransitiveprepositions

IntransitiveprepositionscanstandontheirownasHeadsofprepositionalphraseswhichtypicallyfunctionasverbalComplements.Examplesareshownbelow.

145Ishallprobablylook[PP[Pin]]attheCollege.

146Wemightgo[PP[Pout]forameal.

147Presumablyyou’vebeen[PP[Pinside]]?

Structureslikethesewillbediscussedfurtherinsection4.1.3.4.

Table3.19listscommonEnglishprepositions.

Table3.19:Prepositions

3.7.3Complexprepositions

TheprepositionslistedinTable3.19consistofonewordwithoneormoresyllables.Englishalsopossessesanumberofcomplexprepositions.Theseareprepositionsthatconsistoftwoormorewords.Examplesareshownbelow,andTable3.20providesalist.

148Likemostofus,Ihadassumedthismeantasiteinthemiddleofthevillage[PPnextto[NPthechurch]]wherethereisaflatareabigenoughandidealforthepurpose.

149Iknewwe’dbe[PPoutof[NPpocket]]overit,butIwasblowedifweweregoingtohavejustthat.

150Thispressureismaintained[PPbymeansof[NPwatertowersandgravity]].

Complexprepositionsaretransitive:theycanlicenseNPsorclausesasComplements.Thosewhichlicenseclausesarecalledconjunctivecomplexprepositions,andwillbediscussedinsection5.5.1.5.

Table3.20:Complexprepositions

3.7.4Postpositions

SometransitiveprepositionsfollowtheirComplements,andforthatreasonarebestcalledpostpositions.Examplesareshownbelow,andTable3.21providesalist.

151[PP[NPCollegework]aside],IhavejustendedthisstrangerelationshipwiththegirlwespokeaboutinParis.

152[PP[NPSeventeenyears]ago]ImetayoungmancalledNatDavidSchwartz.

153TobefairtoourPrimeMinister,whileseldomconductingcharmoffensivesinBrussels,hehassedulouslyworkedonhisrelationshipsasidefromfor/fromwantofinrelationtoontopofasperinaccordancewithin/withrespecttooutofwithotherEuropeanleaders,andthisstrategy,[PP[

NPouraloofnessfromtheeurozone]notwithstanding],hasservedhimwellatthistimeofcrisis.

154“Ihavebeenrealluckyandeverythingwentperfect[PP[NPallyear]through],”hesaid.

NoticethattheseprepositionscannotprecedetheirComplements,thoughnotwithstandingisanexception.Thusin(153)notwithstandingouraloofnessfromtheeurozonewouldalsohavebeenpossible.ThroughcantakeanNPasComplement(e.g.throughthedoor),butcannotprecedeallyearin(154).

Postpositions

ago

apart

aside

notwithstanding

through

Table3.21:Postpositions

3.7.5Deverbalprepositions

Transitiveprepositionsthattakethesameformas-ingparticiplesor-edparticiplesarecalleddeverbalprepositions.SeetheexamplesbelowandthelistinTable3.22.

155ButtomanyLondoners,[PPincluding[NPsomeofthestarsgatheredheretonight]],thesearedangeroustimes.

156[PPRegarding[NPtheissueofdiagnosis],Szaszraisestwomajorcriticismsconcerningtheanalogybetweenphysicalandmentaldisease,implicitinthemedicalmodel.

157Youmayevenbethinkingthat[PPgiven[NPyourstudiedignoranceonthematter],thedemocraticprocesswillbefarbetteroffwithoutyourparticipation,nomatterhowcloseallourparliamentaryinstitutionsaretomeltdown.

Table3.22:Deverbalprepositions

3.8Adverbsandadverbphrases

AdverbsfunctionastheHeadofAdverbPhrases(AdvP)whichmodifyverbs,adjectives,orotheradverbs,asinthefollowingexamples.

158Lansbury[VP[AdvPcheerfully]acceptedhissecondimprisonment].

159Wehada[AdjP[AdvPvery]good]turnout.

160You’renodoubtworking[AdvP[AdvPextremely]hard].

Theadverbin(161)belowisaclauseadverbbecauseitsmeaningappliestoanentireclause,asbecomesclearwhenweparaphrase(161)asfollows:‘Itisprobablethatthistissuedoesnothaveanyimportantfunctioninadulthumansubjects.’Itcarriesmodalmeaning(section10.3.11.4).

161Thistissue[AdvPprobably]doesnothaveanyimportantfunctioninadulthumansubjects.

In(162),theadverbisorthographicallyplacedwithinthesecondofthetwoclauses,thoughinactualfactitissyntacticallyquitedetachedfromboth,andmerelyhasalinkingfunction.Noticethatwhen(162)isreadaloud,

thereisapauseafterhowever.Wewillcallsuchadverbslinkingadverbs.Othersincludebesides,finally,furthermore,andmoreover.

162Idon’tquiteknowhowtoanswerthatone.[AdvPHowever],Iwillspeaktoyoushortly.

Seealsosection4.1.3.6.3.

Alargenumberofadverbsarehomonymouswith(i.e.havethesameformsas)adjectives.Compare(163),wherehardisanadjective,with(164),whereitisanadverb.

163Theyrequirealotofhardwork.

164They’llhavetoworkhardinthemonthsahead.

Otheradverbsthatarehomonymouswithadjectivesincludeclear,daily,deadly,free,likely,part-time,pretty,still,well,wrong.Theadjectivesandadverbsdonotnecessarilyhavethesamemeaning.ThuswellinIamwelldoesnotmeanthesameaswellinHediditwell.

3.8.1Meaningsexpressedbyadverbs

Adverbscanexpressahugerangeofdifferenttypesofmeanings.Forexample,insidetheVPin(158)theadverbexpresses‘manner’.Suchadverbstypicallyendin-ly.Otheradverbscanexpress‘intensity’or‘degree’insideAdjPsandAdvPs,asin(159)and(160).Furthermeaningsinclude‘direction’(edgeways,sideways),‘extent’(completely,wholly),‘frequency’(always,often,seldom,weekly),‘instrument’(microscopically),‘location’(worldwide),‘time’(early,sometimes),and‘modality’(maybe,necessarily,perhaps,possibly,probably,surely;seesection10.3.11.4).

3.9Conjunctions

Conjunctionsarelinkingwordsofwhichtherearetwotypes:coordinatingconjunctionsandsubordinatingconjunctions.

Coordinatingconjunctionsarewordslikeand,or,andbut,andahandful

ofotheritems,whichareusedtolinkphrasesandclauses.Thefollowingexamplesshowcoordinatednounphrases,adjectivephrases,andprepositionalphrases.

165I’mtrainedas[NPadancer]and[NPacreativeartist].

166Wellbasicallyyou’rebornwithgeneswhichsayyou’regoingtobe[AdjPsmall]or[AdjPbig].

167Wenolongertalk[PPofvirtues]but[PPofvalues].

Furtherexampleswillbediscussedinsection5.7.

Subordinatingconjunctions(alsocalledsubordinators)arelinkingwordswhichservetosubordinateoneclausetoanother(sections1.3,1.7,and7.1).InthefollowingexampletheverbTHINKtakesaclausalDirectObjectwhichisintroducedbythesubordinatingconjunctionthat.

168Ithink[thatthispoemjustifieshispoint].

Wecanrepresentthestructureof(168)asfollows.

Werefertoaclauseinwhichasubordinateclauseisembeddedasamatrixclause.Amatrixclausewhichisitselfnotembeddedwithinanyotherclauseiscalledamainclause.Thusin(168)thestringIthinkthatthispoemjustifieshispointisamainclauseandamatrixclause,whereasthestringthatthispoemjustifieshispointisasubordinateclause.

ThewordswhetherandinterrogativeifarealsosubordinatingconjunctionsinEnglish.Theyareillustratedintheexamplesbelow.

169Idon’tknow[clausewhetherIgotyourletter].

170Andsheranguptheotherdaytoask[clauseifIneededtoseesomebody].

Finally,werecognizeforasasubordinatingconjunctioninclausesthatdonotcarrytense,asin(171).ThisconstructionismorefrequentinAmericanEnglish.

171ThereisnothingIwant[clauseforyoutosayanyway].

Table3.23providesalistofsubordinatingconjunctions.

Notethatthestructureasawholein(168)isalsoasentence.AswebrieflysawinChapter1,sentencesarecomposedofclauses.Minimallyasentencecontainsoneclause.However,wecannotequatethenotionof‘sentence’with‘mainclause’,becauseasentencecanbecomposedoftwomainclauses,forexampleinacoordinatedstructurelike(172).

Subordinatingconjunctions

that

whether

if(interrogative)

for

Table3.23:Subordinatingconjunctions

172[sentence[mainclauseItwasafourteenthorthirteenthcenturychâteau]and[mainclausewejustsortofwanderedin]].

Inthisgrammarwewillnothavemuchuseforthelabel‘sentence’.Insteadwefocusonthestructureofphrasesandclauses,aswellasclauserelationships.ThesetopicswillbediscussedextensivelyinChapters5,6,7,and8.

3.10Interjections

Theclassofinterjectionsincludeswordslikeah,aha,cool,damn,oh,mmm,ooh,ouch,uh,uhm,wow,yippee,yuck.Theyareusedtoexpressreactions,emotions,approval,disapproval,andsoon,butareverymarginal

tothegrammarofEnglish.Herearesomeexamples.

173Ahthat’sniceofyou.

174Oh,IthoughtyougotitfromBow.

175UhmbesidesthatI’vebeenphoningroundthepress.

176Mmmohyoumeanthepopgroupdidn’tlikeit?

Chapter4Grammaticalfunctions,semanticroles,andtreediagramsInthepreviouschapterwelookedatthewordclassesinEnglish,togetherwiththeirassociatedphrases,attheformlevelofanalysis.Inthischapterwewillturntogrammaticalfunctions.AnalysingEnglishatthislevelentailsconsideringthegrammaticalroles(Subject,DirectObject,etc.)thatparticularconstituents(stringsofwordsthatbehaveasunits)canplayinaclause.Atypicalclauseisdefinedasagrammaticalstructureinwhich‘somethingissaidabout’(‘predicatedof’)aSubject.Withinclauseswewillrecognizeseveralsemanticroles(Agent,Patient,etc.)thatconstituentscanplayfromthepointofviewofmeaning.Thesewillbediscussedinsection4.2.InthefinalsectionIwilldiscussawayinwhichwecanuseso-calledtreediagramstorepresentthestructureofclausesgraphically.

4.1Grammaticalfunctions

InEnglishwedistinguishthegrammaticalfunctionslistedinTable4.1.

Grammaticalfunctions

•Subject(Subj)

•Predicate(Pred)

•Predicator(PCR)

•Complements:

Object

DirectObject(DO)

IndirectObject(IO)

PredicativeComplement(PC)

Subject-related

Object-related

PPasComplement(PPC)

ComplementClause(CC)

•Adjunct(A)

Table4.1:Grammaticalfunctions

InwhatfollowsIwillfocusonthemaingrammaticalcharacteristicsofthevariousfunctions.

4.1.1Subject(Subj)

InChapter1weprovisionallydefinedtheSubjectofaclausenotion-allyasreferringtotheentitythatcarriesouttheactiondenotedbytheverb.Inalargenumberofcasesthisdefinitionworksverywell.InthefollowingexamplestheSubjectsareitalicized.

1Prosecutorsstoppedthevideo.

2Ideleteditmanually.

3AcourtinIndiapostponedthereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar.

ThereferentsoftheseSubjectscanindeedbesaidtobecarryingoutanaction:physicalactionsinthefirsttwoexamples,andanactofamoreabstractkindinthecaseof(3).However,inalargenumberofcasesthereferentsoftheSubjectsdonotengageinanykindofactionatall,cf.(4)and(5).

4Tonylikesfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence.

5IassumedthatImust’vecomethroughthequestioningsatisfactorily.

Inaddition,sometimestheSubjectofaclauseisitselfaclausewhichcannotbesaidtocarryoutanaction,asin(6).

6[ThatMorofeltcertainhewasbeingsacrificed]isevidentfromhislastletters.

ClausesfunctioningasSubjectswillbediscussedinChapters7and8.

Finally,thenotionaldefinitionisproblematicforpassiveclauses(sections1.11and3.6.3.4)inwhichtheSubjectcarriesaPatientrole(seesection4.2below).Thisismadeclearbyexample(7)inwhichDannyMaddoxistheperpetratorofafoulundergonebythepersonthattheSubjectrefersto.

7HewasfouledfrombehindbyDannyMaddox.

Inviewoftheabove,weconcludethatSubjectsarebestdefinedusinggrammaticalcriteria,towhichwenowturn.

4.1.1.1Subjectsareobligatory

ThefirstthingtonoticeaboutSubjectsisthattheyareobligatoryinmainclauses.Exceptionsareimperativeclauses(sections1.6and6.3),shortmessageslikethosesentbymobilephone(e.g.Willbelate),anddiaryentries(e.g.Wenttoseeafilmlastnight).NoneoftheexamplesbelowisgrammaticalwithoutaSubject.

8*stoppedthevideo.

9*deleteditmanually.

10*postponedthereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar.

11*likesfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence.

12*assumedthatImust’vecomethroughthequestioningsatisfactorily.

13*isevidentfromhislastletters.

4.1.1.2Subjectsaremostlyrealizedasnounphrases

Subjectsareoverwhelminglyrealizedasnounphrases.Whenwespeakoftherealizationofaparticularfunctionwearereferringtotheform(NP,AdjP,PP,clause,etc.)thatthefunctioninquestioncanassumeinEnglish.IntheICE-GBcorpus,whichcontainsonemillionwords,thereare107,531Subjects,99percentofwhichareNPs.Ofthese64percentareheadedbypronouns.

PrepositionalphrasescanfunctionasSubject,thoughthisisveryrare.Twoexamplesfollowbelow.

14[PPUnderthebed]iswheredustandchildhoodmonsterslurk.

15[PPBetweenhalfandthree-quartersofthefarm]islikelytobegrassland.

AdverbphrasescanonlyfunctionasSubjectinsetexpressionslikethefollowing,thelasttwoofwhichareheadlines.

16SheffieldUnitedcouldemploytheirusualtacticandtrytogetafewArsenalplayerssentoffearlyon.[AdvPCarefully]doesit,though.

17[AdvPGently]doesit.

18[AdvPPrudently]doesitasbanker’sbankerseesoffhisinquisitors.

Finally,asmallnumberofSubjectsarerealizedasclauses.Anexamplewasgivenin(6)above.SeeChapters7and8forfurtherdiscussion.

4.1.1.3Subjectscharacteristicallyoccupyaclause-initialpositionindeclarativeclauses

Subjectsgenerallyoccuratthebeginningofdeclarativeclauses(sections1.6and6.1),asinalltheexampleswehavelookedatsofarinthischapter.Fromthepointofviewofmeaningtheycanoftenbesaidtoexpresswhattheclauseisabout.

4.1.1.4PronounsheadingNPsintheSubjectpositionoffiniteclausestakenominativecase

Infiniteclauses(section2.2.1.5)pronounswhichcanshowacasealternation(e.g.firstandthirdpersonpersonalpronouns)headingNPsin

Subjectpositionoccurinthenominativecase(section2.2.2.2).Innon-finitesubordinateclausesSubjectscanalsocarryaccusativeorgenitivecase,aswewillseeinChapter8.

4.1.1.5Subjectscanbesemantically‘empty’

Subjectscanberealizedbysemantically‘empty’elements,likeitandthere(sections3.2.2.1.2and3.2.2.1.3),asintheexamplesbelow.

19Itisabsolutelyboilinghere.

20Thereisasensethatnobodyisleftoutofthisgroup.

EmptyitandtherepredominantlyoccurinSubjectposition,thoughtheycanalsooccuras‘raisedObjects’(seesection8.1.3.3).

4.1.1.6Subjectsinvertpositionswithverbsininterrogativemainclauses

SubjectscanexchangepositionswithauxiliaryverbsorwiththelexicalverbsBEorHAVE(section3.6.3)inmaininterrogativeclauses,whicharetypicallyusedtoaskquestions(sections1.6and6.2).Eachoftheclausesin(21)–(24)displaysinversionoftheSubjectandaverb.

21Couldyoustartagain?

22Hasshebookedinyet?

23Isthiscoqauvin?

24Haveyouapen?

Interrogativeclauseswillbediscussedinsection6.2,andinChapters7and8.

4.1.1.7VerbsagreewiththeirSubjectsinthepresenttense

VerbsaresaidtoagreewiththeirSubjectsinthepresenttenseforpersonandnumber(section2.2.1.2).In(25)thethirdpersonsingularpresenttenseinflection-sisobligatory.In(26)theagreementontheplainpresentformoftheverbisnotvisibleasaverbinflection.

25Andyhatesthem.

26IliketheCatherineCooksonbooks.

InthepasttenseonlytheinflectionalformsofBEagreewiththeirSubject:wehavewasforthefirstandthirdpersonsingular,andwereelsewhere.

27Hewasnotamused.

28Theywereinterestedinsellingthebusiness.

4.1.1.8Subjectscanbetheantecedentsofpronounsininterrogativetags

Subjectscanactastheantecedentsofpronounsinso-calledinterrogativetags.Thispropertyisillustratedbytheexamplesin(29)–(34).

29Prosecutorsstoppedthevideo,didn’tthey?

30Ideleteditmanually,didn’tI?

31AcourtinIndiapostponedthereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar,didn’tit?

32Tonylikesfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence,doesn’the?

33IassumedthatImust’vecomethroughthequestioningsatisfactorily,didn’tI?

34ThatMorofeltcertainhewasbeingsacrificedisevidentfromhislastletters,isn’tit?

Theitalicizedportionsoftheseexamplesareinterrogativetags,whoseunderlinedpronounshavetheSubjectsofthematrixclausesastheirantecedents.Noticethatitisusedin(34)torefertotheclausalSubject(ThatMoro…sacrificed).

ThepropertiesofSubjectsaresummarizedinTable4.2.

TypicalSubjects…

•refertoapersonorentitythatinstigatesanactionexpressedbyaverbinadeclarativeactiveclause(thisisanotionalproperty);

•areobligatory(exceptinimperatives,textmessages,diaryentries);

•occupyaclause-initialpositionindeclarativeclauses;

•arerealizedasnounphrases;

•carrynominativecaseinfiniteclauses(thisonlyappliestopronounsthatcanalternateincase);

•invertwithaverbininterrogativemainclauses;

•induceagreementwithaverbinthepresenttenseandwithBEinthepasttense;

•canbetheantecedentsofpronounsininterrogativetags.

Table4.2:ThepropertiesoftypicalSubjects

4.1.2Predicate(Pred)andPredicator(PCR)

ThefunctionofPredicateappliesquitesimplytoeverythingtotherightoftheSubjectinaclause.Youmayrecallthatinsection3.6.2wesaidthatVPsconsistofverbstogetherwithanyassociatedphrases.WecannowsaythatVPsfunctionasPredicateswithinclauses.Furthermore,withinthePredicatetheverbisthepivotalelement,andfunctionsasPredicator.IntheexamplesbelowthePredicatesappearinitalicsandthePredicatorsareunderlined.

35Prosecutorsstoppedthevideo.

36Ideleteditmanually.

37AcourtinIndiapostponedthereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar.

38Tonylikesfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence.

39IassumedthatImust’vecomethroughthequestioningsatisfactorily.

40ThatMorofeltcertainhewasbeingsacrificedisevidentfromhislastletters.

IneachofthesecasesthePredicateexpressestheaction,event,etc.withwhichtheSubjectisinvolved.PredicatorandPredicatearefunctionsthatoperateonlyatclauselevel.

4.1.3Complements

WeapplythefunctionallabelComplementtoanyconstituentinEnglishthatislicensedbyaparticularHead(verb,noun,adjective,preposition,etc.).LicensingisagrammaticalnotionwherebyaHeaddetermineswhichtypeofphrase(s)orclause(s)complementit,subjecttocertainmeaningrestrictions.Forexample,insideaVPtheverbDEVOURlicensesanNPComplementdenotingsomethingedible(Hedevouredthecarrot),whilePUTlicensestwoComplements,namelyanNPandaPP,withthePPspecifyingalocation(Weputthepresentinthebag).SomeHeadsallowdifferentComplementsindifferentstructures.Forexample,theverbBELIEVEcanlicenseanNP(Shebelievedthestory.,oraclause(Shebelievedthathewastellingthetruth).HeadsbelongingtootherwordclassescanalsolicensephrasesorclausesasComplements.Forexample,theadjectivefondlicensesaPP(Samisfondofhiscousin),whilethenounidealicensesaclause(Theideathattheworldisflatwasoncecommonplace).TheComplement-takingpropertiesoflexicalHeadsarelistedinthelexicon,thatis,thementalwordstoreordictionarythataspeakerofalanguagehasaccessto.

WithinverbphraseswerecognizesixtypesofComplements,namelyDirectObject(DO),IndirectObject(IO),Subject-relatedPredicativeComplement,Object-relatedPredicativeComplement,PPasComplement(PPC),andComplementClause(CC).

ItisimportanttopointoutthatAdjunctsarenotlicensedbyverbs.Thisisbecausetheysupplyadditionalinformationaboutasituationexpressed.Nevertheless,Adjunctsarepartoftheverbphraseinaclause,thoughtheyarelesscloselyrelatedtotheverbthananyComplementsthatmaybepresent,forthereasonjustmentioned.

4.1.3.1DirectObjects

Inchapter1wesawthatthegrammaticalfunctionofDirectObjectistypicallyexpressedbyaphrasethatreferstoapersonorentitythatundergoestheactionspecifiedbytheverb(seealsosection4.2below).VerbsthatlicenseaDirectObjectarecalledtransitiveverbsbecausetheverb+DOsequenceexpressesthatsomethingistransferred(e.g.anaction)fromoneentitytoanother.

Inouroriginalsetofexamplesbelow,thereferentsoftheitalicizedDOsin(41)and(42)undergotheactionsof‘stopping’and‘deleting’,respectively.Inamoreabstractsense—inthatnophysicalactionisinvolved—thisisalsotruefor(43).However,in(44)clearlythefilmsinquestionareinnosenseaffectedbyTony’senjoymentofthem.

41Prosecutorsstoppedthevideo.

42Ideleteditmanually.

43AcourtinIndiapostponedthereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar.

44Tonylikesfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence.

Giventhatthenotionalcriterionof‘undergoingtheverbalaction’isnotsufficienttocharacterizeDirectObjects,weneedtoturntoagrammaticalcharacterization.

4.1.3.1.1DirectObjectsformaclosebondwithalexicalverb

ThefirstthingtoobserveisthatinunmarkeddeclarativeclausesDirectObjectsarepositionedafteralexicalverb,withwhichtheyformaclosebond,asin(41)–(44)above.WecannotleaveouttheDOs,asexamples(45)–(48)show.

45*Prosecutorsstopped.(Thisexampleisgrammatical,butwithadifferentmeaning,namely‘broughtthemselvestoastandstill’.)

46*Ideletedmanually.

47*AcourtinIndiapostponed.

48*Tonylikes.

InothercasestheDOcanbeomitted,butisimplicit.ThusifIutter(49)theaddresseewillunderstandthatImustbereadingsomething.

49I’mreading.

ThebondbetweenverbsandtheirComplementsisalsoevidentfromthefactthattheycannotgenerallybeseparatedfromeachother.

50*Prosecutorsstoppedimmediatelythevideo.

51*Ideletedwithoutreasonitmanually.

52*AcourtinIndiapostponedlegallythereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar.

53*Tonylikesverymuchfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence.

4.1.3.1.2DirectObjectsaremostlyrealizedasnounphrases

Intheone-million-wordICE-GBcorpusthereare55,276DirectObjects,thevastmajorityofwhichareNPs,namely77percent.Ofthesejustover21percentareheadedbypronouns.IntheICE-GBcorpustheremainingDirectObjectsarerealizedasclauses.SeeChapters5,7,and8fordiscussion.

4.1.3.1.3AsubsetofpronounsheadingNPsinDirectObjectpositiontakeaccusativecase

WhenanNPfunctioningasDirectObjectisheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrast(e.g.firstandthirdpersonpersonalpronouns,who),thepronouncarriesaccusativecase(sections2.2.2.2and3.2.2).

4.1.3.1.4DirectObjectsofactivedeclarativeclausescangenerallybecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses

DirectObjectsofactivedeclarativeclauses(section1.6)cancommonlybecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.Thisprocessiscalledpassivization,andwasbrieflydiscussedinsection3.6.3.4.Itisfurtherillustratedinthefollowingsetofexamples.

54Prosecutorsstoppedthevideo.>Thevideowasstopped(byprosecutors).

55Ideleteditmanually.>Itwasdeletedmanually(byme).

56AcourtinIndiapostponedthereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttar.>ThereleaseofafilmentitledHariPuttarwaspostponed(byacourtinIndia).

Ineachofthesepairsthefirstclauseisreferredtoashavingactivevoice;thesecondisitspassivecounterpart.PassivizationinvolvestheintroductionofthepassiveauxiliaryBE(section3.6.3.4),andanoptionalby-phrase.Activeandpassiveclausesmeanthesame,thoughtheydifferinthewaythattheinformationispresentedtothehearer.(Wewillreturntothisissueinsection11.4.)

Notallverbsallowpassivizationtothesameextent,as(57)shows.

57Tonylikesfilmswithlotsofgratuitousviolence.>?*Filmswithlotsofgratuitousviolenceareliked(byTony).

TheNPfollowingtheverbintheactiveversionof(57)cannotbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause.ThesameistrueforthepostverbalNPsin(58)and(59),whichcontaintheverbsSUITandCOST.

58Thatberetdoesnotsuityou,youknow.>*Youarenotsuitedbythatberet,youknow.

59Yourprivatesighttestcosts£9.>*£9iscostbyyourprivateeyetest.

NoticealsothatcertaintypesofDirectObject,forexampleNPsheadedbyreflexivepronouns,cannotbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.

60Hescarcelyknewhimself.>*Himselfwasscarcelyknownbyhim.

Table4.3summarizesthepropertiesoftypicalDOs.

TypicalDirectObjects…

•refertoapersonorentitythatundergoesanaction(anotional

property);

•formaclosebondwithalexicalverb;

•arerealizedasnounphrases;

•carryaccusativecase(thisonlyappliestopronounsthatcanalternateincase);

•ofactivedeclarativeclausescanbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.

Table4.3:ThepropertiesoftypicalDirectObjects

Table4.4showsaselectionofEnglishtransitiveverbs.

Table4.4:Aselectionoftransitiveverbs

4.1.3.2IndirectObjects

Notionally,IndirectObjectsrefertopeopleorentitiesthatcarrythesemanticroleofGoal,Recipient,orBenefactiveofanactionorevent(seesection4.2below).ThefollowingsectionsdiscussthegrammaticalpropertiesofIOs.

4.1.3.2.1IndirectObjectsformaclosebondwithalexicalverb

IndirectObjectsoccurimmediatelyafterso-calledditransitiveverbs(i.e.

verbsthattakeanIOandDO),withwhichtheyhaveaclosebond.NoticethatIOscannotgenerallyoccurwithoutafollowingDirectObject.IntheexamplesbelowtheIOshavebeenitalicized,theDOsunderlined.

61Andthenhetellsherthestoryofhislife.

62TheybroughtmeabottleofCroft’sOriginal.

63HeleftusthefirsteyewitnessaccountoftheancientBritons.

64Igotheraminicakeandmadeheracard!

Theseexamplesalternatewithastructureinvolvingaprepositionalphrase,asin(65)–(68):

65Andthenhetellsthestoryofhislifetoher.

66TheybroughtabottleofCroft’sOriginaltome.

67HeleftthefirsteyewitnessaccountoftheancientBritonstous.

68Igotaminicakeforherandmadeacardforher.

InthesecasesthePPsfunctionasComplementswhichcarrythesamesemanticrolesasIndirectObjects,namelyGoal,Recipient,andBenefactive.(Seesection11.5onthemotivationsforusingtheconstructionin(61)–(64),ratherthantheonein(65)–(68).)

InthefollowingexamplesmeandEmilyfunctionasDirectObject,butcarryaroletypicallyassociatedwithanIO.

69A:IliveinSouthgate.B:Ohthat’sright.Youtoldme.

70SylviecameheretodaytoteachEmily.

4.1.3.2.2IndirectObjectsarevirtuallyalwaysrealizedasnounphrases

IndirectObjectsaremuchlessfrequentthanSubjectsorDirectObjects:thereareonly1,771intheICE-GBcorpus.Withoutexceptiontheyarerealizedasnounphrases.

4.1.3.2.3AsubsetofpronounsheadingNPsintheIndirectObjectpositiontakeaccusativecase

WhenanNPfunctioningasIndirectObjectisheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrast(e.g.firstandthirdpersonpersonalpronouns,who),thepronouncarriesaccusativecase(sections2.2.2.2and3.2.2).

4.1.3.2.4IndirectObjectsofactiveclausescanbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses

IndirectObjectssharewithDirectObjectsthepropertythattheycanbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses,asthepassiveversionsof(61)–(63)show:

71Andthensheistoldthestoryofhislife(byhim).

72IwasbroughtabottleofCroft’sOriginal(bythem).

73WewereleftthefirsteyewitnessaccountoftheancientBritons(byhim).

However,thepassiveversionsofbothpartsof(64),involvingtheverbsGETandMAKE,areunacceptabletomany.

74?Shewasgotaminicakeandshewasmadeacard.

Table4.5summarizesthepropertiesoftypicalIndirectObjects,whereasTable4.6listsaselectionofditransitiveverbs.

TypicalIndirectObjects…

•refertopeopleorentitiesthatareGoals,Recipients,orBenefactivesofanactionorevent(thisisanotionalproperty);

•occurimmediatelyaftertheverb,withwhichtheyhaveaclosebond;

•mustbeaccompaniedbyafollowingDO;

•arerealizedasnounphrases;

•carryaccusativecase(ifheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrast);

•canbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.

Table4.5:ThepropertiesoftypicalIndirectObjects

Table4.6:Aselectionofditransitiveverbs

4.1.3.3PredicativeComplements

PredicativeComplementisafunctionlabelusedforconstituentsthatspecifyapropertythatisascribedtothereferentofanotherconstituent,orforconstituentsthatidentifythereferentofanotherexpression.WedistinguishSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementsfromObject-relatedPredicativeComplements.Theirpropertieswillbediscussedinthenexttwosections.Insection4.1.3.3.3IwilldiscusshowPCsdifferfromDirectandIndirectObjects.

4.1.3.3.1Subject-relatedPredicativeComplements

InthefollowingexamplestheitalicizedSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementsareobligatory,andindicateapropertythatisascribedtotheunderlinedSubjects.

75ThefirstLondonwasjust[NPacolonialoutpostoftheRomanempire].

76Theskywas[AdjPclear]aftertherainfall.

Semantically,Subject-relatedPCscanexpressdepictiveandresultativemeanings.Theformerisillustratedin(75)wherethebracketedNPexpressesapropertyattributabletotheSubject.Resultativemeaningis

illustratedin(77),wherethePCexpressestheresultofaprocessofchange.

77Hebecame[AdjPconvincedhecouldreachtheNorthPoleunaided].

OtherverbsthattakeresultativePCsareGO(crazy),GROW(old),PROVE(fatal),TURN(red).

MentionshouldbemadeofthespecifyinguseofBE,asin(78).HeretheverbspecifiesoridentifiesthereferentoftheSubject.

78HissonwasRoderick.

WhenaSubject-relatedPCisrealizedasanounphraseheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasealternationthepronouncharacteristicallyoccursintheaccusativecase,exceptinveryformalstyles.

79Doyouthinkit’sthem?

80Hi,it’sme.

Thereare31,414Subject-relatedPredicativeComplementsintheICE-GBcorpus.Ofthese42percentareAdjPs,whereas35percentareNPs(ofwhichalmost5percentareheadedbypronouns).OftheremainingSubject-relatedPCsaround11percentarerealizedasprepositionalphrases,8percentasclauses,andaverysmallpercentageasadverbphrases.Examplesofthesewillbediscussedinsection5.4.1.3.

VerbsthatlicenseaSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementarecalledlinkingverbs(section3.6.1),furtherexamplesofwhicharelistedinTable4.7.

Aselectionoflinkingverbs

APPEAR

BE

BECOME

FEEL

GET

GROW

LOOK

PROVE

REMAIN

SEEM

SMELL

SOUND

TASTE

Table4.7:Aselectionoflinkingverbs

4.1.3.3.2Object-relatedPredicativeComplements

Object-relatedPredicativeComplements(italicizedintheexamplesbelow)indicateapropertythatisascribedtoDirectObjects(underlined),whichmustthereforebepresent.VerbsthatlicenseaDirectObjectandanObject-relatedPredicativeComplementarecalledcomplextransitiveverbs.Object-relatedPredicativeComplementsarerelativelyinfrequentintheICE-GBcorpus.Theyaretypicallyrealizedasnounphrasesoradjectivephrases.Herearetwoexamples.

81He’dworkedforthecompanywhohadnowmadehim[NPadistributor].

82Shefoundhim[AdjPreallyfrustrating],becausehedidn’tseembothered.

PrepositionalphrasesandclausesarealsopossibleasObject-relatedPCs.Thesewillbeexemplifiedbrieflyinsections5.4.1.4and8.3.5.

AswiththeSubject-relatedPCs,Object-relatedPCscandiffersemantically:in(82)thePCexpressesadepictivemeaning,whereasin(83)itexpressesaresultativemeaning:

83Policebelievethatalthoughthesuspectswashedtheknife[AdjPcleanofanyblood],theywereunabletoremovetheDNA.

Table4.8listssomeEnglishcomplextransitiveverbs.

Aselectionofcomplextransitiveverbs

BELIEVE

BRAND

CONSIDER

DECLARE

DEEM

FIND

JUDGE

KEEP

LABEL

LEAVE

PRESUME

PRONOUNCE

PROVE

RATE

RENDER

THINK

Table4.8:Aselectionofcomplextransitiveverbs

4.1.3.3.3PredicativeComplementsvsDirectandIndirectObjects

HowdoPredicativeComplementsdifferfromDOsandIOs?Theyalloccurafterverbswithwhichtheyhaveaclosebond(whichiswhytheyarecalled

Complements),butPCscannotbereferringexpressions.Thismeansthatinanexamplelike(81)thenounphrasethatfunctionsasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement(adistributor)doesnotpointtoanindividualintheworld,butascribesaproperty(inthiscasetheoccupancyofaparticularkindofjob)tothereferentoftheDO.Inothercases,aswehaveseen,PCsidentifythereferentofaSubject.PredicativeComplementscannotbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause.

Table4.9summarizesthepropertiesofPredicativeComplements.

TypicalPredicativeComplements…

•specifyapropertyascribedtothereferentofaSubjectorDirectObject,oridentifythereferentofaSubject;

•arerealizedasnounphrases,adjectivephrases,prepositionalphrases,clauses,or(inthecaseofSubject-relatedPCs)adverbphrases;

•occurafterlinkingverbs(inthecaseofSubject-relatedPCs);

•areobligatory(inthecaseofSubject-relatedPCs);

•followaDO(inthecaseofObject-relatedPCs);

•cannotbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.

Table4.9:ThedistributionalpropertiesoftypicalPredicativeComplements

4.1.3.4PrepositionalPhraseasComplement

TherearemanyverbsinEnglishthatlicenseaPrepositionalPhraseasComplement(PPC),withorwithoutanaccompanyingDirectObject.Herearesometypicalexamples.

84Senioroppositionfigureshavebeenarrested,andthegovernmenthasblamed[NPtroublemakers][PPfortheviolence].

85Youcanrefer[PPtoyournotes]wheneveryouneedto.

86Sincereachingprominencehehasbranched[PPout],writinga

newspapercolumnandpresentingdocumentariesaboutboatsandplanes–andhostingachatshow.

87Itisbesttoleave[PPout][NPperennialweedroots].

InthesectionsbelowthepropertiesofPPCswillbediscussed.

4.1.3.4.1Theverbsandprepositionscanbetransitiveorintransitive

In(84)and(85)abovethePPisheadedbyatransitivepreposition(section3.7.1),whereasin(86)and(87)thePPsareheadedbyintransitiveprepositions(Section3.7.2).

Theverbsin(84)and(87)aretransitive,whereasthosein(85)and(86)areintransitive.TheDOinthelastexamplecanalsobepositionedafterthePP,asin(88).

88Itisbesttoleave[NPperennialweedroots][PPout].

4.1.3.4.2TheHeadofthePPislicensedbytheverb

TheverblicensesnotonlythePPasComplement,butalsotheHeadofthePP.Thusin(84)theverbBLAMElicensesaPPheadedbyfor(oroninthealternativestructureblamedtheviolenceontroublemakers),andin(85)REFERlicensesaPPheadedbyto.

4.1.3.4.3PPCscannotbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses

UnlikeIndirectObjects,DirectObjects,andComplementsofprepositions,PPCscannotbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.Forexample,(89)isnotapossiblepassivecounterpartof(85).

89*Toyournotescanbereferredbyyouwheneveryouneedto.

ThedistributionalpropertiesofPPCsaresummarizedinTable4.10,whereasTable4.11listsaselectionofverbslicensingPPCs.

TypicalPPCs…

•involveatransitiveorintransiveverb,aswellasatransitiveor

intransitivePPlicensedbythatverb;

•involveaPPwhoseHeadislicensedbyaverb;

•cannotbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses.

Table4.10:ThedistributionalpropertiesofPPCs

AselectionofverbslicensingPPCs

ENVYNPforNP BACKdown

INVESTNPinNP CATCHon

ACCOUNTforNP EATNPup

DECIDEonNP WRITENPdown

Table4.11:AselectionofverbslicensingPPCs

ThefullrangeofstructuresinvolvingPrepositionalPhrasesasComplementswillbediscussedinsection5.4.1.5.

4.1.3.5ComplementClauses

WeassignthefunctionlabelComplementClausetoclausesthatarelicensedbyaverb,butcannotbeassignedoneoftheotherComplementfunctionsDirectObject,IndirectObject,PredicativeComplement,orPPasComplement.Toillustrate,considerthebracketedfiniteandnon-finiteclausesin(90)and(91)whichcontainthematrixverbPERSUADE.IntheseexamplestheunderlinedphrasesareassignedthefunctionofDirectObject,whereasthebracketedclausesfunctionasComplementClause.

90Johnpersuadedthelocalchildren[clausethatthetoyoughttobeadapted

sothatinsteadofahumanriderthetoysfeaturedagorilla].

91SointhelatesixtiesIpersuadedatolerantsecondaryschoolheadinSudburySuffolk[clausetoletmelooseonaclassoffifteen-andsixteen-year-oldsforonelessonaweek].

AfulloverviewofstructuresthatinvolveComplementClauseswillbepresentedinChapters7and8.

4.1.3.6Adjuncts

WhereasComplementsarelicensedbyaHead,andareoftenobligatory(inthesensethatleavingthemoutmayresultinanungrammaticalstructure),Adjunctsarenotlicensed.BecausetheyareoptionaltheyhaveamuchlooserbondwiththeirassociatedHeadthanComplementsdo.InthesectionsthatfollowIwilldiscussthegrammaticalpropertiesofAdjuncts,focusingonthosethatoccurinsideverbphrasesandatclauselevel.AdjunctsthatoccurinsideotherphrasetypeswillbediscussedinChapter5.

4.1.3.6.1Adjunctssupplycircumstantialinformation

Adjunctssupplycircumstantialinformationaboutthe‘when’,‘where’,‘how’,or‘why’ofasituation,andcanexpressaverywiderangeofmeanings.Theseinclude‘aspectuality’,‘concession’,‘degree’,‘direction’,‘duration’,‘evaluation’,‘extent’,‘frequency’,‘instrument’,‘intensity’,‘location’,‘manner’,‘modality’,‘purpose’,‘reason’,‘result’,‘source’,‘time’,andsoon.(Seealsosection3.8.1.)

Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatifaphrasespecifiesareason,location,time,etc.thisisanecessary,butnotasufficientreasonforassigningthefunctionlabelAdjuncttoit.Forexample,thePPtherein(92)specifiesalocation,butweneverthelessanalyseitasaComplement,ratherthanasanAdjunct.ThereasonisthatthePPislicensedbytheverbLIVE,andisinfactobligatory.Ifweleaveitouttheexamplewillhaveanentirelydifferentmeaning.

92ThegirlI’mseeingatthemomentlives[PPthere].

Seesection5.4.1.5fordiscussion.

4.1.3.6.2Adjunctsaretypicallyrealizedasprepositionalphrasesandadverbphrases

ThevastmajorityofAdjunctsinsideverbphrasesarerealizedeitherasprepositionalphrasesorasadverbphrases;theremainderarerealizedasnounphrasesorclauses.

93Thesailingbarges[VPhadtremendouseconomicimportance[PPinthepast]].

94I[VPgotochurch[PPonSundays]].

95We[VPneedourcountrysidemore[PPbecauseweareanurbansociety]].

96Theengine[VPbeat[AdvPfrantically]].

97SometimesIthinkshe[VP[AdvPdeliberately]setsouttoangerMarcus].

98‘BlindDate’[VPpullsin12.5millionviewers[NPeachweek]].

99Many[VPdied[NPthatway][PPfortheirfaith]].

100I[VPletthemhavetenminutes[clausetogetthere]].

IwillreturntoclausalAdjunctsinChapters7and8.

4.1.3.6.3Adjunctscanbemoreorlessintegratedinclausestructure

Adjunctscanbeintegratedtoagreaterorlesserextentwithintheircontainingclauses.TheAdjunctsin(93)–(100)abovedirectlymodifytheverbphrasesinwhichtheyoccur,andarecalledVP-Adjuncts.Bycontrast,theAdjunctsin(101)–(103)belowaremuchlesstightlylinkedtotheirhostclauses.TheyarecalledClauseAdjuncts.Theyareintonationallysetapartwhenuttered.

101Theprospectsofgettingafull-timeortenuredpostwouldbeverydifficult.[AdvPHowever],itwouldbepossibletoobtainhoursatdifferent

collegesmakinguppart-timework.

102Nowthatwehaveadoptedasystemofmypayingallexpensesandthenclaiming,theproblemshouldbesolved.[AdvPNevertheless],Ihopethesewillbepaidpromptly.

103[AdvPProbably],youwon’twanttogodownandlookatthattoday.

SyntacticallyVP-Adjunctscanbeinthefocuspositionofacleftconstruction(section11.8),whereasClauseAdjunctscannot.Compare(104)and(105),wherethefocuspositionshavebeenitalicized.

104Itwasinthepastthatthesailingbargeshadtremendouseconomicimportance.(=oneofthecleftvariantsof(93))

105*Itwashoweverthatitwouldbepossibletoobtainhoursatdifferentcollegesmakinguppart-timework.(=anungrammaticalcleftvariantof(101))

Theadverbphrasesin(101)and(102)havealinkingfunction,whereastheAdvPin(103)conveysmodalmeaning.Seealsosections3.8and10.3.11.4.

IwillreturntoVP-Adjunctsinsection5.4.2.

4.1.3.6.4Adjunctsaremobile

Adjunctsaretypicallymobile,andcanoftenoccupydifferentpositionswithinclausesorphrases.Forexample,(95)hasthealternativeorderin(106),andtheAdvPdeliberatelyin(97)canalsobeplacedattheendoftheVP,asin(107).

106Becauseweareanurbansociety,weneedourcountrysidemore.

107SometimesIthinkshesetsouttoangerMarcusdeliberately.

4.1.3.6.5Adjunctsarestackable

As(108)shows,Adjunctsarestackable,whichmeansthatmorethanoneAdjunctcanappearinanyoneclauseorphrase.

108[NPYesterday]thesunwasjustasitis[PPinIndia].

InTable4.12thedistributionalpropertiesofAdjunctsaresummarized.

TypicalAdjuncts…

•arenotlicensedbyaHead;

•addcircumstantialinformationaboutthe‘when’,‘where’,‘how’,or‘why’ofasituation;

•arerealizedbyprepositionalphrasesandadverbphrases;

•canbemoreorlessintegratedinclausestructure;

•aremobile;

•are‘stackable’.

Table4.12:ThedistributionalpropertiesoftypicalAdjuncts

4.2Semanticroles

InthissectionIwilldiscusssemanticroles.Beforedoingsowefirstneedtointroducethetermpredicate(withalowercase‘p’).Thisnotionisaconceptfromthedomainofmeaning,andshouldbedistinguishedfromthesyntacticnotionPredicate.Recallthatthelatterisafunctionlabel(hencethecapitalletter‘P’)whichweassigntoastringofwordsotherthantheSubjectinaclause.Bycontrast,predicatesplayaroleinspecifyingthecoremeaningofaclause.Inasense,thepredicatespecifies‘whatgoeson’.Inthefollowingexamplesthewordsinitalicsaresemanticpredicateswhichrequiretheunderlinedphrasesastheirargumentsinordertomakeupameaningfulproposition(aspecificationofasituation,e.g.astateofaffairs,anactivity).

109Flintoffsmirkedashewalkedbacktohismark.

110Iopenedmymouth.

111Davegaveheroneofthemoisttissuesfromtheplasticdispenser.

Argumentscarrysemanticroles.Table4.13givesalistofsuchroleswithexamples.Ineachcasethepredicateisinitalics,andtheconstituentcarryingtheroleinquestionisunderlined.

Table4.13:Semanticroles

ArgumentscanbelinkedtoSubjectsandComplements,butnottoAdjuncts,becausethelattersupplyoptionalinformationinclauses.Semanticrolesareonlyassignedtoargumentsasparticipants.ThismeansthatanystringofwordsthatfunctionsasanAdjunctinaclauseorasa

PredicativeComplementisnotassignedasemanticrole.Forexample,ifweexpand(110)asin(112)weseethattheAdvPslowlymerelyaddsoptionalinformation,butisnotoneoftheparticipantsintheactofopening,whichinvolvesanAgent(I),andaTheme(mymouth).

112Iopenedmymouthslowly.

4.3Analysingclausesatthelevelsofform,function,andmeaning

Wehaveseenthatclausescanbeanalysedatthreedistinctbutrelatedlevels:grammaticalform,grammaticalfunction,andsemanticrole.Consider(113).

113[NPOurcorrespondent(Agent)]compiled[NPthisreport(Theme)][PPunderrestrictions].

InthisclausetheitalicizedpredicatelicensesthetwounderlinedargumentswhichcorrespondtothegrammaticalSubjectandDirectObject.BothargumentsarerealizedasNPs,andareassignedthesemanticrolesofAgentandTheme,respectively.ThePPunderrestrictionsisanAdjunct.Itisnotlicensedbytheverb,andnotanargument,andhencenotassignedasemanticrole.

4.4Representingthestructureofphrasesandclauses

InthissectionIwilldiscussawayinwhichwecanrepresentthestructureofclausesgraphicallyinso-calledtreediagrams,andhowwecanrecognizeunitsofstructurecalledconstituents.

Treediagrams(ortreesforshort)aregraphicalrepresentationsofsyntacticstructuresthatbeararesemblancetorealtrees,exceptthattheyareupsidedown.AsimpleDirectObjectnounphraselikethepianoin(114)canberepresentedasin(115).

114Sheplaysthepiano.

115

ThisrepresentationshowsthattheNPthepianoconsistsofadeterminativephrase(headedbyadeterminative)andanoun.TheformerfunctionsasDeterminer,whereasthelatterfunctionsasHead.IntreeswewilluseSMALLCAPITALStorepresentfunctionlabelsanditalictypetoindicatesemanticroles.ThestructureofSheplaysthepianocanberepresentedbythetreein(116),whichincorporatesthetreein(115).

116

Inthistreethehighestlevelrepresentsthemainclause(section3.9).TheSubjectNPisheadedbyanoun,tobeprecisebyapersonalpronoun,andthePredicateisrealizedbyaverbphrase.TheverbPLAYfunctionsasPredicatorwhichtakesthenounphrasethepianoasitsDirectObject.WithinthatNPthewordtheisadeterminativephraseheadedbya

determinativefunctioningasDeterminer,whilethenounpianofunctionsastheHeadoftheNP.Eachunitinthetreeiscalledanode.Wewillsaythatnodescandominateothernodes.Forexample,VPdominatesV,NP,DP,D,andN.

IfweaddtheAdjunctbeautifullyto(114)weobtain(117),anditsassociatedtreestructurerepresentationin(118).NoticethattheAdjunctcarriesnosemanticrole,becauseitisnotlicensedbytheverb,hencethereisnosemanticrolelabelontheAdjunctnode.

117Sheplaysthepianobeautifully.

118

Withinthetreesin(116)and(118)wecanclearlyseethatwordsgroupthemselvestogetherintoconstituents,whichweinformallydefinedatthebeginningofthischapterasstringsthatsyntacticallybehaveasunits.Wecandefineconstituentsabstractlyasfollows:YisaconstituentofXifandonlyifYisdominatedbyX.Asanexample,in(116)thenodesVandNPareconstituentsofVP(indicatedbythefactthattheyarebothdominatedbytheVP-node).ThereasonforthisgroupingistheclosebondbetweentheverbanditsComplement,discussedinsection4.1.3.1.1.Aswehaveseen,AdjunctsarenotlicensedbytheirassociatedHeads,andhencehaveamuchlessclosebondwiththem.Nevertheless,anAdjunctlikebeautifullyisstillpositionedinsidetheVP,asthetreein(118)shows,andthisisbecausebeautifullymodifiesthemeaningoftheverb:itspecifieshowtheplayingofthepianowascarriedout.However,noticethattheAdjunctcannotbreak

themuchcloserbondbetweentheverbandtheDO:itcannotbepositionedbetweenthem,cf.*Sheplaysbeautifullythepiano.

PartIII:Phraseandclausepatterns

Chapter5ComplexphrasesandcoordinationInthischapterwewilltakeacloserlookatthestructureofEnglishphrases.Morespecifically,wewillexaminethestructureofthecomplexphrase,wherethattermisunderstoodtodenoteaphrasethatcontainsanarrayofelementsinadditiontoitsHead.Iwillbeginwithadiscussionofphrase-levelfunctionsinsection5.1.Wewillseethattheskeletalstructureofthevariousphrasetypesisverysimilar.Insections5.2–5.6IwillturntoadetailedtreatmentofthestructureofeachofthephrasetypesNP,AdjP,VP,PP,andAdvP.Insection5.7Idiscusscoordination.

5.1Phraselevelfunctions

Wedistinguishthefollowingfunctionswithinphrases:Head,Complement,andAdjunct.InnounphrasesweadditionallyrecognizethefunctionsDeterminerandPredeterminer.Adjunctscanbedividedintoseveraldifferentkinds,aswewillseeinSection5.1.3below.Table5.1providesasummarylist.

Grammaticalfunctionsatphraselevel

•Head(H)

•Complement(Comp)

•Adjunct(A)

Pre-HeadAdjunct

Post-HeadAdjunct

ExternalAdjunct(onlyinNPs)

•Determiner(Det)andPredeterminer(Predet)(onlyinNPs)

Table5.1:Grammaticalfunctionsatphraselevel

5.1.1Head(H)

InChapter3wedefinedtheHeadofaphraseasitsmostprominentelement.Headsareobligatory,andforanyonephrasetheycanbedescribedastheelementwhichthephraseasawholeisa‘kindof’,andonwhichtheotherelementsofthephrasearedependent.Thusthestringaquiteferociouscatisanounphraseheadedbycatbecausethestringasawholedenotesakindofcat.ThedeterminativephraseaandtheadjectivephrasequiteferociousaredependentsoftheHead.Allphrasesmustbeendocentric,whichmeansthattheymustbeproperlyheaded.Thatistosaythatnounphrasesmustbeheadedbyanoun,adjectivephrasesmustbeheadedbyanadjective,verbphrasesmustbeheadedbyaverb,andsoon.

5.1.2Complementsinphrases

WithinphrasesHeadscanlicenseComplementsofvarioustypes.Asanexample,considertheadjectivefondin(1)below.

1Hewasn’tparticularly[AdjP[Adjfond][PPofBax]].

TheHeadofthisAdjPistheadjectivefondwhichlicensesthePPofBaxasitsComplement.WecannotleavethePPout:

2*Hewasn’tparticularlyfond.

ThevariousphrasalHeadseachlicenseadifferentarrayofComplements,aswewillseeinthesectionsthatfollow.

5.1.3Adjunctsinphrases

Adjunctsinsidephrasesspecifycircumstantialinformationatthelevelofthephrase.Here’sanexampleofanounphrasewithanAdjunct.

3[NPa[AdjPfairlywet]summer]

InthisNPtheHeadissummer,whichtakestheadjectivephrasefairlywetasanAdjunct.AnotherwayofputtingthisistosaythattheAdjPmodifiesthenounHead.(Indeed,thefunctionallabelusedforphrasalAdjunctsin

manygrammarsisModifier.)WithintheAdjPtheHeadwetitselftakesanAdjunct,namelyfairly.EachofthephrasetypeswewillbelookingathasadifferentrangeofAdjuncts.Wewilldistinguishbetweenpre-HeadAdjunctsandpost-HeadAdjuncts.FornounphrasesweadditionallyrecognizeExternalAdjuncts.

5.1.4Determiner(Det)andPredeterminer(Predet):onlyinnounphrases

ThefunctionalnotionsofDeterminerandPredeterminerareusedonlyfornounphrases.Determinersserveto‘specify’NPs.ThismeansthatthephrasesthatrealizetheDeterminerfunctionaddfairlygeneralandoftenabstractspecificationalmeaningstoNPs,forexample‘definiteness’,‘proximity’,‘number’,‘gender’,‘possession’,oracombinationofthese.Forexample,inasimpleNPlike(4),theisadeterminativewhichfunctionsastheHeadofadeterminativephrasewhichinturnfunctionsasaDeterminerwithinthelargerNP.

4[NP[DPthe]shoe]]

TheDPmarkstheNPas‘definite’,anotionwhichwepreviouslydefinedas‘uniquelyidentifiable’totheaddresseeinthemostcommoncases.

ThePredeterminerfunctioncanberealizedbyphraseswithaquantifyingmeaningthatareplacedbeforeNPs.TheymodifytheNPasawhole.HereisanexampleofaDPfunctioningasPredeterminer.

5Nomagictrickdealswith[NP[DPall][NPtheproblems]].

InanyoneNPonlyoneconstituentcanbeassignedthefunctionofDeterminerorPredeterminer.

5.1.5Thestructureofphrases

WecanrepresenttheskeletalstructureofNPsasin(6),andthestructuresofAdjPs,VPs,PPs,andAdvPsasin(7).Asexplainedinsection4.4,ineachcasethefunctionlabelsandformlabelsaregivenonseparatelines.Thesymbol‘¤’isusedwheretheformlabelcanbeofdifferentkinds(that

is,wherethefunctioncanberealizedbydifferentkindsofforms).Elementsinbracketsareoptional.Forexample,phrasescanconsistofonlyaHead,asinDogsarelazy,wheredogsisanNPconsistingsolelyoftheHeadnoun,andlazyisanAdjPconsistingoftheHeadlazy.

6

7

Asthesetreediagramsshow,AdjunctscanoccurbeforeoraftertheHead,andtheyarestackable,aswesawinsection4.1.3.6.5.ComplementsvirtuallyalwaysoccuraftertheHead.WithinverbphrasesmorethanoneComplementmayoccur,aswewillseeinsection5.4.

ComplementsgenerallyhaveatighterrelationshipthanAdjunctswiththeirassociatedHeadsinphrases.BecauseofthistheytendtobeplacedimmediatelytotherightoftheHead.Ifaphrasecontainsoneormorepost-HeadAdjuncts,theyoccurtotherightofanyComplement(s)thatmaybepresent.Asanexample,considerthebracketednounphrasebelow.

8By1978GrangerhadcontributedarticlestoTime,TheNewRepublicandothermagazines;andbecameadailycolumnist,televisioncriticand[teacherofjournalismatColumbiaCollegeinChicago].

InthisNPtheHeadnounteachertakesaComplementintheshapeofaPP(ofjournalism),aswellastwoPPAdjuncts(atColumbiaCollegeandinChicago).Aswewillseeinsection5.2.3.1,thephraseofjournalismisregardedasaComplementbecauseitcanberelatedtoaV+Complement

(DO)sequence,inthiscaseteachesjournalism.NoticethatbecauseofthetightrelationshipbetweentheHeadnounanditsComplement,theAdjunctscannotbeplacedimmediatelyaftertheHead,asthefollowingexamplesshow.

9*Hebecame[teacheratColumbiaCollegeofjournalisminChicago].(N+Adjunct+Complement+Adjunct)

10*Hebecame[teacherinChicagoofjournalismatColumbiaCollege].(N+Adjunct+Complement+Adjunct)

11Hebecame[teacheratColumbiaCollegeinChicagoofjournalism].(N+Adjunct+Adjunct+Complement)

ExceptionstothisgeneraltendencyoccurwhentheComplementis‘heavy’(i.e.consistsofmanywords),andisconsequentlyextraposed(section3.2.2.1.2)acrossthe‘light’Adjunct,asin(12).

12

5.2Complexnounphrases

5.2.1Determinersinnounphrases

WithinnounphrasesthefunctionofDeterminercanberealizedbydeterminativephrases,nounphrases,andprepositionalphrases(Table5.2).Asnotedinsection5.1.4,onlyoneconstituentinanyoneNPcanfunctionasDeterminer.

Determinersinnounphrases

•determinativephrases;

•nounphrases;

•prepositionalphrases.

Table5.2:Determinersinnounphrases

5.2.1.1DeterminativephrasesfunctioningasDeterminerinnounphrases

Anoverviewofdeterminativeswasgiveninsection3.3.IneachoftheexamplesinTable3.11thedeterminativeheadsaDPwhichfunctionsasaDeterminerinsideanounphrase.Thisisalsothecasefortheexamplesbelow,exceptthatinthesecasesthedeterminativeisitselfmodified.

13By[NP[DPalmostall]standardmeasures]Haiti,thepoorestcountryoftheregion,standsattheoppositepole.

14Thepredictionwasthatbrokingfirmswouldexpandtheiroperationsandthat[NP[DPverymany]newcompanies]wouldbecreated.

5.2.1.2NounphrasesfunctioningasDeterminerinnounphrases

NounphrasescanfunctionasDeterminerinEnglishintheshapeofgenitivepersonalpronouns,asin(15),genitiveinterrogativepronouns,asin(16),genitiverelativepronouns,asin(17),‘full’genitivenounphrases,asin(18),or‘ordinary’nounphrases,asin(19).

15[NP[NPMy]question]wasabout[NP[NPyour]interview].

16[NP[NPWhose]home]didyoutakeherto_?

17HefoundfavourasacourtphysicianamongthevariousprincedomsofEurope,buthealsoearnedhisbreadasanitinerantdoctor[NP[NPwhose]reputation]alwaysprecededhim.

18China’s100millionunder-fiveswillhavethechancetocuddlePostmanPatandhisblackandwhitecatandcollect[NP[NP[NPthemanfromGreendale]’s]bestexploitsonDVD]afterdealsstruckbyhisowner,EntertainmentRights.

19With[NP[NPthissize]zoom],imagestabilisationisessential,andtheSP-570UZhastwosystemstoreduceshake.

Aswesawinsection3.2.2,weregardmyin(15)andwhosein(16)and

(17)aspronouns,ratherthanasdeterminatives,byvirtueofthefactthattheycarrygenitivecase.In(15)and(17)thelargerbracketedNPsmyquestionandwhosereputationfunctionasSubject.TheNPsyourinterviewin(15),whosehomein(16),andthissizezoomin(19)functionastheComplementsoftheprepositionsabout,to,andwith,respectively.Notethatin(16)theNPwhosehomeisassociatedwiththegapindicatedby‘_’.In(18)-’sisattachedtotheNPthemanfromGreendaleasawhole.

5.2.1.3PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasDeterminerinnounphrases

InthefollowingexamplesprepositionalphrasesfunctionasDeterminerwithinnounphrases.

20[NP[PPOvertwenty]Iranians]killedbyavalanche.(headline)

21Geneva-basedUnitedNationshumanitarianagenciesandtheInternationalRedCrosssaid[NP[PPuptoamillion]people]wereonthemove,fleeingtownsandcitiesforruralareasortryingtocrossborderstoIran,PakistanandTajikistan.

ThePPscannotco-occurwithotherDeterminers,cf.*overtwentytheIranians,*uptoamillionthosepeople.

5.2.2Predeterminersinnounphrases

Determinerscanbeprecededbyquantifyingexpressions,whichcanberealizedbydifferenttypesofphrases.Thesemodifythenounphrasethatfollowsasawhole,andfunctionasPredeterminer.ThePredeterminerfunctioncanberealizedbydeterminativephrases,nounphrases,adverbphrases,andcertainadjectivalelements(Table5.3).

Predeterminersinnounphrases

•determinativephrases;

•nounphrases;

•adverbphrases;

•adjectivalelements.

Table5.3:Predeterminersinnounphrases

5.2.2.1DeterminativephrasesfunctioningasPredeterminerinnounphrases

DeterminativephrasesheadedbyallandbothcanfunctionasPredeterminer,asintheexamplesbelow.

22Ibuybooks[NP[DPall][NPthetime]]forwork.

23[NP[DPBoth][NPthepossiblecontractorsImetthisweek]]spokeaboutputtingintrunkingreadyfortheethernetcabling.

Thedeterminativecanitselfbemodified,asin(24).

24Thepoliceadmitthat[NP[DPalmostall][NPtheitemsseized]]hadalegitimatepurpose.

Thisexampleresembles(13),butdiffersfromitbyvirtueofthepresenceofthe,whichfunctionsasDeterminerinsidetheNP.

5.2.2.2NounphrasesfunctioningasPredeterminerinnounphrases

ExamplesofnounphrasesfunctioningasPredeterminerareso-calledfractions,suchashalf,aquarter,one-sixth,andanumberofso-calledmultipliers,suchastwotimes,threetimes,double,triple.

25It’sprobablyonly[NP[NPhalf][NPthepopulation]]atbestthatarecovered.

26AndyetMalawihasalake[NP[NPone-fifth][NPthesizeofthecountry]].

27Inallbutthemostexceptionalcircumstances,itwillbecome“normalpractice”againforloanstobelimitedtoamaximumof[NP[NPthreetimes][NPtheborrower’ssalary]].

28Theinterfaceisextended,providingupto[NP[NPdouble][NPthe

speed]].

NoticethatineachcasetheDeterminerslotwithintheinnerNPisfilledbythe.

5.2.2.3AdverbphrasesfunctioningasPredeterminerinnounphrases

Intheexamplesthatfollow,multiplieradverbssuchasonce,twice,andthricefunctionasPredeterminer.

29That’s[NP[AdvPtwice][NPthepresentpopulationofAfrica]].

30Theyhavefoundthatemissionsofcarbondioxidehavebeenrisingat[NP[AdvPthrice][NPtherate]]inthe1990s.

5.2.2.4AdjectivalelementsfunctioningasPredeterminerinnounphrases

Anumberofadjective-likeelementscanfunctionasPredeterminerinsidenounphrases.Thissetincludeswordslikesuchandexclamativewhat(sections1.6and6.4),aswellasphrasalconstituents.

31You’re[NP[AdjPsuch][NPasnob]],honestly.

32ThesecondthingIwanttosayis[NP[AdjPwhat][NParemarkableweek]]it’sbeen.

33Itisinterestingtoremember,inthisconnection,[NP[AdjPhowimportant][NPapart]]willsandlegaciesplayinCharlesDickens’sfiction.

5.2.3Complementsinnounphrases

NounscantakeseveraltypesofComplements(listedinTable5.4):prepositionalphrases,clauses,andpre-Headreducednounphrases(i.e.NPswithoutaDeterminer).

Complementsinnounphrases

•prepositionalphrases;

•clauses;

•pre-Headreducednounphrases(withoutaDeterminer).

Table5.4:Complementsinnounphrases

5.2.3.1PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasComplementinnounphrases

Complementsofnounsderivedorconvertedfromverbs(section2.3.1)canoccurintheshapeofaPP,asintheexamplesbelow.

34[NPOurreview[PPofthemarket]]inChapter1showsthatspacelinerswouldbeusedinitiallyforferryingstaffandcargotoandfromgovernment-fundedspacestations;andthenforspacetourism.

35[NPThedesire[PPformoney]]hasacorruptinginfluence.

36[NPAchievement[PPoftheextravolume]]wasthesubjectofconsiderableplanning.

37Irefertomytelephonecalltheotherdaytocheckon[NPyourreceipt[PPofmyapplicationformembership]].

TheheadofthePPisusuallytheprepositionof.IneachofthesecasestheN+ComplementsequencecanberelatedtoaV+Complement(DO)sequence.

38Wereviewedthemarket.

39(They)desiremoney.

40(They)achieveextravolume.

41Youreceivedmyapplicationformembership.

InothercasesaPPComplementislicensedbythenounwithouttherebeingalinktoaV+Complementsequence,asinthefollowingsetofexamples.

42Themilitaryisnotrulingout[NPthepossibility[PPofcontamination]]asaresultofthebombing.

43Itis[NPaform[PPofdance]].

44Andhe’sbeenlookingatthepossibilitiesofhaving[NPsomemeaningfuldialogue[PPbetweentheparties]].

ThePPsareComplementshere,ratherthanAdjuncts,becausethenounlicensestheprepositionthatheadsthePP.

5.2.3.2ClausesfunctioningasComplementinnounphrases

InthefollowingexamplesclausesfunctionasComplementsofnounsinsidenounphrases.

45AspokeswomanfortheLondonAmbulanceServicerefuted[NPtheclaim[clausethatliveswerebeingputatrisk]].

46IdetectintheUnitedStates’latestposition[NParealisation[clausethatitisimportanttokeeptheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilconsensus]].

47Hestronglycriticised[NPthePrimeMinister’sfailure[clauseØtoallowBritishentryintotheExchangeRateMechanism]].

48Butthere’s[NPnoactualrequirement[clauseforthemtodoit]]underthetermsoftheoffice.

Thesymbol‘Ø’in(47)indicatesthattheSubjectoftheclauseisimplicit,thatis,notovertlyexpressed;itisinthiscaseunderstoodtobethePrimeMinister.IwillreturntothisconventioninChapters7and8.AgainwecanlinktheN+ComplementsequencetoaV+(NP)+Complementsequence,as(49)–(52)show.

49Somebodyclaimed[thatliveswerebeingputatrisk].

50(They)realised[thatitisimportanttokeeptheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilconsensus].

51ThePrimeMinisterfailed[ØtoallowBritishentryintotheExchangeRateMechanism].

52(Nobody)requiresthem[Øtodoitunderthetermsoftheoffice].

ThereisalimitedsetofnounswhoseComplementscannotbelinkedtoverbalComplements.Thesealsotakefiniteornon-finiteclausalComplements,forexamplechance,fact,idea,occasion,proposition,question.Examplesfollow.

53[NPThefact[clausethattheaccusedwasignorantoftherulesofEnglishlaw]]willnotaffordanydefence.

54Youreallymustgetusedto[NPtheidea[clausethatpeoplewillcomeuptoyou]].

55Weneedtoknockonthehead[NPtheproposition[clausethatashortwarwillboosttheinternationaleconomy]].

56AdeclarationissuedattheEU’sLaekensummitin2001calledforaConventiononthefutureofEuropetolookintothesimplificationandreorganisationoftheEUtreaties,andraised[NPthequestion[clausewhethertheendresultshouldbeaconstitution]].

57Thismeansthatthereisnever[NPachance[clauseØtohaveacompleteweekendoff]].

58HemadetheQueen’sSpeechdebateonWednesday[NPtheoccasion[clauseØtoreassertmasteryofadividedparty]].

59Thatgivesme[NPanopening[clauseØtopryfurtherdowntheline]].

Thethat-clausesandto-infinitiveclausesspecifythecontentoftheclaim,realization,failure,fact,idea,andsoon.

ClausesthatfunctionasComplementsofnounsareoftencalledappositiveclauses.

5.2.3.3NounphraseswithoutaDeterminerfunctioningaspre-HeadComplementinnounphrases

TosomeextentnounscanalsobecomplementedbynounphraseswithoutaDeterminer,asin(60)–(63),thoughnotethat,exceptionally,the

ComplementshereprecedetheHead.

60[NPan[NPart]student]

61[NPthe[NPcompany]representative]

62[NPa[NPbananabread]eater]

63[NPa[NPtenpercent]saving]

Compare(60)-(63)with(64)-(67),wheretheNPsfunctionasDirectObject,orasComplementoftheprepositionof

64s/hestudiesart—astudentofart

65s/herepresentsthecompany—arepresentativeofthecompany

66s/heeatsbananabread—aneaterofbananabread

67s/hesavedtenpercent—asavingoftenpercent

Structureslike(60)–(63)arenotalwayseasytodistinguishfromcompounds(seesection2.3.2).

5.2.4Adjunctsinnounphrases

Withinnounphraseswedistinguishbetweenpre-HeadAdjuncts,whichoccurbeforetheHead,post-HeadAdjuncts,whichoccuraftertheHead,andExternalAdjuncts,whichmodifyNPsasawhole.RecallthatAdjunctsareoptional,andsupplycircumstantialinformation.AnoverviewofAdjunctsinnounphrasesisgiveninTable5.5.

Adjunctsinnounphrases

•Pre-HeadAdjuncts

adjectivephrases;

determinativephrases;

nounphrases(withoutaDeterminer);

prepositionalphrases;

verbphrases;

adverbphrases;

clausesandclause-likestructures.

•Post-HeadAdjuncts

nounphrases;

adjectivephrases;

prepositionalphrases;

adverbphrases;

determinativephrases;

clauses.

•ExternalAdjuncts

adverbphrases;

prepositionalphrases;

nounphrases.

Table5.5:Adjunctsinnounphrases

5.2.4.1Adjectivephrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

NominalHeadscanbeprecededbyadjectivephrases,asin(68).

68[NPan[AdjPinteresting]period]

Notethatinterestingisanadjectivephraseinattributivepositionmodifying

thenounperiod,notjustanadjective.WecanshowthatinterestingonitsownoccupiesanAdjP-positionbyexpanding(68)into(69).

69[NPa[AdjPveryinteresting]period]

BecausetheyareAdjuncts,adjectivephrasescanbestacked(seesection4.1.3.6.5):

70[NPa[AdjPlengthy][AdjPenjoyable][AdjPinteresting]period]

Therearesomerestrictionsontheorderofadjectivephraseswithinnounphrases.Consider(71),whichsoundsquiteodd.

71abrownleatheroldpracticalsuitcase

Thereasonforthisisthatstackedadjectivestendtooccurinaparticularorder,dependingonthesemanticdomaintheybelongto.Thisorderisshownin(72).

72evaluation–property–age–colour–provenance–manufacture–type

Thus,evaluativeadjectivestendtoprecedepropertyadjectives,whichinturnprecedeageadjectives,andsoon.Hereareafewexamples:

thisexcellentfreshfood

hisuglythickredsocks

thebigoldbrowncottonhat

apracticaloldFrenchleathersuitcase

Therestrictionsaresemanticorderingtendencies,ratherthanhard-and-fastsyntacticrules,giventhatslightchangesinorderdonotalwaysresultinanunacceptableresult(cf.histhickuglyredsocks).Thismeansthatdeparturesfromtheorderin(72)arenotsomuchungrammaticalasjustodd-sounding.

5.2.4.2Determinativephrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

In(73)and(74)belowthedeterminativesmanyandtwofunctionastheHeadsofdeterminativephraseswhichinturnfunctionaspre-HeadAdjunctsinsidethebracketedNPs.

73Andifwe’reacceptedin[NP[DPour][DPverymany]facets]],what’sourproblem?

74[NP[DPThese][DPtwo]images]sayitall.

TheDPsourandthesefunctionasDeterminer.Compare(73)with(14).SincetheformeralreadycontainsaDeterminer(our)weanalysetheDPverymanyasanAdjunct.

5.2.4.3NounphraseswithoutaDeterminerfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

HerearesomeexamplesofnounphraseswithoutaDeterminerfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunct.In(76)theNPtakesgenitivecase.

75Genesisalsofavouredthemelotron’suniquesoundandtheyfeatureditheavilyonmanyof[NPtheirclassic[NPearlyseventies]albums].

76Shealsorevealedthat[NPa[NPmen’s]magazine]hadapproachedherforaphotosession.

77FlyMetotheMoonoccasionallyfeelslikeithasn’tgotasmuchenergyorexcitementasitcouldhave,and[NPthereal[NPedge-of-your-seat]actionanddrama]comesquitelateinthefilm–butit’sworththewait.

Namescanalsofunctionaspre-HeadAdjunct,asintheexamplebelowfromafamousnovel.

78Ifyoureallywanttohearaboutit,thefirstthingyou’llprobablywanttoknowiswhereIwasborn,andwhatmylousychildhoodwaslike,andhowmyparentswereoccupiedandallbeforetheyhadme,and[NPallthat[NPDavidCopperfield]kindofcrap],butIdon’tfeellikegoingintoit,ifyouwanttoknowthetruth.

TheAdjunctnatureoftheitalicizedpre-HeadNPsbecomesclearwhenweparaphrasethecontainingNPs.Thustheirclassicearlyseventiesalbums

canberewordedastheirclassicalbumsfromtheearlyseventies.In(76)amen’smagazinecanbeparaphrasedasamagazineformen.Noticethatthedeterminativeagoeswithmagazine,notwithmen’s,sincethelatterisplural.

Examplesinvolvingpre-Headnounphrasesarenotalwayseasilydistinguishablefromcompounds.Wesawinsection2.3.2thatasarulethestressincompoundsisonthefirstcomponent,whileinphrasesthesecondcomponenttendstobestressed.Inthisconnectionconsidertheexamplesbelow.

79Wasitnotthecasethattheyrespondedtoanadvertisementthatyouplacedin[NPthetradepress]?

80ThehearingwastoldMsStewartthreatenedtostart[NPagrievanceprocedure]ifherloverwasnotallowedontothesameshift.

HerewecouldsaythatwithintheitalicizedNPstradeandgrievanceareNPswhichfunctionaspre-HeadAdjunct.However,wecanalsoregardtradepressandgrievanceprocedureascompounds,giventhatthestressisontradeandgrievance,respectively.

5.2.4.4Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

PrepositionalphrasescanpremodifyNPHeads,thoughthisisquiterare.Someexamplesareshownin(81)–(83).

81Forceschiefsback[NP[PPunder-fire]minister].

82[NPThe[PPunder-threat]GatwickExpressrailservice]hasbeensaved,thegovernmentannouncedtoday.

83WiththenewsthattheEUhasidentifiedariskofhearinglosstoanyonelisteningto[NP[NPin-ear]music]overavolumeof89db,wemustconsiderthewayweconsumemusic.

InalltheseexamplesthewritersusedahyphenbetweenthetwocomponentsofthePP.ThiscouldindicatethatthesePPsarefelttobeabitlikeadjectivesmodifyingnouns,cf.thebeleagueredminister,the

endangeredrailservice.

5.2.4.5Verbphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

Inthefollowingexamplesaverbphrasefunctionsaspre-HeadAdjunct.

84IntheOldTown,youcanseemullet-hairedskateboarders,scuttlingnuns,transvestitesand[NPthe[NPslowlygrowing]numbersofforeigners]allputtingthisconsensualapproachintopractice.

85Hewassuccessfulbefore,ofcourse;hewaswell-knownaroundmediaLondonasthemasterof[NPthe[VPquicklydelivered]opinionpiece],firstpersonorotherwise,toatightdeadline.

HowdoweknowthattheitalicizedstringsareVPs,andnotadjectivephrases?First,noticethatthewordsgrowinganddeliveredcannotbemodifiedbytypicaladjectivalAdjunctslikevery(cf.*verygrowing,*“verydelivered).Secondly,in(84)and(85)growinganddeliveredaremodifiedbyslowlyandquickly.Thesemanneradverbscanonlymodifyverbs.

Compare(84)and(85)with(86)and(87).

86That’s[NPa[AdjPveryinteresting]point]thatPhilip’smade.

87I’musedtoworkingwith[NP[AdjPveryable-bodied]people].

InthesecasestheHeadnounsaremodifiedbyveryinterestingandveryable-bodied.TheHeadsofthesephrasesmustbeadjectives,becausetheyaremodifiedbyvery.(However,noticethatinterestingisconvertedfromaverb;seeSection2.3.3.)

5.2.4.6Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

ItisrareforadverbphrasestomodifynominalHeads,butexampleslikethefollowingarepossible:

88Achancelessinningsofpatienceandclassfrom20-year-oldGordonMuchallsecuredatensefinishand[NP[AdvPalmost]victory]forDurhamafteraturgidlow-scoringaffair.

Aswithpre-HeadPPs,weoftenfindahyphenbetweentheadverbandthenoun(almost-victory),whichmayindicatethattheadverb-nounsequenceisregardedasacompoundnounofsomesort.

5.2.4.7Clausesandclause-likestructuresfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

Inthefollowingexamplesclausesandclause-likestructuresfunctionaspre-HeadAdjunct.

89Theinternationalmobiletelecomsproviderisofferingunlimitedfreeinternationaltextsuntil2Januarytocustomerson[NPtheir[clausepay-as-you-go]simcard].

90Gallonsofinkhavebeenspilledand[NP[clause’godknowshowmany]pixels]havebeenburnedtoreporttheyearlongsagaoftheForeignIntelligenceSurveillanceAct(Fisa),butitcanbeprettywellsummarisedinoneparagraph.

Hereagainthewordsthatmakeupthemodifyingclauseareoften,thoughnotalways,hyphenated,indicatingthatthewordstakentogetherareregardedasaunit,muchlikeanadjective.

5.2.4.8Nounphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

IntheexamplesbelowtheHeadispostmodifiedbyanNP

91IsmyrighthonourablefriendawarethatonthissideoftheHousewefullysupportthecontents,aswellasthestyleandtoneof[NPhisstatement[NPthisafternoon]]?

92Easterfoundmesupineandsemi-nakedoncoralsand,doingaprettygoodimitationofacrabstick,toyingwithadewyFanta,staringoutatthesycophanticCaribbeanandwondering,asever,ifIdaredtowear[NPashirt[NPthatcolour]].

93Thisobviouslyhelped[NPbanks[NPthissideoftheAtlantic]].

In(91)and(93)thisafternoonandthissideoftheAtlanticcanalsobeconstruedasAdjunctsfunctioningattheVPlevel,ratherthaninsidethe

nounphrase,inwhichcasewecanparaphrasethesecondpartof(91)as‘thatonthissideoftheHousethisafternoonwefullysupportthecontentsaswellasthestyleandtoneofhisstatement’,and(93)canbereorderedasThissideoftheAtlantic,thisobviouslyhelpedbanks.Intonationisoftenaclueastotheintendedstructure.ThereisnointonationalbreakiftheAdjunctisconsideredtobepartoftheNP,andpassivizationispossible:[NPBanksthissideoftheAtlantic]wereobviouslyhelpedbythis.

InthefollowingexampletheitalicizednounphraseisanappositiveAdjunctofthenounfilm.Thetitlereferstothesameentityasthenoun.

94ToreadthewartimeWilliamsistobetransportedbacktothesuburbanhomefrontbutahomefrontobservedfromthechild’seyeviewjustasJohnBoormanobserveditin[NPhisautobiographicalfilm[NPHopeandGlory]].

5.2.4.9Adjectivephrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

AnadjectivephrasecanpostmodifyaHeadnoun,asintheexamplesbelow.

95Somepeoplehave[NPears[AdjPfullofwax]].

96Iunderstoodthatithadnotbeenpossibletoarrange[NPtheseparatedebate[AdjPrecommended]].

97Andtheirfirstrulerwasveryinterestedin[NPallthings[AdjPwestern]].

98OrdnanceSurveytakesitsnamefromtheBoardofOrdnancewhichintheeighteenthcenturywasanimportantelementofthemilitarybeingconcernedwithfortifications,artillery,engineering,and[NPallmatters[AdjPtechnical]].

99NationaltroopsretookthecityinMay,atthecostof[NPmanythousands[AdjP-coordinationdeadandimprisoned]].

Moreoftenthannot,theAdjPscanberegardedasreducedrelativeclauses(seesections3.2.2.3and7.3.3).Thus,(95)isarguablyareducedversionof(100),and(96)areducedversionof(101).

100Somepeoplehaveearswhicharefullofwax.

101Iunderstoodthatithadnotbeenpossibletoarrangetheseparatedebatewhichwasrecommended.

Theitalicizedstringofwordsin(99)isanadjectivephrasecoordination(seeSection5.7.1fordiscussion).

Thefollowingaresetphrases.

102[NPpoet[AdjPlaureate]]

103[NPgovernor/secretary/attorney/surgeon[AdjPgeneral]]

104[NPastronomer[AdjProyal]]

5.2.4.10Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

PPspostmodifyingnominalHeadsareextremelycommon.Theycanaddaverywiderangeofdifferenttypesofcircumstantialinformation,including‘location’,‘time’,‘source’,aswellasmoreabstractmeanings.Someexamplesfollow.

105Ithinksomepeoplecomeinitiallytohelp[NPpeople[PPinwheelchairs]]dance.

106Wethinkwe’vegot[NPthemainpoint[PPaboutthat]].

107Anyway[NPothercountries[PPinEurope]]suchasAustriaandSwitzerlandmakefarmoremoneyoutoftourismthanwedoandtheyarerepublics.

108Iamawaiting[NPaleisurecard[PPfromthelibrary]]but,meantime,encloseacopyoftherelevantpageofmypassportasproofofmyage.

109Ihaven’thad[NPmoment[PPtomyself]].

5.2.4.11Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

Inthefollowingexamplesadverbphrasesfunctionaspost-HeadAdjunct.

110He’llfindverylargenumbersofthemhave[NPverylowincomes[AdvPindeed]].

111We’venotbeenplayingbadly,though,and[NPtheresults[AdvPlately]]havecertainlybeenworsethantheperformances.

112Butoftaxrisestherewasnothing,anechoingsilencearoundtheCommonschamber-yetitisanissuethat[NPsomeday[AdvPsoon]]hewillhavetoaddress.

InthesecasesitisnotalwaysentirelyclearexactlywhattheAdvPsmodify.Thus,in(111)onecouldarguethatlatelyfunctionsasaVP-levelAdjunct,thoughitwouldthenbemorelikelytooccurafterhaveoraftercertainly.In(112)wecouldalsosaythatsoonistheHead,modifiedbytheNPsomeday(seesection5.6.2.3below).

5.2.4.12Determinativephrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

Somedeterminatives,forexampleeach,enough,less,andmore,canheaddeterminativephraseswhichfunctionaspost-HeadAdjunct,asinthefollowingexamples.

113Norwilltherebepreciseplansonthesizeofafutureexecutivewherethebiggerstatescurrentlyhave[NPtwoseats[DPeach]],withoneapieceforthe10smallerpartners.

114Theyhave[NPreasons[DPenough]],withoutbeinghandedmore.

5.2.4.13Clausesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinnounphrases

Relativeclausescanfunctionaspost-HeadAdjunct.Aswesawinsection3.2.2.3,theseareclausesthatsupplyadditionalinformationaboutthereferentoftheHeadofthenounphraseinwhichtheyoccur,andaretypicallyintroducedbyrelativepronouns.Herearesomefurtherexamples.

115He’s[NPtheguy[clausewhoissupposedtohaveleft]].

116Butitis[NPaformofdance[clausewhichalreadyexists]].

Finiteandnon-finiterelativeclauseswillbediscussedinmoredetailinSection7.3.3.

5.2.4.14ExternalAdjunctsinnounphrases

Anumberofphrasetypes,specificallyAdvPs,PPs,andNPs,canmodifyanentireNP,andfunctionasExternalAdjunct.TheycanbeattachedeitheratthebeginningorendofanNP.Examplesareshownbelow.

117ThenovelsofChristinaSteadspan[NP[AdvPalmost][NPtheentirecentury]].

118Attoday’sprices,[NP[NPthosetracts][AdvPalone]]areworth£130million.

119[NP[AdvPOnly][NPahandfulofinternationalreliefagencies]]arecurrentlyworkinginthecountry.

120IbegtodifferfromthissurveyandstatethatHeathrowis[NPperhaps[NP[Advpperhaps[NPthebestairportintheworld]],itsfacilitiesaresecondtonone.

121Todayis[NP[AdvPofficially][NPthemostdepressingdayoftheyear]]-butthankfullyhelpisathand.

122BythistimeCastilewaslooking[NP[PPbyfar][NPthemostvaluableally]]again.

123Therehesitslooking[NP[NPeverybit][NPachiefexecutive]]-greysuit,whiteshirt,redtie.

124[NP[NPTheGauls][NPthemselves]]werepartofthemuchlargerfamilyofCeltic-speakingpeopleswhointhelastcenturiesBCoccupiedallthebrownbitsyouseeonthismap.

ExternalAdjunctscanbedistinguishedfromPredeterminers(Section5.2.2)bothsyntacticallyandsemantically.Positionally,whentheyoccurbeforetheHeadofanNPtheyprecedeanyPredeterminers(andDeterminers)whicharepresent,astheexamplebelowmakesclear.Theelement

functioningasPredeterminerisunderlined.

125Ithasbeenquitegratifyingtoreadthat[NPeven[NPall[NPtheambitious,overworkedmanagersthatIseeattheoffice(andfailtocomprehend)]]]feeldeepdownthatthey’remissingoutonlife.

SemanticallyExternalAdjunctscanexpressawiderrangeofmeaningsthanPredeterminers,suchas‘focus’(e.g.alone,even,only),‘degree’(almost,entirely,much,nearly),‘viewpoint’(academically,financially,officially),‘evaluation’(fortunately,happily,regrettably),‘modality’(possibly,perhaps),andsoon.Predeterminerstypicallyexpressquantifyingmeanings,aswehaveseen.ExternalAdjunctscanoftenalsoappearasAdjunctsinclausesorotherphrasetypes.Compare(13),(24),and(88),wheretheadverbalmostfunctionsasanAdjunctinsideaphrase,with(117),whereitfunctionsasanExternalAdjunctmodifyinganentireNP.Comparealsoperhapsin(120)withthesameadverbin(126),whereitfunctionsasaClauseAdjunct(section4.1.3.6.3).

126Andwecanperhapsleaveasidewhethertheymeananythingornot.

5.3Complexadjectivephrases

5.3.1Complementsinadjectivephrases

AdjectiveHeadscanbecomplementedbyprepositionalphrases,clauses,andnounphrases(Table5.6).

Complementsinadjectivephrases

•prepositionalphrases;

•clauses;

•nounphrases.

Table5.6:Complementsinadjectivephrases

5.3.1.1PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasComplementinadjectivephrases

InPPComplementsofadjectivephrasestheprepositionisalwaysfixed.Forexample,fondalwaystakesaPPComplementintroducedbyoff.

127Iwasgetting[AdjPquitefond[PPofhim]].

128Heis[AdjPmindful[PPoftheterrorthatmusthavebeenvisiteduponthevictimthatday]].

129Thesystemistotally[AdjPdependent[PPonemployeegoodwill]]ifitistoproducegoodinformation.

130We’renot[AdjPinvolved[PPinthatsideofpolitics]].

InafewcasesleavingouttheComplementleadstoungrammaticality,asinexamples(127)and(128),thoughinothersitmayleadmerelytoachangeinmeaning,orasenseofinformationthatislacking.Forexample,withregardto(129),usingdependentwithoutaPPbeginningwith(up)onmayleadanaddresseetoask‘dependentonwhoorwhat?’aboutthesysteminquestion.

5.3.1.2ClausesfunctioningasComplementinadjectivephrases

Finiteandnon-finiteclausescanfunctionasComplementofadjectives.Non-finiteclausesinthisfunctioncanoccurwithorwithoutaSubjectoftheirown.

131I’m[AdjPpleased[clausethatyouhadacancellationthismorning]].

132We’renot[AdjPsure[clausewhattheseknivesmighthavebeenlike]].

133TheGardaappear[AdjPeager[clauseØtohelp]]thoughtheirresourcesareinadequate.

134I’m[AdjPperfectlyhappy[clauseforyoutoclapandsing]].

135Wereyou[AdjPtoobusy[clauseØdoingyourprojects]]?

5.3.1.3NounphrasesfunctioningasComplementinadjectivephrases

NounphrasescanonlyfunctionasComplementofasmallsetofadjectives,namelydue,like,NEAR,unlike,andworth,asinthefollowingexamples.NoticethatNEARisinitscomparativeformin(137).

136It’s[AdjPworth[NPamention]].

137Youcanwaituntil[AdjPnearer[NPthetime]]togodigital,oryoucanmaketheswitchnow.

5.3.2Adjunctsinadjectivephrases

TheinformationsuppliedbyAdjunctsinsideAdjPsisalwaysoptional.Theycanberealizedinavarietyofways,asTable5.7shows.

Adjunctsinadjectivephrases

•Pre-HeadAdjuncts

adverbphrases;

nounphrases;

prepositionalphrases;

determinativephrases;

‘verbphrases’.

•Post-HeadAdjuncts

prepositionalphrases;

adverbphrases;

determinativephrases.

Table5.7:Adjunctsinadjectivephrases

ThedifferenttypesofAdjunctsinadjectivephraseswillbediscussedinthesectionsthatfollow.

5.3.2.1Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Adjectivescanbemodifiedbyadverbphrasesheadedbyintensifieradverbssuchasextremely,fairly,quite,really,reasonably,slightly,too,totally,very.

138[AdjP[AdvPfairly]elaborate]

139[AdjP[AdvPquite]small]

140[AdjP[AdvPreally]pleasant]

141[AdjP[AdvPtotally]idiotic]

142[AdjP[AdvPvery]narrow]

5.3.2.2Nounphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Lesscommonly,nounphrasesmodifytheHead.TheNPstypicallyindicatemeasuresintimeorspace.

143[AdjP[NPsixyears]older]

144[AdjP[NPninemiles]long]

5.3.2.3Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

AlsonotverycommonarePPsfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunct.Herearetwoexamples.

145[AdjP[PPinnoway]radical]

146[AdjP[PPbynomeans]clear]

5.3.2.4Determinativephrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Inthenextbatteryofexamplesdeterminativephrasesfunctionaspre-HeadAdjunctinsideAdjPs.In(149)theDPsfunctioninthiswayinpairedAdjPs.

147Idon’tthinkit’s[AdjP[DPthat]risky].

148I’vegotalittlegarageandit’sonly[AdjP[DPthis]small].

149[AdjP[DPThe]worse]itseemed,[AdjP[DPthe]morecheerful]Ifelt.

5.3.2.5‘Verbphrases’functioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Occasionallywefindpre-HeadAdjunctsthatresembleverbphrasesinsideAdjPs.

150It’s[AdjP[’VP’laugh-out-loud]funny]whichisprettygoodforabookondepression-comprehensiveandveryhelpful.

5.3.2.6Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Post-HeadAdjunctsthatarerealizedasprepositionalphrasesarenotalwayseasytodistinguishfromPPsthatfunctionasAdjunctatadifferentlevelofclausestructure.ThusonSaturdaymorningsin(153)canbemoved,as(154)shows.

151Itwas[AdjPtooearly[PPinthemorning]].

152Theyare[AdjPrich[PPbeyondtheirwildestdreams]].

153It’sabitofanuisanceparkingdownthere,buttheyare[AdjPopen[PPonSaturdaymornings]].

154It’sabitofanuisanceparkingdownthere,butonSaturdaymorningstheyareopen.

5.3.2.7Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Adverbphrasesheadedbytheadverbsindeedandstillcanfunctionaspost-HeadAdjunctinsideAdjPs,asin(155)and(156).

155It’llbe[AdjPverydestructive[AdvPindeed]]bothforsickpeopleandtheirbusinesses.

156Herhousewaslovelyandherfamily[AdjPlovelier[AdvPstill]].

5.3.2.8Determinativephrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinadjectivephrases

Thedeterminativeenoughcanfunctionaspost-HeadAdjunctinsideadjectivephrases,asintheexamplebelow.

157That’s[AdjPclear[DPenough]].

5.4Complexverbphrases

5.4.1Complementsinverbphrases

Aswesawinsection3.6.2,thesimplestverbphrasescontainanintransitiveverbwithorwithoutAdjuncts,oratransitiveverbwithaComplementandoneormoreAdjuncts.MorecomplexverbphrasescancontainmorethanoneComplement,andcanalsocontainoneormoreAdjuncts.ThemosttypicalComplementslicensedbyverbsinsideverbphrasesareshowninTable5.8.

Complementsinverbphrases

•nounphrases;

•adjectivephrases;

•prepositionalphrases;

•clauses(finiteandnon-finite).

Table5.8:Complementsinverbphrases

TheComplementsofverbsinsideverbphraseswillbediscussedwithreferencetoEnglishverbcomplementationpatterns.ThesespecifywhichComplement(s)aPredicatorlicenses,ifany.ThepatternsinquestionareshowninTable5.9.

Basiccomplementationpatterns

PCR(nocomplement):intransitive

PCR+DO:monotransitive

PCR+IO+DO:ditransitive

PCR+Subject-relatedpC:complexintransitive

PCR+DO+Object-relatedpC:complextransitive

PCR+(DO+)PPC:prepositional

PCR=Predicator,DO=DirectObject;IO=IndirectObject,PC=PredicativeComplement,PPC=PrepositionalPhraseasComplement

Table5.9:Basiccomplementationpatterns

Notethatthepatternsareformulatedintermsofgrammaticalfunctionswhichcanberealizedindifferentways.Exampleswillbegiveninthesectionsthatfollow.Theintransitivepatternwillnotbediscussedfurtherhere.

5.4.1.1ThepatternPCR+DO:monotransitive

5.4.1.1.1Nounphrases,adjectivephrases,andprepositionalphrasesfunctioningasDirectObject

Aswesawinsection4.1.3.1.2,DirectObjectsareoverwhelminglyrealizedasnounphrases.Othertypesofphrases,includingPPsandAdjPs,canonlymarginallyfunctionasDirectObject.Considerfirst(158),wheretheDOisaprepositionalphrase.

158Theywant[PPbetween£8billionand£9billion]fromtheGovernment.

In(159)theadjectivephrasecouldbeanalysedasaDirectObject.

159Youmean[AdjPclosetoChristmas],Iassume.

However,thisexamplewasutteredinresponsetosomeonesaying‘Inmy

ownestimationtheturningpointoftheeconomycertainlyisnotgoingtobetillthebackendofthisyearattheveryearliest.’Becauseofthiswecouldregard(159)asashortenedversionof(160),inwhichtheAdjPfunctionsasComplementofapreposition.

160YoumeanthattheturningpointoftheeconomyiscertainlynotgoingtobetillclosetoChristmas?

5.4.1.1.2ClausesfunctioningasDirectObject

IntheexamplesbelowthebracketedclausesfunctionasDirectObject.Theclausein(161)isfinite,whereas(162)involvesanon-finiteclause.

161Weknow[clausethatnotallchoicesarewise],butwe’rereluctanttoletthatfactserveasthebasisforamoralconclusion.

162Ididn’texpect[clauseØtogetthatsortofreaction].

ThereexistsalargenumberofpatternsinwhichclausescanfunctionasDO.ThesewillbediscussedindetailinChapters7and8.

5.4.1.2ThepatternPCR+IO+DO:ditransitive

AswesawinChapter4,IndirectObjectsarealmostalwaysrealizedasnounphrases.Herearesomeadditionalexamples.InbothcasestheDirectObjectisalsorealizedasanounphrase.

163You’reinfactgiving[NPpeopleinhigh-valuedproperty][NPasubsidy].

164SheclaimedthatthenewPrimeMinisterJimCallaghanhadoffered[NPhispredecessor][NPthejobofForeignSecretaryinhisgovernment].

VeryrarelyIndirectObjectsarerealizedasprepositionalphrases,asintheinventedexamplethatfollows.

165Igaveunderthebedagoodclean.

5.4.1.3ThepatternPCR+Subject-relatedPC:complexintransitive

InthispatternaverbiscomplementedbyaPredicativeComplementthatascribesapropertytoaSubject,oridentifiesthereferentoftheSubject.ThePCcanberealizedbyanNP,AdjP,PP,AdvP,orclause.

5.4.1.3.1NounphrasesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement

Aswesawinsection4.1.3.3.1,Subject-relatedPredicativeComplementsarecommonlyrealizedasnounphrases.Herearesomefurtherexamples.IneachcasetheSubjecttowhichthePCisrelatedisunderlined.

166Itseemed[NPasplendidwayofgettingmyideasstraight].

167Aswithmanychildren,origamibecame[NPanabsorbinghobbyofhis].

5.4.1.3.2AdjectivephrasesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement

Subject-relatedPredicativeComplementsarealsofrequentlyrealizedasadjectivephrases.Asintheprevioussection,inthefollowingexamplestheSubjecttowhichthePCisrelatedisunderlined.

168Tanyaappeared[AdjPquiterelieved]asthetelephonerang.

169Hebecame[AdjPconvincedhecouldreachtheNorthPoleunaided].

5.4.1.3.3PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement

IntheexamplesthatfollowthepropertyexpressedbythePPisascribedtotheunderlinedSubject.

170Iwas[PPatalossforwords].

171Thisis[PPinapparentcontrasttothefindingsofalargersurveybyHicksonetal.(1986)].

Noticethatexample(172)belowisdifferentfromtheexamplesabove:herethepropertyascribedtothereferentoftheSubjectisnotexpressedbythePPasawhole,butratherbytheNPthatcomplementstheprepositionas

.

172Thatcounts[PPasadrawintheongoingbattlebetweenmanandmachine].

5.4.1.3.4AdverbphrasesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement

AdverbphrasestoocanfunctionasPC;theyoftenprovideatimespecification:

173Thatwas[AdvPlater].

174Idon’tknowforsureifitwillbe[AdvPthatsoon].

5.4.1.3.5ClausesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement

In(175)and(176)thebracketed(finiteandnon-finite)clausesfunctionasPredicativeComplementsrelatedtotheunderlinedSubjects.

175Theproblemwiththatofcourseis[clausethatpartiesmaynothaveamajority].

176Presumablythefirstjobwouldbe[clauseØtomarkthemup].

ClausalSubject-relatedPCswillbeexemplifiedfurtherinChapters7and8.

5.4.1.4ThepatternPCR+DO+Object-relatedPC:complextransitive

InthispatternaverbiscomplementedbyaDirectObject,aswellasbyaPredicativeComplementthatascribesapropertytotheDirectObject.ThePCcanberealizedbyanNP,AdjP,PP,orclause.

5.4.1.4.1NounphrasesfunctioningasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement

Aswesawinsection4.1.3.3.2,Object-relatedPCsarefrequentlyrealizedasnounphrases,asin(177)and(178).TheDirectObjectsareunderlined.

177Somepeoplecallthis[NPacompetitivesystem].

178[NPWhat]dotheycallit_?

(178)isaspecialcase:heretheObject-relatedPCisaclause-initialNPheadedbyaninterrogativepronoun(section3.2.2.5)whichisassociatedwiththegapfollowingtheDirectObject(indicatedby‘_’).

ThistypeofinterrogativeclausewillbediscussedfurtherinSection6.2.1.

5.4.1.4.2AdjectivephrasesfunctioningasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement

Likenounphrases,adjectivephrasesalsocommonlyfunctionasObject-relatedPC.

179Ifindit[AdjPfascinating].

180What’smakingme[AdjPsick]thisafternoonisthehonourablegentlemanforWansteadandWoodfordwhowasborninnineteenfifty-two.

5.4.1.4.3PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement

PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasObject-relatedPCarequiterare.Here’sanexample:

181Theremusthavebeenatime—maybebackin1966beforelivenewscoveragewascommonandCharlesWhitmanopenedfirefromaclocktowerattheUniversityofTexasinAustinandkilled16people—whenwitnesses,officialsandnewsannouncerswouldfindthemselves[PPatalossforwords].

Compare(181)with(170)wherethesamephrasefunctionsasaSubject-relatedPC.

Theexamplesin(182)and(183)belowalsocontainPPs,buthereitisthenounphraseComplementsoftheprepositionsasandforthatindicatethepropertiesascribedtotheDirectObjects,notthePPsasawhole.

182UntilthenAlicehadfeltparanoidandhelpless,woundedbythethoughtthatsomeoneinauthoritysawher[PPasathreat].

183Ifirstgotamillionaire[PPformyneighbour].

In(183)themostlikelymeaningis‘myfirstneighbourwasamillionaire’,ratherthan‘Ifirstprocuredamillionaireformyneighbour’.As(184)and(185)show,itispossibleforaprepositionheadingaPPfunctioningasObject-relatedPCtohaveanAdjPasComplement.

184Heleftthem[PPfordead].

185Anywayshe’sgivenusanarticle[PPforfree]whichisgood.

Noticethatin(185)thePPfunctionsasObject-relatedPCinaditran-sitiveconstruction.

5.4.1.4.4ClausesfunctioningasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement

IntheexamplebelowthetwobracketedNPsandthebracketedclausefunctionasObject-relatedPCs.TheyareassociatedwiththeunderlinedDirectObjects.Only-ingclausescanfunctionasObject-relatedPC.Thisisrare.

186Callit[NParebirth],callit[NParenewal],callit[clauseØfoolingfate].Whateverthisthingis,it’shelpingtheKingswinhockeygamesandtheythinkit’sabouttime.

5.4.1.5ThepatternPCR+(DO+)PrepositionalPhraseasComplement:prepositional

EnglishallowsalargenumberofpatternsinvolvingoneormoreprepositionalphrasesfunctioningasComplement.Theverbsoccurringinthesepatternscanbetransitiveorintransitive.Table5.10offersanoverviewofconstructionsinwhichthePPComplementsarenotlocative.Theywillbediscussedindetailafterthetable.

Constructionsinvolvingnon-locativePPsfunctioningasPPC

1.Intransitiveverb+PPi

Example:

(a)Somehowhiscomebackasa50s“commiebasher”intheColdWar

andKoreanevercaught[PPon].

Othercombinations:

BACKdown,BRANCHout,CLIMBup,CLOSEin,COMEapart/in,CROPup,DIEdown,DRAGon,GETby,GETup,GROWup,MOVEon,RUNoff,SITup,TOUCHdown,WORKout

2.Transitiveverb+NP+PPiorTransitiveverb+PPi+NP

Example:

(b)I’llturn[NPthelight][PPoff]there,soyoucanseebetter./(c)I’llturn[PPoff][NPthelight]there,soyoucanseebetter.

Othercombinations:

BRINGNPover,CLEANNPoff,EATNPup,FILLNPin,GIVENPback,HANDNPover,LEAVENPout,PAYNPback,SENDNPback,TEARNPup,TURNNPon,WIPENPoff,WRITENPdown

3.Intransitiveverb+PPt

Examples:

Type1:(d)Herelied[PPontheforensicevidence].

Type2:(e)Heserved[PPasdefenceminister]from2000-03.

Othercombinations:

Type1:ACCOUNTforNP,ASKforNP,ATTENDtoNP,CONSISTofNP-P,COMPLAINaboutNP,DAWNonNP-P,DEALwithNP,DECIDEonNP,DIFFERfromNP-P,FALLforNP-P,FEELforNP-P,FORGETaboutNP,HOPEforNP,INSISTonNP,LAUGHatNP,LOOKatNP,OBJECTtoNP,PAYforNP,REFERtoNP,RESORTtoNP,SENDforNP,TALKtoNP,VOTEforNP,WAITforNP,WORKforNP,WORRYaboutNP

Type2:COUNTasNP/AdjP,DOUBLEasNP,PASSforNP/AdjP,POSEasNP,RESIGNasNP,RETIREasNP

4.Transitiveverb+NP+PPt

Examples:

Type1:(f)AndsoBobdraftedthisquestionnaireandgave[NPit][PPtoDick].

Type2:(g)TheUSpresidentpaid[NPtribute][PPtoIslam’sinfluenceonreligion,cultureandcivilisation].

Type3:(h)PersonallyIagreewithH.G.Wellsthatitisagreatmistaketoregard[NPtheheadofstate][PPasasalespromoter].

Othercombinations:

Type1:LENDNPtoNP,OFFERNPtoNP,SENDNPtoNP,TELLNPtoNP

Type2:BLAMENPonNP,DOjusticetoNP,ENVYNPforNP,GIVEwaytoNP,INVESTNPinNP,PERSUADENPofNP,PROVIDENPwithNP,RAISEanobjectiontoNP,REFERNPtoNP,REMINDNPofNP,THANKNPforNP

Type3:ACCEPTNPasNP/AdjP,ACKNOWLEDGENPasNP/AdjP,BRANDNPasNP/AdjP,CONDEMNNPasNP/AdjP,DIAGNOSENPasNP/AdjP,HAILNPasNP/AdjP,IDENTIFYNPasNP/AdjP,INTERPRETNPasNP/AdjP,PORTRAYNPasNP/AdjP,RECOGNIZENPasNP/AdjP,TAKENPforNP/AdjP,TREATNPasNP/AdjP,VIEWNPasNP/AdjP

5.Intransitiveverb+PPi+PPt

Examples:

Type1:(i)Healsohastoput[PPup][PPwithasoppyelderbrotherRobert].

Type2:(j)TheirsonHarrywasbornin2003,10yearsafterhetook[PPover][PPashostoftheLateShow].

Othercombinations:

Type1:BREAKupwithNP-P,CHECKuponNP,COMEdownwithNP-P,GETawaywithNP-P,GETdowntoNP-P,KEEPawayfromNP-P,LOOKforwardtoNP,LOOKinonNP,LOOKoutforNP-P,LOOKuptoNP,RUNawaywithNP-P,STANDoutfromNP-P,STANDupforNP,WALKoutonNP

Type2:COMEacross/overasNP/AdjP,ENDupasNP,FINISHupasNP

6.Transitiveverb+NP+PPi+PPtorTransitiveverb+PPi+NP+PPtExamples:

Type1:(k)Theyfoundboredstaffwhofobbed[NPcustomers][PPoff][PPwithleaflets]./(l)Theyfoundboredstaffwhofobbed[PPoff][NPcustomers][PPwithleaflets].

Type2:(m)AuthoritiessayCurry-DemuskilledJohnsonandtriedtopass[NPJohnson’sinfantson][PPoff][PPasherown]./(n)AuthoritiessayCurry-DemuskilledJohnsonandtriedtopass[PPoff][NPJohnson’sinfantson][PPasherown].

Othercombinations:

Type1:BRINGNPinonNP,FIXNPupwithNP,GIVENPuptoNP,LETNPinonNP,PLAYNPoffagainstNP,PUTNPupforNP,PUTNPuptoNP,TAKENPuponNP

Type2:LAYNPdownasNP,PASSNPoffasNP/AdjP,PUTNPdownasNP/AdjP,RULENPoutasNP/AdjP,SHOWNPupasNP/AdjP,WRITENPoffasNP/AdjP

7.Intransitiveverb+PPt+PPt

Examples:

Type1:(o)AfterwalkingforsometimehecametoaGeorgianpolicecheckpointandappealed[PPtothem][PPforhelp].

Type2:(p)FromanearlyageIconceived[PPofmyself][PPasarationalist]andthoughImadespasmodiceffortsatbelief,Ineverfeltadivinepresence.

Othercombinations:

Type1:AGREEwithNPaboutNP,ARGUEwithNPaboutNP,ARRANGEwithNPforNP,BOASTtoNPaboutNP,COMPLAINtoNPaboutNP,LOOKtoNPforNP

Type2:LOOK(up)onNPasNP/AdjP,REFERtoNPasNP/AdjP,THINKofNPasNP/AdjP

8.Ditransitiveverb+NP+PPi+NP

Example:

(q)Asknicely,andI’llwrite[NPyou][PPout][NPalist].

Othercombinations:

PAYNPbackNP,RUNNPoffNP,SENDNPoverNP

PPi=PPheadedbyanintransitivepreposition;PPt=PPheadedbyatransitivepreposition.IneachcasetheNPisaDO,exceptinconstruction8wherethefirstNPisanIO.Thepatternsmarked‘-P’resistpassivization.

Table5.10:Anoverviewofconstructionsinvolvingnon-locativePPsfunctioningasPPC

Inconstruction1anintransitiveverbtakesaPPheadedbyanintransitiveprepositionasitsPPC.

Inconstruction2theverblicenseseitheranNPandaPPoraPPandanNPasComplements.ThePPsareheadedbyintransitiveprepositions.Theorderisdeterminedbyanumberoffactors,includinginformationstructuring(seeChapter11).WhentheNPisheadedbyapronounitmustoccurimmediatelyaftertheverb,unlessitisstressed.Thuswehave(187),(188),and(189)aspossiblestructures,butnot(190).

187Iturnedoffthelight.

188Iturnedthelightoff.

189Iturneditoff.

190*Iturnedoffit.

Construction3involvesanintransitiveverbfollowedbyaPPfunctioningasPPCheadedbyatransitivepreposition.Wehavetwosubtypeshere.InType1constructionstheprepositiontakesanordinaryNPasComplement.InType2constructionstheComplementPPfunctionsasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement,butitistheNPcontainedinthisPPthatascribesapropertytotheSubjectoftheclause;theComplementoftheprepositioncanalsobeanadjectivephrase,asinThatcountsasradicalandShecouldhavepassedfordead.Noticethatin(191)wecaninsertaphrasebetweentheverbandthePP,whichshowsthatthePPisaconstituent.Unlikeinthecaseofconstruction2,theorderV-NP-PPin(192)isimpossible.

191Hereliedcompletelyontheevidence.

192*Hereliedtheforensicevidenceon.

PassivizationinvolvingtheNPinsidethePPispossibleformanyType1itemsofconstruction3,butnotforall.

Inconstruction4wehaveatransitiveverbfollowedbyanNPfunctioningasDO,andaPPfunctioningasPPC,headedbyatransitivepreposition.Thispatterninvolvesthreesubtypes.TheType1patternalternateswiththeditransitivepattern,discussedinsection4.1.3.2.TheNPthatcomplementstheHeadofthePPcarriesthesemanticroleofRecipient.Type2islessflexible,inthatinmanycasestheNPfollowingtheverbisfixed(tributeintheexamplegiveninthetable).IntheType3patternthetransitivePP(headedbyasorfor)functionsasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement,butitistheNPcontainedinthePPthatascribesapropertytotheDO.InsomecasesanAdjPfunctionsasComplementofthepreposition,asinWeportrayedherasfoolish.

Inconstruction5anintransitiveverbiscomplementedbytwoPPs.Thefirstoftheseisheadedbyanintransitivepreposition,whereasthesecondisheadedbyatransitivepreposition.Wehavetwosubtypeshere.Type1sometimesallowspassivizationinvolvingtheNPinsidethesecondPP;Type2doesnotallowthis.IntheType2patternthetransitivePPfunctionsasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement,butitistheNPcontainedinthe

secondPPthatascribesapropertytotheSubjectoftheclause.AnAdjPcansometimesalsofunctionasComplementofthepreposition,asinHecameacrossasintelligent.

Construction6islikeconstruction5,exceptthatitinvolvesatransitiveverbwhichisfollowedbyanounphrasefunctioningasDO,andtwoPPs.ThefirstPPcanalsofollowtheverb,withtheNPinsecondposition.ThePPintheType2patternfunctionsasPredicativeComplement,butagainitistheNPcontainedinthePPthatascribesapropertytotheObjectoftheclause,ratherthanthePPasawhole.Asabove,insomecasesanAdjPcanalsofunctionasComplementofthepreposition,asinTheywrotethemanageroffasuseless.

Construction7involvestwoPPsasComplementsofanintransitiveverb,eachheadedbyatransitivepreposition.IntheType1patternbothPPstakeordinaryNPsastheirComplements.IntheType2patterntheNPcontainedinthesecondPPascribesapropertytotheNPcontainedinthefirstPP

Inconstruction8aditransitiveverbisfollowedbyanNPfunctioningasIO,aPPheadedbyanintransitiveprepositionfunctioningasPPC,andanNPfunctioningasDO.ThispatternisversatiletosomedegreeinthatitallowsforanalternativeorderingoftheComplementsiftheIOis‘heavy’enough.Comparethefollowingthreepossibilities,rankedinorderofacceptability.

193I’llwriteyourbrotheroutalist.

194I’llwriteyourbrotheralistout.

195I’llwriteoutyourbrotheralist.

Noticethatsomeofthepatternsshowninthetablehaveliteralmeanings(e.g.getup,clean(NP)off),whileothershaveunpredictablemeanings,andcanberegardedasidiomatic.Forexample,theprepositionoutinthecombinationWORKoutdoesnotcarryitsliteralsense.

Thenounphrasesinsidetheprepositionalphrasescanoftenbereplacedbyclauses.Forexample,inconstruction3(Type1),insteadofHereliedontheforensicevidencewecanalsohaveHereliedonwhathehadseen.

Insections7.3.1.2.3and8.3.3.1Iwilldiscussfurtherpatternsthatinvolvea

PPfunctioningasComplement,namely’MENTION([PPtoNP])[clausethat…]’,asinImentionedtoHarrythatitwaslate,and‘PREVENTclauseNP[PPfrom[clause-ingparticiple…]]’,asinShepreventedtheloutsfromdestroyingthesculpture.

NextweconsidertheconstructionsinTable5.11,whichallinvolvePPComplementsthatexpressalocation.

ConstructionsinvolvinglocativePPsfunctioningasPPC

1.Intransitiveverb+locativePPiorPPt

Examples:

(a)ThegirlI’mseeingatthemomentlives[PPthere].

(b)Iwork[PPinthePhysiologyDepartment].

Otherverbs:

BE,DWELL,REMAIN,RESIDE

2.Transitiveverb+NP+locativePPiorPPt

Examples:

(c)Iclearedoffthedeskandput[NPeverything][PPinside].

(d)He’sput[NPhiscertificate][PPonhiswall].

Othercombinations:

KEEPNPout,LEAVENPin,PUTNPup

3.Intransitiveverbortransitiveverb+locativePPt+locativePPt

Examples:

(e)Seamanthenwent[PPfromend][PPtoend].

(f)Thisbrought[NPhim][PPfromDublin][PPtoEngland],wherehe

receivedexcellentreviews.

Othercombinations:

SENDNPfromNPtoNP,TRANSPORTNPfromNPtoNP,TRAVELfromNPtoNP

4.Transitiveverb+NP+locativePPi+locativePPt+locativePPt

Examples:

(g)MartinBrundlehasactuallybrought[NPthatcar][PPup][PPfromlast][PPtothird].

Othercombinations:

GUIDENPdown/out/upfromNPtoNP,SENDNPdown/out/upfromNPtoNP

PPi=PPheadedbyanintransitivepreposition;PPt=PPheadedbyatransitivepreposition.

Table5.11:AnoverviewofconstructionsinvolvinglocativePPsfunctioningasPPC

Inconstruction1anintransitiveverbisfollowedbyalocativePPheadedbyeitheranintransitiveortransitivepreposition.IntheexamplesgivenherethePPCisobligatory.Ifitisleftouttheirmeaningchanges.

Construction2islikeconstruction1,exceptthataDOnowfollowstheverb.HowdoesaPPClikeonhiswallintheexampleshowndifferfromanObject-relatedPClikeatalossforwordsin(181)?Whilebotharerealizedasprepositionalphrases,theformerdoesnotascribeapropertytotheDO,whilethelatterdoes.Thusin(181)thepropertyof‘beingatalossforwords’isascribedtothereferentofthemselves,whileonhiswallobligatorilyspecifiesalocation.

Inconstruction3anintransitiveortransitiveverbiscomplementedbytwolocativePPs,bothheadedbytransitiveprepositions.

Construction4involvesatransitiveverbfollowedbyaDOandthreelocativePPCs.

5.4.2Adjunctsinverbphrases

Adjunctsinsideverbphrasesarenotlicensedbyverbs,aswesawinsection4.1.3.6.Theymodifyverb+Complementsequences,andcanoccurinvariousguises,expressingawidevarietyofmeanings.Table5.12showsthevarioustypesofVP-Adjuncts.

Adjunctsinverbphrases

•Pre-HeadAdjuncts

adverbphrases.

•Post-HeadAdjuncts

adverbphrases;

nounphrases;

prepositionalphrases;

clauses.

Table5.12:Adjunctsinverbphrases

5.4.2.1Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinverbphrases

Pre-HeadAdjunctsareoftenrealizedasadverbphraseswhichcanexpressarangeofmeaningssuchas‘manner’,‘frequency’,and‘time’(seealsosection3.8.1).

196I[VP[AdvPquickly]lookedaway],knowingthathewastryingtohidetheshaking.

197Dickens[VP[AdvPusually]doesthat].

198Andthepeople[VP[AdvPstill]playcricketonit].

199I[VP[AdvPnever]sawit,though].

200I[VP[AdvPdefinitely]likeAmericans].

5.4.2.2Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinverbphrases

Inthefollowingthreeexamplesthepost-HeadAdjunctsarerealizedasadverbphrases.Liketheirpre-Headcounterparts,theycanexpressmanydifferentkindsofmeanings.

201Youwantashoewitharigidsolethatdecreasestheamountofpronationsoyou[VPcycle[AdvPefficiently]].

202I[VPwearthis[AdvPoccasionally]].

203ButI[VPdidit[AdvPreallybadly]].

5.4.2.3Nounphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinverbphrases

NounphrasesfunctioningasAdjuncttypicallyexpressthesemanticnotionsoftimeandmanner.

204Well,I[VPhadchips[NPyesterday]],andtheyweredelicious.

205Someone[VPintroducedittome[NPtheotherday]].

206I[VPhadareally,reallygoodsupper[NPlastnight]].

207Many[VPdied[NPthatway]].

5.4.2.4Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinverbphrases

Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctareextremelyfrequent,andcanexpressahugerangeofmeanings.

208Charlemagne[VPwassuccessful[PPIn799]],buthe[VPstillhadtosecurecontrolofthepeninsula[PPafterthisdate]].

209Fran[VPisveryhappy[PPatCheltenham]].

210You[VPlookedveryfat[PPinmywaistcoat]]pal.

211Let’s[VPstopit[PPforthemoment]].

TheHeadofaPPfunctioningasanAdjunctinsideaVPcanbeaconjunctivepreposition(section3.7.1)whichtakesaclausalComplement.ThistypeofPPwillbediscussedindetailinsection5.5.1.5.

5.4.2.5Clausesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinverbphrases

SubordinateclausescanfunctionasAdjunctinverbphrases.Herearetwoexamples.Thefirstisfinite,thesecondnon-finite.

212It[VPalsohassixmanuallycontrolled“steps”[clauseshouldyouwishtoassumecontrolyourself]].

213I[VPrushedovertothelibrary[clauseØtogetacoupleofthebooksthatRobinshadrecommended]].

FurtherexampleswillbediscussedinChapters7and8.

5.5Prepositionalphrases

5.5.1Complementsinprepositionalphrases

Prepositions(simpleorcomplex)verycommonlytakeNPsasComplements,buttheycanalsotakeAdjPs,AdvPs,PPs,andclauses,thoughmuchlessfrequently.Table5.13providesasummarylist.

Complementsinprepositionalphrases

•nounphrases;

•adjectivephrases;

•adverbphrases;

•prepositionalphrases;

•clauses.

Table5.13:Complementsinprepositionalphrases

5.5.1.1NounphrasesfunctioningasComplementinprepositionalphrases

NounphraseComplementsofprepositionshavealreadybeendiscussedinsection3.7.1.Herearesomeadditionalexamples:

214Theearliestexamples[PPin[NPEngland]]arethebiforawindows[PPin[NPthetransepts[PPat[NPWinchester]]]].

215Sheslidandtumbled[PPdown[NPthegrassyoutcrop]]andtuggedthestar[PPoutof[NPthemoon-slurriedwaters]].

5.5.1.2AdjectivephrasesfunctioningasComplementinprepositionalphrases

IntheexamplesbelowtheprepositionstakeadjectivephrasesastheirComplements.In(216)thePPfunctionsasanObject-relatedPredicativeComplement(section4.1.3.3.2).TheadjectiveinsidethePPascribesapropertytotheunderlinedDirectObject.In(217)thePPfunctionsasanAdjunctwithintheverbphrase.

216Howcanyoudescribesomeoneelse[PPas[AdjPjealous]]?

217Ifyougetadescalerwhichreallyfizzes[PPlike[AdjPcrazy]]whenyouputitinthekettle,thatstuffwillcleanit.

Seealsoexample(160)wheretheadjectivephrasefunctionsasComplementofapreposition.

5.5.1.3AdverbphrasesfunctioningasComplementinprepositionalphrases

AdverbphrasesfunctionasComplementinthePPsbelow.

218[PPUntil[AdvPrecently]],allthatwasknownwaswhathadbeenwrittenbyVincent’ssister-in-lawJoin1914.

219Iwon’tleavetheslideon[PPfor[AdvPlong]].

220Thedominantclassremainsasdominant[PPas[AdvPever]].

221Andthere’sbeenalotofchangesofleadershipandnosignificantbreak[PPas[AdvPyet]].

5.5.1.4PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasComplementinprepositionalphrases

ItisquitecommonforprepositionstotakeprepositionalphrasesasComplements,asin(222)-(224).

222Trytolighttheroom[PPfrom[PPbehindtheset]].

223Wait[PPuntil[PPaftertomorrownight]].

224[PPSince[PPbeforedawn]]todayBritain’sforceshavebeeninactionintheGulf.

5.5.1.5ClausesfunctioningasComplementinprepositionalphrases

Conjunctiveprepositionstake(mostlyfinite)clausesasComplements.Theyassociatesubordinateclauses(sections1.7and7.1)withmatrixclauses.Themeaningsexpressedbyconjunctiveprepositionsareveryvaried,astheexamplesbelowshow.

Time(after,as,before,since,until,when,while,whilst)

225[PPAfter[clauseheleftuniversity]]hestartedacareerinjournalismandworkedfortheNewcastleChronicle.

226Ithinkithappened[PPbefore[clause/waseight]].

227I’vealwayskeptverygoodtieswithJeremy[PPsince[causewebrokeup]].

Reason(as,because,for,seeing[that],since)

228[PPAs[clausethetopmodelsnowhaveJaguar-stylepricetags]],theymusthaveJaguar-styleluxurytoo.

229Thesebirdsareusuallyfoundonislands[PPbecause[clausetherearenopredators]].

230Theysaythat[PPsince[clauseweownthebuilding]],theywon’tincreasetheamountsofmoneywithinflation.

Concession(although,despite,eventhough,though,whereas,while,whilst)

231[PPAlthough[clausewaterwasakindofgodtotheRomans]],thebridgeitselfhadnoreligiousmeaning.

232Thenarrator,[PPdespite[clauseØidentifyingpossiblewaystofreedomforwomen]],isblindtotheanomalyofwomentakinglittlepartinpoliticalorsocialaction.

233[PPWhereas[clauseGermanywasseentopersonifyvictoryatallcosts]],Britain’swareffortwaspicturedinarchaic,chivalricimagesmadereadilyavailablebytheVictorians’medievalrevivalanditspopularisationinthedidacticliteratureofsocialheroism.

Condition(if,evenif,onlyif,unless)

234Theythinkthat[PPif[clauseyoupay]]itmustbydefinitionbebetter.

235[PPUnless[clausesomething’sdoneabouther]]she’llenduplikehermother.

Contrast(whereas,while,whilst)

236Jetstakeinoxygenfromtheair,[PPwhereas[clauserocketshavetocarrytheirown]].

237[PPWhilst[clausemyfiancéeseemstohavebeenquitelucky]]othersarenotso.

Purpose(inorder[that],so,soas)

238[PPInorder[clausethattheycancarryoutthisrole]],somegenerallyagreednotionsaboutwhatisandisnotacceptablebehaviourtowards

childrenmustbearrivedatandwrittendown.

239Morenationalitieshadbeenrecognized,assistedininverseproportiontotheirnumericalimportanceandhistoricseniority,[PPsoas[clauseøtodividethepopulationintosmallercategoriesandspeeduptheirintegration]].

Result(so[that])

240Todaysuitcasesarrived[PPso[clausethatshecouldstarttopack]].

Aswillbeclearfromtheseexamples,someprepositionscanexpressmorethanonemeaning.Forexample,sincecanexpress‘time’and‘reason’,andwhilecanexpress‘time’and‘concession’.

Donotconfusetheconditionalprepositionifwithinterrogativeif,exemplifiedin(241),whichweanalysedasasubordinatingconjunction(seesection3.9).

241Sheasked[clauseifshemightseeahand-mirror].

Anumberofprepositionsbelongbothtotheclassofregularprepositions(section3.7.1)andtotheclassofconjunctiveprepositions,forexampleafter,before,andsince.Comparetheuseofafterin(242)and(243).

242Rotasintroduced[PPafter[NPthedispute]]arealsofallingapart.[P+NP]

243Andthat’satrendthat’slikelytocontinuewell[PPafter[clausetheeconomybeginstoupturn]].[P+subordinateclause]

Analysingwordslikealthough,because,since,when,where,andwhileasprepositionsisamajordeparturefromtraditionalgrammar,wheretheyareregardedassubordinatingconjunctions.Wewillseeinsection7.1thatsubordinatingconjunctionsconnectmatrixclausesandsubordinateclausesinadifferentwayfromconjunctiveprepositions.

Non-finiteclausesarelesscommonasComplementsofprepositionsthanfiniteclauses.TheycanoccurwithorwithoutaSubjectoftheirown.IftheyhaveanounphraseheadedbyapronounasSubjectthepronouncanbe

intheaccusativecase(asin(244))orinthegenitivecase(asin(245)).

244Youcan’tjustputiton[PP[Pwithout][clausethemknowing]].

245Shehadvoicednoexception[PP[Pto][clausehisbeingthere]],butifshehadhewouldhavestoppedthisactivitytoo.

246I’mlookingforward[PP[Pto][clauseøseeingit]].

Table5.14listssomecommonconjunctiveprepositions.

Table5.14:Conjunctiveprepositions

ComplexprepositionsthattakeclausesasComplements(predominantly-ingparticipleclauses)arecalledconjunctivecomplexprepositions,aswesawinsection3.7.3.AsamplearelistedinTable5.15.Withtheexceptionofasif,aslongas,incase,inorder[that],andso[that],allitemscanalsolicenseanNPasComplement.

Table5.15:Conjunctivecomplexprepositions

5.5.2Adjunctsinprepositionalphrases

Asintheotherphrasetypes,inPPswedistinguishbetweenpre-HeadAdjunctsandpost-HeadAdjuncts.TheformercanberealizedasAdvPs,PPs,andNPs,thelatteronlyasPPs(Table5.16).

Adjunctsinprepositionalphrases

•Pre-HeadAdjuncts

adverbphrases;

prepositionalphrases;

nounphrases.

•Post-HeadAdjuncts

prepositionalphrases.

Table5.16:Adjunctsinprepositionalphrases

5.5.2.1Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinprepositionalphrases

Amongthepre-HeadAdjunctsareadverbphrasesheadedbyadverbsthathaveanintensifyingmeaning(e.g.clean,quite,right,straight,andvery),asin(247)-(254).NoticethatsomeofthePPsshownhere,andinsubsequentsections,areheadedbyanintransitivepreposition.

247ItwasfromthatbridgethatEdmundFoster“escapedthisworld”whenanewtrainlefttherailsandwent[PP[AdvPclean]throughtherailing].

248LutoncaptainKevinNichollscreatedtheopeningwithskilfulfootworkjustoutsidetheWednesdaypenaltyareaandapassthatleftthehomedefenceflat-footedandputHoward[PP[AdvPclean]through].

249She’s[PP[AdvPquite]intocarpentry].

250It’salsoavaluablestretchofagriculturalland[PP[AdvPright]ontheedgeofPrinceCharles’sestate].

251He’shardlylikelytosuddenlycome[PP[AdvPright]down]again.

252Thebestthingtodoistoturn[PP[AdvPstraight]totheindex].

253I’mgoingtogo[PP[AdvPstraight]back]toLondon.

254Youwere[PP[AdvPvery]ontime].

5.5.2.2Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinprepositionalphrases

Exampleslike(255)-(256)containprepositionalphraseswhichfunctionaspre-HeadAdjunctandareheadedbyintransitiveprepositionsthathaveadirectionalmeaning(e.g.down,out,over).

255Thewholearea[PP[PPdown]bythebeach]and[PP[PPdown]bythesea]isactuallyflattened.

256He’dbeentoalecturethepreviousnight[PP[PPup]inLondon].

5.5.2.3Nounphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinprepositionalphrases

In(257)–(261)thePPstakeanintransitiveprepositionasHead,andare

modifiedbypre-HeadAdjunctsrealizedasnounphrases.

257Andifyouwearit[PP[NPthatway]up]itmeansyou’regoingoutwiththem.

258Checkin[PP[NPaboutanhour]before].

259Wellthey’re[PP[NPagoal]down]atthemoment.

260ButtherefereesaysitwasknockedonandhegivesthescrumtoEngland[PP[NPfifteenmetres]in].

261AndsoIwasaskingthequestionaboutwhatwouldhappen[PP[NPtwenty-fiveyears]on].

Notethatin(258)thewordaboutisanadverbwhichfunctionsasPredeterminer.

5.5.2.4Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinprepositionalphrases

Post-HeadAdjunctswithinPPscanberealizedbyotherPPs,asin(262)and(263).

262Hodgeisnow[PPin[PPwithachanceofvictory]].

263Theygo[PPout[PPinthecold]]withnoclotheson.

HeretheHeadsofthehigher-levelPPsaretheintransitiveprepositionsinandout,whichtakethePPswithachanceofvictoryandinthecoldasAdjuncts.ThereissomedoubtastowhetherthesePPsareseparateVP-levelAdjuncts,thoughnoticethattheycannotbemovedelsewhere(cf.*WithachanceofvictoryHodgeisnowin;?*Inthecoldtheygoout),whichsuggeststhattheyarelinkedwiththeprepositionsinandout,respectively.

5.6Adverbphrases

5.6.1Complementsinadverbphrases

AdverbsarenotasversatileastheotherwordclassesintheirComplement-andAdjunct-takingproperties.Complementsofadverbscanbeprepositionalphrasesorclauses(Table5.17).

Complementsinadverbphrases

•prepositionalphrases;

•clauses.

Table5.17:Complementsinadverbphrases

5.6.1.1PrepositionalphrasesfunctioningasComplementinadverbphrases

Complementsofadverbsaremostlyprepositionalphrases,oftenwithforortoasHead.

264But[AdvPunfortunately[PPforitscreator]],thenewdesignhasalreadybeencomparedtowallpaper,shopbar-codesanddeckchairfabric.

265[AdvPHappily[PPfortheTottenhamsupporters]],VinnieSamwaysisfitandwell.

266Surelyitwouldbebetterforthegovernmenttocontrolcannabis’consumptionandmakeprofitfromit,[AdvPcomparably[PPtootherdangeroussubstancessuchasalcohol,cigarettesandpetroletc.thatotherreadershavelistedabove]].

267Thisfacultymayofcourseexist[AdvPindependently[PPofReason]].

5.6.1.2ClausesfunctioningasComplementinadverbphrases

In(268)and(269)clausesfunctionasComplementoftheadverbs.

268DidtheyhandJeanettetoyou[AdvPimmediately[clauseshewasborn]]?

269TheSunadmitsthatitsetouttofindHoare[AdvPdirectly[clausehewasreleasedfromprison]]andoftencameclosetodiscoveringhimduringarigoroussix-monthsearchacrossBritain-fromBristol,throughWalesand

ontothenorth-east.

5.6.2Adjunctsinadverbphrases

Pre-HeadAdjunctscanberealizedasAdvPs,DPs,andNPs,whereaspost-HeadAdjunctscanberealizedasPPs,AdvPs,andDPs(Table5.18).

5.6.2.1Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadverbphrases

Adverbscanbepremodifiedbyotheradverbs(oradverbphrases,tobeprecise),asintheexamplesbelow.

Adjunctsinadverbphrases

•Pre-HeadAdjuncts

adverbphrases;

determinativephrases;

nounphrases.

•Post-HeadAdjuncts

prepositionalphrases;

adverbphrases;

determinativephrases.

Table5.18:Adjunctsinadverbphrases

270Withbase-jumping,stuffhappens[AdvP[AdvPreally]fast]andsmallproblemscanleadtobigaccidents.

271I[AdvP[AdvPvery]often]supplyoneofthesereportsandwillbehappytodosoforhim.

272ThereisaparticularrangeofvaluesforthegreenhouseeffectwheretheEarthcanexist[AdvP[AdvPquite]happily]eitherwithorwithoutanicecap

overtheArcticOcean.

5.6.2.2Determinativephrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadverbphrases

Examplesofdeterminativephrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctareshownbelow.

273[AdvP[DPThe]longer]thisdishcooks[AdvP[DPthe]better]ittastes,andanhourisideal.

274First,Ineverneedtoseethings[AdvP[DPthat]clearly]again.

5.6.2.3Nounphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinadverbphrases

Nounphrasesfunctioningaspre-HeadAdjunctinsideAdvPsoftenexpresstheextenttowhichthemeaningoftheadverbapplies.

275It’snowcomefullcircle[AdvP[NPseventeenyears]later].

276Icouldhavedoneit[AdvP[NPalot]better].

5.6.2.4Prepositionalphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinadverbphrases

Post-HeadAdjunctsinadverbphrasescanberealizedbyPPs,asinthefollowingexample,wherethePPfurtherspecifiesthemeaningoftheadverblater.

277Ministersrefusedtocaveintoteachers’demandsforanimprovedannualsalary-andfurtherstrikeswereaverted[AdvPlater[PPIntheyear]].

5.6.2.5Adverbphrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinadverbphrases

AdverbslikeindeedandstillcanheadAdvPswhichfunctionaspost-HeadAdjunctinsideAdvPs.

278We’vetakenit[AdvPvery,veryseriously[AdvPindeed]],theissueofracism.

279Shewasnotpiteous,enjoyedlifeandspentagooddealoftimetalking

toservants,firstinSheffield,laterinLondonand[AdvPlater[AdvPstill]]inherfather’scountryhouseontheoutskirtsofEsher.

5.6.2.6Determinativephrasesfunctioningaspost-HeadAdjunctinadverbphrases

ThedeterminativeenoughcanheadaDPwhichfunctionsaspost-HeadAdjunctinanAdvP.

280Idon’tknowIan[AdvPwell[DPenough]].

281[AdvPFunnily[DPenough]],manypatientswhoshowsuchlearningconsequentlydenyeverhavingdonethetaskbefore!

5.7Coordination

5.7.1Coordinatedstructures

Coordinationwasdiscussedbrieflyinsection3.9.Coordinatedstructuresinvolvetwoormorephrasesorclausesthatarelinkedbycoordinatingconjunctionssuchasand,or,andbut.Thefollowingexamplesshowcoordinatednounphrases,adjectivephrases,prepositionalphrases,verbphrases,adverbphrases,andclauses.

282Wehave[NP-coordination[NPtutorials],[NPlectures]and[NPpracticals]].

283I’m[AdjP-coordination[AdjPverysurprisedattheircommitment]and[AdjPpleased]].

284Theyspreadthroughthebloodsystemandthelymphaticsystemparticularly[PP-coordination[PPtothebrain]and[PPtotheliver]].

285Thelight[VP-coordination[VPflared]and[VPdiminished]],castingaflickeringlightacrossthestreets.

286TheGovernmenthasalso[Advp-coordination[AdvPquietly]but[AdvPstead-fastly]]maintaineditsoppositiontocommercialwhaling.

287Ihope[clause-coordination[clauseSimeyiswell]and[clausehisexamswereOK]].

WewillrefertocoordinatedNPsasNP-coordinations,tocoordinatedAdjPsasAdjP-coordinations,andsoon.Theconstituentsthatarecoordinatedarecalledcoordinates,andareatthesamesyntacticlevel.Whatthismeansisthatthecoordinatedphraseshaveequalsyntacticstatus,andtogetherperformaparticulargrammaticalfunction.Thusinthecaseof(283)thetwoconjoinedadjectivephrasestogetherfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement.

Notethatdifferenttypesofphrasescanalsobecoordinated.In(288)wehaveanAdjP/PP-coordination.

288Asforallshots,youneedtobe[AdjP/PP-coordination[AdjPalert]and[PPonyourtoes]].

5.7.2Syndetic,asyndetic,andpolysyndeticcoordination

Wedistinguishbetweensyndeticcoordinationandasyndeticcoordination.Theformerinvolvestheuseofacoordinatingconjunction,whereasinthelattercoordinatingconjunctionsareomitted,asinthefollowingexamples.

289Theywereoftenmusicians,philosophers,physicists.

290He’sgoingallroundItaly,Austria,Switzerland.

Omittingtheconjunctionscreatesthefeelofanopen-endedlistofitems.

Whenwehavemultiplecoordinatorswespeakofpolysyndeticcoordination:

291Soforsomebodyinvolvedinthevisualartsit’saveryliberatingprocesstosuddenlybegoingpublicinaway,workingwithideasofmovementandshapeandform.

Byusingmorethanonecoordinatingconjunctiontheindividualcoordinatesareemphasized,andinthiswaytheirindividualimportanceissignalled.

5.7.3Correlativecoordination

Correlativecoordinationinvolvestheuseofthestringsboth…and,either…or,orneither…nor.

Examplesaregivenbelow.

292IbelievebothParliamentandSterlinghaveservedourcountryandtherestoftheworldverywell.

293Astheprosecutingcounsel,BrianBrownishamperedfirstbyalackofeyewitnessesmostofthembeingeitherdeadortooilltotestify.

294Neitheryounoryourpartnerhavetobeaparentofthechildorchildrenprovidedtheylivewithyouasmembersofyourfamily.

Theuseofthecorrelativepatternagainhighlightsthedifferentcoordinatesindividually,aswellastherelationshipbetweenthem.

Chapter6ClausetypesandnegationInEnglishwecandefineanumberofdifferentclausetypesbasedontheirsyntacticcharacteristics.Wedistinguishbetweendeclarative,interrogative,imperative,andexclamativeclauses.Withtheexceptionofimperatives,thesystemofclausetypesappliestomainandsubordinateclauses.Inthischapterwewillfocusonmainclauses.Thefinalsectionofthischapterwilldiscussnegation,bothclausalandsubclausal.

6.1Declarativeclauses

DeclarativeclausesdisplaytheregularconstituentorderofSubject-Predicator-(Complement(s))-(Adjunct(s)).Thelattertwofunctionsareoptional,asindicatedbythebrackets.Asanexample,consider(1),whereIfunctionsasSubject,interviewedfunctionsasPredicator,AndrewistheDirectObject,andonFridayisanAdjunct.

1IinterviewedAndrewonFriday.

Declarativeclausesarecharacteristicallyusedtomakestatementswhichthespeakerbelievestobetrue.AswesawinChapter2,Englishusedtohaveinflectionalformstorealizemood.However,incontemporaryEnglishitdoesnotmakesensetoregardmoodasaninflectionalnotion,andwesayinsteadthatmoodisgrammaticallyimplementedthroughtheuseoftheclausetypes,and/orthroughtheuseofmodalauxiliaryverbs.Wewillseeinsection6.5thatdeclarativeclausesarenotexclusivelyusedformakingstatements.

Asnotedabove,wewillalsousethelabel‘declarative’forsubordinateclauses(seesection1.3andChapters7and8).Thebracketedstringin(2)isadeclarativesubordinateclausewhichfunctionsastheDirectObjectoftheverbSAY.Itisintroducedbythesubordinatingconjunctionthat.

2Isaid[thatIinterviewedAndrewonFriday].

Table6.1summarizesthepropertiesofdeclarativeclauses.

Declarativeclauses…

•havearegularconstituentorderSubject+Predicator+(Complement(s))+(Adjunct(s));

•aretypicallyusedtomakestatementswhichthespeakerbelievestobetrue.

Bracketedclauseelementsareoptional.

Table6.1:Thepropertiesofdeclarativeclauses

6.2Interrogativeclauses

Interrogativeclausesarecharacteristicallyusedtoaskquestions.Wedistinguishbetweenopeninterrogativesandclosedinterrogatives.

6.2.1Openinterrogativeclauses

Openinterrogativeclausesaretypicallyusedtoaskquestionswhichcansolicitanunrestrictedsetofanswers.Examplesaregivenbelow.

3[NPWho]saidthat?

4[NPWhat]dowewanttoachieve_fromtheexpenditure?

5[NPWhich]didyouenjoy_themost?

6[NPWhom]didyoutelephone_afterthediscovery?

7[PPWhen]isyourbirthday_?

8[PPWhere]didsheseeme_?

9[AdvPWhy]doyouwantthat_?

10[AdvPHow]didyoumanagetomakethemistake_?

Thefirstthingtonoteisthat,exceptin(3),theconstituentorderintheseexamplesismarkedlydifferentfromthatofdeclarativeclauses:ineachcasetheclausehasaninitialwh-phraseheadedbyawh-word(section3.2.2.3).Example(3)isexceptionalbecausethewh-phraseisinSubjectposition.Theseinterrogativeclausesarecalled‘open’becauseinprincipletheycansolicitalimitlessarrayofanswers,aswehaveseen.Thus,inanswerto(8)wecansay‘atJoe’shouse’,‘intherestaurantaroundthecorner’,‘inAmsterdam’,andsoon.

Asecondobservationisthatinterrogativeclauseswithanon-Subjectinitialwh-phrasedisplaySubject-auxiliaryinversion,firstdiscussedinsection3.6.3.1.Anyofthedifferenttypesofauxiliaryverb,aswellasthelexicalverbsBEandHAVE,caninvertwithaSubject.Aswewillseeinsection7.3.1.2.2,inversiondoesnotoccurinsubordinateclauses.

Thethirdobservationwecanmakeisthatineachcase,againwiththeexceptionof(3),thewh-phraseisassociatedwitha‘gap’laterintheclause,indicatedby‘_.Aswesawinsection3.2.2.3,wecanconceptualizetheassociationbetweenthewh-phraseandthegapasinvolvingmovementfromthegappositiontoaclause-initialposition.In(4),(5),and(6)weassociatewhat,which,andwhomwiththeDirectObjectpositionsoftheverbsACHIEVE,ENJOY,andTELEPHONE,respectively.In(3)whofunctionsasSubject,andisnotassociatedwithagap.In(7)weassociatewhenwithaPredicativeComplementposition(cf.Yourbirthdayiswhen?),whilein(8)-(10)thegapsareAdjunctpositions.

Fourthly,in(3)-(6)thewh-phrasesarenounphrasesheadedbyinterrogativepronouns.In(3)and(6)respectivelytheycarrynominativeandaccusativecase.Accusativecaseisnotobligatoryin(6):bothwhoandwhomarepossible.Thedifferenceisthataccusativecaseismoreformal,andmorecommoninwrittenthaninspokenlanguage.Recallthatwhenandwherein(7)and(8)areanalysedasprepositionsheadingPPs(seesections3.7and5.5.1.5),whereaswhyandhowin(9)and(10)areadverbsheadingadverbphrases.

Finally,itisimportanttopointoutthatitisalsopossibleforopeninterrogativestoinvolvewh-phraseswhichcontainmorethanjustasinglewh-word,asin(11)-(15).

11[NPWhatsortofinformation]dowewanttocollect_?

12[NPWhichcar]didyoutake_?

13[NPWhoseproject]isit_?

14[PPInwhichbook]isavillainturnedtomincemeatbythesnow-fanofatrain_?

15[PPTowhatdegree]willyougo_tosucceed?

In(11)and(12)whatandwhichareanalysedasinterrogativedeterminativesfunctioningasDeterminers(Section3.3.4),whereasin(13)whoseisaninterrogativepronouninthegenitivecase(sections3.2.2.5and5.2.1.2),alsofunctioningasDeterminer.Thewh-phrasesinthelasttwoexamplesareprepositionalphrases.WithinthesePPsthewh-wordsareinterrogativedeterminatives.

Table6.2summarizesthepropertiesofopeninterrogativeclauses.

Openinterrogativeclauses…

•aretypicallyusedtoaskquestionswhichcanhaveanopen-endedlistofanswers;

•containawh-phraseheadedbyawh-wordwhichisnormallyinclause-initialposition,andisassociatedwithapositionlaterintheclause(exceptwhenthewh-phraseisaSubject);

•displaySubject-auxiliaryinversionwhenthewh-phraseprecedestheSubjectinmainclauses.

Table6.2:Thepropertiesofopeninterrogativeclauses

6.2.2Closedinterrogativeclauses

Herearesomeexamplesofclosedinterrogatives.

16Isyourbackbetterenoughforyoutodoallthatsambadancing?

17Didyougethertelephonenumber?

18Willyouhaveanothercupoftea,grandpa?

19Cantheyappointmeastheiragent?

Syntactically,theseinterrogativeclausesarecharacterizedbySubject-auxiliaryinversion.Theyarereferredtoas‘closed’becausetheycanonlysolicittheanswers‘yes’or‘no’.Whileitisofcourseperfectlypossibletoreplyto(18)bysaying‘I’mfine’or‘maybelater’,orto(19)bysaying‘Ihopeso’,theseareconsideredtoberesponses,notanswers.Ingeneral,thestructureofaninterrogativeclausedeterminestheanswersthatcanbegiven,butthisisnotthecaseforresponses.

Wecandistinguishaspecialtypeofclosedinterrogativeclause,calledanalternativeinterrogative,exemplifiedin(20):

20Isitatragedyoracomedy?

Inthiscasethepossibleanswersarelimitedto‘atragedy’and‘acomedy’.

Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthattheterm‘question’isnotusedinitseverydaysenseinthischapter,butinaspecializedway:aquestionisthetypicalusethatismadeofaninterrogativestructureinordertosolicitananswer.Althoughinterrogativesaretypicallyusedtoaskquestions,thisisnotalwaysthecase,asIwillmakeclearinsection6.5.

Table6.3summarizesthepropertiesofclosedinterrogativeclauses.

Closedinterrogativeclauses…

•aretypicallyusedtoaskquestionswhichsolicittheanswers‘yes’or‘no’;

•displaySubject-auxiliaryinversion.

Table6.3:Thepropertiesofclosedinterrogativeclauses

6.3Imperativeclauses

Imperativeclausescontainaverbintheplainform,andusuallylackaSubject,thoughsee(27)and(28)below.Theyaretypicallyusedtoissuedirectives,whichcanbeorders,instructions,andthelikeexhortinganaddresseetodosomething.Unliketheotherclausetypes,theycanonlyoccurinmainclauses.DOcanoptionallybeaddedforemphasis,asin(25),butitisrequiredinnegativeimperatives,cf.(26).

21Tellhimwearewaitingfortheorder.

22Haveaguess.

23Hangon.

24Think.

25(Do)becareful!

26Don’tbeshy.

27Youbecarefulgoingback.

28SomebodypleasetellmeI’mrightotherwisemylittleremainingfaithintheUK’svoterswillevaporatecompletely.

Imperativescanbe(perceivedtobe)rude,dependingontherelationshipbetweenthespeakerandtheaddressee.

Notallverbsallowimperativesequallyeasily.Asaruleofthumb,verbsthatdonotallowthereferentsoftheirSubjectstocontroltheeventexpressedbytheverbs(e.g.verbsexpressingcognitivestates:KNOW,UNDERSTAND,etc.)aregenerallynotusedinimperativeclauses,simplybecauseitispragmaticallyoddtotellsomeonetoknoworunderstandsomething.Exceptionsarepossible,asthefollowingexampleshows.

29Realisethatthisprogramisdirectedatyou.RealisethatgrouphysteriaisthefeedoftheNewWorldOrder,andrealisethatyouareintheWarofyourlife.

Aspecialtypeofimperativeistheletimperative,exemplifiedin(30)and(31).Inthesecasesthespeakerisincludedinthedirective.Thuswecan

interpret(30)as‘Let’syouandIhavealookatthelist’.ThenegatedversionsofletimperativesareformedwiththenegateddummyauxiliaryverbDO.

30Let’shavealookatthelist.

31Don’tlet’stellthepolice.

Table6.4summarizesthepropertiesofimperativeclauses.

Imperativeclauses…

•aretypicallyusedtoissuedirectives;

•usuallylackaSubject;

•occuronlyasmainclauses;

•takeaverbintheplainform;

•mostlyoccurwithdynamicverbs.

Table6.4:Thepropertiesofimperativeclauses

6.4Exclamativeclauses

Exclamativeclausesaretypicallyusedtomakeexclamativestatements.Theyarecharacterizedeitherbyawordorderthatinvolvesanexclamativewh-wordwhatatthebeginningofaclause-initialnounphrase,orbyhowusedinfrontofanadjectiveoradverbinaclause-initialAdjPorAdvPHowcanalsooccuronitsown.ThereisnormallynoSubject-auxiliaryinversion,andinwritinganexclamationmarkisoftenused.Herearesomeexamples.Ineachcasethebracketedphrasesareassociatedwiththepositionsindicatedby’_’.

32[NPWhataworryingman]heis_!

33[NPWhatrubbish]shetalked_.

34[NPWhatshamefuldecisions]theytook_!

35Itshowed[clause[NPwhatabargain]CECwasgetting_]and[clause[AdvPhowhard]peopleactuallyworked_]!

36Lindagetsoffonthisbigbusinessaboutsnobappeal:[clause[AdjPhowclever]allheracquaintancesare_],and[clause[AdjPhowwonderful]theyare_inonewayoranother].

37[AdjPHowtrue]thatis_!

38[AdvPHow]helaughed_.

In(32)theSubjectoftheclauseishe,whilethephrasewhataworryingmanfunctionsasa(preposed)Subject-relatedPredicativeComplement.Noticethatwhatprecedesthedeterminativea.In(33)and(34)DirectObjectsarefronted,whereasaDOandAdjunct,respectively,arepreposedin(35).Notethattheexclamativeclausesin(35)and(36)arecoordinated(seesection5.7).In(36)and(37)AdjPscontaininghowandfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementarepreposed.Finally,in(38)howoccursonitsown,andfunctionsasa(preposed)Adjunct.

Table6.5summarizesthepropertiesofexclamativeclauses.

Exclamativeclauses…

•aretypicallyusedtoutterexclamatorystatements;

•involveexclamativewhatorhowinpreposedphrases;

•donotnormallydisplaySubject-auxiliaryinversion.

Table6.5:Thepropertiesofexclamativeclauses

6.5Theclausetypesandtheiruses

Inthesectionsabovewelookedatthesyntaxofeachoftheclausetypes,aswellastheirtypicalusesinmainclauses.ThediscussionissummarizedinTable6.6.

Table6.6:Overviewoftheclausetypes:syntaxanduse

Thesyntaxofaparticularclausecanbedeterminedwithreferencetothecriteriadiscussedinthischapter.However,theusethatismadeofthatsameclause,andhowitisunderstood,isdependentonthecontextinwhichitisuttered.Incaseswhereaclauseinaparticularcontextisusedinanexpected,typicalway(asshowninTable6.6)wespeakofadirectspeechact.Forexample,ifaspeakerutters(39)theyareusingadeclarativestructurewhichislikelytobeaninformativestatementwhichtheybelievetobetrue,perhapsinresponsetosomeoneaskingWhatdidhewrite?

39HewroteDeathinVenice.

Similarly,ifaspeakerutters(40)theyarelikelytobeaskingaquestion.

40Didyougotothatmeeting?

YoumayhavewonderedwhyIusedtheword‘likely’twiceinthetextabove.Thereasonisthatthevariousclausetypescanalsobeusedasindirectspeechacts.Thishappenswhenaclauseisusedinanuntypical

way.Asanexample,consideragain(39),whichissyntacticallydeclarative.Ifitisutteredwitharisingintonationattheend,thatis,withavoicerisinginpitch,thespeechactisnolonger‘makingastatement’,but‘askingaquestion’.Anotherexamplewhichcanbeusedasanindirectspeechactis(41).

41CanyouanswerthequestionIposedearlier?

Thisutteranceisaclosedinterrogativebyvirtueofitssyntax,andcouldbeusedtoaskifsomeoneisableorinapositiontoansweraparticularquestion.Thiswouldbeadirectspeechact.However,inmanysituations,forexampleinaconfrontationalradiointerview,(41)couldbeusedto(politely)directsomeonetodosomething,thatis,answeraquestion.Ifthewordpleaseisaddedto(41)thedirectiveforceoftheutterancebecomesapparent,becausewedonotnormallyusethiswordwhenweaskaquestion.

Considernext(42).

42Didyourealisethattheredesignoftheroofmeantthatthebluewallwouldbecarryingasubstantiallygreaterpartoftheroofthanbefore?

Syntacticallythisclauseisagainaclosedinterrogative,anditcanbeusedtosoliciteither‘yes’or‘no’asananswer.However,whenaspeakerwhoutters(42)doesnotexpectananswer,theyareineffectmakingastatementequivalenttothedeclarativestructurein(43).Insuchasituation(42)iscalledarhetoricalquestion.

43Theredesignoftheroofmeansthatthebluewallwillbecarryingasubstantiallygreaterpartoftheroofthanbefore.

Thepossibilitiesforusingindirectspeechactsareendless,andallowforvariationinlanguageuse.Herearesomefurtherexamples.Ineachcasetheutterancescanhavealiteralmeaning,butcanalsobeusedindirectly,dependingonthecontextofutterance.Somepossibleinterpretationsaregiveninbrackets.Aswewillsee,thelistofspeechactsisnotlimitedtothoseshownintheright-handcolumnofTable6.6.

Declarativesusedas…

directive

44I’mtellingyoutogo.

45Iamworking.(Inasituationinwhichsomeonedoesnotwanttobedisturbed:‘Goaway.’)

46Iamasecretary.(Inasituationinwhichsomeoneisbeingaskedtodosomethingthatisnotpartoftheirjob:‘Idon’twanttoemptytheofficebins.’)

47It’slatenow.(Inasituationinwhichsomeonewantstoleave:‘Let’sgo.’)

48Heisserious.(Inasituationinwhichsomeonebelievessomeoneelsenottohavebeenjoking:‘Stoplaughing.’)

question

49Jayceewasamale?(Witharisingintonation:‘Washereallyamale?’)

50Perhapsthisrepresentscashadvanced?(Witharisingintonation:‘Doesthisrepresentcashadvanced?’)

apology

51I’msorryit’sgoneonsolong.

52Ibegyourpardon.

Interrogativesusedas…

statement

53WhatdoyouknowabouthowIfeel?(withstressonyou:’Youknownothingaboutthis.’)

54Howcanyoupossiblyknowthat?(‘Youdonotknowthat.’)

offer

55Dad,willyouhavesomemorejuice?

invitation

56WouldyouliketotakeaseatwhileItellhimyou’rehere?

directive/request

57Joe,wouldyouliketonominateKatherine?(i.e.‘PleasenominateKatherine.’)

58Canyoupointmeintherightdirection?(i.e.‘Pointmeintherightdirection.’)

59Willyoupleasesendittomenow?(i.e.‘Sendittomenow.’)

Imperativesusedas...

expressionofwish/hope

60Havealovelyday,mydear.(‘Ihopeyouhavealovelyday.’)

apology

61Pleaseforgivemeforinadvertentlysendingmysubscriptiontothewrongaddress.

62Pleaseexcusemebeinglazybywordprocessingthisletter!

statement

63Pleasefindenclosedchequeno.123456.(i.e.‘Chequeno.123456isenclosed.’)

6.6Negation

NegationinEnglishcanoperateattheclausalandsubclausallevels.Intheformercaseanentireclauseisnegated,whereasinthelattercaseaconstituentofaclauseisnegated.

6.6.1Clausalnegation

Clausescanbenegatedbyusingnegativewordssuchasnever,not,nobody,ornothing,orbyusingtheending-n’tonverbs.Examplesareshownbelow.

64Iwillnotofferyourashpromisesabouthowquicklythiscanbedone.

65Thatplacenevercloses.

66Ididn’tgiveittoher.

67Nobodyknowsaboutit.

Wecandeterminewhetheraclauseispositiveornegativebyaddinganinterrogativetagtoit:negativeclausesareusuallyfollowedbyapositiveinterrogativetag(asin(68)and(69)),whereaspositiveclausesareusuallyfollowedbyanegativeinterrogativetag(asin(70)and(71);section4.1.1.8).

68Welltheywon’tlearnanythingiftheymessabout,willthey?

69Ohgod,shejustdoesn’tlisten,doesshe?

70Andhewillbehappystickingtobluewallpaper,won’the?

71TheLeviteshadaroleintheothertemples,didn’tthey?

Thisisnotahard-and-fastrule:positiveclausesoccasionallyhavepositivetags,andnegativeclausesoccasionallyhavenegativetags.

Clausescontainingwordssuchasbarely,few,hardly,orscarcelyarealsonegative.Thiscanbedemonstratedbyaddinganinterrogativetag.Thus,(72)isanegativeclause,becausewecanaddcanyou?

72Youcanhardlyaskforitback.

6.6.2Subclausalnegation

Withsubclausalnegationonlyaconstituentisnegated.Itistypically

broughtaboutbyusingaffixes(section2.1):aprefixsuchasdis-,in-,un-,non-,orasuffixsuchas-less.

73BritainandGermanywillnodoubtcontinuetodisagreeonparticularpolicyissues.

74Well,Ithinkit’sabitunreasonable.

75Wellwe’regoingtohaveendlessdiscussionsoverwhatkindoffilmtogetout,aren’twe?

Thefactthat(75)hasanegativeinterrogativetagshowsthattheclauseasawholeispositive.

Chapter7FinitesubordinateclausesInthischapterIwilldiscussthenotionofsubordination,specificallywithregardtofiniteclausesthatfunctionasComplementsorAdjunctsinverbphrases.FiniteclausesthatfunctionasComplementsorAdjunctsinothertypesofphraseswerediscussedinChapter5.Chapter8willdealwithnon-finitesubordinateclauses.

7.1Subordinationdefined

Subordinationisagrammaticalphenomenonwhichinvolvesanarrangementoftwoormoreunits(words,phrases,orclauses)thatareinanunequalrelationship.Wewillsaythatwhenaunitissubordinatetoanotheritisdependentonit.Forexample,in(1)theclauseintroducedbythesubordinatingconjunctionthat(section3.9)isdependentontheverbFEELbecauseitislicensedbyit(section4.1.3):itfunctionsasitsDirectObject.Werefertoitasasubordinateclause.

1Ifeel[clausethatthisareahastoomuchdevelopment].

In(1)wedistinguishtwoclauses:amatrixclause,whichiscoextensivewiththestructureasawhole,indicatedbythesolidarrowin(2),andasubordinateclause,indicatedbythedashedarrow.

2

Aswesawinsection3.9,matrixclausesaredefinedasclausesthatcontainsubordinateclauseswithinthem.Clausesthatarethemselvesnotsubordinatetoanotherclausearecalledmainclauses.In(2)thematrixclauseisalsoamainclause.(InwhatfollowsIwillusethelabel‘mainclause’onlyifitissignificanttodrawattentiontothefactthattheclauseinquestionisnotsubordinatetoanother.)

Noticethatthesubordinateclausein(2)hasaSubjectofitsown(thisarea),aPredicator(has),andaDirectObject(toomuchdevelopment).Furtherlayersofsubordinationarepossible,asin(3),whichcontainstwosubordinateclauses.

3

Hereclause2islicensedbytheverbDESCRIBE,whereasclause3islicensedbytheverbTHINK.Morespecifically,clause2functionsastheDirectObjectofDESCRIBE,whereasclause3istheDOofTHINK.Noticethatclause2isamatrixclauseforclause3.

Recallfromsection2.2.1.5thataclausethatistensedisalsofinite.Giventhatin(1)theverbhasisapresenttenseform,itispartofafiniteclause.Similarly,clauses2and3in(3)arefinitebecausetheverbsthinkandiscarrytense.

7.2Markersofsubordination

Subordinationcanbemarkedsyntactically.ThereareanumberofwaysinwhichthiscanbedoneinEnglish.

First,aswesawinsection7.1,subordinateclausescanbeintroducedbysubordinatingconjunctions(alsocalledsimplysubordinators;seesection3.9)whichfunctionasmarkersofsubordination.Englishhasthreesubordinatorsforfiniteclauses,namelythat,whether,andif,andonesubordinatorfornon-finiteclauses,namelyfor.(Recallfromsections3.7.1and5.5.1.5thatwedonotincludeitemssuchassince,before,although,becauseintheclassofsubordinators.)

Itisalsopossibletosignalsubordinationthroughconstituentorder.Forexample,inthebracketedclausein(4)thepreposedwh-phrasewhyiscombinedwiththe‘regular’orderofaSubjectfollowedbyaverb.Thisistypicalofsubordinateinterrogativeclauses(seesection7.3.1.2.2).

4Theauthorseemstohaverealised[clausewhyhehadtoleave_].

Recallfromsection6.2.1thatmaininterrogativeclauseshaveSubject–auxiliaryinversion(cf.Whydidhehavetoleave?).

Consideralsotheexamplein(5):

5[clauseHadIspentmytimeinsomeotherhostelry],IshouldnowbereturningtoOxford.

Hereagaintheconstituentorderinthebracketedclausemarksitassubordinate.TheorderwewouldexpectinamainclausedoesnotinvolveSubject–auxiliaryinversion(cf.Ihadspentmytimeinsomeotherhostelry).Iwillreturntothistypeofsubordinateclauseinsection7.3.1.5.

7.3Theclassificationoffinitesubordinateclauses

InEnglishwedistinguishthreetypesoffinitesubordinateclauses(Table7.1):contentclauses,comparativeclauses,andrelativeclauses.

Finitesubordinateclauses

contentclauses

comparativeclauses

relativeclauses

Table7.1:Finitesubordinateclauses

Eachtypeofsubordinateclausewillbediscussedseparately.

7.3.1Contentclauses

Contentclausesaredefinedasfinitesubordinateclausesthatsyntacticallyresemblemainclauses,butlackthefeaturesattributabletocomparativeclausesandrelativeclauses.TheycanbesyntacticallycharacterizedintermsoftheclausetypeswediscussedinChapter6.WedistinguishbetweenthethreetypesofcontentclausesshowninTable7.2.

Contentclauses

declarativecontentclauses

interrogativecontentclauses

exclamativecontentclauses

Table7.2:Contentclauses

(Becauseimperativescanonlyoccurinmainclauses,thereisnosuchthingasanimperativecontentclause.)

Contentclausescanperformavarietyoffunctions,someofwhichwerealreadydiscussedinsections5.2.3.2,5.3.1.2,and5.5.1.5,namelyComplementofanoun,Complementofanadjective,andComplementofapreposition.InthesectionsthatfollowIwilldiscusscontentclausesfunctioningasSubject,DirectObject,ComplementClause,Subject-relatedPredicativeComplement,andAdjunct.Iwillusemodelverbstoexemplifycomplementationpatterns,andIwilllistasampleofverbsoccurringinthesepatterns.Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatifaverbappearsinoneofthetablesinthischapter,thisdoesnotmeanthatitdoesnotoccurinanyotherpattern(s).Forexample,theverbBELIEVEcantakeaDirectObject(Webelievedthestory,Webelievedthatthestorywastrue),oraDirectObjectandaComplementClause(Webelievedthestorytobetrue).ThelatterpatternwillbediscussedinChapter8.

7.3.1.1ContentclausesfunctioningasSubject

IntheexamplesbelowtheitalicizedclausesfunctionasSubject.

6[clauseThattheappetitecomeswitheating]maybeanadageasoldasthehills.

7[clauseWhethertechnologycanbeconsideredasthe‘motorofsociety’]isachickenandeggdebate.

8[clauseWhatheneeds_]ismentalflexibility.

9[clauseWhatadisastertheconferencehadbeen]becamecleartwoweeks

later.

Theclausein(6)isdeclarative,whereastheclausesin(7)and(8)areinterrogative.Closedinterrogativecontentclausesareintroducedbywhether,whereasopeninterrogativecontentclausesareintroducedbyawh-phrasewhichisheadedbyawh-word,andisassociatedwithagapmarkedby‘_’(unlessthewh-phraseisaSubject;seesections3.2.2.3and6.2.1onwh-wordsandgaps).TheSubjectclausein(9)isexclamative.

Thesubordinatorswhetherandifareofteninterchangeable,aswewillseeinsection7.3.1.2.2,butnotininterrogativecontentclausesfunctioningasSubject.Hereonlywhetherispossible.Althoughthebracketedclausein(8)resemblesafreerelativeclause(tobediscussedinsection7.3.3.5),itisaninterrogativeclausebecausewecanparaphraseitasfollows:‘Theanswertothequestionwhatdoesheneed?ismentalflexibility.’

IftheSubjectclauseisfelttobelengthy,itmaybeextraposedtotheendoftheclause(section3.2.2.1.2).Theextrapositionprocessfor(6),(7),and(9)isshownin(10)–(12).(TheSubjectclausein(8)cannotbeextraposed.)Therearetwostages.Inthefirststagethecontentclauseisdisplacedtotheendofthematrixclause,afterwhichanticipatoryit(section3.2.2.1.2)isslottedintothematrixclauseSubjectposition.

10

11

12

Ipresentextrapositioninthiswayonlyforexpositorypurposes.Thereisnosuggestionthatthetwostagesareprocesseswhichtakeplaceinthemind.

Extrapositionwillbediscussedfurtherinsection11.3.2.2.

7.3.1.2ContentclausesfunctioningasDirectObject

7.3.1.2.1Thepattern‘DECIDE[clausethat…]’

Asin(1)above,intheexamplesbelowdeclarativecontentclausesfunctionasDirectObject.

13Wedecided[clausethatwewouldworktogether].

14Ithought[clauseØsubhewashere].

Noticethatin(14)thesubordinatorthathasbeenomitted(indicatedby‘Øsub’).(Thisisnotpossiblefortheothersubordinators.Forexample,wecannotomitwhetherfromIwonderedwhetherthey’reanygoodinpattern7.3.1.2.2below.)

WeregardthecontentclausesintheexamplesaboveasDirectObjectsbecausetheycanbecometheSubjectsofpassiveclauses,althoughtheyarethenusuallyextraposed.Asanexample,considerthetwopassiveversionsof(13)in(15)and(16).Whiletheformerisclumsy,ifnotunacceptable,thelatter,whichinvolvesextraposition,isfine.

15[clauseThatwewouldworktogether]wasdecided.

16

DeclarativecontentclausesfunctioningasDirectObjectseemtobelesscloselyrelatedtotheverbthatlicensesthemthannounphrasesfunctioningasDO.Thisisbecausesuchclausesdonotneedtofollowtheverbimmediately:adverbsmayintervene,as(17)shows.

17Ithinkreally[clauseit’sverydifficulttoproduceanyformofartunlessyouaredriven].

NounphrasesfunctioningasDOaregenerallypositionedimmediatelyaftertheverb(seesection4.1.3.1.1),thoughevenherethereareexceptions,especiallyinspokenEnglish.

OtherverbsthatcantakeadeclarativeclausefunctioningasDirectObjectarelistedinTable7.3.

Table7.3:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘DECIDE[clausethat…]’

7.3.1.2.2Thepattern‘WONDER[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

ThispatterninvolvessubordinateinterrogativeandexclamativeclausesfunctioningasDirectObject.Aswehaveseen,closedinterrogativeclausesareintroducedbywhetherorif,whereasopeninterrogativeclausesareintroducedbyawh-phrasewhichisheadedbyawh-word,andisassociatedwithagapmarkedby‘_’(unlessthewh-phraseisaSubject).SubordinateinterrogativeclausesdifferfrommaininterrogativeclausesinlackingSubject–auxiliaryinversion.Theitalicizedclausesin(18)and(19)areclosedinterrogatives,whereasthosein(20)–(23)areopeninterrogatives.

18Canyourecall[clausewhethertherewasatrialwithinatrialinPayne’scase]?

19Idon’tknow[clauseifthey’reanygood].

20Iwonder[clausewhosuppliesthematthemoment].

21Itisthensenttothetaxonomistdealingwiththatfamily,whowilldiscover[clausewhatgenusitbelongsto_]and[clausewhatspeciesitis_].

22Idon’tknow[clausewhatyoudid_withit].

23Althoughregretisdisplayeditisnotselfpitying,fortheauthorseemstohaverealised[clausewhyhehadtoleaveOxford_].

Inexampleswherewehavethesequencewhether…ornot,thesubordinatorcannotnormallybeexchangedforif.However,occasionalexceptionsdooccur,asinthefollowingexample.

24Hedidn’tknow[clauseifSallyhadheardhimornot].

In(25)and(26)thebracketedconstituentsareexclamativeclauses,introducedbyanadjectivalwh-word(section5.2.2.4).

25Youknow[clausewhatagoodfriendIam_],Jafar,don’tyou?

26Iwanttounderscore[clausehowextremelyessentialyoureffortsare_].

SomefurtherverbsthatcanlicenseinterrogativeorexclamativeclausesfunctioningasDirectObjectarelistedinTable7.4.

Table7.4:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘WONDER[clauseif/whether/wh-phrase…]’

7.3.1.2.3Thepattern‘MENTION([PPtoNP])[clausethat….]’

InthispatterntheverblicensestwoComplements:anoptionalprepositionalphrase,andadeclarativecontentclausefunctioningasDirectObject.Anexampleisshownin(27).

27Hementioned[PPtoyou][clausethathewaswritingit].

TheheadofthePPcanalsobefrom,of,orwith,asin(28)–(30).

28Manycommentatorshaveconcluded[PPfromthis][clausethatvoterscaremostaboutfairness—thesensethatthereshouldbealevelplayingfieldwithopportunitiesforall].

29Hehadrepeatedlydemanded[PPoftheEuropeans][clausethatthey“stepuptotheplate”andatleastmatchthe$335mtheUShasmadeavailable].

30Now£64,000isnotamillion,butTarrantpleaded[PPwithus][clausethat“intheseverytoughtimesit’samassiveamountofmoney”].

SomeverbsthatcanoccurinthispatternarelistedinTable7.5.

Table7.5:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘MENTION([PPtoNP])[clausethat…]’

7.3.1.2.4Thepattern‘TELLNP[clausethat…]’

AhandfulofverbsthatoccurwithIndirectObjectslicensedeclarativeclausesfunctioningasDirectObject,asintheexamplebelow,wheretheitalicizedNPfunctionsasIndirectObject.

31Shetold[NPme][clausethatshewasstartingthisclasswithAdam].

TheIOcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,asin(32).

32IwastoldthatshewasstartingthisclasswithAdam.

TheverbsthatoccurinthispatternarelistedinTable7.6.TheycanalsooccurinthepatternV+IO+DO,wheretheIOandDOarenounphrases(e.g.Itoldheralie).

‘TELLNP[clausethat…]’

TheNPfunctionsasIndirectObject,andcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause.Thethat-clausefunctionsasDirectObject.

PROMISE±NP TEACH±NP

SHOW±NP TELL

Verbsmarked‘±NP’canoccurwithorwithoutanNP.WhentheyoccurwithoutanNPtheclausefunctionsasDirectObject.

Table7.6:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘TELLNP[clausethat…]’

7.3.1.2.5Thepattern‘ASKNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

InthispatterntheverbisfollowedbyanNPfunctioningasIndirectObject,andaclosedinterrogative((33)and(34)),openinterrogative((35)),orexclamative((36))contentclausefunctioningasDirectObject.

33MayIask[NPher][clausewhethershethinksthattheelevenarenotnowbothisolatedandintransigentinrelationtoagriculturalpolicyandtheGATTround].

34Hedidn’ttell[NPus][clauseifhewantedtopslicingofthelicencefeetohelpfundpublicserviceprogrammingonChannelFour].

35Idon’tthinkhe’severasked[NPme][clausewhatIwasdoing_].

36We’vegottohavemechanismsinplacesothatwhenwegobackformoremoney,we’llbeabletotell[NPCongress][clausewhatagreatjobwedid_spendingthemoneythey’vealreadygivenus].

Aswiththepatterndiscussedintheprevioussection,verbsthatoccurinthispatterncanalsooccurinthepatternV+IO+DO,wheretheIOandDOarenounphrases(e.g.Iaskedthemaquestion).TheIOcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause.Forexample,thepassiveversionof(35)is(37).

37Idon’tthinkI’veeverbeenaskedwhatIwasdoing.

VerbsthatcanoccurinthispatternareshowninTable7.7.

‘ASKNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

TheNPfunctionsasIndirectObject,whichcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause.Thewh-clausefunctionsasDirectObject.

ASK±NP TEACH

SHOW±NP TELL

TheverbsASKandSHOWcanoccurwithorwithoutanNP.WhentheyoccurwithoutanNPtheclausefunctionsasDirectObject.

Table7.7:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘ASKNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

7.3.1.2.6

InthisunusualcomplextransitivepatternthecontentclausefunctionsasaDirectObject.Intheexamplethatfollowsthedeclarativecontentclauseisextraposed.Anticipatoryit(section3.2.2.1.2)isinsertedintoitsoriginalposition.

38

In(39)thecontentclauseisinterrogative.Thistimeithasnotbeenextraposed.

39Weconsider[clausehowtheproblemisdealtwith_][NPamajorconcern].

ThenounphraseoradjectivephraseinthispatternfunctionsasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement.

7.3.1.3ContentclausesfunctioningasComplementClause

7.3.1.3.1Thepattern‘PERSUADENP[clausethat…]’

InthispatterntheNPfunctionsasDirectObject,whereasthethat-clausefunctionsasComplementClause.AswesawinChapter4,weusethefunctionlabelComplementClauseforanyclausethatislicensedbyaverb,butcannotbeassignedoneoftheotherComplementfunctionsDirectObject,IndirectObject,orPredicativeComplement.Hereisanexample.

40Wepersuaded[NPthem][clausethatwecoulddoit],andintheendtheygavein.

TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,asin(41):

41Theywerepersuadedthatwecoulddoitbyus,andintheendtheygavein.

Althoughthereissomeindeterminacyhere,wewillnotregardtheNPasanIndirectObject.ThereasonisthatPERSUADEcannotoccurinthetypicalV+IO+DOpattern,wheretheIOandDOarerealizedasnounphrases(cf.*Ipersuadedhimacourseofaction).

SomefurtherverbsthatcanoccurinthispatternarelistedinTable7.8.

Table7.8:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘PERSUADENP[clausethat…]’

7.3.1.3.2Thepattern‘REMINDNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

Asintheprevioussection,inthispatterntheNPfunctionsasDirectObject,whereastheinterrogativeclausefunctionsasComplementClause.Closedinterrogativeclausesareintroducedbywhetherorif(cf.(42)),whereasopeninterrogativecontentclausesareintroducedbyawh-phrasewhichisassociatedwithagapmarkedby‘_’(cf.(43)),unlessthewh-phraseisaSubject(seesections3.2.2.3and6.2.1ongaps).

42WhyhavethreeshelvesofhistoriesofimperialIndia,whenyoucouldjusttypethekeywordsintoGoogle,andremind[NPyourself][clausewhetheritwasDyerorO’DwyerwhoorderedtheshootingatAmritsar]?

43It’sacompletelydifferentjobbutit’sgoodthatIcanadvise[NPthem][clausewhatit’slike_]whentheygetbacktoBirmingham.

Aprepositioncanbeplacedbeforetheclause,asin(44).

44Thescenestherereminded[NPme][PPof[clausewhatIsaw_]]whenIwenttoSriLankaafterthetsunami.

However,inthiscasetheverboccursinthepattern‘transitiveverb+NP+PP’(seesection5.4.1.5),andtheclauseisafreerelativeclause(seesection7.3.3.5below).

TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,asthecontrastbetween(43)and(45)shows.

45It’sacompletelydifferentjobbutit’sgoodthattheycanbeadvisedwhatit’slikewhentheygetbacktoBirmingham.

Theverbsinthispatternarenotditransitive(cf.section7.3.1.2.5),becausetheycannotoccurwithanIOandDOrealizedasnounphrases,cf.*Heremindedmetheproblem.(AlthoughthisisacceptablewithaPP,cf.Heremindedmeoftheproblem,thePPdoesnotfunctionasDOhere,butasaPPComplement.Seesection5.4.1.5.)

VerbsthatcanoccurinthispatternarelistedinTable7.9.

Table7.9:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘REMINDNP[clausewhether/if/wh-phrase…]’

7.3.1.3.3Thepattern‘ItSEEM(PP)[clause(that/asif)…]’

InthispatternthematrixclausecontainsthelinkingverbSEEM(Section3.6.1)whichlicensestwoComplements:anoptionalPPandaclausefunctioningasComplementClause.Thelatterisintroducedbythatorasif,whichcanbeleftout.TheSubjectofthematrixclauseisthedummypronounit(section3.2.2.1.2).

46Itseems[clausethattheremustbequitealotoflateparrotsinCloudCuckooLandiftherighthonourablegentlemancancomeoutwiththatstuff].

47Sometimesitappears[clauseasifsocialworkerscannotwinintheeyesofthepublic,nomatterwhattheydo].

48Itappears[PPtome][clausethatwecanfundmanyuselessprojects]but

whenitcomesdowntolifeordeath,inthisparticularinstancewefallshort.

49Itwas[clauseasifIhadbeenhypnotisedbythefear].IcouldonlyfeelfearandIcouldonlyvisualiseablock.

OtherverbsthatcanoccurinthispatternarelistedinTable7.10.

Table7.10:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘ItSEEM(PP)[clause(that/asif)…]’

7.3.1.4ContentclausesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement:thepattern‘BE[clausethat/wh-phrase…]’

Recallfromsections3.6.1and4.1.3.3thatstringsthatcomplementlinkingverbsfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement.OfthelinkingverbsonlyBEcanlicenseacontentclausewiththatfunction.

50Thesecondmythis[clausethatembryoexperimentationisnecessary].

51WhatIwonderis[clausewhetherwecouldtakeitfurther].

52Buttheonlysurprisingthingis[clausehowfewcoronariesseniorministerssuffer_].

Theclausesin(50),(51),and(52)aredeclarative,interrogative,andexclamative,respectively.ThedifferencebetweenthispatternandtheoneintheprevioussectionisthattheclauseidentifiesthereferentoftheSubject,andhencehasapredicativefunction(seesection4.1.3.3.1).

7.3.1.5ContentclausesfunctioningasAdjunct

ContentclausesfunctioningasAdjunctalmostalwaysdisplaySubject–auxiliaryinversion.Despitethis,weregardthemasdeclaratives.Thisisbecausethesubordinateclausescaninallcasesbeparaphrasedbyusing

conditionalif-clauses,whichhaveadeclarativewordorder.Intheabsenceofif,Subject–auxiliaryinversionmarkstheclausesassubordinate.

53[clauseHadIspentmytimeinsomeotherhostelry],IshouldnowbereturningtoOxford.(=(5))

54Thatmightnothavemattered[clausehadwecontinuedtoregardEuropeassomebodyelse’sproblem].

55Youcankeepintouchwitholdfriends(andenemies),andrevisitoldhaunts[clauseshouldyouwishto].

Theexamplein(55)soundsslightlyformal.

7.3.2Comparativeclauses

Beforediscussingcomparativeclausesweneedtodistinguishdifferentcross-cuttingtypesofcomparisons.First,considerscalarandnon-scalarcomparisons.Theformerinvolvepredicatesonascale,suchashotandcold,oldandyoung,whichcanbeprecededbywordslikevery.Thelatterconcernpredicatesthatarenormallynotlocatedonascale,suchas(the)sameanddifferent(thoughthesecanalsooccurasscalarpredicateswhenmodifiedbymoreormuch).Nextwedistinguishcomparisonsofequalityandinequality.Theformerareconcernedwithexpressingparitybetweenthetermsthatarecomparedinaparticularrespect,whereasthelatterexpressnon-parity.Finally,comparisonsofinequalitycanbesubdividedintocomparisonsofsuperiorityandcomparisonsofinferiority.

Wecanapplythesedifferenttypesofcomparisonstocomparativeclauses.Examples(italicized)areshowninTable7.11.

Table7.11:Thescalar/non-scalarandequality/inequalitycontrasts

In(a)and(d)thecomparisonsofequalityinvolveacomparativeclausethatfunctionsasaComplementoftheprepositionas,whereasthecomparisonsofinequalityin(b),(c),and(e)areComplementsofthan.In(b)thematrixclauseexpressesthefactthataparticularproperty(‘beinggood’)appliestoahigherdegreetotheaddressee’smemorythantothespeaker’s.Werefertothisasacomparisonofsuperiority,whichisasubtypeofcomparisonofinequality.Example(56)belowalsoinvolvesacomparisonofsuperiority,despiteappearances.Theadjectiveshorterheremeans‘shorttoagreaterdegreethansomethingelse’.Notethattheconflictreferredtomayinfacthavebeenverylong.

56Theconflicthasprovedshorter[PPthan[clausesomanypeoplepredicted]].

In(c)inTable7.11wehaveacomparisonofinferiority,anothersubtypeofcomparisonofinequality.Thisinvolvesthewordless.Themeaninghereisthatleafmouldisacidtoalesserdegreethanpeat.

Averynotablefeatureofcomparativeclausesisthattheyinvolvereduction,whichissometimesobligatory.Itispossibleforonlyoneconstituenttoremaininthecomparativeclause,asin(c)inTable7.11andin(57)and(58)below,whereonlyNPsremain.

57Mystilllifestudioisasbig[PPas[clausethisroom]]actually.

58Mydadisbigger[PPthan[clauseyourdad]].

IntheexampleswehavelookedatsofarthematrixclauseconformstothepatternSubject+Predicator+Subject-relatedPredicativeComplement,wherethePredicativeComplementisanadjectivephrase.Otherpatternsarealsopossible.Thusin(59)thecomparativeclauseispartofanadverbphraseinthematrixclause,andin(60)itispartofanNP.

59StandardOilgotitsmoneyback[AdvPadamnsightquicker[PPthan[clausemosttaxrebatescomethrough]]].

60It’sgot[NPmorecontours[PPthan[clauseminehas]]]actually.

7.3.3Relativeclauses

Thethirdclassoffinitesubordinateclausesarecalledrelativeclauses.TheseareclausesthatprovideadditionalinformationabouttheHeadnountowhichtheyarelinked,calledtheantecedent.

7.3.3.1Whrelativeclauses

Intheexamplesbelowthebracketedrelativeclausesareintroducedbytheunderlinedrelativepronounswho(m)andwhich(section3.2.2.3).

61Andshetoldmethatmyfather,[clause[NPwho]haddiedmanyyearsbefore],wasstandingbymyside.

62Theonlycolleague,[clause[NPwhom]Iknew_already],wasthesocialandphysicalgeographerDoctorDudleyStamp.

63Thisisadancegroup[clause[NPwhich]doesnotexcludepeople].

TherelativepronounsfunctionastheHeadofsimplerelativephraseswhichconsistofonlyoneword.Becauserelativepronounsarenouns,thesimplerelativephrasesarenounphrases.Werefertothewh-wordineachoftheseexamplesastherelativizedelement.Thisistheelementinsidearelativephrasethattakesthenouninboldasitsantecedent.

Relativephrasescanperformavarietyoffunctionsinrelativeclauses.Thus

in(61)and(63)theyfunctionasSubject,whilein(62)therelativephrasefunctionsastheDirectObjectoftheverbKNOWandisassociatedwiththegapindicatedby‘_’(seesections3.2.2.3and6.2.1ongaps).Noticethatthepronountakesaccusativecase(section2.2.2.2).Usingwhoinsuchconstructionsisequallyacceptable.

Theexamplesbelowinvolvecomplexrelativephrases,thatis,relativephrasesthatcontainmorethanoneword.TheyaretypicallyNPs,AdjPs,orPPswithinwhichtherelativizedelementsarecontained.Asbefore,inthefollowingexamplesthenounsinboldaretheantecedentsoftheunderlinedrelativizedelements.

64I’vegotafriend[clause[NPwhoseparents]areCatholic].

65Youwillgothroughaseriesofbasicmanoeuvres[clause[NPtheroutineofwhich]willbecomethefoundationofyourroadridingtechnique].

66Overthecourseoftwodecades,1965-85,heundertookmajorconstructionprojectsinSaudiArabia,[clause[AdjPmostimportantamongwhich]weretheoilrefineryandportinstallationsatRabighontheRedSeaandKingFahd’spalaceandadjacentmissilebaseatRiyadh].

67TheFamilyPractitionerCommittee[clause[PPtowhom]yourformwillbesent_]maycheckyourclaim.

68Thosefewminutesofherlife,[clause[PPofwhich]shewasthenconscious_],arelosttohermemory.

In(64)thewordwhoseisarelativepronouninthegenitiveformwhichfunctionsasaDeterminerinthecomplexrelativenounphrasewhoseparents.In(65)–(68)therelativizedelementistheComplementofapreposition.Wheretherearegapstheyareassociatedwiththerelativephraseasawhole.Thusthegapaftersentin(67)isassociatedwithtowhom,andthegapafterconsciousin(68)isassociatedwithofwhich.

Recallthatwordslikewhen,where,while,andsoonaretreatedasprepositionsinthisgrammar(seeSection5.5.1).ThismeansthatinthefollowingexamplestheunderlinedrelativizedelementsareintransitiveprepositionsheadingPPs.TheyfunctionasAdjunctintherelativeclauses,

andareassociatedwiththepositionsindicatedby‘_’.

69Intheperiod[clause[PPwhen]hewaswritinginthefifties_],hewasreachingtheclimaxofhiscareer.

70Nothingisputawayandnothingreallyhasafixedplace[clause[PPwhere]itiskept_].

Thewordwhyin(71)istheHeadofanadverbphrase,associatedwiththegapindicatedby‘_’.

71Thereason[clause[AdvPwhy]arevivedHalloweenisapproved_]isbecauseitisamassivenewadvertisingopportunity,inparticularinthechildren’smarket.

Finally,insententialrelativeclauses,therelativizedelementdoesnothaveanounasitsantecedent,butanentireclause.Hereisanexample.

72IfeelathomeinVirginia,[clausewhichisodd].

7.3.3.2Non-whrelativeclauses

Relativeclausescanalsobeintroducedbythewordthat,asin(73)and(74)below.

73Thepower[clausethatenablesthisunion]Coleridgecategorizedastheimagination.

74Thenatureofthework[clausethatwedo]isnodifferentfromanyothercreativeartsgroup.

Inthisgrammarweanalysethatasasubordinatingconjunction.WedonotregarditasarelativepronounbecausepronounscanfunctionastheComplementsofprepositions(cf.towhom/towhich),whereastheconjunctionthatcannot(cf.*thepersontothat…).

Eventhoughthereisnoovertrelativizedelementin(73)and(74),itmakessensetosaythatthereareimplicitrelativizedelementspresentinthesecases,indicatedby‘Ørel.’in(75)and(76),whichhavethenounsin

boldtypeastheirantecedents.

75Thepower[clausethatØrel.enablesthisunion]Coleridgecategorizedastheimagination.

76Thenatureofthework[clausethatwedoØrel.]isnodifferentfromanyothercreativeartsgroup.

In(75)theimplicitrelativizedelementfunctionsasSubject,whereasin(76)itisaDirectObject,positionedaftertheverbDO.Whentheimplicitrelativizedelementisassociatedwithanon-Subjectgap,asin(76),thatcanbeomitted.

7.3.3.3Restrictiveandnon-restrictiverelativeclauses

Considertheexamplesbelow.

77Successivesurgesofviolence,[clausewhichsweptthroughjailsonasinglenightin1986],havefocusedattentiononlivingconditions.

78Thecycle[clause[NPwhich]youordered_]isnowcompleteandreadyforcollection.

In(77)and(78)therelativeclausesareintroducedbytherelativepronounwhich.Thereisadifferencebetween(77)and(78)withregardtotheinformationthattherelativeclausesimpart.Theformerinvolvesanon-restrictiverelativeclause.Suchclausesareoften(thoughnotalwaysconsistently)setapartbycommas.Whentheclauseisuttered,alowerpitchisusedfortherelativeclause.Theexamplein(78)containsarestrictiverelativeclausewhichisnotsetoffbycommas,andisnotutteredatalowerpitch.Thedifferenceissubtle,butimportant.Thenon-restrictiverelativeclausein(77)merelyfurnishesadditionalinformationabouttheviolenceinquestion,whereastherestrictiverelativeclausein(78)providesidentifyinginformationaboutthecycle:itistheonethatwasorderedbytheaddressee.Thesubordinatingconjunctionthatisgenerallyusedinrestrictiverelativeclauses,whereaswho/whichcanbeusedinbothrestrictiveandnon-restrictiverelativeclauses,thoughthisisbynomeansahard-and-fastrule.Noticethattherelativeclausein(78)couldalsohavebeenintroducedbythat.

Therestrictive/non-restrictivedistinctionalsoappliestorelativeclausesintroducedbywho.Anexampleofarestrictiverelativeclausewithwhoisshownin(79),whereas(61)and(62)abovecontainnon-restrictiverelativeclauseswithwho.

79He’stheguy[clausewhoissupposedtohaveleft].

7.3.3.4Non-finiterelativeclauses

Relativeclausescanalsobenon-finite.Idiscusssomeexampleshere,ratherthaninChapter8onnon-finitesubordinateclauses,soastobeabletodiscussallrelativeclausetypesinoneplace.

80Ifrequiredtheusermayhaveonlytwosquares[clausefromwhichØtoselect_].

81ThepointtheToriesseemtobemakingisthatanythingisbetterthangoingtothesortofuniversitythatmostgraduatesgoto,andifyoucan’tgotoOxfordandCambridgethebestthing[clauseØtodo_]isnottogoanywhere.

Thebracketedrelativeclausesin(80)and(81)arerelativeto-infinitiveclauses,bothwithanimplicitSubject(indicatedby‘Ø’),thoughin(81)wecanaddaSubjectprecededbythesubordinatingconjunctionfor,asshownin(82).

82…thebestthing[clauseforyoutodo]…

Noticethat(80)containsawh-phraseheadedbywhichfunctioningastheComplementoftheprepositionfrom,but(81)doesnotcontainawh-phrase.

Non-finiterelativeclausescanoftenberegardedasincompletefiniteclauses,asintheexamplesbelow.Herethestringswhowas,whoare,whichis,andwhichwas,respectively,canbesaidtohavebeenomittedfromtheitalicizedrelativeclauses.

83[NPTheyounglady[clausesittingnexttoyou]]waswearingtheT-shirt.

84Theonerealproblemisthenumberof[NPhomelesspeople[clausebeggingonthestreets]].

85TheMansionHouseitselfis[NPafineneoclassicalbuilding[clausesustainedbyaporticoofsixCorinthiancolumns]].

86Manyheadteachersbelieve[NPthenationalcurriculum,[clauseintroducedbythegovernmenttwoyearsagotoimprovestandards]],hasbecometooprescriptive.

Inothercases,suchas(87)below,anaccountofthestructureofthenon-finiterelativeclauseintermsofclippingislessattractive,becauseverbslikeRESEMBLEgenerallydonotoccurintheprogressiveconstruction.

87Wealthyfemaleswouldfindtheprospectofhavinganaffairwith[NPaman[clauseresemblingaSwissbankmanager]]irresistiblyerotic.

Herethenon-finiterelativeclauseisanalternativeversionforwhoresemblesaSwissbankmanager,notforwhoisresemblingaSwissbankmanager.

7.3.3.5Freerelativeclauses

Weneedtodistinguishaspecialtypeofrelativeclause,namelyfreerelativeclauses,brieflydiscussedinsection3.2.2.4.Theseclausesaresaidtobe‘free’becausewhatcharacterizesthemsyntacticallyisthefactthatthereappearstobenoovertHeadfortherelativeclausetobeanchoredto.Withinfreerelativeclauses,bracketedintheexamplesbelow,thewh-phraseisheadedbyafreerelativepronoun(section3.2.2.4).Asbefore,thewh-phraseisassociatedwithagapindicatedby‘_’,unlessitfunctionsasSubject.

88Thepointisyoucando[whatyoulike_].

89[WhatBoccionisaid_]wasthis:lifeisnotastationarything.

90Thisreinforcestheearlierstatement,thatmanisblindto[whathecannotsee_].

91Youchoose[whichyouprefer_].

92Youcanalsochoose[whoyouwish_]todealwithyouraffairsafteryouhavegone.

93Webribe[whoeverneedstobebribed]togetonthatplane.

94Itmakesforanenjoyablenightjusttotry[whicheverofthebarsseemsliveliest]and,onfineevenings,thepartyinggoesonwellintotheearlyhours.

95Youforgetthereasonthatyouwantedtowrite[whateveryouwerewriting_]tobeginwith.

Astheseexamplesshow,freerelativeclausescanperformavarietyoffunctionsinthematrixclause,suchasSubject,DirectObject,andPrepositionalComplement.

Freerelativeclausescanperformthesamegrammaticalfunctionsasnounphrases,buttheylooklikeclausesbyvirtueofthefactthattheyalwayscontainatensedverb.IntheexamplesaboveitispossibletoexplicitlymentiontheHeadnoun.Thus,weinterpret(88)asin(96).

96Thepointisyoucandothatwhichyoulike.

Thereisasenseinwhichthefreerelativepronounwhatin(88)istheresultofafusionofthatandwhich(thatwhich>what).In(97)therearetwoinstancesofaHeadandrelativepronounwhichhavenotfusedintoafreerelativepronoun.Thealternativeversionof(97)in(98)containsfusedrelativeclauses.

97Butifyouwantashortanswertowhythehumanitiesmatter,it’sthis:werepeat[NPthatwhichisworthrepeating],and[NPthatwhichisindangerofbeingforgotten].

98Butifyouwantashortanswertowhythehumanitiesmatter,it’sthis:werepeat[clausewhatisworthrepeating],and[clausewhatisindangerofbeingforgotten].

AswesawinSection3.3.5,freerelativeclausescanalsoinvolvefree

relativedeterminatives,asthefollowingexampleshows.

99Thecheapestoptionofall,however,isasetoffourknifemagnetsthatcanbeattachedtothewallin[whateverarrangementyouwish_].

Freerelativeclausesstructurallyresembleinterrogativecontentclauses,butcanoftenbedistinguishedfromthembylookingattheverbofthematrixclause.Compare(100)and(101).

100Iwondered[interrogativeclausewhathesaid_].

101Irejected[freerelativeclausewhathesaid_].

BecauseWONDERdoesnotnormallytakeanNPasComplement,andbecausefreerelativeclausesresemblenounphrasesintheirdistribution,thebracketedstringin(100)mustbeaninterrogativeclause.Conversely,becauseREJECTcannottakearegularclauseasComplement,butdoestakeanNPasComplement(e.g.herejectedtheproposal),thebracketedstringin(101)mustbeafreerelativeclause.Wecandemonstratethatthesubordinateclausein(100)isinterrogativebyparaphrasingitasin(102).

102Iwonderedwhatistheanswertothequestion‘whatdidhesay?’.

Intheexamplesbelowthebracketedstringsarealsofreerelativeclauses,andwhen,whenever,where,andwhereverarefreerelativeconjunctiveprepositions(seesections3.7.1and5.5.1.5onconjunctiveprepositions).

103However,youcanmoveyourmoney[whenyoulike],withnopenaltiesorrestrictions.

104LouisXIV,ithasbeensaid,usedtostartawar[wheneverhefeltbored],andweseemtoneedabitofrisktoreduceennui.

105IputthestrawintheglassandIputit[wherehecouldsipit].

106It’snotadonedealthathecango[whereverhelikes]givenhisrecord.

Themotivationforthisanalysisisthatthebracketedstringscanbeparaphrased,thoughnotalwaysequallyeasily,byaHeadnoun+relativeclausestructure.Thus(103)canbeparaphrasedasin(107).

107Youcanmoveyourmoneyatatime[clausewhenyoulike].

However,thesefreerelativeclausesdifferfromtheotherswelookedatbecausetheydonotoccupytypicalNPpositions.

Freerelativeclausesalsooccurascomponentsofpseudocleftconstructions,whichwillbediscussedinSection11.8.2.

Chapter8Non-finiteandverblesssubordinateclausesThischapterwilldealwithnon-finitesubordinateclausesfunctioningasComplementsorAdjunctsinverbphrases.Non-finiteclausesthatfunctionasComplementsorAdjunctsinotherphraseswerediscussedinChapter5.

Recallfromsection2.2.1.5thatwedistinguishfourtypesofnon-finiteclauses,aslistedinTable8.1.Theseclausescanperformvariousfunctionswithinthematrixclausestheyarepartof.Theywillbediscussedinturninsections8.1–8.4.

Non-finiteclauses

to-infinitiveclause

bareinfinitiveclause

-ingparticipleclause

pastparticipleclause

Table8.1:Non-finiteclauses

Insection8.5Iwilldiscussdegreesofclauseintegration.Section8.6looksatthestructureofclauseswithoneormoreauxiliaryverbs,andthefinalsectioninthischapterbrieflydiscussesclausesthatdonotcontainaverb.

8.1To-infinitiveclauses

To-infinitiveclausescanfunctionasSubject,DirectObject,ComplementClause,Subject-relatedPredicativeComplement,andAdjunct.

8.1.1To-infinitiveclausesfunctioningasSubject

In(1)and(2)belowto-infinitiveclausesfunctionastheSubjectofthe

matrixclause.NeitherclausehasanovertSubjectofitsown,thoughinbothcasesthereisanimplicitSubject,indicatedby‘Ø’,whichisinterpretedas‘peopleingeneral’.Theto-infinitiveclausein(2)isaninfinitivalinterrogativeclauseintroducedbyawh-phrasewhichisassociatedwiththegapindicatedby‘_’(seesections3.2.2.3and6.2.1ongaps).

1[clauseØTomakemoraljudgements]istobejudgemental.

2[clauseWhatØtoeat_atChristmas]isadifficultquestion.

In(3)and(4)theto-infinitiveclausesalsofunctionasSubjectofthematrixclause.ThistimetheyhaveaSubjectoftheirown(underlined),andareintroducedbythesubordinatorfor.Asexample(5)shows,theSubjectcanberealizedasanounphraseheadedbyapronounintheaccusativecase.

3[clauseForthoseinthethirdagetowantajob]istogobackonthesystem.

4[clauseFortherolestobereversed]wouldbeatragedyformanyConservativeMPsandvoters.

5[clauseForthemtoknowthatHelenDuncanisnotclassedasawitch]wouldbetheicingonthecake.

Noticethattheto-infinitiveclausein(4)ispassive.

8.1.2To-infinitiveclausesfunctioningasDirectObject

InthefollowingsectionsIwillusemodelverbstodiscusspatternsinwhichto-infinitiveclauseswithorwithoutaSubjectoftheirownfunctionasDirectObject.

8.1.2.1Thepattern‘WANT[clause(for)NPto-infinitive…]’

TheverbWANTinthefollowingexamplelicensesato-infinitiveclausefunctioningasDirectObjectwithitsownSubject(underlined).

6Ijustwant[clauseyoutoalterthescenarioveryslightly].

WeregardtheNPyouastheSubjectofthesubordinateclause,ratherthanastheDirectObjectofthematrixclause,becauseitcannotbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause,as(7)shows.

7*Youwerewantedtoalterthescenarioveryslightlybyme.

SomematrixverbsallowthepostverbalNPtotakegenitivecase,asin(8)and(9),thoughthisisrare.GenitiveNPscannotfunctionasDirectObject,sothisisfurtherevidenceforanalysingthepostverbalNPsinthispatternasSubjects.

8Ihate[clausehisalwayshumiliatingthem].

9Ilove[clausethePresident’scontinuallydefendingtherightsofstudents].

ThefactthatthepostverbalNPafterWANTcantakeaccusativecaseifitisheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrast,asin(10),isnotasufficientreasonforassigningDirectObjectstatustoit.

10Ijustwanthimtoalterthescenarioveryslightly.

NoticethatthepostverbalNPin(6)isnotasemanticargumentoftheverbWANT(seesection4.2),butaSubjectargumentofALTER.Thusin(6)itisnotthecasethat‘Iwantyou’,butwhatIwantis‘thatyoualterthescenario’.Consideralso(11),whichistheresultofpassivizingthebracketedclausein(6).

11Ijustwant[thescenariotobealteredveryslightlybyyou].

Whatisnoteworthyaboutthisexampleisthatitmeansexactlythesameas(6),despitethefactthattheNPfollowingtheverbisdifferentinthetwoexamples.ThisagainshowsthatthepostverbalNPin(6)isnotasemanticargumentofWANT.AsafinalpieceofevidencethattheNPafterWANTisnotoneofitsarguments,consider(12)and(13).

12Ideallywewouldwanttheretobegoodcontactbetweenthechildandbothparents.

13It’sbeenhotwhenyouwantittobecold,andcoldwhenyouwantittobehot.

Becauseexistentialthereanddummyitaremeaningless(section4.1.1.5)theycannotberegardedassemanticargumentsofWANT.Putdifferently,WANTdoesnotassignasemanticroletothereandit.

Inthepatternunderdiscussionthesyntacticanalysismatchesthesemanticanalysis.Wewillseebelowthatthisisnotalwaysthecaseforthepatternsdiscussed.

Alimitedsetofverbsoccurringinthispatterntakethesubordinatorfor(seesections3.9and7.2)beforethepostverbalNP,asintheexamplesbelow.

14Herarelyventuredbeyondhissmallcircleoffriends,andhisgirlfriendcomplainedabouthisreclusiveness–healwayspreferred[clauseforthemtosithome].

15Ifyouknowthatyouarelikelytobealonewhenyougetoffabusataremotedestination,trytoarrange[clauseforsomeonetomeetyou].

16OntheonehandIadmirehisspeedandagility,takeprideinhisstatureasagenuineworld-classplayer,rejoiceinhis100percentBritishness,yearn[clauseforhimtowinWimbledon],andratherfancyhiswife.Ontheotherhand,heremindsmeofaspoilt,rathersullenchild.

VerbsthatpatternlikeWANTareshowninTable8.2.

‘WANT[clause(for)NPto-infinitive…]’

Theto-infinitiveclauseistheDOoftheverb,andtheNPistheSubjectofthesubordinateclause.ThelattercannotbecometheSubjectofapassivizedmatrixclause.

ACHE+F LIKE

ARRANGE+F LONG+F

CAN’TAFFORD+F NEED

CAN’TBEAR+F OPT+F

CAN’TSTAND+F PINE+F

CLAMOUR+F PREFER+F

DESIRE WANT+F

HATE+F WISH+F

INTEND+F YEARN+F

Verbsmarked‘+F’canoccurwiththesubordinatorfor,sometimesobligatorily.

Table8.2:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘WANT[clause(for)NPto-infinitive…]’

Asbefore,itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatifaverbappearsinoneofthetablesinthischapter,thisdoesnotmeanthatitdoesnotoccurinanyotherpattern(s).Forexample,theverbINTENDcanalsolicenseaDirectObjectfollowedbyaComplementClause(e.g.TheyintendedJohntowriteabookforher);seesection8.1.3.3below.WANTcanalsooccurinthepatterndescribedinthenextsection.

8.1.2.2Thepattern‘HESITATE[clauseØto-infinitive…]’:Subjectcontrol

Intheexamplesbelowtheto-infinitiveclausesfunctionasDirectObject,anddonothavetheirownovertSubjects.

17Iihesitate[clauseØitomentionthis].

18Ii’dlike[clauseØitoanswerthatinaslightlydifferentway].

WewillsaythatinbothcasesthematrixclauseSubjectcontrolstheimplicitSubjectofthesubordinateclause(indicatedby‘Ø’),inthesensethatthereferentofthematrixSubjectdeterminestheinterpretationofthereferentoftheimplicitSubjectofthesubordinateclause.Thesubscriptindices(‘i’)indicatecoreference.

VerbsthatbehavelikeHESITATEarelistedinTable8.3.

Table8.3:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘HESITATE[clauseØto-infinitive…]’

8.1.2.3Thepattern‘WONDER[clausewhether/wh-phraseØto-infinitive…]’:Subjectcontrol

In(19)theto-infinitiveclauseisaclosedinfinitivalinterrogativeclause(cf.section7.3.1.2.2onfinitesubordinateinterrogativeclauses)introducedbywhether(ifisnotpossiblehere).

19[NPThemorenervypro-Europeans]ihavewondered[clausewhetherØitorunforcover].

Suchclausescanalsobeoftheopentype,asin(20),introducedbyawh-phraseassociatedwiththepositionindicatedby‘_’.

20Butnowthatwearetakingthepirateson,doesanyoneiknow[clausewhatØitodo_]whenwecatchthem?

IntheseexamplesthesubordinateclausesfunctionasDirectObject.AsintheprevioussectionthesearecasesofSubjectcontrol:weinterprettheSubjectofthesubordinateclause(indicatedby‘Ø’)tobecoreferentialwiththeSubjectofthematrixclause.

VerbsthatpatternlikeWONDERareshowninTable8.4.

Table8.4:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘WONDER[clausewhether/wh-phraseØto-infinitive…]’

8.1.2.4Thepattern‘TELLNPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’:IndirectObjectcontrol

To-infinitiveclausescanalsofunctionasDirectObjectwhentheyareprecededbyanIndirectObject.Consider(21)below.

21Theytold[NPthem]i[clauseØitogatherroundwaterholes].

InthisexampletheNPisanargumentofthematrixclauseandfunctionsasitsIndirectObject.NoticethattheNPisheadedbyapronounintheaccusativecase.Theto-infinitiveclausedoesnothaveaSubjectofitsown,butweinterprettheimplicitSubjectofthesubordinateclausetobecoreferentialwiththeIndirectObject.ThisisacaseofIndirectObjectcontrol.

TheIOcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,asin(22).

22Theyweretoldtogatherroundwaterholes.

PROMISEalsooccursinthispattern,butwiththisverbtheSubjectofthesubordinateclauseiscoreferentialwiththeSubjectofthematrixclause.WithPROMISEwethusexceptionallyhaveacaseofSubjectcontrol.

23[NPPresidentKibaki]ipromised[NPus][clauseØitofightcorruption].

HerePresidentKibakiwasthepersonwhomadeapromise,suchthathewouldfightcorruption.(23)doesnothaveapassivecounterpart.

VerbsthatoccurinthispatterncanalsooccurinthepatternV+IO+DO,wheretheIOandDOarenounphrases(e.g.Itoldhimalie).

OtherverbsthatcanoccurinthispatternarelistedinTable8.5.

‘TELLNPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’

TheNPistheIOoftheverb;theto-infinitiveclausefunctionsasDO.TheIOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.TheimplicitSubjectoftheto-infinitiveclause(Ø)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeIO(exceptforPROMISE).

ASK TEACH

PROMISE TELL

TheverbASKcanoccurwithorwithoutanNP.WhenitoccurswithoutanNPtheclausefunctionsasDirectObject,e.g.Iaskedtoleave.

Table8.5:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘TELLNPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’

8.1.2.5Thepattern‘TELLNPi[clausewh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’:IndirectObjectcontrol

SomeverbscanbefollowedbyanIndirectObjectintheshapeofanNPandaDirectObjectintheshapeofanopeninterrogativeclause,asin(24).

24TheChinese,unsurprisingly,told[NPher]i[clausewhatØitodo_withhersuggestions].

InthisexamplethesubordinateclausedoesnothaveaSubjectofitsown,but,asinsection8.1.2.4,weinterprettheimplicitSubjectofthesubordinateclause(indicatedby‘Ø’)tobecoreferentialwiththeIndirectObject.ThisisthusanothercaseofIndirectObjectcontrol.TheIOcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,as(25)shows.

25Unsurprisingly,shewastoldwhattodowithhersuggestionsbytheChinese.

VerbsthatoccurinthispatterncanalsooccurinthepatternV+IO+DO,wheretheIOandDOarenounphrases(e.g.Itoldherajoke).

In(26)wealsohaveanIndirectObjectintheshapeofanNP(me)andaDirectObjectintheshapeofaninterrogativeclause.Notice,however,thatthistimetheinterrogativeclauseisoftheclosedtype,anditsimplicitSubjectisnotcontrolledbytheIO,butbytheNPanyone,whichfunctionsastheComplementoftheprepositionto.Ifcannotbesubstitutedforwhetherhere.OnlytheverbASKcanlicenseaclosednon-finiteinterrogativeclauseafteranIOinthisunusualpattern.

26“I’dsayto[NPanyone]iwhoasked[NPme][clausewhetherØitojoinastreetretreat],‘Tryit,wakeup’,”saysPierreRacine,54,apsychologistandanotherretreater.

VerbsoccurringinthepatterndiscussedinthissectionareshowninTable8.6.

‘TELLNPi[clausewh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’

TheNPistheIOoftheverb;theto-infinitiveclausefunctionsasDO.TheIOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.TheimplicitSubjectoftheto-infinitiveclause(Ø)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeIO.

ASK TEACH

SHOW TELL

SomeverbscanoccurwithorwithoutanNP.WhentheydosotheclausefunctionsasDirectObject.

Table8.6:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘TELLNPi[clausewh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’

8.1.3To-infinitiveclausesfunctioningasComplementClause

ThefollowingpatternsallinvolveclausesthatfunctionasComplementClause.AswesawinChapters4and7,weassignthislabeltoanyclausethatislicensedbyaverb,butcannotbeassignedoneoftheotherComplementfunctionsDirectObject,IndirectObject,orPredicativeComplement.

8.1.3.1Thepattern‘PERSUADENPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’:DirectObjectcontrol

Considerthestructurein(27).

27TheAmericanspersuaded[NPtheUN]i[clauseØitoimposethedeadline].

InthisexamplethepostverbalNPfunctionsasaDirectObject,andtheto-infinitiveclausefunctionsasaComplementClause.HeretheDirectObjectcontrolstheSubjectofthesubordinateclause.Inotherwords,thereferentoftheimplicitSubjectoftheto-infinitiveclauseisdeterminedbythereferentoftheDO.TheNPisanargumentofthematrixclauseverb.ItfunctionsasDObecauseitcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,asin(28).

28TheUNwaspersuadedtoimposethedeadlinebytheAmericans.

IfthepostverbalNPisheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrast,itmusttakeaccusativecase,as(29)shows.

29TheAmericanspersuadedthemtoimposethedeadlineforwithdrawal.

In(27)theNPisasemanticargumentofthematrixverbinthispatternbecausetheUNwasdirectlyaffectedbytheAmericans’persuasion.NoticethatwecannothaveexistentialthereordummyitimmediatelyfollowingPERSUADE:

30*Sarahpersuadedtheretobeameetingnextweek.

31*LeonpersuadedittorainonWednesday.

Compare(30)/(31)with(12)/(13).Furthermore,contrast(27)with(32).

32*TheAmericanspersuadedthedeadlinetobeimposedbytheUN.

InthiscasethestringtheUNtoimposethedeadlinein(27)hasbeenpassivized,resultinginastructurethatisunacceptablebecauseonecannotpersuadedeadlines.ThisagainshowsthatthepostverbalNPinthispatternisanargumentoftheverb.Compare(27)/(32)with(6)/(11).

Theverbsoccurringinthispatternarenotditransitive(cf.section8.1.2.4),becausetheycannotoccurwithanIOandDOrealizedasnounphrases,cf.*Thethiefpersuadedthejudgehisinnocence.(AlthoughthisisacceptablewithaPP,cf.Thethiefpersuadedthejudgeofhisinnocence,thePPdoesnotfunctionasDOhere,butasaPPComplement.Seesection5.4.1.5.)

VerbsthatpatternlikePERSUADEareshowninTable8.7.

‘PERSUADENPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’

TheNPistheDOoftheverbandoneofitssemanticarguments;theto-infinitiveclausefunctionsasComplementClause.TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.TheimplicitSubjectoftheto-infinitiveclause(Ø)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeDO.

ADVISE INCITE

BEG INSPIRE

BESEECH INSTRUCT

CHALLENGE INVITE

COMMAND ORDER

COMPEL PROMPT

DIRECT REMIND

ENCOURAGE REQUEST

ENTICE TEMPT

ENTREAT URGE

FORCE WARN

IMPLORE

Table8.7:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘PERSUADENPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’

8.1.3.2Thepattern‘ADVISENPi[clausewhether/wh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’:DirectObjectcontrol

IntheexamplesbelowtheNPsfunctionasDirectObject(theyareargumentsofthematrixclauseverb),andtheinterrogativeto-infinitiveclauses(oftheclosedandopentypes)functionasComplementClause.

33Pleaseadvise[NPus]i[clausewhetherØitoturnthecomputerofforØileaveitonstandby].

34Noonehasinstructed[NPme]i[clausewhatØitoprepare_],butIhavetoproduceasoliddeckwithabalancebetweenbatandball.

ThesubordinateclausesdonothaveaSubjectoftheirown,but,asinsection8.1.3.1,weinterprettheimplicitSubjectsoftheto-infinitiveclauses(indicatedby‘Ø’)tobecoreferentialwiththeDirectObjects.ThesearethusfurthercasesofDirectObjectcontrol.

Theverbsinthispatternarenotditransitive(cf.section8.1.2.5)becausetheycannotoccurwithanIOandDOrealizedasnounphrases,cf.*Headvisedmeacourseofaction.(AlthoughthisisacceptablewithaPP,cf.Headvisedmeofacourseofaction,thePPdoesnotfunctionasDOhere,butasaPPComplement.Seesection5.4.1.5.)

VerbsoccurringinthispatternareshowninTable8.8.

Table8.8:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘ADVISENPi[clausewhether/wh-phraseØito-infinitive…]’

8.1.3.3 Consider(35).

35Heintended[NPthem]i[clauseØitosellonly50percentofTestmatchestosatellitetelevision].

InthisexamplethepostverbalNPthemistheDirectObjectofthematrixclauseverbINTEND,whereastheto-infinitiveclausefunctionsas

ComplementClause.TheimplicitSubjectoftheto-infinitiveclause(indicatedby‘Ø’)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeDO.

TheDOstatusofthepostverbalNPbecomesclearwhenweconsiderthatitcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause:

36Theywereintendedtosellonly50percentofTestmatchestosatellitetelevision.

What’smore,noticethatthepostverbalNPin(35)isheadedbyapronounthattakesaccusativecase.

Inthispattern,althoughthepostverbalNPisgrammaticallytheDOofthematrixverb,semanticallyitisnotoneofitsarguments.Inotherwords,INTENDdoesnotassignoneofthesemanticrolesshowninTable4.13ofsection4.2(e.g.Agent,Patient,Experiencer)toitsDirectObject.Afterall,‘he’didnotintend‘them’;‘he’intendedasituationtocomeabout,namely‘theirselling50percentofTestmatches’.Instead,theDOisassignedasemanticrolebythelexicalverbSELLinsidetheto-infinitiveclause.WecandemonstratethatthepostverbalNPin(35)isnotasemanticargumentoftheverbbytakingacloselookat(37)whichinvolvesapassiveclause(tobesoldtosatellitetelevisionbythem).

37Heintendedonly50percentofTestmatchestobesoldtosatellitetelevisionbythem.

HeretheDirectObjectofINTENDistheNPonly50percentofTestmatches.Importantly,noticethat(37)meansthesameas(35).ThismeansthattheNPfollowingINTENDcannotbeoneofitssemanticarguments.

ThegrammaticalityofthefollowingexamplealsoshowsthatthepostverbalNPpositioncannotbefilledbyanargumentofINTEND.

38Icertainlyintendtheretobeanincreaseinrangerandwardenservicestoensurethatresponsibilitiesareexercisedbythosewhohavethenewright.

Asnotedbefore,there(alongwithdummyit)ismeaningless,andcannotthereforebeasemanticargumentoftheverbthatprecedesit.

Thepattern‘INTENDNP[clauseØto-infinitive]’differsintheaboverespects

fromthepattern‘PERSUADENP[clauseØto-infinitive]’,discussedinsection8.1.3.1,inwhichthepostverbalNPisaDOaswellasasemanticargumentofthematrixverb.

TheverbINTENDiscalledaraising-to-ObjectverbbecausewecanconceptualizetheSubjectofthesubordinateclauseashavingbeen‘raised’totheDirectObjectpositionofthematrixclause,asshownbythearrowin(39).

39

TheDOofaraising-to-ObjectverbiscalledaraisedObject,whichwedefineasanObjectthatdoesnotreceiveasemanticrolefromtheverbthatlicensesit(INTENDin(39)),butfromalexicalverbinsideasubordinateclause;inthisparticularcasetheverbSELLinsidetheto-infinitiveclause.InthisgrammarwewillusethearrowannotationasawayofvisualizingthedualnatureofthepostverbalNPasthegrammaticalDirectObjectofthematrixclause,andasthesemanticSubjectofthesubordinateclause.ThereisnosuggestionthattheSubjectofthesubordinateclausehasactuallybeendisplaced.

OtherverbsthatpatternlikeINTENDareshowninTable8.9.

TheNPistheraisedObjectoftheverb,anditisnotoneofitssemanticarguments;theto-infinitiveclausefunctionsasComplementClause.TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.TheimplicitSubjectoftheto-infinitiveclause(Ø)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeDO.

ALLEGE GUESS

ASSUME JUDGE

BELIEVE KNOW

CONCLUDE MEAN

CONSIDER PRESUME

DECLARE PRONOUNCE

EXPECT SUSPECT

FIND UNDERSTAND

Table8.9:

8.1.3.4

IntheexamplebelowthesubordinateclausefunctionsasComplementClause,anddoesnothaveanovertSubject.

40[NPTheauthor]iseems[Øitolookonthepastwithakindofmaturity].

ThematrixclausepredicateinthisexampleistheverbSEEM.ItsSubjecttheauthordoesnothaveasemanticroletoplaywithrespecttoit,butonlywithrespecttotheverbinthesubordinateclause,inthiscaseLOOK.Putdifferently,SEEMdoesnotassignasemanticroletoitsSubject.Thisbecomesclearwhenweparaphrase(40)usingafinitesubordinateclause,asin(41),analysedasin(42).

41Itseemsthattheauthorlooksonthepastwithakindofmaturity.

42

HeretheSubjectofthematrixclause(thattheauthorlooksonthepastwithakindofmaturity)hasbeenextraposed,andisreplacedbyanticipatoryit(section3.2.2.1.2).Thispronounismeaningless,andhencebydefinitioncannotcarryasemanticrole.ThesamepointcanbemadebyshowingthatanotherkindofsemanticallyemptyelementcanfunctionastheSubjectofseem,namelythere,as(43)shows.

43ThereseemstobeagoodrepertoireaboutLewis.

Now,noticethatin(40)and(41)theNPtheauthorisanAgentwithrespecttotheverbLOOK.Bearingthisinmindwecanrepresentthestructureof(40)asin(44),wheretheSubjectofthematrixclauseisassociatedwiththeSubjectpositioninthesubordinateclause(indicatedby‘Ø’).

44

TheverbSEEMisaraising-to-SubjectverbbecausewecanconceptualizetheSubjectofLOOKashavingbeen‘raised’outofthesubordinateclausetothematrixclauseSubjectposition,asindicatedbythearrow.TheSubjectinthisexampleiscalledaraisedSubject,whichwedefineasaSubjectthatdoesnotreceiveasemanticrolefromtheverbthatfollowsit,butfromalexicalverbinsideasubordinateclause;inthisparticularexampletheverbLOOKinsidetheto-infinitiveclause.Aswithraising-to-Objectverbsweagainusethearrowannotation,thistimetovisualizethedualnatureoftheclause-initialNPasthegrammaticalSubjectofthematrixclause,andasthesemanticSubjectofthesubordinateclause.Again,thereisnosuggestionthattheSubjectofthesubordinateclausehasactuallybeendisplaced.

OtherverbsthatpatternlikeSEEMareshowninTable8.10.

ThematrixclauseSubjectisnotoneofthesemanticargumentsoftheverb.TheNPSubjecthasbeen‘raised’outoftheto-infinitiveclausefromthepositionmarkedbytheoutsymbol‘Ø’.Theto-infinitiveclausefunctionsasComplementClause.

APPEAR LOOK

BEGIN OUGHT

CEASE PROVE

COMMENCE START

CONTINUE TEND

HAPPEN TURNOUT

Table8.10:

8.1.4To-infinitiveclausesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement:thepatterns‘BE[clauseØto-infinitive…]’and‘BE[clauseforNPto-infinitive…]’

In(45)and(46)theto-infinitiveclausesfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementafterthelinkingverbBE.Intheseexamplestheto-infinitiveclausesdonothavetheirownSubjects.ThereferentsoftheimplicitSubjectcannotalwaysberetrievedfromwithinthematrixclause.Whentheycannottheycanusuallybeinterpretedfromthewidercontext.

45Presumablythefirstjobwouldbe[clauseØtomarkthemup].

46TheimmediateresponseofsomeseniorAmericanofficerswas[clauseØtostartplanningaretaliatorystrikeagainsttheSovietUnion].

Whentheto-infinitiveclausedoeshaveitsownSubject,itmustbeprecededbyfor.

47Theideawas[clauseformetoseethematerial].

48Theotheroptionwas[clauseforthemtovoteforthedebatetobecontinued].

8.1.5To-infinitiveclausesfunctioningasAdjunct

To-infinitiveclausesfunctioningasAdjunctoftenexpressapurposivemeaning.In(49)thebracketedclausehasitsownSubject(underlined),introducedbythesubordinatorfor,whereastheclausesin(50)–(52)areSubjectless.

49[clauseForsuchasystemtobesuccessful],accuratemappingofagenericheadmodelontoanactualheadisrequired.

50Youwillalsogetavoucher[clauseØtohelpyoupayforyourglassesorcontactlenses].

51[clauseØTobefair],Ithinkpeoplewilltakethisintoconsideration.

52Ican’tremember,[clauseØtobehonest].

TheclausalAdjunctstypicallyappearininitialorfinalposition.

8.2Bareinfinitiveclauses

BareinfinitiveclausescanfunctionasDirectObject,ComplementClause,andSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement.

8.2.1BareinfinitiveclausesfunctioningasDirectObject:thepattern‘HAVE[clauseNPbareinfinitive…]’

In(53)thesubordinateclause,whichhasaSubjectofitsown,functionsasDirectObject.TheNPinthispatternisnotasemanticargumentofthematrixverb.What(53)expressesisthatsomethingwasbroughtabout,namely‘thattheQueenopenedtherefurbishment’.

53“SheentertainedpeoplelikeMelvynBragg,CherieandTonyBlairandhad[clausetheQueenopentherefurbishment],”saidthesource.

WedonotanalysethepostverbalNPastheDObecauseitcannotbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause:

54*TheQueenwashadopentherefurbishment.

However,afewverbsoccurringinthispatterndoallowmatrixclausepassivization,buttoistheninserted.Compare(55)and(56).

55Alcoholmakesyoufeelinvinciblewhenyouaremostvulnerable.

56Youaremadetofeelinvinciblewhenyouaremostvulnerablebyalcohol.

IfthepostverbalNPisheadedbyapronounthatcantakeacasecontrast,itmusttakeaccusativecase,as(57)shows.

57Welethimkeepthegun.

Verbsthatoccurinthispatternmostlycarrythemeaningsof‘causation’and‘perception’.TheyareshowninTable8.11.

‘HAVE[clauseNPbareinfinitive…]’

TheclauseistheDirectObjectoftheverb.ThepostverbalNPcannotbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause;exceptionsaremarked‘+P’

FEEL MAKE+P

HAVE NOTICE+P

HEAR+P OBSERVE+P

HELP+P SEE+P

LET WATCH

Table8.11:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘HAVE[clauseNPbareinfinitive…]’

8.2.2

Intheexamplesbelow,themodalverbslicensebareinfinitiveclausesfunctioningasComplementClause.ThebareinfinitiveclausesdonothaveanovertSubject:thesehavebeenraisedtotheSubjectpositionofthematrixclause.WeunderstandtheimplicitSubjectsofthesubordinateclausesasbeingcoreferentialwiththematrixclauseSubjects.

58

59

60

61

Noticethatitispossibleforthebareinfinitiveverbtoberealizedasanotherauxiliaryverb,asin(61),whereitistheperfectauxiliaryHAVE.(Seesection8.6foradiscussionofsequencesofauxiliaryverbs.)

DummyDOalsooccursinthispattern,asin(62).

62

ThemodalverbsanddummyDOareanalysedasraisingverbsbecausethematrixclauseSubjectbearsasemanticrolevis-à-vistheverbinthesubordinateclause(e.g.COMEin(58)),notthematrixclauseverb(CANin(58)).Noticethatwecanparaphrase(58)asin(63).

63Itispossible[clauseforhertocomewithAnnaandPeter].

VerbsoccurringinthispatternareshowninTable8.12.

ThebareinfinitiveclausefunctionsasComplementClause;itsSubjecthasbeen‘raised’fromthebareinfinitiveclausetothematrixclauseSubjectposition.TheimplicitSubjectofthesubordinateclauseisunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththematrixclauseSubject.

CAN/could WILL/Would

MAY/might MUST

SHALL/Should DO/did

8.2.3BareinfinitiveclausesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement:thepattern‘BE[clauseØbareinfinitive…]’

BareinfinitiveclausescanfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementonlywiththeverbBE.Herearesomeexamples.

64Whatyouidois[clauseØiwearitlikethat].

65Andallyouihavetodois[clauseØiwritearulethatsaysPPgoestoPNP].

NoticethatthebareinfinitiveclausesdonothavetheirownSubjects,butweunderstandtheirimplicitSubjectsasbeingcoreferentialwithanounphrasehigherupinthematrixclause.

8.3-Ingparticipleclauses

-IngclausescanfunctionasSubject,DirectObject,ComplementClause,Subject-relatedPredicativeComplement,Object-relatedPredicativeComplement,andAdjunct.

8.3.1-IngparticipleclausesfunctioningasSubject

-IngparticipleclausescanoccurwithaSubjectoftheirown(underlined),asin(66),orwithout,asin(67).InthelattercasethereferentoftheimplicitSubjectiseitherrecoverablefromthecontext,orhasageneralinterpretation(‘forpeopletogetaidthrough’).

66[clauseThurnandTaxishavingwrongfulmonopolyoftheEuropeanpostalsysteminthepast]causedTrysterotoclaimtohavebeendisinherited.

67[clauseØGettingaidthrough]isanightmare.

8.3.2-IngparticipleclausesfunctioningasDirectObject

-IngparticipleclausescanfunctionasDirectObjectwithorwithouttheirownSubject.

8.3.2.1Thepattern‘REMEMBER[clauseØ-ingparticiple…]’

In(68)belowthe-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasDirectObject.

68Iiremember[clauseØipassingoutinSainsbury’sonce].

InthiscaseweagainsaythatthesubordinateclausehasanimplicitSubjectwhichweinterprettobecoreferentialwiththeSubjectofthematrixclause.Inotherwords,thespeakerisdoingtherememberingaswellasthepassingout.However,considernexttheexamplein(69).

69Thisroleofcorporationshouterisalongandhonourableone,thoughprobablynotdatingbacktothedaysofLordReith,whodiscouraged[clauseØshoutingatpoliticians],evenbyreportersineveningdress.

HeretheinterpretationoftheimplicitSubjectisnotrecoverablefromtheclause,butisinterpretedas‘peopleingeneral’.

OtherverbsoccurringinthepatternunderdiscussionareshowninTable8.13.

Table8.13:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘REMEMBER[clauseØ-ingparticiple…]’

8.3.2.2Thepattern‘RECOMMEND[clauseNP/NP’s-ingparticiple…]’

Inthispatternthe-ingparticipleclauseagainfunctionsasDirectObject.ThistimeittakeseitheraregularnounphraseasitsSubject,asin(70),oragenitiveNP,asin(71).

70Theadministratorsrecommended[clauseJillcarryingoutthisproject].

71Othercommunitycountrieswouldaccept[clauseBritain’sdelayingadecisiononjoiningasinglecurrencyuntilafterthenextelection].

StructureswithgenitivalSubjectsarenotveryfrequentandconsideredformal.Thegenitiveinflection-’sin(71)couldbeleftoutwithoutaperceptibledifferenceinmeaning.WeareregardingtheNPsJillandBritain’sasbeingpartofthesubordinateclausesin(70)and(71),andnotasDirectObjectsoftheverbsRECOMMENDandACCEPT.ThisisbecausetheseNPscannotbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,astheungrammaticalityof(72)and(73)belowshows.

72*Jillwasrecommendedcarryingoutthisprojectbytheadministrators.

73*Britain’swouldbeaccepteddelayingadecisiononjoiningasinglecurrencyuntilafterthenextelectionbyothercommunitycountries.

Notice,however,thatthe-ingparticipleclauseasawholecanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause.ThisisaDO-likeproperty.

74[Jillcarryingoutthisproject]wasrecommendedbytheadministrators.

75[Britain’sdelayingadecisiononjoiningasinglecurrencyuntilafterthenextelection]wouldbeacceptedbyothercommunitycountries.

Aspecialconstructionappearsin(76).

76Bob,youneed[clauseyourheadexamining].

The-ingparticipleclauseinthisinfrequentconstructionhasapassiveflavour,giventhatyourheadisinterpretedastheDirectObjectoftheverbEXAMINE:‘youneedyourheadtobeexamined’.

OtherverbsthatpatternlikeRECOMMENDandACCEPTareshowninTable8.14.

8.3.2.3Thepattern‘CALL[clauseNP/Ø-ingparticiple…]NP/AdjP/PP’

Inthisunusualpatternthe-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasDirectObject,andthefollowingnounphrase,adjectivephrase,orprepositionalphrasefunctionsasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement.ThesubordinateclausecanhaveanexplicitorimplicitSubject;thelatterisinterpretedas‘someone’.

‘RECOMMEND[clauseNP/NP’s-ingparticiple…]’

The-ingparticipleclauseistheDOoftheverb,andNP/NP’sistheSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclausewhichcannotbecometheSubjectofapassivizedmatrixclause.

CAN’TBEAR NEED

CAN’TSTAND PRECLUDE

CELEBRATE PREFER

CONTEMPLATE PREVENT

FORESEE PROHIBIT

GET-G REMEMBER

HATE RESENT

HAVE-G START-G

KEEP-G STOP

LOATHE TOLERATE

Verbsmarked‘-G’cannotbefollowedbyagenitiveNP.

Table8.14:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘RECOMMEND[clauseNP/NP’s-ingparticiple…]’

77Theydonotregard[clauseJohn/John’sfiddlingwithexpenses][PPasethical].

78Doyoucall[clauseØdoodlingpicturesonawall][NPart]?

NoticethatitistheComplementoftheprepositionas,notthePPasawhole,thatascribesapropertytothesituationdescribedinthe-ingparticipleclausein(77).

8.3.3-IngparticipleclausesfunctioningasComplementClause

-IngparticipleclausescanfunctionasComplementClauseinanumberofpatterns.

8.3.3.1

InthefirstofthesepatternsthepostverbalNPfunctionsastheraisedObjectoftheverb,whereasthePPheadedbyfromfunctionsasaComplementoftheverb.The-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasaComplementoftheprepositionfrom.Theverbsinthispatternareoftenreferredtoasexpressing‘negativecausation’.(79)and(80)areanalysedasin(81)and(82).

79Thestatepreventedyoufromteaching.

80Otherconditionsprohibitedhimfromenteringanycluborpremisesprovidingsportingfacilitiesforwomen.

81

82

TheNPscanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause,as(83)and(84)show.

83Youwerepreventedfromteachingbythestate.

84Hewasprohibitedfromenteringanycluborpremisesprovidingsportingfacilitiesforwomenbyotherconditions.

WhenthepostverbalNPisheadedbyapronounthatcanhaveacasecontrastitmusttakeaccusativecase;genitivecaseisimpossible.

85Thestatepreventedhimfromteaching.

86*Thestatepreventedhisfromteaching.

Ifweleaveouttheprepositionfrom,theverbsoccurinthepattern‘RECOMMEND[clauseNP/NP’s-ingparticiple…]’,discussedinsection8.3.2.2,withNP/NP’sfunctioningastheSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclause,andtheclauseasawholefunctioningasDO.Themeaningdoesnotchange.

87Thestateprevented[clause[NPyou]teaching].

88Balletdancingwasherfirstchoiceofcareer,butahorse-ridingaccidentprevented[clause[NPher]pursuingthatambition].

TheverbKEEPisexceptionalinthisregard.Thus,omittingfromin(89)leadstoanoppositemeaningin(90).

89Whilethepilotquicklyleveledtheplaneoffafterthebirdstriketokeepitfromstallingandthoughtaboutwheretoland,theco-pilotkepttryingtorestarttheengines.

90Whilethepilotquicklyleveledtheplaneoffafterthebirdstriketokeepitstallingandthoughtaboutwheretoland,theco-pilotkepttryingtorestarttheengines.

Noticethattheexamplesin(87)and(88)havenopassivecounterparts,as(91)and(92)show.

91*Youwerepreventedteachingbythestate.

92*Shewaspreventedpursuingthatambitionbyahorse-ridingaccident.

OtherverbsthatpatternlikePREVENTareshowninTable8.15.

TheNPistheraisedObjectoftheverb,becauseitisnotoneofits

semanticarguments;the-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasComplementoftheprepositionfrom.TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.TheimplicitSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclause(indicatedby‘Ø’)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeDO.Theprepositionfromcanbeleftoutwithoutachangeinmeaning,exceptinthecaseofKEEP.

KEEPPROHIBITSTOP

ThesecondpatterndiscussedinthissectionisverysimilartothepatternwithPREVENT,exceptthatthemeaningoftheverbdoesnotinvolve‘negativecausation’.Itisfairlyrare.Someexamplesaregivenin(93)and(94),andverbsoccurringinthepatternareshowninTable8.16.

93However,thepoorperformanceofFreshfields’juniorrecruitswillamuseothersectorsoftheCitythathavelongregarded[NPlawyers]i[PPas[clauseØilackingcommercialawareness]].

94IngekepthisprofessionalattitudeeventhoughtheTigerstreated[NPhim]i[PPas[clauseØibeinglessthanvaluablelastseason]].

TheNPistheraisedObjectoftheverb,becauseitisnotoneofitssemanticarguments;the-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasComplementoftheprepositionas.TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.TheimplicitSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclause(indicatedby‘Ø’)isunderstoodasbeingcoreferentialwiththeDO.

CONSIDERREGARDTAKETREAT

8.3.3.2Thepatterns‘FINDNPi[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]’and‘DESCRIBENPi[PPas[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]]’:objectcontrol

Aswithto-infinitiveclausesweneedtodistinguishstructureslike(71),repeatedhereas(95),withagenitiveSubjectinthesubordinateclause,fromsuperficiallysimilarstructureslike(96).

95Othercommunitycountrieswouldaccept[clauseBritain’sdelayingadecisiononjoiningasinglecurrencyuntilafterthenextelection].

96Mary-Janefound[NPme]i[clauseØilyingontopofthebed].

In(96)thenounphrasemeisasemanticargumentoftheverbFIND,andfunctionsasitsDirectObject.ItcontrolsthereferenceoftheimplicitSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclausewhichfunctionsasComplementClause.ThefactthatmeisaDOisclearfromthefactthatitisapronouncarryingaccusativecase,andfromthefactthatthisNPcanbecometheSubjectofapassiveclause,asin(97).Itcannottakegenitivecase.

97IwasfoundlyingontopofthebedbyMary-Jane.

OtherverbslikeFINDareshowninTable8.17.

SomeverbstakeanNPandPPasComplements.TheHeadofthePPisaswhichtakesasubordinateclausewithanimplicitSubjectasitsComplement.Twoexamplesareshownbelow.

98Witnessesdescribed[NPit]i[PPas[clauseØibeinglikeabayonetandupto10inlong]].

‘FINDNPi[clauseØ-ingparticiple…]’

TheNPistheDOoftheverb,andthe-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasComplementClause.TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.ØistheimplicitSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclause,coreferentialwiththeDO.

CATCH OBSERVE

DISCOVER OVERHEAR

FEEL PORTRAY

HEAR SEE

NOTICE WATCH

Table8.17:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘FINDNPi[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]’

99Amanwhoidentified[NPhimself]i[PPas[clauseØihavingwornoneofthecostumes]]soughttoputthestuntincontextinaninterviewwithRoanoke’sWSLSNews(Channel10).

Thisstructureresemblesthepatterninsection8.3.3.1,butitdoesnotinvolvearaisedObject.ParticipatingverbsareshowninTable8.18.

‘DESCRIBENPi[PPas[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]]’

TheNPistheDOoftheverb,andthe-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasComplementoftheprepositionas.TheDOcanbecometheSubjectofapassivematrixclause.ØistheimplicitSubjectofthe-ingparticipleclause,coreferentialwiththeDO.

DIAGNOSE RECOGNIZE

IDENTIFY REMEMBER

PORTRAY REPRESENT

PRAISE SEE

QUOTE

Table8.18:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘DESCRIBENPi[PPas[clauseØi-ingparticiple…]]’

8.3.3.3

Aswesawinsection8.1.3.4,to-infinitiveclausescanfunctionasComplementClausein‘raising’constructions.Thesameistrueforthe-ingparticipleclauseinthefollowingexample.

100Thecompanybegangroundingitsplaneslastnight.

Weanalysethisexampleasin(101).

101

InthiscasetheSubjectofthematrixclausebearsasemanticrolevis-à-visthelowerverbGROUND,notthematrixverbBEGIN.ForthisreasonweconceptualizethematrixclauseSubjectthecompanyashavingbeen‘raised’fromtheSubjectpositionofthesubordinate-ingparticipleclause,tothematrixclauseSubjectposition.ThefactthatBEGINisaraisingverbbecomesclearfromthefactthatitcantakethemeaninglesswordthereasaSubject,asinTherebeganapartywhichlastedallnight(seesection11.6).

WewillalsoregardtheaspectualauxiliaryBEin(102),analysedasin(103),asaraisingverb,againbecausethematrixclauseSubjectbearsasemanticrolevis-à-visthelowerverb(ENTER),notthematrixverb.

102Americaisenteringaneconomicdownturn.

103

Thestructurein(102)istheprogressiveconstruction(seesections2.2.1.2,3.6.3.3,and9.3.2).RecallthatitinvolvestheaspectualauxiliaryBEfollowedbyaverbendingin-ing.The-ingparticipleclauseagainfunctionsasComplementClause.

Verbsthatcantake-ingparticipleclauseswitharaisedSubjectareshowninTable8.19.

The-ingparticipleclausefunctionsasComplementClause;‘Ø’isanimplicitSubjectassociatedwiththematrixclauseSubjectwhichhasbeen‘raised’outofthe-ingparticipleclause.

BEGIN KEEP

CEASE START

COMMENCE STOP

CONTINUE progressiveBE

ENDUP

Table8.19:

8.3.4-IngparticipleclausesfunctioningasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplement

-IngparticipleclausescanfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementwithorwithoutaSubjectoftheirownaftertheverbBE,asin

(104)and(105),respectively.In(105)thereferentoftheSubjectisnotrecoverablefromthematrixclause,thoughitislikelytobeinterpretedas‘us’.

104Thisis[clauseherbeingexecutrixtoPierce’swill].

105Thedifficultyis[clauseØproducingthequantitywemayneedatexactlytherightmoment].

8.3.5-IngparticipleclausesfunctioningasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement

In(106)thatisanNPfunctioningasDirectObject,whereastheitalicizedclause,whichlacksanovertSubject,functionsasObject-relatedPredicativeComplement.ThereferentoftheimplicitSubjectisnotrecoverablefromthematrixclause.

106TheIsraeliscall[NPthat][clauseØrestoringthearmy’sdeterrentpower].

8.3.6-IngparticipleclausesfunctioningasAdjunct

Intheexamplesbelowtheitalicized-ingparticipleclausesdonotplayaroleasparticipantsintheoverallstructures.Instead,theyfunctionasAdjunctsprovidingcircumstantialinformation.

107[clauseEgyptianarchaeologicalsitesbeingwhattheyare],Hekekyancameacrosssomestoneobjectormonumentalmosteverywherewhereheputinadrill.

108Wemuddledthrough,[clausehimaskingquestions],[clausemeansweringthebestIcould].

109EveryTuesdayIistoodthere,[clauseØiwaitingbythedoor].

Noticethatin(107)and(108)the-ingparticipleclauseshaveSubjectsoftheirown,andcanbeparaphrasedas‘inviewofwhatweexpectEgyptianarchaeologicalsitestobelike’,‘whilehewasaskingquestions’,and‘while

IwasansweringthebestIcould’,respectively.Theclausein(109)doesnothaveaSubjectofitsown,thoughitisinferrablefromthematrixclause.Itcanbeparaphrasedas‘whileIwaswaitingbythedoor’.

8.4Pastparticipleclauses

PastparticipleclausescanfunctionasDirectObject,ComplementClause,andAdjunct.Modelverbswillagainbeusedtodiscussthevariouspatterns.

8.4.1PastparticipleclausesfunctioningasDirectObject:thepattern‘HAVE[clauseNPpastparticiple…]’

In(110)thepastparticipleclausefunctionsasDirectObject,andoccurswithaSubjectofitsown(underlined).

110Ihad[clausemytonsilsremoved].

Thesubordinateclauseispassive,witnessthefactthatwecanaddaby-phrase.

111Mr.Gombossysaidhehad[clausethecolumnapprovedbyhiseditor].

TheunderlinedNPsin(110)and(111)arenottheDOsofthematrixclauseverbsbecausetheycannotbecometheSubjectsofpassivematrixclauses.

112*Mytonsilswerehadremoved.

113*Thecolumnwashadapprovedbyhiseditorbyhim.

AlthoughtheNPafterHAVEcantakeaccusativecaseifitisheadedbyapronounwhichcanhaveacasecontrast,asin(114),thisisnotasufficientreasonforassigningDirectObjectstatustoit(cf.thetreatmentofWANTinsection8.1.2.1).

114HewasheldforalmostninemonthswhiletheUSattemptedtohave[clausehimextradited].

TheNPsmytonsilsandthecolumnin(110)and(111)arenotsemanticargumentsoftheverbHAVE,butargumentsofREMOVEandAPPROVE.Themeaningof(110)isnot‘Ihadmytonsils’,but‘Ibroughtaboutthatmytonsilswereremoved’.Similarly,(111)doesnotmeanthat‘hehadthecolumn’,but‘hebroughtaboutthatthecolumnwasapprovedbyhiseditor’.Inthepatterndiscussedinthissectionthesyntacticanalysismatchesthesemanticanalysis.

WecanrelatethepatternwithHAVEdiscussedheretothepatterninSection8.2.1.Ifwepassivizethesubordinateclausein(115),wederive(116).

115She…had[clausetheQueenopentherefurbishment].(=(53))

116She…had[clausetherefurbishmentopenedbytheQueen].

However,thisdoesnotworkforallverbs.Compare(117)and(118).

117LocalactivistJerryRubingot[clausetheorderapprovedbyajudge]onbehalfofSantaMonicaTreesavers.

118*LocalactivistJerryRubingot[clauseajudgeapprovetheorder]onbehalfofSantaMonicaTreesavers.

Wecan‘salvage’(118)byaddingto:

119LocalactivistJerryRubingot[clauseajudgetoapprovetheorder]onbehalfofSantaMonicaTreesavers.

VerbsthatcantakepastparticipleclausesfunctioningasDirectObjectareshowninTable8.20.

‘HAVE[clauseNPpastparticiple…]’

ThepastparticipleclausefunctionsasDirectObject.

FEEL OBSERVE

GET ORDER

HAVE SEE

HEAR WANT

LIKE WATCH

NEED

Table8.20:Verbsoccurringinthepattern‘HAVE[clauseNPpastparticiple…]’

8.4.2PastparticipleclausesfunctioningasComplementClause

8.4.2.1

Thispatterninstantiatestheperfectconstructionwhichwasdiscussedinsection2.2.1.2.ItinvolvestheperfectauxiliaryHAVEfollowedbyaverbendingin-ed(or-(e)nforsomeverbs).

120Ihaveinformedthepoliceofthetheft.

121

WeassignthefunctionComplementClausetotheparticipleclauseinthispattern.Aswiththeprogressiveconstructiondiscussedinsection8.3.3.3,weregardtheaspectualauxiliaryinthisconstructionasaraisingverb,becausethenounphraseSubjectofthematrixclausebearsasemanticrolevis-à-vistheverbINFORMinthesubordinateclause.Seealsosections3.6.3.3and9.3.1.

8.4.2.2

Theclausesin(122)and(123)arepassiveconstructions,whichwerealreadydiscussedinsections2.2.1.2,3.6.3.4,and4.1.3.1.4.RecallthatsuchconstructionsinvolvethepassiveauxiliariesBEorGETfollowedbyaverbendingin-ed/-(e)n.

122Herheadwasburied_inTommy’sneck.

123Noonegotkilled_.

Asnotedinsection3.6.3.4,theunderlinedSubjectNPsareassociatedwiththeDirectObjectpositionsofBURYandKILL,respectively,asindicatedbythesymbol‘_’.WecannowexpandonthisanalysisbyobservingthattheunderlinedNPsdonotreceiveasemanticrolefromBEandGET,butfromBURYandKILL.WeaccordinglyanalysetheseconstructionsasinvolvinganNPraisedfromtheDirectObjectpositioninsidetheverbphrasetothematrixclauseSubjectposition,asindicatedin(124)and(125).

124

125

ThistypeofraisingisdifferentfromtheraisingtoSubjectpatternweencounteredearlier,forexampleinsection8.1.3.4,whereaSubjectisraisedtoamatrixclauseSubjectpositionfrominsideasubordinateclause.InthissectionweareconcernedwithanounphrasethatisraisedfromanObjectpositioninsideaVPtotheSubjectpositionofthesameclause.ThebracketedstringinthispatternisnotasubordinateclausebecauseitcannothaveaSubject.

8.4.3PastparticipleclausesfunctioningasAdjunct

PastparticipleclausesfunctioningasAdjunctcanoccurwithaSubject(underlined),asin(126),orwithoutaSubject,asin(127).

126Sevenvillagerswerearrested,[clausetheirfeetboundtogetherwithrope],andtheyhungupsidedownforhours.

127[clauseØDressedincivilianclothes]theygavetheimpressionofbeingmembersofarabblearmy.

8.5Degreesofclauseintegration

Weneedtorecognizethatsubordinateclausesaresubjecttodegreesofclauseintegration.SubordinateclausesthatfunctionasComplementsofaparticularHeadaremorecloselyintegratedintothestructureofthephraseinwhichtheyoccurthanclausesthatfunctionasAdjuncts.Tomakethisclear,considerfirsttheexamplesbelow,repeatedfromChapters5and7.

128IdetectintheUnitedStates’latestposition[NParealisation[clausethatitisimportanttokeeptheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilconsensus]].

129Successivesurgesofviolence[clausewhichsweptthrough18jailsonasinglenightin1986],havefocusedattentiononlivingconditions.

Aswehaveseen,in(128)thecontentclausefunctionsasComplementofthenounrealisationinsideanounphrase.TheclauseisaComplementbecausewecanrelatethenounrealisationtotheverbREALISE.Compare(128)with(They)realisedthatitisimportanttokeeptheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilconsensus.In(129)wehaveanon-restrictiverelativeclause(section7.3.3.3)whichisoptional,andmerelyfurnishesnon-essentialinformationabouttheHeadviolence.ThisrelativeclausefunctionsasanAdjunctinsidetheNP.

Similarly,in(130)and(131)theclausesfunctionasComplementandAdjunct,respectively.

130Ithink[clausethat’sfascinating].

131IwastakingyoutoNewtonAbbot[clausetocatchatrain].

In(130)thecontentclauseislicensedbytheverb:wecannotsay*Ithinkwithoutfurtherspecification.In(131)thesubordinateclauseisnotsyntacticallylicensed:theoverallstructurewouldmakeperfectlygoodsensewithoutit.Itmerelyspecifiessomefurtherinformation,inthiscaseapurpose.

Recallthatwhenwesaythataclauseisoptional,wemean‘grammaticallyoptional’,inthesensethatleavingitoutdoesnotleadtoanungrammaticalstructure.

8.6Thestructureofclauseswithoneormoreauxiliaryverbs

RecallfromSection3.6.3thatEnglishdistinguishesthefollowingtypesofauxiliaries:modalauxiliaries,aspectualauxiliaries,passiveBE,anddummyDO.Eachoftheseauxiliariescanoccurontheirowninaclause,followedbyalexicalverb,asin(132).

132Theagentswillbookthetickets.[modal+lexicalverb]

However,itisquitecommonforclausesinEnglishtocontainasequenceofauxiliaries.Intheexamplesbelowtheauxiliariesareitalicized,andthelexicalverbsareunderlined.

133Theagentswillhavebookedthetickets.[modal+perfectHAVE+lexicalverb]

134Theagentswillhavebeenbookingthetickets.[modal+perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

135Theticketswillhavebeenbeingbookedbytheagents.[modal+perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

Thepatternin(135)isunusual,thoughperfectlygrammatical.

Inanysequenceoftwoormoreauxiliariestheywillalwaysoccurintheordershownin(136).

136modal—perfect—progressive—passive—lexicalverb

Itisimportanttoseethatauxiliaries,occurringontheirownwithalexicalverb,orinasequence,alwaysdeterminetheformoftheverbthatfollowsthem.

•Modalauxiliariesarealwaysfollowedbyabareinfinitiveform.

•DummyDOisalsoalwaysfollowedbyabareinfinitiveform.

•TheperfectauxiliaryHAVEisalwaysfollowedbyapastparticiple,i.e.averbformendingin-ed(-(e)nforsomeverbs,e.g.been,broken,eaten,forgotten,grown,mown).

•TheprogressiveauxiliaryBEisalwaysfollowedbyan-ingparticipleform.

•ThepassiveauxiliaryBE,liketheperfectauxiliary,isalwaysfollowedbyapastparticiple.

Itispossibleforoneormoreofthe‘slots’in(136)tobeskipped,buttheobservationsregardingtheorderandinflectionalshapeoftheverbsstillhold.

137Theagentswillbebookingthetickets.[modal+progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

138Theagentshavebookedthetickets.[perfectHAVE+lexicalverb]

139Theagentsarebookingthetickets.[progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

140Theagentshavebeenbookingthetickets.[perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

141Theticketswerebookedbytheagents.[passiveBE+lexicalverb]

142Theticketswillbebookedbytheagents.[modal+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

143Theticketswillbebeingbookedbytheagents.[modal+progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

144Theticketswillhavebeenbookedbytheagents.[modal+perfectHAVE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

145Theticketswerebeingbookedbytheagents.[progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

146Theticketshavebeenbookedbytheagents.[perfectHAVE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

147Theticketshavebeenbeingbookedbytheagents.[perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

IwillreturntoadiscussionofthemeaningsofsomeofthesecombinationsinChapters9and10.

Theorderingrestrictionsonauxiliaries,andthefactthattheydeterminetheformoftheverbthatfollowsthem,leadsustoconcludethattheybehavesyntacticallylikelexicalverbstotheextentthatlexicalverbsalsolicensetheComplementstheytake(ifany).Thus,aswehaveseen,intransitiveverbsarefollowedbynothing;transitiveverbscanbefollowedbyaComplementintheshapeofanNP,clause,etc.,andlinkingverbsarefollowedbyPredicativeComplements(NP,AdjP,etc.).WecannowsaythatauxiliaryverbsarefollowedbyComplementsintheshapeofnon-finiteclauseswhichfunctionasComplementClause.

Wecanrepresentstructureslikethosein(132)–(147)byusinglabelledbracketings,asshownbelowforexamples(132)and(133).Eachnestedbracketingisanon-finitesubordinateclausewithanimplicitSubject(indicatedby‘0’),whichisinterpretedasbeingcoreferentialwiththehighestSubject(underlined).RecallfromSection8.2.2thatthematrixclauseSubjectisaraisedSubject.

148

149

Thesestructurescanbeunderstoodmorereadilyifweusetreediagrams(seesection4.4).Thetreefor(148)lookslike(150).Atriangleisusedwhentheinternalstructureofaconstituentcanbesurmisedfromotherpartsofthetree,orisnotatissue.

150

Andhereisthetreefor(149).

151

InthesetreestheverbsWILLandHAVElicenseaComplementClausewithanimplicitSubjectthatiscoreferentialwiththematrixclauseSubject,whereastheverbBOOKtakesanounphraseasDirectObject.

8.7Verblessclauses

Considerthefollowingexampleswhichinvolveclauseswithoutanovertverb.

152Shewasbornin1896,daughterofawell-to-doandrigidlyconventionalfamily,[clauseherfatheradoctor].

153Theatmosphereisthatofastudenthouse,withfriendscallinginand[clausetheteapotalwaysfull].

154Theeasiestwaytoremembercorrectroundaboutprocedureistothinkofitasacrossroadswith[clauseanislandinthemiddle].

155*It’sbestforcustomerstoenjoytheirdinnerswhile[clauseØatease],”saidTakakoOsuga,arestaurantmanagerwhosaidshewitnessedtoomanycustomers,especiallyoldoneswithbrittlebones,havingdifficultysittingonthefloor.

156NodoubtPersonnelwillcontactmeif[clauseØnecessary].

157Becket,[clausehimselfamasterofflamboyanceandhistrionics],wasactuallykilledinthenorth-westtransept,onaspotcalledtheMartyrdom.

IneachofthesecasesweregardtheitalicizedbracketedstringsasclausesbyvirtueofthefactthatthedoublyunderlinedphraseswithinthemfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplementwhichtakethesinglyunderlinedphrasesastheirSubjects,orhaveanimplicitSubject,asin(155)and(156).Alltheseclausesarelikecomplexintransitivestructures(sections4.1.3.3.1and5.4.1)involvingtheverbBE.TheycanperformavarietyoffunctionssuchasAdjunctin(152),Complementofapreposition,asin(153)–(156),orparenthetical,asin(157).Althoughtheyhavenoverb,theyareakintonon-finiteclauses.

PartIV:Grammarandmeaning

Chapter9TenseandaspectInthispartofthegrammarIwilldiscussanumberoftopicsthatlieattheinterfacebetweengrammarandmeaning.InthepresentchapterIwilldiscussthenotionsoftenseandaspectinsections9.2and9.3,butwefirstturntoaverybriefdiscussionofthenotionoftime.

9.1Time

Whenwespeakoftime,wearetalkingaboutareal-worldnotionwhichweallexperienceasthehours,days,weeks,andyearspass.ItisdefinedbytheConciseOxfordEnglishDictionaryas‘theindefinitecontinuedprogressofexistenceandeventsinthepast,present,andfuture,regardedasawhole’.AstheCOEDdefinitionindicates,weconceiveoftimeashavingthree‘zones’,past,present,andfuture,whichwecanrepresentona‘timeline’,asfollows.

1

9.2Tense

Thetermtensedenotesagrammaticalsystemwhichisusedtolocatesituationsintime.Asituationiswhataclauseisabout.Aswewillseeinsection9.3.4.1,wecandistinguishvarioustypesofsituation,suchasstates,occurrences,processes,andachievements.Themostbasicdistinctionisbetweenstatesandoccurrences.Statesareunbounded,thatis,theydonothaveabeginningandanend,whereasoccurrences(whichcanbeboundedorunbounded)aredynamicsituationswhichcomeabout.Languageslocatesituationsintimemostcommonlybymeansofverbalinflections.Thus,whenwereadorhear(2),thepasttenseinflectionontheverbindicatesthattheoccurrenceinquestiontookplaceinthepast.TheAdjunctmakesexplicitexactlywhenthespeakerarrivedinIsrael.

2IarrivedinIsraelattwoo’clockinthemorning.

Wecanrepresent(2)asfollowsonatimeline.

3

ItmustbesaidattheoutsetthattheinflectionalsystemoftenseinEnglishisquitesimpleinallowingonlyapresenttenseandapasttense.Englishhasnofuturetense,becauseithasnofuturetenseinflections,inthewaythatmanyotherlanguagesdo,noranyothergrammaticalformorcombinationofformsthatcanexclusivelybecalledafuturetense.Thisdoesnotmeanwecannottalkaboutthefuture:theEnglishlanguageoffersvariousalternativewaysofdoingso,aswewillsee.

9.2.1Thepresenttenseanditsuses

InitsbasicusetheEnglishpresenttenseencodesthatasituationobtainsatthepresenttime,conceivedofasthetimeofutterance.Thepresenttenseinflectionisvisibleonlexicalverbsinthethirdpersonsingular,suchaswalks,dances,falls,reads,leaves,hears,aswellasonthenon-modalauxiliaryverbs.Otherpresenttenseformsareintheplainpresentform.AnexceptionistheverbBE,whichhasthreedistinctformsinitspresenttenseparadigm(section2.2.1.2).

InwhatfollowsweturntotheprincipalusesoftheEnglishpresenttense.

9.2.1.1The‘state’useofthepresenttense

Thepresenttenseisoftenusedtodescribeasituationthatobtainswithinaspanoftimethatincludesthemomentofutterance,andextendsintothepastandfuture.

4I’msotallandyou’resoshort.

5ThismeansthattheamountofFamilyCredityougetdependsonyournormalnetearnings.

6Hespeaks3languagesandlivesalloverEurope.

7Wellmycousinishousemasterataprivateschool.

8Itfacessouthandithasbigroomsandit’sanicehouse.

So-calledpsychologicalverbs—verbsthatdescribecognitivestates,suchasTHINK,BELIEVE,andKNOW—alsooftenoccurinthepresenttense.

9Ithinkthosepeopleareveryquicklydisabusedofthatnotion.

10ThisGovernmentbelievesinthepoundsterling.

11Heknowshewillhaveonlyonechance.

12Iwonderifthey’vegoneout.

Thepresenttenseisalsocommonlyusedtoexpressaseriesofidenticalsituations,thatis,ahabit.

13Shewearseight-inch,reallyhighheels.

14HetravelstoManchesterformusiclessons.

Inthesecasestherepeatedsituationscanbeviewedasmakingupastate.

Thepresenttensecanalsodescribea‘scientifictruth’,forexampleinmathematicalformulae,orstatementsaboutthenaturalworld,asintheexamplesshownbelow.

15Seventimeseightmakesfifty-six.

16Becauseofitssalinity,seawaterfreezesataslightlylowertemperaturethanfreshwater.

9.2.1.2The‘instantaneous’or‘event’useofthepresenttense

Thepresenttenseformsofverbscanbeusedtodescribeanoccurrence(event)thatissimultaneouswiththemomentofspeaking,forexampleinspontaneouscommentarieson(sportsandother)events,asintheexamples

below.

17Carlingcallsfortheballinsidehisownhalf.

18TonyCottygetshisninthgoaloftheseason.

19ThebandoftheScotsGuardscontinuestoentertainthecrowd.

20HesalutesHerMajesty,informsherthattheguardsarereadytomarchoff,andtrotsbacktoresumecommandoftheparade.

21AndherecomestheNorthernLine.

Presenttenseverbformsarealsooftenusedforperformativeverbs,suchasAPOLOGIZE,NAME,andPROMISE.Suchverbscanbeusedbyspeakerstoperformtheactionsthattheverbsdenote.

22Iapologisefortheveryshortnotice.

23Inamethisblog“AnEditor’sBlog”.

24IpromisetothinkbeforeIspeak.

9.2.1.3Thehistoricpresent

Inspontaneousspeech,whenrecountingoccurrencesthathappenedinthepast,speakerscanopttoportraythoseoccurrencesinamorelivelywaybyusingpresenttenseverbforms,ratherthanpasttenseforms.Thisuseofthepresenttenseiscalledthehistoricpresent.Intheexamplein(25)thespeakerisdescribingoccurrencesastheyunfoldinafilm,whereasin(26)thespeakerrecallsbeingtoldabouttheintroductionofrunningcontractsattheBartlett.Theverbformtellsin(26)isequivalentto‘toldmerecently’.Inbothcasestheuseofapresenttenseformmakesthereportedoccurrencessoundmorerecentandrelevant.Wecouldsaythatinreferringtopastoccurrencesthepresenttenserecounts,whereasthepasttensereports.

25Hegoesshootingoffinthecaruptheroadandhehastocatchontothatelectricbit,andthenthatflashoflightningcomesanditknocksthethingdown.

26AndPeterLearfromPersonneltellsmethattheBartletthaveintroducedrunningcontracts.

TheexamplesabovearefromspokenEnglish,butthehistoricpresentisalsousedinwriting,bothinmoreformalstyles,asin(27),fromanacademicbookentitledRomanImperialThemes,andininformalstyles,suchasinthenewspaperheadlinein(28).

27CiceroconstantlyappealedtothesentimentsofallItaly,andVirgilcelebratestheprowessoftheItalianswhohadresistedAeneas,theprototypeoftheconqueringRoman,andlooksforwardtothecircumstancesofhisownday,whenallhadbeenreconciledandhadbecome‘Latinsofasinglespeech’.

28Karpovslipsup.

Noticehowtheauthorof(27)usesthepasttenseoftheverbAPPEALtotalkaboutCicero,butpresentformsoftheverbsCELEBRATEandLOOKtotalkaboutVirgil.InsettingupacontrastbetweenCiceroandVirgil,theauthorseemstobemoreinterestedinVirgil,whoselastinglegacyisthefocusofinteresthere.Inthenewspaperheadlinein(28),thepresenttenseformoftheverbSLIPdrawsthereaderintoanaccountofarecentoccurrenceinawaythatapasttenseverbformcouldnotdo.

Avariantofthehistoricpresent(arguablyaseparateuse,sometimescalledtheimaginarypresent)isusedinnovelswherepresenttenseverbformsareoftenusedtorecounttheoccurrencesasiftheywerehappeningrightnow.Theymakethewritingmorelivelyanddirect.Someexamplesappearbelow.

29Cathyavertshereyesfromthetemptingbutcalorie-ladentoastandpicksatthemuesli.

30Sherearrangeshernightdressandfallsasleepalmostimmediately,thinkingabouthowniceandsafesheislyingherenexttoherhusband.

Pasttenseformsoftheitalicizedverbswouldalsohavebeenperfectlypossibleintheseexamples.

9.2.1.4The‘timeless’useofthepresenttense

Inanumberofcontextsthepresenttenseisusedwithoutreferringtopresenttime.Theseincludegeneraldescriptions,descriptionsofjourneysormuseumexhibitsintravelguides,instructionsinmanuals,stagedirectionsinplays,photocaptions,andsoon.Herearesomeexamples.

31AsummaryofthevariousoperationsinvolvedinshaftconstructionisgiveninTable1,whichshowsananticipatedprojectscheduleextendingfor34weeks.

32AndthenyouseethisbeautifulmarblestatueofanakedCelt.

33Gustieshislaces,rises,yawnsandbeginstowalkslowlytothedoor,left.Hestops,looksdown,andshakeshisfoot.

34Makesureitsitsclosetoyourbodywiththefasteningsnexttoyou.

9.2.1.5Thepresentfuturate

Inthefollowingexamplesapresenttenseisusedtorefertofuturetime.Wecallthisthepresentfuturate.

35I’vedecidedtogobacktocollege,sonextweekIstartmydegreecourse!

36MysisterarrivestomorrowfromVenice.

37‘TheSportsman’,Britain’sfirstnationaldailyfor20years,launchesnextweek.

Itwouldhavebeenpossibletouseothermeansofreferringtothefutureintheseexamples,butwiththepresentfuturatethefuturesituationisanchoredinthepresent,andinsomewayscheduledtotakeplaceasa‘diariedoccurrence’orasanaturaloccurrence.Theuseofthepresentfuturateinspeechmakestheconversationmorelivelybybringingtheanticipatedsituationtothefore.Noticethatfortheseexamplestobeinterpretedasfuturateuses,atimespecificationisnormallyrequired.

Inasubordinateclauseapresenttenseverbcanalsorefertothefuture.

38I’lltellyouaboutitwhenIseeyou.

39ThatwillhappenonlyiftheGovernmentmanagestoreplacethepolltaxwithamoreacceptablealternative.

Intheseexamplesthesuperordinateclauseshaveamarkeroffuturetime,suchasWILL(underlined).Thesubordinateclausescanexpressarangeofmeanings,forexampletemporalmeaningorconditionalmeaning.Thefuturetimereferenceofthepresenttenseinthesubordinateclausedependsonthefuturetimemarkerinthesuperordinateclause,whichisgenerallynotrepeated.Thus(40)wouldberegardedasungrammaticalbymostspeakers.

40*ThatwillhappenonlyiftheGovernmentwillmanagetoreplacethepolltaxwithamoreacceptablealternative.

Logically,thereisnothingwrongwith(40)becauseboththematrixandsubordinateclausesrefertofuturetime.ItseemsthatgrammaticallyWILLisexcludedfromthesubordinateclausebecausethematrixclausehasalreadysetupafuturetimespherewhichextendsintothesubordinateclause,obviatingtheneedforWILLtoberepeated.

9.2.2Thepasttenseanditsuses

ThepasttenseisgrammaticalizedinEnglishasaverbinflectiononlexicalverbs(-ed),orbyothermeans,typicallyavowelchange(e.g.sing–sang).Insections9.2.21–9.2.2.5Idiscusstheprincipalusesofthepasttense.ThepasttenseformsoftheauxiliaryverbswillbediscussedinSection9.2.3.

9.2.2.1Thepasttenseasusedtorefertopastsituations

Thepasttenseinitsbasicuseencodesthatasituationobtainedatsomepointinthepast,relativetothemomentofutterance.TheremaybeanexplicitAdjunctlocatingthesituationintime.Herearesomeexamples,withtheAdjunctsunderlined.

41Whenwehadaheadofdepartments’meetinglastweekIcirculatedapieceofpaperandseveralpeoplehavereturnedittome.

42Themeetingfinishedatabout5o’clock.

43From1974to1978heworkedforGranadaTelevisioninManchester.

9.2.2.2Thepasttenseusedforpoliteness

Thepasttensecanbeusedforpoliteness,asin(44)–(46),whichexpressrequests.

44Wewonderedwhetheryouwouldliketohaveagoatyourjigsawpuzzle.

45IwantedtoaskyoualittleaboutTheExorcist.

46Sorry,couldyoustartagain?

Theserequestswithpasttenseformsaremorepoliteandself-effacingthantheircounterpartswithpresenttenseforms.Thepasttensedistancesthespeakerfromtheirrequest,whichmakesiteasierfortheaddresseetoturnitdown.

9.2.2.3Themodalpasttense

Thepasttenseofverbscanbeusedtotalkaboutmodalsituations,forexamplesituationsthatarehypotheticalornon-factual.Forthisreasonwecallitthemodalpasttense.Typically,themodalpasttenseoccursinclausesthatexpressremoteconditions,thatis,conditionswhicharenotlikelytobefulfilled.Theycanbeintroducedbyif(only),imagineif,orsuppose/supposing.Herearesomeexamples.Ineachcasethematrixclause(oranassociatedclause)containsamodalverb(inbold).

47Ifyouturnedupforaday’sshooting,thepheasantswoulddielaughing.

48IfIwastogotoDubai,Icangetthingslikeelectricalgoods.

49Ifonlyhehadadarling,cuddly,relaxingdog,perhapshewouldn’tbesuchamiserabletoad.

50“…Imagineifyouportrayedotherpolice-statecriminalsinthisway.Therewouldbeanoutcry.”

51Supposinghehadthemanagementteamwhosointelligentlyadvise

Beckham;mightithavemadeadifference?

Wecanturntheif-clauseinanexamplelike(47)intoaclauseexpressinganopencondition,thatis,aconditionthatcanrealisticallybefulfilled,bychangingthepasttenseformstopresenttenseformsinbothclauses.

52Ifyouturnupforaday’sshooting,thepheasantswilldielaughing.

Wealsofindthemodalpasttenseafterexpressionslikeit’stimeandafterverbslikeWISH.

53It’stimepeopleknewhowtheirmoneywasbeingspent.

54Iwishitwasovernow.

In(54)wecanreplacewasbywere.Thispossibility,whichinvolvesasubjunctiveclause,willbediscussedinsection10.3.2.

9.2.2.4Thepasttenseinindirectreportedspeech

Thedirectreportedspeechin(55)isrenderedin(56)asindirectreportedspeech.

55Shesaid‘Idon’tknowwhatit’sliketobehusbandlessbutIcanimagine.’

56Shesaidshedidn’tknowwhatitwasliketobehusbandlessbutshecouldimagine.

TheSubjectpronounIin(55)ischangedtoshein(56),andtheauxiliaryverbsandtheverbBE(intheclausewhatit’slike)havebeenbackshifted,thatis,turnedintopasttenses:don’tbecomesdidn’t,’sbecomeswas,andcanbecomescould.Thenon-backshiftedversionisshownin(57).

57Shesaidshedoesn’tknowwhatit’sliketobehusband-lessbutshecanimagine.

Thislastpossibilityismorelikelyifthespeakerknowsatthetimeofutterancethatthepersonreferredtoas‘she’stilldoesnotknowwhatitisliketobehusbandless,butcanimagineit.

IwillreturntoindirectreportedspeechinconnectionwithshouldinSection9.2.3,andinconnectionwiththepastperfectinsection9.3.1.2.

9.2.2.5Thepastfuturate

Thepastfuturateisapasttensethatisusedtotalkaboutfuturesituationsviewedfromthepast(a‘futureinthepast’).Herearetwoexamples.

58Whenwelastspoke,themeetingwastotakeplacenextweek.

59In1956Lumumbawasapostofficeclerk;fouryearslaterhewouldbeprimeminister.

9.2.3Thepasttenseformsofauxiliaryverbs

ProgressiveBE,perfectHAVE,passiveBE,andthedummyauxiliaryDOallhavepasttenseforms.Examplesaregivenbelow.

60Theirevidencesuggestedthattheholewasgrowingbiggerthroughtime,andsatellitesurveillanceconfirmedtheinitialreports.

61Cosmothoughthervoicehadnotchangedatall.

62Suddenlytheissueofozonedepletionwastakenseriously.

63Andhesaysifciviliansdiddiehe’ssorry.

Modalverbs,withtheexceptionofMUST,haveamorphologicalpasttenseform,aswesawinsection3.6.3.2.Theformswould,could,might,andshouldarehistoricallyandmorphologicallypasttenseforms,andsomecanbeusedtodenotepasttime.Forexample,in(64)themodalverbCANexpressesthesemanticnotionof‘ability’atthepresenttime(‘Iamabletofeel…’),whereasin(65)itexpressesthesamesemanticnotioninthepast(‘Iwasabletofeel…’).

64Icanfeelyoubeginningtobuckleundertheweightofallthissincerity.

65Icouldfeelyoubeginningtobuckleundertheweightofallthissincerity.

However,inothercasesthepasttenseformscannotsemanticallyberegardedasthepasttensecounterpartsofthepresenttenseforms,as(66)and(67)makeclear.

66WeshallmakeupourmindwhentheIMFhasreported.

67WeshouldmakeupourmindwhentheIMFhasreported.

In(66)SHALLexpressesan‘intention’todosomething.However,(67)doesnotexpressan‘intentioninthepast’,butrather‘obligation’.ForthisreasonsomegrammarsarguethatshouldisanentirelyseparateverblexemeSHOULD.

Despitesuchsemanticmismatches,inthisgrammarwewillregardthepasttenseformsofthemodalsasthemorphologicalpasttensecounterpartsofthepresenttenseforms.Thereasonsforthisaretwofold.First,wenotethatthepasttenseformscanbeusedwithpasttensemeaningsinconditionalconstructions(section9.2.2.3).Considerfirst(68)withanopenconditionexpressedinthesubordinateclause.

68Ifsherecommendsmybookafterthat,Ishallbeverysurprised.

Ifweturnthisintoaremoteconditionweobtain(69).

69Ifsherecommendedmybookafterthat,Ishouldbeverysurprised.

TheverbshouldinthisexampleissemanticallyandgrammaticallyastraightforwardpasttenseformofSHALL.Putdifferently,themeaningexpressedbyshouldisthesameasthemeaningexpressedbySHALLin(68),apartfromthemodalremotenessexpressedbythepasttense.ItisthereforeinappropriatetoregardshouldasaseparatelexemeSHOULDinthiscase.

Secondly,thepasttenseformscanbeusedinbackshiftedcontexts.Aswesawinsection9.2.2.4,thesearecontextswhereaverbinasubordinateclauseis‘shiftedbackintime’bytakingonapasttenseform.Consider(70)anditsbackshiftedversionin(71).

70MrGhaisaid:‘Ishallappealuntiltheveryend,inthefaiththatmydyingwishwillnotgounheard.’

71MrGhaisaidheshouldappealuntiltheveryend,inthefaiththathisdyingwishwouldnotgounheard.

HeretheverbSHALLhasbeenbackshifted,resultinginshould.ThisexampleshowsthatinthistypeofcontexttoowemustrecognizeshouldasapasttenseformofSHALL.(Theverbformshouldin(71)isactuallyambiguous,becauseitcanalsocarrythe‘obligation’meaning.)

Furtherdiscussionofthemeaningsexpressedbytheauxiliarieswillbepresentedinsections9.3.3and10.3.4–10.3.8.

9.2.4Otherwaysofreferringtopresent,past,andfuturetime

InEnglishavarietyofexpressionscanbeusedtorefertotime.Herearesomeexamplesofdifferenttypesofphrasesreferringtopast,present,andfuturetimes.

72[NPYesterday]theywentintogameninewiththescoreslockedat4-4afterawinapieceandsixdraws.

73I’mgoingtobeinRamsford[NPtomorrow].

74In[AdjPrecentxsyearsseveralschoolsofthoughthaveemerged,eachchampionedbyleadingexponentsoftheperiod.

75Whatareyour[AdjPfuture]studyplans?

76[PPAfterhemarried],hetoldhiswifenottoopenthemetalboxbecauseitbelongedtoafriend.

77Idonotneedthislightheartedhumour[PPatthemoment].

78There’snoseats[PPinthemorning].

79I’vetriedtogetintouchwithJanetseveraltimes[AdvPlately]butIthinkshe’smoved.

Torefertofuturetimewecanalsousetheprogressivefuturate(section9.3.2.4.4),WILLorSHALLfollowedbyabareinfinitive(sections10.3.4and

10.3.5),orthemodallexicalverbBEgoing[to](section10.3.11.3.3).

9.3Aspect

Whenwediscussedtimeandtenseearlierwesawthattimeisarealworldnotion,whereastenseisagrammaticalnotion:tenseisthewayagrammarallowsspeakerstoencodethenotionoftime.Inthesameway,aspectualityisanotionwhichconcernshowasituationisperceivedtobeunfoldingintimeintherealworld(ascompleted,ongoing,orthelike),whereasaspectisthewaythatagrammarencodesthis.Manylanguages,especiallytheSlaviclanguages,haveveryrichaspectualsystems.Intheselanguagesthewaysituationsunfoldcanbeencodedinverbalinflections.InEnglishwerecognizeperfectaspectandprogressiveaspect.Thesearenotencodedinverbalinflections,butasconstructions.

9.3.1Perfectaspect

Insection9.2.2wesawthattheprincipalwaytorefertopastoccurrencesisbyusingthepasttense,andthatthegrammarofEnglishencodesthepasttensethroughthe-edendinginthecaseofregularverbs,andthroughavowelmodificationinthecaseofmanyirregularverbs(e.g.eatlate;seeAppendix1).Englishhasafurthermeansofreferringtopasttime,namelytheperfectconstruction,whichcombinestheperfectauxiliaryHAVEwithapastparticipleformofaverb.Wedistinguishthepresentperfectconstructionfromthepastperfectandnon-finiteperfectconstructions(seesections2.2.1.2and3.6.3.3).Theywillbediscussedinturninsections9.3.1.1–9.3.1.3.

9.3.1.1Thepresentperfect

ThepresentperfectinvolvesapresenttenseformoftheauxiliaryverbHAVEfollowedbyapastparticiple.

80IhavefinishedtheworkthatIhadtodo.

81Ihavebeenunwellforthepast6weeks.

AsageneralcharacterizationoftheEnglishpresentperfectconstruction,

wecansaythatitreferstoasituationthathappenedorbeganinthepast,andhasrelevanceatthepresentmoment.Thisiscalledcurrentrelevance.In(80),whiletheworkinquestionwasfinishedbeforethepresentmoment,thisisfeltbythespeakertoberelevantatthetimeofutterance,perhapsinindicatingthatheisnowreadytodoanewjob.In(81)theperfectisusedtoindicatethatthespeakerhasbeenunwellforsometime,andthisisinsomewayrelevantatthemomentofspeaking,forexampleinanassessmentoftheirperformanceatthepresentmoment.Wecanrepresentthemeaningofthepresentperfectonatimelineasin(82)for(80),andasin(83)for(81).

82

83

Inbothexamples‘|’indicateswhenthesituationoccurredorbeganintime.Currentrelevanceisindicatedbythedashedarrow.Thetimespanofthesituationdenotedby(81)isindicatedbyanglebrackets(‘>’)in(83).Inthisrepresentationtheygobeyondthepresentmomenttoindicatethatasituationcaninsomecasesbeinterpretedtoextendpastthepresentmoment(seealsosection9.3.1.1.1).However,ifanAdjunctlikeuntilnoworuptonowisused,asin(84),thesituationexplicitlyextendsonlyuptothepresent.

84EstoniahasuntilnowbeenthecalmestofthethreeBalticrepublics.

Thepresentperfectdiffersfromthepasttense;thelatterisusedtorefertosituationsthatcanbesaidtobe‘overanddonewith’.Whilesituationsinthepastcanalsoberelevantatthepresenttime,itisimportanttostressthatthepasttensedoesnotencodecurrentrelevance,whereasthepresentperfectconstructiondoes.Compare(81)with(85),whereapasttenseisused.Thismeansthatthespeakerwasunwelllastweekwhichmayormay

notberelevantatthepresentmoment.

85Iwasunwelllastweek.

(85)canberepresentedonatimelineasfollows.

86

ThepresentperfectinEnglishisnormallynotcompatiblewithadefinitetimereference,as(87)shows.

87*Ihavebeenunwelllastweek.

Thereasonwhy(87)isungrammaticalisthatthereisasemanticclashbetweenthemeaningencodedbythepresentperfect,namelycurrentrelevance,andthemeaningconveyedbylastweek,namelythatthesituationisperceivedasbeingoveranddonewith.However,Englishisshowingsignsofchangeinthisrespect.Manycommentatorshaveobservedthephenomenonoftheso-calledfootballer’spresentperfectwhichoccurswithsomefrequencyinthesportspress,andinthespokenlanguageusedbyfootballers.Itinvolvesapresentperfectconstruction,sometimesincombinationwithanexplicitdefinitetimereference,whereonewouldnormallyexpectapasttense.Hereisanexample.

88Thelinesman’sgiventhedecision,butwhatastoundsmeisthathehassentTariccooffbeforehespoketothelinesman.

ItispossiblethattherestrictionontheuseofdefinitetimeAdjunctsincombinationwiththepresentperfectisbeingrelaxedbeyondthedomainofsports.Hereisanexampleofapresentperfectconstructioncombinedwithadefinitetimereferencefromaninformalconversation.

89IhavecaughtuponalotofsleepwhenIwastooill.

Considernow(90)and(91).

90Themassmediahaveundergoneradicalchangesincethen.

91Overthepast15years,theyhavebecomethemostriot-proneintheWest.

HerewealsohaveAdjunctsoftime,namelysincethenandoverthepast15years,but,asinthecaseof(81),theydonotcauseungrammaticality,becausebothAdjunctsarecompatiblewithacurrentrelevancereading:theyindicateaperiodbeginninginthepastandleadinguptothepresent,ascanbeseenin(92),whichrepresents(90)and(91)diagrammatically.

92

InthesectionsthatfollowIwillgiveanoverviewoftheprincipalusesoftheEnglishpresentperfect.Ineachcaseanelementofcurrentrelevancecanbedetected,butindifferentways.

9.3.1.1.1Thecontinuativepresentperfect

Thisuseofthepresentperfectdenotesasituationthatbeganinthepastandleadsuptothepresenttime,andpossiblybeyond.Inadditionto(81)somefurtherexamplesfollowbelow.

93IhavelivedhereeightornineyearsandIwouldknowiftherewascrack.

94Butthefactremainswehavebeenfaced,sincethemiddleofJanuary,withwar.

95IntheLatviancapitalRigakeybuildingshavebeenblockedoffsincethebeginningoftheweek.

96YouhavebeenthereformeallthroughthiscrazyrelationshipwithColin.

Thedurationofthesituationreferredto,oritsinceptionpoint,isusuallyindicatedbyanAdjunctoftime.Adjunctsthatconvey‘continuation’cannotbeusedinthepresentperfectconstructionwithverbsthatareincompatiblewiththatnotion.Thus‘breakingthespeedrecord’in(97)isan

instantaneousoccurrencewithoutduration.

97*Ihavebrokenthespeedrecordeversincethesummer.

Thecontinuativeperfectcanalsobeusedtorefertorecurringorhabitualsituationsinthepastleadinguptothepresent.

98ForcenturiescountlessthousandsofpeoplehavearrivedinmagicalProvenceforthesunshineandthequalityoflifethatitprovides.

99AndonoccasionIhavelenthardbacksandnotgotthemback.

In(98)itisevidentthatthefavourableconditionsofProvencestillobtain,andthatuptothemomentofspeakingpeoplehavebeengoingthere.Thelinkwiththepresentisrathermoreimplicitin(99),butbecomesclearfromwhatthespeakersaidimmediatelyafteruttering(99)inthesameconversation,namely‘soIjustdon’tlendhardbackstoanyonenow’.Inallthesecases,except(94)and(95),apasttensewouldhavebeenpossible,buttherewouldthenbenosuggestionthatthesituationsreferredtoarerelevantatthepresenttime,andmaycontinuetoberelevantintothefuture.

9.3.1.1.2Thepresentperfectoftherecentpast

Wecanreportsituationsthattookplaceintherecentpastusingthepresentperfectconstruction,asthefollowingexamplesmakeclear.Ineachcasewhatisbeingsaidisinsomewayrelevantatthepresenttime.Adjunctslikerecently,oflate,andjustareoftenused.

100AfinancialadviserfromSmithJonesBrowncametoseeme,andhehasrecentlysentmehisadvice.

101Oflate,therehasbeenresearchtoindicatethatprocedurallearningisretainedinagreatmanycontexts.

102IhavejustmetwithSelectwhowillbesupplyinguswithourBoxOfficeComputer.

Thisuseofthepresentperfectisespeciallycommoninreportage.Thefollowingexamples,fromnewspapers,reportonoccurrencesintherecentpast.

103Policehavereleasedtwowomenandtwomen,whiletwomenwhowerefoundtohaveoverstayedtheirimmigrationconditionsarebeingdealtwith.

104Estateresidentshavewonthefirststageoftheirbattletostopdevelopersdemolishingfamilyhousesandbuildingflats.

105InvestorsaregettingincreasinglynervousaboutMurdoch,andNewsshareshavetumbledtotheirlowestforsixyears.

Notethatapasttensecouldhavebeenusedinthesecases,butthiswouldhavehadtheeffectofthereportslosingtheir‘hotnews’feel.

9.3.1.1.3Thepresentperfectofresult

Inthefollowingexamplesthepresentperfectexpressesaresult.

106Bothofyouhaverecordedquiteagooddealofmusic.

107ThelessontheBritishhavelearnedisnottoappeasedictatorsbecausetheycannotbeassuaged.

108Butwehavedecidedthatwewillteachthefundamentalsofethics.

109IhavefoundoutthatIgoonMonday8thJuly,somaybeI’llhaveachancetoseeyoubeforeIgo.

110TheMogulshavebuiltabridgetogettotheenemy.

Ineachcasetheresultsareidentifiable,namelyrecordingsofmusic,alearntlesson,adecision,apieceofknowledge,andabridgethathasbeenbuilt.

9.3.1.1.4Theexperientialpresentperfect

Theexperientialpresentperfectisusedtoindicatethatsomesituationobtainedonceormorethanonceduringanindefiniteperiodbeginninginthepastandleadinguptothepresent.Herearesomeexamples.

111IhavetouredtheVoronezh.

112Well,thesedamnplantshaveshotupinpricesomuchoverthelastyearortwo.

113Haveyouseenitbefore,Caroline?

114Haveyoueverseen‘MarriedwithChildren’?

Adjunctscompatiblewiththistypeofperfectconstruction(underlinedintheexamplesabove)indicatethatthesituationobtainedinaperiodleadinguptothepresent.Thusbeforein(113)canbeglossedas‘atanypointbeforenow’.

9.3.1.2Thepastperfect

Let’snowturntoanexampleofthepastperfect(sometimescalledthepluperfect).

115Sixteenyearsbefore,hehadmarriedJessie,thepretty,musical,ambitiousdaughterofaSheffieldclergyman.

Weunderstandthepastperfectconstructioninthisexampletorefertoasituationthattookplacesixteenyearsbeforeanunspecifiedreferencepointinthepast,asshownonthetimelinein(116).

116

Inthisexamplethepastperfectislikethepasttense,exceptthatthesituationisviewedfromareferencepointinthepast,ratherthanfromthepresent(compare:SixteenyearsagohemarriedJessie).Insuchcasesthepastperfect,unlikethepresentperfect,iscompatiblewithadefinitetimereference,as(117)and(118)additionallymakeclear.

117Evenatthebeginningofthecenturypoliticallinkshadhadtensions.

118Checkingmarriagerecords,hefoundthatEugenieLoyerhadmarried

atSt.Mary’sChurch,Lambeth,on10April1878,hertwenty-fourthbirthday.

Thefirstoftheseexamplesexpressesthatthetensionstookplacebeforethedefinitetimereference(‘thebeginningofthecentury’),whereasinthesecondexampleEugenieLoyer’smarriageprecededthespeaker’sdiscoveryofthisfact.

Considernext(119),whichinvolvesaprocesslastinguptoareferencepointinthepast.

119SouthernEnglandhadbecomeacivilisedareabythesecondcentury.

HeretheprocessofSouthernEnglandbecomingcivilizedstartedatsomepointintheindefinitepast,andleduptothesecondcentury,whichfunctionsasareferencepointinthepast,asshownonthetimelinebelow.

120

Thisexampleislikethecontinuativepresentperfect,exceptthatagainthesituationisviewedfromareferencepointinthepast,ratherthanfromthepresent(compare:SouthernEnglandhasbecomeacivilisedarea).In(121)thesituationisslightlydifferent.

121MargaretThatcherhadbeenbythattimeleaderofherpartyfornearlyfouryears.

HerethetimespanofMargaretThatcher’sleadershipanditsendpointareexplicitlymentioned.

122

Whatweseehereisthatthetimespanshownin(92)forthepresentperfecthasbeenshiftedbackwardsintimein(120)and(122),suchthatthe‘present’in(92)correspondswiththereferencepoints‘thesecondcentury’and‘thattime’inthecaseofthepastperfect.

Consideralso(123).

123WesetoffforFranceontheeveningofthe12th.Wehadbookedaheadforahotel,andstayedinCalaisthatnight.

Thepastperfectconstructioninthesecondpartof(123)isusedhererelativetothetimeof‘settingoff’inthefirstpart.

Thepastperfectcanalsobeusedtoexpressaremotecondition(section9.2.2.3)inthepast,asin(124)and(125).

124IfhehadbeenabuyerIwouldhavesenthimacontractforbuying.

125Well,ifIhadreaditI’msureitwouldhavebeenabsolutelyfascinating.

IntheseexamplesthepasttenseinflectiononHAVEisamodalpasttense(section9.2.2.3),andtheperfectconstructionindicatespastness.

Finally,incasesofindirectreportedspeech(seesection9.2.2.4),iftheverbinthe‘original’utterancewasinthepasttenseorinvolvedaperfectconstruction,apastperfectconstructionisusedintheback-shiftedversion,asthefollowingexamplesshow.

126Hethensaid:‘Ihobbledintoworkthenextday.’

127Hethensaidhehadhobbledintoworkthenextday.

128Hesaid:‘Ihavewaitednearlysixyearstofindoutwhathappenedtomyson.’

129Hesaidhehadwaitednearlysixyearstofindoutwhathadhappenedtohisson.

9.3.1.3Thenon-finiteperfectconstruction

Sofarwehaveonlylookedatcaseswheretheperfectauxiliarycarriespresentorpasttense.Inthefollowingexamplesweencounternon-tensedformsofHAVE.

130Anyway,it’snice[clausetohavemether].

131Shenevermarried,claiming[clausenevertohavebeeninlove].

132Iwouldlike[clausetohaveproposedamotiontotakeindustrialaction].

133So,[clausehavingdoneoneyearofplanning],whatmadeyoudecidetothengointotheArchitecture?

134[clauseHavinglistenedtotheForeignSecretary],doyouthinkthat’shisviewtoo?

In(130)theto-infinitiveclauseisanextraposedSubject(sections3.2.2.1.2and8.1.3.4),whereasin(131)and(132)theto-infinitiveclausesareDirectObjectsoftheverbsCLAIMandLIKE,respectively(seeSection8.1.2).In(133)and(134)the-ingparticipleclausesfunctionasAdjuncts.

Initsnon-finiteformtheperfectconstructionsignalsageneralmeaningof‘pastness’,andcancorrespondtothepasttenseortothepresentperfect.Todemonstratethis,considerfirst(135).

Todemonstratethis,considerfirst(135),whereanoccurrenceisreported.

135TheIraqisclaimtohaveshotdownfourteenaircraft.

Hereweinterprettheperfectconstructionsimplyasreferringtopasttime.Itcorrespondstothepasttense(compare:TheIraqisshotdownfourteenaircraft).Aswesawabove,thepresentperfectconstructioncannotnormallybecombinedwithadefinitetimereference(cf.(87)),butsuchAdjunctscanunproblematicallyoccurinthenon-finiteperfectconstruction,as(137)shows.

136TheIraqisclaimtohaveshotdownfourteenaircraftlastweek.

Currentrelevanceisnotpartofthemeaningencodedbythenon-finiteperfect.However,itispossibleforanAdjunctaccompanyingthisconstructiontoexpresscurrentrelevance.Compare(136)with(137)and(138).Herewearedealingwithsituationsinaperiodleadinguptothepresent.

137TheIraqisclaimtohaveshotdownfourteenaircraftsincethewarbegan.

138MrBell,unmarried,issaidtohavelivedalonesincethedeathofhismotherayearago.

Noticethatin(139)thematrixverbisinthepasttense.InthiscasetheshootingdownoftheaircraftshouldbeunderstoodtohavetakenplacebeforetheIraqismadetheirclaim.

139TheIraqisclaimedtohaveshotdownfourteenaircraft.

Theshootingdownoftheaircraftcaneventakeplaceinthefuture,asin(140).

140TheIraqisaimtohaveshotdownfourteenaircraftbythetimethewarisover.

Youcanaimtodosomethingonlyinthefuture,andweunderstand(140)tomeanthatthedowningoftheplaneswillhavehappenedinthepastrelativetoafuturepointintime(‘whenthewarisover’).Thisisanexampleofthesemanticnotionofapastinthefuture.Furtherexamplesareshownbelow,involvingWILLandMUST.Ineachcaseanexplicitreferencetofuturetimeisadded(underlined).

141However,about75percentofthoseaffectedwillhavestoppedhavingattacksbythetimetheyaretwenty.

142Studentsmusthavesubmittedessaysbynextweek.

In(141)thepastisviewedfrom‘thetimetheyaretwenty’,whereasin(142)thereferencepointinthefutureis‘nextweek’.

9.3.2Progressiveaspect

Theprogressiveconstruction,brieflydiscussedinsections2.2.1.2and3.6.3.3,isusedinEnglishtopresentadynamicsituation,whichisnotnecessarilycomplete,asbeinginprogressoveralimitedperiod.IthasbeenpartofthelanguagesinceOldEnglishtimes,butstartedtobeusedmuchmorefrequentlyinthe19thcentury,atrendthatiscontinuingtothisday.Wedistinguishthepresentprogressiveconstructionfromthepastprogressiveandnon-finiteprogressiveconstructions(seesection3.6.3.3).Theywillbediscussedinturninsections9.3.2.1–9.3.2.3.Otherusesoftheprogressivewillbediscussedinsection9.3.2.4.

9.3.2.1Thepresentprogressive

Thepresentprogressiveisusedtodenotesituations,typicallyactivities,thatunfoldfromsomepointinthepastintothefuture,asintheexamplesthatfollow.Wegenerallyinterpretthesituationbeingdescribedashavingarestrictedduration.

143AndhewillnowpresenthertothosewhoarewaitinginsidetheWestDoorofthisgreatoldchurch.

144I’mrambling.

145Sheiswearingalimegreensuit,carryingadarkbluehandbag,whitegloves,andapalehat.

Wecanrepresentthepresentprogressiveasfollowsonatimeline.

146

Herethepresentmoment(indicatedby‘||’)functionsasareferencepointforthesituation.Thereisnoindicationin(143)–(145)whenthesituationsreferredtostartedinthepast,andnoendpointisbeingpresentedeither.

Noticethatthesituationreferredtousingtheprogressiveconstructionneednotbetakingplaceattheexactmomentofspeaking,butcantakeplaceinamorebroadlyconceived‘presenttime’.Thesituationsinthenexttwoexamplesclearlytakeagooddealoftime,andwillbeinterruptedbybreaks,eating,sleeping,andsoon.

147Ineverreadtheclassicsoranythinglikethat,andnowI’mreadingthem.

148AndattheCollegeofSpeechSciencesI’mputtingthingsinalphabeticalorderforthem.

Typically,theprogressiveisusedtodenotetemporarysituations,buttheexamplebelowmakesclearthatthesituationdoesnothavetobetransient.

149I’mgettingold.

Heretheprocessofgettingoldstretchesintothe(distant)future.

Theprogressiveconstructionisgenerallynotusedwithverbsthatexpressastate,suchasBELONG,CONTAIN,REMAIN,orso-calledpsychologicalverbssuchasBELIEVE,KNOW,UNDERSTAND,WANT,andthisisbecauseinsuchcasesthereisasemanticclashbetweenthemeaningoftheprogressiveconstruction(‘unfoldingsituation’)andthemeaningoftheverb.Forthisreasonthefollowingexamplesareodd,thoughnottothesameextentfordifferentpeople.

150?*Iamunderstandingwhatyousay.

151?*IambelievinginGod.

152?*Thiscatisbelongingtome.

Exceptionstothisgeneralizationwillbediscussedinsection9.3.2.4.1.

9.3.2.2Thepastprogressive

Inthepastprogressiveconstructionasituationispresentedasunfoldingoveraperiodoftimeinthepast.Here’sanexample.

153Warholwasdesigningshoes.

Thiscanberepresentedasfollows.

154

Often,asin(153),thereisnoindicationastoexactlywheninthepastasituationunfolded,althoughitmaybeimpliedinthecontext.Itispossible,however,tospecifyareferencepoint.In(155)and(156)theunderlinedAdjunctsprovidethereferencepoint,whereasin(157)thereferencepointisanactivityinthematrixclause.

155IwaslivingwithSarahatthetimeyoucametoLondon,butwesplitupatthebeginningofDecember.

156Shewasspoolingtheprogrammeontothetapemachinewhenthephonerang.

157WhenwewerewalkingoverthebridgeMaryJanestoppedtotakeashotofawomanontheothersideoftheroadwhowasdraggingachildalongbythehand.

Wecanrepresentthesetemporalsituationsasfollowsonatimeline.

158

Itisalsopossibleto‘frame’theprogressivesituationbyusinganAdjunctthatspecifiestheperiodwithinwhichitiscontained.

159WeweretravellinginJanuary.

160Shewasaskedbythejuniorflyingcorpstocometothecelebrationstheywereholdingthatnight.

(159)and(160)canberepresentedasonthetimelinebelow.Notethatthesituationsexpressedin(159)and(160)donotnecessarilyextendfromthemarkedstartpointuptotheendpoint.

161

9.3.2.3Non-finiteprogressiveconstructions

WhenprogressiveBEdoesnotcarrytensewespeakofanon-finiteprogressive,asin(162)and(163)below.

162Itjustdidn’tlookgoodtobelivingitupattaxpayers’expense.

163Thetotalshavebeengrowingrapidlyweekinweekoutformorethanadecade.

9.3.2.4Furtherusesoftheprogressive

InthefollowingsectionsIwilldiscusssomeadditionalusesoftheprogressive,otherthantheprogressiveofongoingsituations.

9.3.2.4.1Theprogressivewithstateverbs

Insection9.3.2.1wesawthattheprogressivetypicallydoesnotcombinewithstateverbs.Thereare,however,exceptionstothisgeneralization,andtheseoccurwhenwewishtoindicatethatastateverbisinterpretedinaparticularway,usuallydynamically,andwithanimplicationoftemporariness,asinthefollowingexamples.

164MaybeIambeingfussy,butIdon’twanttospendmylifeasasecretary.

165Itsoundsthatyou’rewantingtotakecareofyourselfphysicallyaswell.

166IhavetosayI’mmissingallmyfriends.

167TheonlythingIamlackingisawardrobe.

168I’mreallyhopingtoclearsomespaceinmylifeverysoontobeabletodoallthat.

In(164)thespeakerissayingthattheyareknowinglyactinginafussymanner.ThesameexamplewithouttheprogressiveindicatesapropertyascribedtothereferentoftheSubject.Thus,Iamfussymeansthatfussinessispartofmypersonality.In(165)theimplicationisthattheaddresseeactivelywantstotakecareofhimself,whileinexamples(166)–(168)thereisasenseofacuteness:in(166)thespeakermissestheirfriendskeenly,rightnow,whilein(167)nothavingawardrobeisstronglyfelttobeaproblematthemomentofspeaking.InthelastexampleprogressiveHOPEexpressesawilful,determineddesire‘toclearsomespace’.Thisisreinforcedbytheadverbreally.

9.3.2.4.2Theinterpretiveprogressive

Sometimestheprogressiveconstructionisusedtoindicatethatasituationisinterpretedinacertainway.Thisiscalledtheinterpretiveprogressive.(169)isanexample.

169Oh,you’rekidding.

Herethespeakerissaying‘I’minterpretingwhatyouhavejustsaidasajoke’.Theinterpretivereadingisnotavailablein(170),wherethespeakeristellingyouwhattheyaredoing,notinterpretingtheirownwords.

170I’monlykidding.

However,compare(170)with(171),wherethespeakerisofferinganinterpretationoftheirownwords.

171WhenIsaidyouwereahopelesscase,Iwasonlykidding.

Theinterpretiveprogressivealsooccursinexampleslikethefollowing.

172IfNicksayshe’llrepairtheroof,he’sdeceivingyou.

173WhenJohnclaimedhereceivedahugebonus,hewasexaggerating.

Inthesecasesthematrixclausesthatcontaintheprogressiveconstruction

offeraninterpretation,explanation,orconclusionaboutwhateverisexpressedinthesubordinateclauses.

9.3.2.4.3Theprogressiveofirritation

Theprogressiveconstructioncanbeusedtosignalirritation,asinthefollowingexample.

174She’salwayspokingherdamnnosein,isn’tshe?

Thesenseofirritationcomesaboutthroughacombinationofthediscoursecontext,theverbalmeaning,wordsexpressingnegativeemotiveforcelikedamn,andthepresenceofAdjunctslikealways,forever,continually.

9.3.2.4.4Theprogressivefuturate

Whenthepresentprogressiveisusedtotalkaboutfuturetimewecallitthepresentprogressivefuturate.Itisexemplifiedin(175)and(176).

175Weareleavingthedepartmentatteno’clock.

176TomorrowI’mmeetingSarahDuncanforlunch.

Theuseoftheprogressiveintheseexamplesindicatesthatanot-so-far-offfuturesituationisthoughtofasanarrangementorplanonthepartofahumanagent.Itoftenoccurswithverbsofmotion(COME,GO,LEAVE,etc.).Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatthisuseoftheprogressiveisnotaspectual,thatis,thesituationisnotregardedasunfoldingovertime.

Thepastprogressivefuturatein(177)expressesanarrangementinthepastofafuturesituation,seenfromapointintimeinthepast.

177IwasgoingSundaynightyousee,butI’mnotanymore.

Theactivityinquestionmayormaynotbeactualized.Inthisparticularexampleitwillnotbe:thespeakerexplicitlysayshewillnotleaveonSunday.Thepastprogressivefuturateismorecommonthanthepastfuturate,discussedinsection9.2.2.5.

9.3.3Perfectandprogressivecombinations

Insection8.6wediscussedthesyntaxofcombinationsofauxiliaryverbs.Thepossiblestructuresexemplifiedthereincludeelevenwithcombinationsoftwoormoreauxiliaryverbs.Ofthose,teninvolveaperfectand/orprogressiveauxiliaryverb.Examplesofthesecombinationsarerepeatedbelow.InmanybooksonEnglishgrammareachcombinationisregardedasaseparatetense.Forexample,thecombinationin(178)isoftencalledthemodalperfecttense,andthecombinationin(179)themodalperfectprogressivetense.Forreasonsthatwereexplainedinsection9.2,wedonotadoptthisterminology.Insteadwewillspeakof‘constructions’,suchthatwehaveamodalperfectconstructionin(178),amodalperfectprogressiveconstructionin(179),andsoon.

178Theagentswillhavebookedthetickets.[modal+perfectHAVE+lexicalverb]

179Theagentswillhavebeenbookingthetickets.[modal+perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

180Theticketswillhavebeenbeingbookedbytheagents.[modal+perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

181Theagentswillbebookingthetickets.[modal+progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

182Theagentshavebeenbookingthetickets.[perfectHAVE+progressiveBE+lexicalverb]

183Theticketswillbebeingbookedbytheagents.[modal+progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

184Theticketswillhavebeenbookedbytheagents.[modal+perfectHAVE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

185Theticketswerebeingbookedbytheagents.[progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

186Theticketshavebeenbookedbytheagents.[perfectHAVE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

187Theticketshavebeenbeingbookedbytheagents.[perfectHAVE+

progressiveBE+passiveBE+lexicalverb]

Someofthesecombinationsarehighlyunusual.Aconstructionlike(180)hardlyoccurs,nodoubtbecauselanguageusersarenotlikelytofrequentlyfindthemselvesinsituationsinwhichtheywanttoexpressacombinationofmodal,perfect,progressive,andpassivemeaningsatthesametime.

Theinterpretationsoftheexamplesaboveareshownbelow.

188‘Itisprobablethattheagentsbookedthetickets.’=(178)

189‘Itisprobablethattheagentswereintheprocessofbookingthetickets.’=(179)

190‘Itisprobablethattheticketswereintheprocessofbeingbookedbytheagents.’=(180)

191‘Itisprobablethattheagentsareintheprocessofbookingthetickets.’=(181)

192‘Inaperioduptothepresentmomenttheagentswereintheprocessofbookingthetickets.’=(182)

193‘Inthefuturetheticketswillbeintheprocessofbeingbookedbytheagents.’=(183)

194‘Beforesomepointinthefuturethebookingoftheticketsbytheagentswillbecompleted.’=(184)

195‘Atsomepointinthepasttheticketswereintheprocessofbeingbooked.’=(185)

196‘Inaperioduptothepresentmomenttheticketswerebookedbytheagents.’=(186)

197‘Inaperioduptothepresentmomenttheticketswereintheprocessofbeingbookedbytheagents.’=(187)

Inmanycasestheseconstructionscombinethemeaningsoftheirindividualcomponents.Forexample,in(181)themodalverbintroducesasemantic

elementof‘intention’(seesection10.3.4.2),whereastheprogressiveconstructioncontributesanelementof‘ongoingness’.Similarly,in(182)thecurrentrelevancemeaningofthepresenttenseperfectauxiliaryiscombinedwithaprogressiveelementofmeaning.

9.3.4Aspectandlexicalmeaning

Apartfromintheperfectandprogressiveconstructions,aspectualitycanalsobeexpressedbytheinherentmeaningofverbs,orbyaverbincombinationwithadependent.

9.3.4.1Situationaspect

Verbsandtheirdependentscanexpressvarioustypesofsituations.Werefertothisphenomenonassituationaspect.(ThetermslexicalaspectandAktionsartarealsofrequentlyused.)Asituationiswhataclauseisabout,aswehaveseen,andcanbeastateoroccurrence.Statesdenotesituationsthatsimplyexist.Theyareunbounded,thatis,theydonothaveabeginningandanend,andareinternallyundifferentiated(e.g.Thecarpetisold;Unicornsexist).Bycontrast,occurrencesaredynamicsituationswhichcomeabout.Theycanbesubdividedintoachievements,whicharepunctual(e.g.Ispottedafoxinthegarden;Sheblinked),andprocesses,whichhaveaduration.Amongtheprocesseswefurtherdistinguishbetweenactivities,whichhavenobuilt-inendpoint(e.g.Theyarewatchingfootball),andaccomplishments,whichdohaveabuilt-inendpoint(e.g.Heiswritingatextmessage).

9.3.4.2Aspectuallexicalverbs

AsmallsetofverbsinEnglishcarriesmeaningsthatcanbesaidtobeaspectualbecausetogetherwiththeirComplementstheyfocusontheunfoldingofsituationsintime.Examplesofsuchaspectuallexicalverbs(alsocalledaspectualizers)areBEGIN,CEASE,CONTINUE,DISCONTINUE,FINISH,KEEP,PROCEED,QUIT,START,andSTOP.Someexamplesfollow.

198FlowerscontinuedtoarriveatDowningStreetthismorning.

199Can’tyouwaituntileverybody’sfinishedhavingtheirlunch?

Theaspectualityoftheseverb–ComplementsequencescomesaboutasaresultoftheinherentlyexpressedaspectualmeaningsoftheverbsincombinationwiththemeaningsexpressedbytheComplements,ratherthansituationally,asdiscussedintheprevioussection,orasaresultofacombinationofanauxiliaryverb(HAVE/BE)andalexicalverb,asdescribedinsections9.3.1and9.3.2.

9.3.4.3USED[to]

ThecombinationofthepasttenseformoftheverbUSEwithato-infinitiveclause(indicatedby‘[to]’)expressesahabitualsituationinthepast,andassuchisaspectual.Thefactthatthisverbtakesato-infinitiveclauseasComplementmakesitlikealexicalverb.

200StevenWinyardusedtobeacroupierinNassau.

201Yeah,weusedtobuyMumavaseeveryyearforherbirthday.

IninterrogativestructuresUSED[to]normallytakesDO-support(section3.6.3.5),whichisalsoapropertyoflexicalverbs.Someexamplesareshownbelow.

202Didn’tJohnusedtodealwithdivorceinhisearlierdays?

203Didn’tthereusedtobedeerinRichmondPark?

USED[to]cannotoccurincombinationwithcoremodalauxiliaries,andhasnopresenttenseforms(*usesto/*useto)orparticipleforms.Morphologicallyitisapasttenseform.ForsomespeakersinversionwithoutDO-supportandnegativecontractionarepossible,asin(204)and(205).Thesearecharacteristicsofauxiliaryverbs,andforthisreasonsomegrammarsclassifyUSED[to]asamarginalauxiliaryverb.Itshouldbenoted,however,thatstructuressuchastheseareveryrare.

204Usedtheytowalkhomeatnight?

205Thereusedn’ttobeanythingthereinmyyoungdays,I’msure.

ItisimportanttodistinguishUSED[to]fromtheverbUSEintheexamplebelow.

206Themotionoftheplatformisusedtobuildupacontinuousimagebycarefulsynchronizationofsubsequentpulseswithplatformvelocity.

TheanalysisofthisexampleinvolvesthelexicalverbUSEfollowedbyato-infinitiveclausefunctioningasanAdjunctexpressingapurpose.Whenuttereditispronouncedwitha[z],andthereisaveryshortpauseafterit.Wecanreorder(206)asin(207),inwhichtheto-infinitiveclausehasbeenfrontedfromthepositionindicatedby‘_’.

207

.

Chapter10MoodInthepreviouschapterwediscussedthegrammaticalnotionsoftenseandaspect,andtheassociatedsemanticnotionsoftimeandaspectuality.Inthischapterwelookatmood.

10.1Moodandmodality

Theterm‘mood’referstothewayinwhichthegrammarofalanguageencodesmodality,aconceptwhichisconcernedwithsuchsemanticnotionsas‘possibility’,‘probability’,‘necessity’,‘obligation’,‘permission’,‘intention’,and‘ability’.Thesearecalledmodalmeanings.Whatunitestheseseeminglyunconnectednotionsisthattheyareallusedtotalkaboutsituationsthatarenotfactualornotactualized.Asanexample,ifwetalkaboutasituationasbeing‘possible’,itisnotknowntobethecaseatthemomentofspeaking,butitcouldcomeabout.Similarly,ifIamobligedtodosomething,thenIamcompelledtobringitabout(toactualizeit).Forexample,(1)below,whichcontainsthemodalverbMAY(section3.6.3.2),canbeparaphrasedas‘itispossiblethatsheisthin-skinned’,andthesecondclausein(2),withthemodalverbMUST,canbeparaphrasedas‘heisobligedtoactnow’.

1Shemaybethin-skinned.

2Thereisacrisis,andhemustactnow.

Aclausethatcontainsamodalexpressionissaidtobemodalized.InOldEnglish(spokenbetweenapproximatelyAD450and1100)modalmeaningcouldbeconveyedthroughinflectionalendingsonverbs(the‘subjunctivemood’).Inpresent-dayEnglishitdoesnotmakesensetospeakofasubjunctivemood,aswesawinsection2.2.1.3.How,then,aremodalmeaningsexpressedinthelanguageasitisspokentoday?ItisusefultothinkofEnglishasdisplayingasystemofanalyticmood,thatis,agrammaticalsystemofmoodinwhichthemeaningstypicallyexpressedbyinflectionalendingsonverbsinolderformsofEnglisharecarriedbya

construction,suchasthecombinationofamodalverbfollowedbyalexicalverb,oraclausetype.

IntheremainderofthischapterIwilldiscussthreetypesofmodality(section10.2),andthevariouswaysinwhichmodalityinEnglishcanbeexpressed(section10.3).

10.2ThreetypesofmodalityinEnglish

WedistinguishbetweenthreetypesofmodalityinEnglish:deonticmodality,epistemicmodality,anddynamicmodality.

Deonticmodalityisconcernedwithgettingpeopletodothingsor(not)allowingthemtodothings,thatis,withsuchnotionsas‘obligation’and‘permission’,asintheexamplesbelow.

3Well,youmustbeslightlymoresuccinctthen.

4Youmayvoluntarilygiveupyourrighttoreducedliability.

Epistemicmodalityisconcernedwith‘knowledge’and/or‘inference’.Herearetwoexamplesthatmakethisclear.

5‘Hemustbeheresomewhere,’Annesaid.

6Youmaybeleftoutofitbecauseyouareafreelancer.

Inbothcasesthespeakerhassomeevidencefortheconclusiontheyaredrawing.Inthefirstexample,Annehassomeknowledgewhichallowshertomakeaninferenceaboutthewhereaboutsofthepersonsheistalkingabout,whilein(6)theconclusionthatitispossiblethattheaddresseewillbeleftoutisbasedontheknowledgethattheyareafreelancer.

Inthecaseofdeonticandepistemicmodalitythe‘source’oftheobligation,permission,orknowledgeistypicallythespeaker.Forexample,in(3)itisthespeakerwhoisimposinganobligationontheaddressee,andin(5)and(6)thepersondrawingtheconclusionisalsothespeaker.

Deonticandepistemicmodalityarecloselyrelated.Forexample,ifIdrawa

certainconclusiononthebasisofmyknowledgeoftheworld,thenIamobligedtodrawthatconclusion,sometimesevenlogicallyobliged(e.g.JohnkilledtheflyentailsTheflymustbedead).Ithasbeensuggestedthathistorically,epistemicmodalitydevelopedfromdeonticmodality,andthisexplainswhythesamemodalscanbeusedtoexpressbothtypesofmodality(e.g.MUSTcanexpress‘obligation’and‘(logical)conclusion’).

Dynamicmodalitytypicallyconcerns‘ability’and‘volition’,andthesesemanticnotionsrelatetotheSubjectoftheclausethatcontainsthemodalverb,ratherthantothespeaker.Thusin(7),theindividualsreferredtoaswehavethe‘ability’tospeaktheirnativelanguage,whilein(8)WILLsignals‘volition’onthepartofthereferentoftheSubjectoftheclause,namelyyou.Wecangiveanapproximateparaphraseof(8)as‘Ifyouarewillingtogodownstairs,…’.

7Intwoorthreeyearsoflearningthatlanguagewe’renevergoingtobeabletospeakittothesamestandardwecanspeakournativetongue.

8Soifyouwillgodownstairs,andthenyoucouldlookthroughthesetwopostgraduateguides.

Dynamicmodalityalsocoversneutralcircumstantialmeaningsrelatingto‘possibility’and‘necessity’,asexpressedforexamplebyCAN(e.g.Youcanbuynewspapershere)andMUST(e.g.Theenvelopemustbesealedbeforebeingposted).Herethesourceofthemodalityisthewaytheworldisorganized,thatis,circumstances.

10.3TheexpressionofmodalityinEnglish

ModalityisexpressedinanumberofwaysinEnglish,aswewillseeinthesectionsthatfollow.

10.3.1Themodalpasttense

Themodalpasttensewasdiscussedinsection9.2.2.3.Herearesomefurtherexamples.

9Iforganisationsoperatedaccordingtoclassicalfree-markettheory,there

wouldbenoorganisationalproblem.

10IfIhadarecordingofthemwouldIbeabletounderstandit?

Ineachcasethepasttensesignalsthatthesituationexpressedintheconditionalclauseisnotlikelytohappenortobethecase:itisanimprobable,doubtfulpossibility.Alternatively,thesituationexpressedbytheconditionalclauseisknownnottobethecase.

10.3.2Subjunctiveclauses

Inmanylanguagesmodalityisexpressedthroughverbalinflections.ComparethefollowingexamplesfromSpanish.

11Juansiempretraeunregalo.Juanalwaysbring-3RD-PS-SG-PRES-INDapresent‘Juanalwaysbringsapresent’

12EsperoqueJuantraigaunregalo.hope-1ST-PS-SG-PRES-INDthatJuanbring-3RD-PS-SG-SUBJVEapresent‘IhopethatJuanbringsapresent’

PS=person;SG=singular;PRES=present;IND=indicative;SUBJVE=subjunctive

InthefirstexampleJuan’salwaysbringingapresentispresentedasafact.Thestatementisthereforeunmodalized.Inthesecondexample,however,thespeakerisexpressingthehopethatJuanwillbringapresent,andisforthatreasontalkingaboutaparticulartypeofmodalsituation,namelya‘hoped-forsituation’.Thistimewehaveapresentsubjunctiveverbform(traiga),whichisquitedifferentfromtheregularindicativepresenttenseform(trae).Aswesawearlier,OldEnglishalsohadsubjunctiveverbforms,buttheverbalparadigmsofEnglishchangedovertime,suchthatModernEnglishdoesnothaveasubjunctivemoodtospeakof.Itthereforemakeslittlesensetospeakofthe‘presentsubjunctive’formsofEnglishverbs,simplybecausetheycannotbedistinguishedfromtheplainforms,asin(13),wheretheverbURGEtriggersthepresenceoftheplainformofthepassiveauxiliaryBE.InAmericanEnglishthisisthedefaultoption.However,as(14)shows,aplainformisnotalwaysused:herewehaveare

,apresenttenseverbform,ratherthanbe.ThisconstructionisbarelyusedinAmericanEnglish,butquitecommoninBritishEnglish.Recallfromsection2.2.1.3thatwerefertothebracketedclausein(13)asasubjunctiveclausewhichexpressesmodalmeaning.Morespecifically,wewillrefertoitasamandativesubjunctiveclausewhichexpressesadirectivemeaning.

13Iurgedinmypreviousletter[thattheseresearchstaffbetreatedastheirpresentcolleagues].

14Somewaterboardsinsist[thatallcoldwatertapsinthehousearetakenfromtherisingmain].

Insection10.3.5.2.3Iwilldiscussaspecialtypeofmandativeclausewhichinvolvesthemodalverbshould.

Englishalsodoesnothavepastsubjunctiveverbforms,aswesawinsection2.2.1.3.TheonlyexceptionistheverbBEwhichhasthepastsubjunctiveformwereforthefirstandthirdpersonsingular,asin(15)and(16).ThisistheonlytrueremnantofasubjunctiveverbforminEnglish.

15IfIwereyou,I’dapplyfortheYorkpositionjustfortheexperience.

16AskedwhetherhewouldaccepttheEvertonjobifhewereofferedit,hereplied:“Inevercommentonhypotheticalsituations.”

Thesimplepasttenseformwaswouldbeusedbymanyspeakersintheseexamples.Inthisconnectionconsidertheexamplein(17).HerethespeakeruseswereaftertheSubjectheinthefirstif-clause,butwasaftertheSubjectIinthesecondone.

17Iwouldn’tbesurprisedifhewerefoundhangingontheendofthatphoneveryshortly,soI’ddialquicklyifIwasyou.

Giventhattheyexpressconditions,thatis,hypotheticalpossibilities,if-clausestypicallycreatemodal,non-factualcontexts.Conditionalmeaningcanalsobesignalledbyinversion,asin(18).

18WerethisaYoshizawabook,thedesignswouldbeyetmorebeautiful,butwesternwritersarenotusuallypermittedtopublishtheverybestofhiswork.

Otherexpressionsthatcreatemodalcontextsincludeasifandasthough.

19Well,IsupposeifIlivedeachyearasifitweremylastIcouldenjoymyself,couldn’tI?

20It’sasthoughtherewereagardenroundhimwithcoolnessandroses.

Inthefollowingexample,theexpressionasitwereisfossilized.

21Inoneleap,asitwere,theunravellingofthatfrustratingknotmadethelawapproachableforthem.

Inthenextsectionweturntoadiscussionofthecoremodalverbs.

10.3.3Thecoremodalverbs

Aswehaveseen,thecoremodalverbsinEnglishareWILL/would,CAN/could,MAY/might,SHALL/should,andMUST.Recallfromsection9.2.3thattheformswould,could,might,andshouldareshowninitalicsbecausetheycanhavespecializedusesinwhichtheydonotbehaveaspasttenseformsofWILL,CAN,MAY,andSHALL.

Asonemightexpect,thedifferentmodalsdonotoccurinequalmeasure.Table10.1showsthefrequenciesofthemodalauxiliariesintheICE-GBcorpuspermillionwords,differentiatedbymedium.

Table10.1:FrequenciesoftheEnglishcoremodalauxiliariespermillionwordsintheICE-GBcorpus

ThetableshowssomestrikingdifferencesintheuseofthemodalsinEnglish.Willandcanandtheirpasttensecounterpartswouldandcouldfaroutnumbertheothermodals.Asmightbeexpected,shallisveryinfrequent.Recentresearchhasshownthatitisdeclininginuse,possiblybecauseitisperceivedtoberatherformal.MUSTisalsonotverycommon,andagainresearchhasshownthatitsuseisdeclining.Perhapsthisisbecauseitisperceivedasbeingauthoritarian.

ThemodalverbsaresyntacticallycharacterizedbytheNICEpropertieswhichtheysharewiththelargersetofauxiliaries(seesection3.6.3.1),buttheyalsohaveafewpropertiesthatonlypertaintothem.

First,modalverbsarealwaysfollowedbyabareinfinitiveverbform,whichcanbealexicalverb,asin(1)and(2)above,oranotherauxiliaryverb,asin(22)–(24),repeatedfromsection8.6.

22Theagents[modalauxiliaryverbwill][progressiveauxiliaryverbbe][lexicalverbbooking]thetickets.

23Thetickets[modalauxiliaryverbwill][passiveauxiliaryverbbe][lexicalverbbooked]bytheagents.

24Thetickets[modalauxiliaryverbwill][perfectauxiliaryverbhave][passiveauxiliaryverbbeen][lexicalverbbooked]bytheagents.

Secondly,modalauxiliariesarealwaystensed.Therearethereforenomodalparticiplesormodalinfinitives(*hasmayed,*aremusting,*toshall).Ifthereisamodalverbinaclause,itmustalwaysbeplacedbeforeanyotherverb.

Finally,modalverbsaresaidtobedefective:althoughtheyhavepasttenseforms(withtheexceptionofMUST),andnegatedforms,theydonottakeathirdpersonsingularpresenttense-sending.

25*Hecansdoit.

26*Shewillsattendtheconference.

AnoverviewofthepropertiesofthemodalverbsisgiveninTable10.2.

Modalverbs…

•canhave‘unpredictable’meaningswhentheyoccurintheirpasttenseforms;

•conformtotheNICEproperties;

•arealwaysfollowedbyabareinfinitiveverbform;

•donothavenon-tensedforms(*mayed,*musting,etc.);

•haveinvariantpresenttenseforms,i.e.donothavethirdpersonsingularpresenttenseendings(*hemays,*shemusts,etc.).

Table10.2:Themorphosyntacticpropertiesofthemodalverbs

InthefollowingsectionsIwilldiscussthemeaningsofthecoremodalverbsinturn.Aswewillsee,eachmodalhasmorethanonemeaning.Itisimportanttobeawareofthefactthatveryoftenitisnotclearinaparticularclausewhichmeaningamodalverbexpresses,andveryoftenmeaningsoverlap.Wewillalsosee(insection10.3.13.1)thatcontextualordiscoursefactorsfrequentlyaffecttheinterpretationofmodalverbs.

10.3.4WILL/would

InthesectionsbelowIwilloutlinetheusesofWILLandwould.

10.3.4.1Epistemicmodality:futurityandevidence-basedpredictionsorconclusions

ThemostcommonuseofWILLfollowedbyaninfinitiveverbformistorefertofuturetime.Oftenthisverbexpressestheepistemicmeaningof‘prediction’,basedoncircumstantialknowledge.Herearesomeexamples.

27IsuggestyouwaittillSeptemberwhenitwillbemuch,muchcooler.

28Windswillreachgaleforce.

29Thistreatmentwillmakeyoualotmorecomfortable.

Thesituationsreferredtointheseexamplesmayormaynotcomeabout.

ThemodalWILLcaninadditionexpressevidence-basedpredictionsorconclusions,alsoatypicalepistemicuse,asin(30)and(31).NoticethatthisuseofWILLmayconcernpresenttime,asin(30),orpasttime,asin(31),whereWILLisfollowedbytheperfectauxiliaryHAVE.

30Momentslater,thedoorbellrings.“That’llbethegirls!”shoutsPaloma,assheskipsoffdownthehallwaybeforereturningwithClaire,asmartlydressedbrunette,andBianca,anelfinfigurewithlongauburnhair.

31YouwillhavegatheredfromtheabovethatI,forone,donotintendtore-apply.

Theprecedingexamplesinvolveaconclusionwhichthespeakerbasesonpreviousknowledgeand/orexperience.Insomecasespredictionsarebasedonthespeaker’sknowledgeofanexistingscheduleorastatutorycourseofevents,asin(32)–(34).

32PracticallyallthechildrenthatIcoachwillbeoffthatweek.

33Andinafewmomentswewillhearthetrumpeteronhisgreyhorsesoundthecommandtotrot.

34Ifapproved,theproposedCouncildecisionwillauthoriseCommunitymembershipoftheEBRD.

Considernext(35),whichisslightlydifferent,becauseitinvolvesaconditionalclause.

35Ifyouhavetwoidenticaltwinsandoneofthemisschizophrenicthereisafiftypercentchancethattheotherwillbeschizophrenic.

Inthisexamplethespeakerdrawsaconclusiononthebasisofmedicalknowledge.Themodalverbexpressesameaningthatmightbeparaphrasedas‘scientificprediction’.Importantly,itdoesnotrefertofuturetimehere.

Finally,in(36)theverbwouldexpressesapastfuturate(section9.2.2.5):

thefutureisviewedfromapointofviewintimefifteenyearsbeforetheBerlinwallfell.

36FifteenyearslaterhewouldplayBachinthanksgivingagain–amidtherubbleofthenewlydemolishedBerlinWall.

10.3.4.2Dynamicmodality:volition

WILLcancarrythedynamicmodalmeaningof‘volition’,thoughpureexamplesofthisarehardtofind.Anexamplewasgivenin(8)above,andanotherexampleisgivenin(37).

37Ifyousellyourvehiclethroughamotorauction,pleaseaskwhethertheauctioneerwillcompletethenotificationofsaleonyourbehalf.Iftheywillnot,youshouldtellDVLAinwritingthatyouhavetransferredthevehicletotheauctionfirm.

Inthenexttwoexamplesthepasttenseformwouldexpressesvolition.

38IwouldnotliveanywhereelseinEngland.

39Shewouldn’tgotosleep,shewouldn’teat,shewouldn’tdoanything.

Volitionalmeaningisparticularlyclearwhenthemodalverbisstressed,asinIwillgotoNewYork,evenifyoudon’tapprove.

AnothermeaningsignalledbyWILLis‘intention’,whichisaweakerkindofvolition,asintheexamplesthatfollow.

40Well,wewillhavedipsandcrispsandthingslikethat.

41ThestatementalsosaidthathewouldbesendingapersonalenvoytoBaghdadforameetingwiththeIraqileader.

10.3.4.3Dynamicmodality:predisposition

InsomecasesWILLexpressesapredispositiononthepartofthereferentoftheSubject.

42AnewbookbyMsHolland,WeDon’tPlaywithGunsHere,urges

early-yearscentrestoreconsiderthebanon“war,weapon,andsuperheroplay”,arguingthatboyswillbeboys.

43Asolventisasubstance,usuallyliquid,thatwilldissolveanothersubstance.

After(42)wemightadd‘that’swhattheyarelike’,andafter(43)‘thatisitsnature’.

10.3.4.4Deonticmodality:obligation

In(44)belowthespeakerisdirectingtheaddresseetodosomething,sothatthemodalverbinthisexample(whichhasstressonit)clearlyexpressesdeonticmeaning.

44YouwilldoasItellyou.

TheusesofWILLandwouldaresummarizedinTable10.3.

TheusesofWILL/would

epistemicmodality:futurityandevidence-basedpredictions/conclusions

dynamicmodality:volition

dynamicmodality:predisposition

deonticmodality:obligation

Table10.3:TheusesofWILL/would

10.3.4.5WILL+infinitiveisnotafuturetense

InsomegrammarstheWILL+infinitivecombinationisregardedasafuturetense.Wedonottakethisviewhere.ThereasonisthatWILLalmostneverreferspurelytofuturetime,typicallycontributingamodaldimensionofmeaning.Itthereforesemanticallybelongswiththemodalverbs.Syntactically,too,itbelongswiththemodals(seesection10.3.3foranoverviewofthesyntacticpropertiesofthemodals).

10.3.4.6WILL/SHALL+progressive

Considertheexamplebelow.

45Andyou’llstartbyridingaroundasmallcircuitundercloseobservationfromyourinstructorwhowillbemonitoringyourprogress,asyoulearntocontrolyourbike.

InthisexamplethemodalauxiliaryWILLcombineswiththeprogressiveauxiliaryBEandthelexicalverbMONITOR.(WithfirstpersonSubjectsSHALLisalsopossible.)Aswesawinsection9.3.2,theprogressiveconstructionexpressesthatadynamicsituationisinprogressoveracertainperiodoftime.In(45)theongoingmonitoring‘frames’theprocessoflearningtorideabike.

Considernow(46)–(48)whichalsocontainWILL+progressiveBE+alexicalverb,butlackthesemanticelementof‘unfolding’overtime.

46Myrighthonourablefriendwillbemakingthatclearinhisownstatement.

47FollowingafatalaccidenttheinspectorwillbemakingareporttotheCoroner.

48IregrettonowinformyouthatwewillbeterminatingallourcontractswithyouasofMonday22ndofJuly1991.

Intheseexampleswehaveacombinationofthearrangementmeaningoftheprogressivefuturate,discussedinsection9.3.2.4.4,andthefuturemeaningofWILL.Thisspecialmeaninghasbeenglossedas‘futureasamatterofcourse’.Whatthismeansisthatthefutureeventsreferredtoareinsomewayexpectedtotakeplace,givenwhatthespeakersknowaboutthepresentcircumstances.Thusin(46)thespeaker,aMemberofParliament,knowsthathiscolleagueisduetomakeaclarificatorystatementofhisowninthepre-scheduledparliamentaryproceedings,while(47)carriestheimplicationthat‘afatalaccidentnormallyentailsaninspector’sreport’.In(48),fromaletter,thewordnowissignificant.Theletterinquestionisbeingwrittenasaresultofsomeunmentionedeventthattookplaceearlier,resultingintheimpendingterminationofthecontracts.Wecanparaphrase(48)asfollows:‘nowthatXhastakenplace

itfollowsthatcontractswillbeterminated’.Asnotedalready,thefutureeventsintheseexamplesarenotviewedasunfoldingovertime,asisthecasewiththe‘regular’progressive,andhencetheyarenotaspectual.Thisisthereasonwhythisconstructionisdiscussedinthischapter.

10.3.5SHALLandshould

Insection9.2.3wesawthattheverbshouldisthepasttenseformofSHALLdespitethefactthattherelationshipbetweentheseverbsismostlynotamatteroftense.Wewillregardshouldasbeingidiomatic.ForthisreasonIwilltreatSHALLandshouldseparately.

10.3.5.1SHALL

10.3.5.1.1Futurity

AswithWILL,themainuseofSHALListorefertofuturetime.

49Ishallregretthisfortherestofmylife!

50WeshallarriveonMonday18MarchandleaveonThursday2May.

51Whateveritis,weshallnothavethatkindofquality,ifwedonothaveaprosperouseconomyfoundedonaqualityworkforce.

IntheseexamplesWILLisalsopossible,andinfactmuchmorelikelytooccur.ThedifferencebetweenthetwoverbsisthatSHALLisratherformal-sounding,andalittleold-fashioned.What’smore,itismostlyusedinBritishEnglish,andnormallyonlywithfirstpersonsingularorpluralSubjects.RecentresearchhasshownthattheuseofSHALLisdecliningrapidlybothintheUKandintheUS.

10.3.5.1.2Deonticmodality:rulesandregulations,askingforinstructions,self-imposedobligation

SubjectsotherthanfirstpersonsingularandpluralarepossiblewithSHALLinwrittenlanguage,especiallyin‘rulesandregulations’,asin(52)–(54).Thisisnotafuturetimeuse.

52ThecommitteeshallhavethepowerofconsultationwithappropriateexpertsnotbeingmembersoftheCentralActivityorSchoolinquestion.

53Thetimespentonprivateclinicalpracticeshallnotexceedtheequivalentofonehalfdayperweek.

54Professorsandreadersshallretireattheageof65.

Ininterrogativeclauses(section6.2)SHALLcarriesdeonticmeaningbecausethespeakerisaskingtheaddresseeforinstructions.

55ShallIkeepitheretillthesummer?

Finally,asomewhatmarkeduseofdeonticSHALLoccursin(56).

56Youshallgototheshow.

Herethespeakerpromisestheaddresseethataparticulareventwillhappenbyimposinganobligationonhimselftobringitabout.Theverbwillnormallycarryheavystress.

10.3.5.1.3Dynamicmodality:volition

InthefollowingexamplesSHALLexpresses‘volition’,morespecifically‘intention’,whichistypicallyadynamicconceptbecauseitrelatestotheSubjectoftheclause.

57Ishallbearthatinmindforfuturereference.

58WeshallmakeupourmindwhentheIMFhasreported.

Table10.4providesanoverviewoftheusesofSHALL.

TheusesofSHALL

futurity

deonticmodality:rulesandregulations,askingforinstructions,self-imposedobligation

dynamicmodality:volition

Table10.4:TheusesofSHALL

10.3.5.2Should

10.3.5.2.1Deonticmodality:necessity

Shouldcanbeusedtoexpressdeonticmeaning,asin(59)–(62).

59Ithinksheshouldwaitattheairport.

60Andofcourseasalearneryoushouldbeextracareful.

61Atheoremshouldcometoyourmindlikeaflashoflightning.

62Themainfocusofeconomicplanningshouldbeonmeetingthemedium-termimpactoftherecession,particularlyonemployment.

Thisuseofshouldisconcernedwiththewaytheworldmustbeconstituted,asperceivedbythespeaker,orasdictatedbycircumstances.ThereisnoexpectationthatthesituationthatisexpressedintheComplementClause(‘waitattheairport’,‘becareful’,etc.)willcomeabout.ThisuseofshouldisinterchangeablewithOUGHT[to],discussedinsection10.3.9.2.

10.3.5.2.2Epistemicmodality:evidence-basedsupposition

Theepistemicuseofshouldoccurswhenaspeakerorwritermakesasuppositionaboutafuturesituationonthebasisofknowledgeorexperiencetheypossess.Thesituationinquestionmaynotbeactualizedinthewaythatisanticipated.

63OnSaturdayI’mofftoafireworks&classicalmusiceveningatLeedsCastlewhichshouldbegood.

64Well,I’mhavingGayputoutareminderslipatthemomentwhichshouldbeinyourpigeon-holebeforeten-thirty.

Theknowledgeonwhichthesuppositionsarebasedcanvaryinstrength.InthefirstexamplethespeakerisledtotheconclusionthattheforthcomingeventwillbegoodonthebasisofwhatsheknowsisonofferatLeedsCastle.Inthesecondexampletheconclusionisbasedonaknowledgeof

circumstances,forexamplehowquicklythepersonreferredtoasGayusuallydispatchesmessages.Arguablyalsoepistemicarethefollowing,perhapssomewhatmannered,locutionswhereIshouldthinkandIshouldhavethoughtaremoretentativeandspeculativethanIwouldthinkandIwouldhavethought.

65Ishouldthinkthenumberofpeoplewhowouldactuallyrunaprocesslikethiswouldbereallyquitesmall.

66Ishouldhavethoughthe’d’vehadonebeforenow.

EpistemicshouldisweakerthanepistemicMUST(discussedinsection10.3.8.2).

10.3.5.2.3Mandativeandputativeshould

Certainverbs,adjectives,andnounstriggertheuseofshould.Herearesomeexamples.

67Italsorecommended[thattheserviceshouldhaveatleast240lines,whichhappenedtobethelimitfortheBairdsystematthetime].

68ItwasinnineteenhundredandsixthattheQueen’sgreat-grandfatherKingEdwardtheSeventhdecreed[thatprivatesintheHouseholdCavalryshouldhenceforthtobeknownastroopers].

69Itisimportant[thatallrandomisedclinicaltrialsshouldbepublishedirrespectiveoftheirresults].

Werefertoshouldinthethat-clausesasmandativeshould,andtotheclausesthemselvesasmandativeshouldclauses.Theseexpressadirectivemeaning.Whenthesubordinateclausecontainsonlyaplainformoftheverbwespeakofmandativesubjunctiveclauses,whichexpressthesamedirectivemeaning,aswesawinsection10.3.2.In(67)–(69)thetriggerword(underlined)is‘forward-looking’(i.e.modal),inthesensethatwhatisrecommended,decreed,orimportanthasnot(yet)beenbroughtabout.Noticethatthematrixclauseverbcanbeinthepasttense,asin(67)and(68).OthertriggersformandativeshouldincludetheverbsBEG,DEMAND,ENTREAT,INSIST,ORDER,RECOMMEND,SUGGEST;thenounsdecision,demand,intention,recommendation,order,proposal,request;andtheadjectives

advisable,desirable,essential,necessary,preferable,urgent,andvital,amongothers.

Whenthethat-clauseexpressesanevaluative,reflective,attitudinaloremotivemeaningwespeakofputativeshould,asin(70)–(72).Thebracketedclausesarecalledputativeshouldclauses.

70Itisdisappointing,therefore,[thatthesubmitteddesignshouldfallfarshortofitsclearlystatedgoal].

71Itseemsamazingnow[thatsomebodyIrememberassoconventionalshouldhavebeensoaheadofhertimeinfemalerights].

72Thereweregoodreasons[whytheCommonwealthshouldnothavebeenpopularwiththeEnglishandWelshingeneral].

Shouldisnotrequiredintheexamplesabove,as(73)–(75)show.Herethebracketedclausesareunmodalized.

73Itisdisappointing,therefore,[thatthesubmitteddesignfallsfarshortofitsclearlystatedgoal].

74Itseemsamazingnow[thatsomebodyIrememberassoconventionalwassoaheadofhertimeinfemalerights].

75Thereweregoodreasons[whytheCommonwealthwasnotpopularwiththeEnglishandWelshingeneral].

Othertriggersforputativeshouldincludegood,incredible,sad,surprising,remarkable,apity,andashame.MandativeandputativeshouldareafeatureofBritishEnglish,andnotusedfrequentlyinAmericanEnglish.

10.3.5.2.4Shouldinconditionalandpurposiveclauses

Shouldcanalsooccurinconditionalclauseswhereacertainamountofdoubtisexpressedastotheactualizationofthesituationreferredto.Thusin(76)thespeakerprobablythinksitunlikelythattheaddresseewillrunintohim,orwillhavefurtherqueries,inthecaseof(77).

76I’llacceptcashifyoushouldrunintome.

77Shouldyouhaveanyfurtherqueriespleasedonothesitatetocontactme.

In(78)shouldisusedinaclausethatexpresses‘purpose’.

78Therewasadeliberateefforttomakeitappearsurgical,andalmostconsequence-freeinorderthatpublicopinionathomeshouldnotbeeroded.

Table10.5givesanoverviewoftheusesofshould.

Theusesofshould

deonticmodality:necessity

epistemicmodality:evidence-basedsupposition

mandative/putativeuses

conditionaluse

purposiveuse

Table10.5:Theusesofshould

10.3.6CAN/could

Wedistinguishdynamic,deontic,andepistemicmeaningsforCAN/could,discussedinthefollowingsections.

10.3.6.1Dynamicpossibility:neutralpossibility,ability,andexistentialmeaning

ThecoremeaningofCANis‘possibility’,exemplifiedin(79)–(82),paraphrasableas‘Itispossiblefor…’.Weregardthisneutraltypeofmodalityasdynamicbecauseitconcernscircumstancesingeneral,notthespeaker.

79Idon’tunderstandwhytheservicesectorcanshowanyoptimism.

80Whenthoseresolutionsarefulfilledorareintheprocessofbeingfulfilledthenoperationscancease.

81Forexample,onecouldrecordeveryminuteoftheoperationandgainanenormousamountofdata.

82Youcouldwalktoourcabins,andnotmeetasoul.

Intheexamplesabovecouldismoretentative,orexpressesatheoretical,ratherthanareal,possibility.

Anothertypeofdynamicpossibilityis‘ability’,asexemplifiedintheexamplesbelow.

83Thoughdolphinscansenseanoil-slickandwillmoveawayfromit,thesizeofthecurrentspillguaranteesthatitwillcatchsomeanimals.

84Petecoulddobasicthingsonacomputer,butitwasn’tenough.

Finally,the‘existential’meaningofcantypicallyconcernsapropertythatisascribedtosomemembersofaparticularsetofindividuals,animals,orthelike,orapropertythatappliestoareferentatcertaintimes.In(85)–(87)thepropertiesof‘beingaggressive’,‘beingfatty’,and‘beingbrave’areascribedtotheSubjectsoftheclauses,andforthisreasonthemodalverbsexpressdynamicmodality.Theexamplein(88)withcouldreferstopasttime,andcanbeparaphrasedas‘Itwaspossibleforhertobenegativeabouthim’.

85Don’tblamebreed,alldogscanbeaggressive.

86Lambcanbefattywhenyoubuyitsomakesureyoutrimoffanyobviousandexcessivechunksoffatbeforeputtingthemeatinformincing.

87Thepublic,whichhasaclearviewofwhatitexpectsfromthepolice,understandstheneedformeasuredpoliceresponsesandknowsthatindividualpoliceofficerscanbeoutstandinglybrave.

88Givenalittlebitofanexcuseshecouldbenegativeabouthim.

10.3.6.2Deonticpossibility:permission

AlesscommonmeaningforCANisdeonticpossibility,thatis,‘permission’.Examplesareshownin(89)and(90).

89Youcanonlyhaveshowersonweek-daysaftersupper.

90Youcannotdumptheminhere.

Itisnotalwayspossibletodistinguishthe‘possibility’and‘permission’sensesofCAN.Intheexamplebelow,bothreadingsarepossible:‘Isitpossibletochangemyflight?’or‘AmIpermittedtochangemyflight?’

91CanIchangemyflighttotheeightfortyoneonThursdayevening?

Ifcouldhadbeenusedinthisexample,therequestwouldhavebeenmoretentativeandpolite.Attestedexamplesofcouldinitspermissionsensearehardtofind.Twocandidatesareshownin(92)and(93).Thefirstoftheseexamplesislikelytomean‘ArewepermittedtohaveourLocoscript2discback?’The‘possibility’senseisunlikely,giventhattheclausebeginswithifpossible,andthenotionofpossibilitywouldthenbeexpressedtwice.Example(93),like(91),isambiguous:both‘possibility’and‘permission’arepossibleinterpretations.

92Ifpossible,couldwepleasehaveourLocoscript2discback?

93Couldwehaveanindiediscoonthethirdfloor?

Itshouldbestressedthatinmanycasesthediscoursecontextmakesclearwhichmeaningwasintended.

Prescriptivistsandschoolteachershaveinthepastfrowneduponthe‘permission’useofCAN,andhavearguedthatspeakersshoulduseMAYinstead,butinfactthepermissionsenseiswellestablished,andposesnocommunicativeproblems.

10.3.6.3Epistemicnecessity:knowledge-basedconclusion

Inthefollowingexamplethespeakerconcludes,onthebasisofhisknowledgeofSimon,thatheisnotanyolderthanthepeoplereferredtoas‘us’.TheverbCANclearlyexpressesepistemicmeaninghere.Itcanonlybeusedwiththissensewhenitisnegated.

94Actually,Simoncan’tbetoomucholderthanus.

Table10.6summarizestheusesofCAN/could.

TheusesofCAN/could

dynamicpossibility:neutralpossibility,ability,andexistentialmeaning

deonticpossibility:permission

epistemicnecessity(innegativecontexts):knowledge-basedconclusion

Table10.6:TheusesofCAN/could

10.3.7MAY/might

Inthefollowingsectionswelookattheepistemic,deontic,andformulaicmeaningsofMAY/might.

10.3.7.1Epistemicpossibility:knowledge-basedsupposition

ThemodalverbMAY,withitspasttenseformmight,commonlyexpressesepistemicpossibility,paraphrasableas‘Itispossiblethat…’.

95Iappreciatethatitmaybetoolate,ornotdesirabletomakeanychange,butIjustthoughtIwouldsendyouthisanyway.

96Itmaymeanhe’snotnormal.

97ShemightbecomingtoClare’sparty.

98YousaidtomeonceyoumightcometoLondontovisit.

Theseexamplesexpressepistemicmeanings,becausethespeakershavesomeknowledgeorevidencefortheirassumptions,thoughthisevidenceislikelytobeweak.

Howdoesmaydifferfrommight,andhowdoesitdifferfromCANexpressing‘possibility’?Theanswertothefirstquestionisthataspeakerexpressesahigherdegreeofuncertaintywhenusingmightthanwhenusingmay.Thepasttenseformmightseemstodistancethespeakerfurtherfrom

thenon-factualityoftheclausethandoesmay.Putdifferently,thestrengthofthemodalmeaningislessenedinthecaseofmight.Inanexamplelike(97)thismeansthatthespeakerislesscommittedtothepossibilitythatClarewillcometothepartythanifmayhadbeenused.Asforthesecondquestion,ifwelookatanexamplelike(96)MAYcanbesaidtoexpressa‘real’possibility,unlikeCAN,whichwouldexpressamoreremoteortheoreticalpossibility.Atherapistnotwantingtoinfluencehercolleagues’viewswhendiscussingwiththemthepossiblediagnosesforapatient’sproblemsmightutter(96)usingCAN.

Inthefollowingexamples,wecanparaphrasetheclausescontainingMAY(calledconcessiveMAY)byusinganunmodalizedclauseintroducedby(al)though.

99Itmaybegoodforyou,butit’snotverygoodfortheblackpeopleinSouthAfrica.>‘Althoughitisgoodforyou,it’snotverygoodfortheblackpeopleinSouthAfrica.’

100Itmaybebadfortheearth’sclimate,butintheshorttermit’sgoodforBrazil’seconomy.>‘Althoughitisbadfortheearth’sclimate,intheshorttermit’sgoodforBrazil’seconomy.’

10.3.7.2Deonticpossibility:permission

AlesscommonmeaningforMAYis‘permission’.

101MayIpointouttheyneedtradeasmuchastheyneedaid?

102MayIalsoaskifyouwouldsendmedeadlinedatesforwhentheJournalgoesintosixissuesayear?

103Ifyouareexceptedyoumay,ifyouwish,payClass2contributionsvoluntarilytokeepupyourrighttothebenefitstheyprovide.

Wesawinsection10.3.6.2thatitisalsopossibletouseCANtoexpress‘permission’.HowdoCANandMAYdifferinthisregard?Ingeneral,MAYismuchmoreformal,andaspeakerwhograntspermissionusingthisverbismorelikelytobeinaroleofauthority.Conversely,aspeakerwhoasksforpermissionusingMAYcanbeperceivedtobeoverlypolite.

Thepermissionmeaningofmightisrare.Anexampleisshownbelow.

104WhenshedecidedthattheShah–himselfachain-smoker–wassayingnothingofinterest,shestoppedtakingnotesandaskedwhethershemightsmoke.

10.3.7.3FormulaicMAY

InmainclausesMAYcanbeusedformulaicallytoexpressawish,asin(105).Inmanylanguagesasubjunctiveverbformisusedhere.

105Longmaytheyfail.

Table10.7summarizestheusesofMAY/might.

TheusesofMAY/might

epistemicpossibility:knowledge-basedsupposition

deonticpossibility:permission

formulaicuse

Table10.7:TheusesofMAY/might

10.3.8MUST

MUSTcanexpressdeontic,epistemic,ordynamicnecessity.

10.3.8.1Deonticnecessity:obligation

ThecoremeaningofMUSTisdeonticnecessity,thatis,‘obligation’.

106Youseemtobeseekingtodestroyyourselfinsomeway,butyoumustnotincludemeinyourplanofaction.

107Shemustnotputhimthroughthatagonyagain.

108Youmustkeepthemmoist.

DeonticMUSTexpressesobligationmorestronglythanshould(section10.3.5.2.1)orOUGHT[to](section10.3.9.2).

Asalreadynoted,MUSThasnopasttense,andhadtoisusedinstead.

109Anditwasawfulbecausetheyhadtogiveheraninjectioninherback.

110Two-yearoldDarrenhadtogointocarewhenhismotherAngelahadamentalbreakdown.

OnHAVE[to]seealsosection10.3.11.3.2.

10.3.8.2Epistemicnecessity:knowledge-basedconclusion

WhenMUSTisusedepistemicallythespeakerorauthorhasevidenceorknowledgethatwarrantsaparticularconclusion.

111God,itmust’vebeenawfulinthosedays.

112Youmustberunningoutoftime.

113Youmustmisshimheaps!

EpistemicMUSTisstrongerthanepistemicshould(section10.3.5.2.2):thespeakerorwriterhasagreaterdegreeofconfidenceintheconclusiontheyaredrawing.

10.3.8.3Dynamicnecessity:apropertynecessarilyattributabletoaSubject-referent,orneutralnecessity

MUSTcanbeusedwhenweexpressapropertythatisnecessarilyinthenatureofthereferentoftheSubjectofaclause,orimposedonit,asintheexamplesbelow.Thisuseisrare.

114Ontheotherhand,andnotwithstandinganacknowledgementthat‘anydevelopmentmustbesubordinateandcomplementarytothepresenceofthisgreatbuilding’,thedesignisunmistakablyPost-Modernist.

115Theagreementbetweenthepartiesmustbeonewhichconfersuponthemanauthoritywhichiswideenoughtoincludealltheinstalmentsofhire.

TheverbMUSTcanalsoexpressaneutral(orcircumstantial)meaningofnecessitywhichcanbeparaphrasedas‘Giventhecircumstancesitisnecessarythat…’,asinthefollowingexamples.

116Thecityhasnoriverandmustbeartheheavycostofpumpingwaterin,andsewageout,overthesurroundingmountains.

117First,theremustbesuccessfulnation-building.

TheusesofMUSTaresummarizedinTable10.8.

TheusesofMUST

deonticnecessity:obligation

epistemicnecessity:knowledge-basedconclusion

dynamicnecessity:apropertynecessarilyattributabletoaSubject-referent,orneutralnecessity

Table10.8:TheusesofMUST

10.3.9Marginalmodals

ApartfromthecoremodalsEnglishhasanumberofverbswhicharecalledmarginalmodalsbecausetheydifferfromthecoremodalauxiliariesintheirsyntacticbehaviourtoagreaterorlesserextent.ThisclassincludesDARE,NEED,andOUGHT[to].USED[to]isnotincludedhere,asisdoneinsomegrammars,buttakentobeaspectualinstead.Seesection9.3.4.3.

10.3.9.1DAREandNEED

BothDAREandNEEDcanbelexicalverbsandmodalverbs.Wethereforehavefourverblexemes.Whenusedaslexicalverbstheycantaketenseinflections,ato-infinitiveclauseasComplement,andDO-support(section3.6.3.5),asintheexamplesbelow.

118OneplacethatdarestobedifferentisSofia’sHristoBotev.

119Ithinkhejustneedstoshavefivetimesaday.

120Idon’tevendaretowritewhatthebestandtheworstIcanexpectis.

121Youdon’tneedtobother.

122WhydidtheydaretorobtheNorthernBankofmorethan£26million?

123Whydoyouneedtochopthemdown?

Theto-infinitiveclausecanhaveaSubjectofitsown,asin(124)and(125)(section8.1.2.1),thoughforDAREthisinvolvesadifferentmeaning(‘challenge’).

124IdareyoutovisitJohannesburg,thecityforsofties.

125Ineedyoutodomeahugefavour.

LexicalDAREcanalsotakeabareinfinitiveComplement,asin(126)below.Inthisexampleitisprecededbyamodalverb,andcannotthereforeitselfbemodal.

126Hewouldn’tdaretakeitfromyou.

Inaddition,NEEDcantakeanounphraseasDirectObject,asin(127).

127Theydon’tneedanymorebusiness.

Asmodalverbs,DAREandNEEDtakeabareinfinitiveComplementinnegatedand/orinvertedstructures.Theydonothavethirdpersonsingularforms.

128Ordaren’tyouask?

129Youneedn’treadeverychapter.

130AnddareIsuggestthatthatisthematch-winner?

131NorneedIlookfurtherthanmyowncityofSheffield.

AsamarginalmodalverbNEEDhasnopasttense:wecannotsayforexample*Heneededreadeverychapter.Itexpresses‘necessity’whichisclearlyacentralmodalmeaning.DAREisnotobviouslymodalfromthe

pointofviewofmeaning,thoughitis‘forward-looking’,andissometimesregardedasinstantiatingdynamicmodality,duetothefactthattheactofdaringrelatestotheSubjectofaclause.

10.3.9.2OUGHT[to]

Syntactically,OUGHTisfollowedbyato-infinitive(indicatedby‘[to]’),anditisthisfactthatmakesOUGHTamarginalmodal,becausecoremodalsarefollowedbybareinfinitives.Herearesomeexamples.

132Ohwell,IsupposeIoughttogotobed,asit’sworktomorrow.

133Doyouthinkweoughttobringsomewine?

134IthinkCaroloughttoleaveatthispoint.

OUGHTresemblesMUSTinhavingnopasttenseform.

ForsomespeakersOUGHT[to]cantakeDO-support(section3.6.3.5),apropertyoflexicalverbs,thoughthisisnon-standard.

135Bristolwasbuiltontheslavetrade,didn’tweoughttoflattenitjusttoshowhowsorryweare?

InterrogativeandnegativestructureswithOUGHT[to],exemplifiedbelow,arerare.Noticethatininvertedstructurestheto-infinitiveisseparatedfromtheverb.

136Oughtthedoctortohaveintervenedashedid?

137PeterJacksonconfirmedatComic-Conthathiseagerly-anticipatedtwo-partHobbitfilmisstillsomewayoff,butthatoughtn’ttostopusspeculatingaboutcasting.

SomegrammarianshavenotedthatOUGHTcanbefollowedbyabareinfinitiveinAmericanEnglishininterrogativeandnegativestructures,asin(138)and(139).

138But,oughtIdeceiveyou?

139Thisoughtn’tbeaone-timething.

TheinfinitivalmarkertodoesnotbelongwithOUGHT,becauseitcanbeseparatedfromit,asin(136)above,andin(140)belowwhereanadverbisplacedbetweenOUGHTandto.

140ButweneedtogetoutofthiswarintoapeacewhichtheArabsthemselveshavetomakeandanythingwhichsuggeststhattheWesternChristianworldisimposingitsownvaluesontheMuslimworldissomethingwhichweoughtnowtoavoid.

OUGHT[to]mainlycarriesthesamedeonticmeaningasshould(discussedinsection10.3.5.2.1),whichisconcernedwiththewayaspeakerbelievestheworldmustbeconstituted.Aswithshould,thereisnoexpectationthatthesituationexpressedintheComplementClausewillbeactualized.AlmostalwaysshouldcanbesubstitutedforOUGHT[to].

10.3.10Modalidioms

Modalidiomsareidiosyncraticverbalformationswhichconsistofmorethanonewordandwhichhavemodalmeaningsthatarenotpredictablefromtheconstituentparts(comparethenon-modalidiomkickthebucket).UnderthisheadingweincludeHAVEgot[to],hadbetter/best,wouldrather/sooner/assoon,andBE[to].

10.3.10.1HAVEgot[to]

WeregardHAVEgot[to]asidiomatic,becausetheelementgotisfixed,andbecauseitderivesitsmeaningfromthecombinationasawhole(oftenshortenedasgotta).Inthisconnectionnotethatthemeaningofgotis‘bleached’(i.e.haslostitsoriginalmeaning),anddoesnotcarrythemeaning‘possess’.

TheverbHAVEwithinthecombinationHAVEgotbehaveslikeanauxiliaryverbbecauseitcaninvertwithaSubjectandcanbenegated,asin(141)and(142),butcannotbeprecededbyotherauxiliaryverbs,modalorotherwise,as(143)and(144)show.Inthisrespectitbehaveslikethecoremodals.Alsolikethecoremodals,HAVEgotisalwaystensed(italmostalwaysoccursinthepresenttense);butunlikethecoremodals,itcanagree

withaSubject,asin(145),anditisfollowedbyato-infinitive(indicatedby‘[to]’).Inthisrespectitresemblesthemodallexicalverbs(section10.3.11.3),thoughnotsufficientlytoputitinthatclass.

141HaveyougottopayforBettytogo?

142Areyousureyoujusthaven’tgottosenditofftotheAmericanaddress?

143*Eachofuswillhavegottodoitthreetimes.

144*Eachofusishavinggottodoitthreetimes.

145Eachofushasgottodoitthreetimes.

TheverbHAVEcanbeattachedtotheSubjectinshortenedform,asin(146)and(147),orleftout,asin(148).

146You’vegottokeepitthere.

147It’sgottosoundasthoughitfitsinsomehow,hasn’tit?

148Yougottohavethemoney,though,haven’tyou?

WeknowthatHAVEisleftoutin(148)becauseofthepresenceoftheinterrogativetaghaven’tyou?Interrogativetagsalways‘pickup’theverbinthematrixclause(seesection4.1.1.8).

HAVEgot[to]isusedininformalsettings,mostlyinBritishEnglish,andcanexpressthedeonticmeaningofnecessity(i.e.‘obligation’),asin(149).ItisveryofteninterchangeablewithMUST,thoughitexpressesanobjectivenecessity,ratherthanasubjectiveone.

149Youhavegottoworkhard,youhavegottoperformwell.

WithHAVEgot[to]thesourceoftheobligationisoftennotthespeaker,butexternalcircumstancessuchasregulations,procedures,etc.,asin(150)and(151).Theidiomthenexpressesdynamicmeaning.

150“You’vegottogetaform,acomplexform–thegovernment’sgoodat

complexforms;youhavegottogetaphotograph.”

151“It’sgottobethesamewhetheryou’reabackbencher,orwhetheryou’rethechancelloroftheexchequer,thesameruleshavegottoapplytoyou,”sheadded.

LesscommonlyHAVEgot[to]expressesepistemicmeaning,asin(152).

152Thesegirlsarehavingalotofpressureputonthem–ithasgottobeexcruciatinglydifficult.

WemustdistinguishHAVEgot[to]fromHAVEgot(=‘possess’),asin(153),andHAVEgottodo[with](=‘relateto’),asin(154).

153I’mdeliberatelytakingthisoutoforderbecausewehavegotanominationforSecretary.

154Soyoumightwonderwhatthishasgottodowithclimate.

IwilldiscussthemodallexicalverbHAVE[to]insection10.3.11.3.2.

10.3.10.2Hadbetter/bestandwouldrather/sooner/assoon

Weregardhadbetter/bestandwouldrather/sooner/assoonasidiomatic,becausetheycontainfixed,semanticallybleachedcomponents.Syntactically,thesemodalidiomsarefollowedbyabareinfinitive,apropertyofthecoremodals.

155Wehadbetterkeepourfeetontheground.

156Iwouldratherspendthemoneyonsomethingelse.

157“Iwouldsoonerdieinjail,”GilfoyletoldTheTimesinanexclusiveinterviewthisweek.

158Sometimesyouhappenonanareayouwouldassoonkeeptoyourself.

Theidiomswithwouldcanalsobefollowedbyafiniteclause,asintheexamplebelow.

159Ifyoufeelyou’reindanger,rememberthatBRwouldratheryourtrainweredelayedthanthatyoubecamethevictimofacrime.

NoticetheoccurrenceofwereintheComplementClause.

Morphologically,theseidiomsresemblethecoremodals:therearenothirdpersonsingularpresenttenseforms(*hasbetter,*willsrather/sooner),andnonon-tensedforms(*havingbetter),althoughhadandwouldcanbeattachedtoaprecedingSubject,asin(160)and(161),orevenleftout,asin(162).

160You’dbetternotletJogetholdofthis.

161WellI’dratherafriendpickedtheirearpersonally.

162IthinkIbettershowyou.

Thefirstelementofthesecombinationsbehaveslikeanauxiliarybecauseinversionandnegationarepossible.

163SohadIbettershutupconcerningthem?

164WouldIratherdrinkteathanwater?

Twotypesofnegationareattested:onewithhadn’torwouldn’t,theotherwiththewordnotfollowingtheidiom.

165Ihadn’tbetteraskhimagainincasesomebodyherenotices.

166PoorwholesomeToddhadbetternotletthesidedownorSarah’llgethergun.

167Peopleusedtoaskhimsometimesifhewouldn’tratherhavehadason,andheusedtosaythatAmandawasasonaswellasadaughter.

168Wewouldrathernotuseanimalsandwetryhardtofindalternatives.

Thenegatedstructuresareinterchangeableinthecaseofhadbetter,butthisisnotalwayssofortheotheridioms.Thus,wouldn’tratherhavehadasonin(167)doesnotmeanthesameaswouldrathernothavehadason.

Hadbetterexpressesdeonticnecessity,whichisverysimilartothemeaningexpressedbyshouldandOUGHT[to].Theidiomscontainingwouldexpressthedynamicmeaningof‘preference’.

10.3.10.3BE[to]

ThecombinationBE[to]isidiomaticbecausetheverbBEisusedwithaspecializedmodalmeaning.Likethecoremodalsitisalwaystensed,andhencecannotbeprecededbyotherauxiliaryverbs.As(169)and(170)show,inversionandnegationarepossibleforBE;thisisanauxiliary-likeproperty.However,modalBEisalwaysfollowedbyato-infinitive(indicatedby‘[to]’),andcanagreewithaSubject,asshownin(171)–(173).Inthisrespectitresemblesmodallexicalverbs(section10.3.11.3).However,aswithHAVEgot[to],discussedinsection10.3.10.1,thisisnotsufficientlythecasetoassignittothisclass.

169Arewetostart?

170Thegroupbegandevisingsomeformofpunctuationtomarkpoststhatweren’ttobetakenseriously.

171HeistoholdtalksontheGulfcrisiswiththePrimeMinister.

172Judgesaretotakefarlessaccountoftheoffender’spastrecord.

173ThepeoplesofEuropearenottobeformallyconsultedatanypoint,byreferendumorotherwise.

BE[to]canexpressthedeonticmeaningsof‘obligation’and‘necessity’,asin(169)and(170),orcanbeusedtoexpressfuturearrangements,plans,andsoon,asin(171).Theexamplesin(172)and(173)areambiguous:theformercanmeaneither‘judgesmusttakefarlessaccountoftheoffender’spastrecord’(themostlikelyreading),or‘judgeswillbetakingfarlessaccountoftheoffender’spastrecord’.(173)canmeaneither‘theconsultationmustnottakeplace’or‘theconsultationisnotplannedtotakeplace’.

InthepasttenseBE[to]canexpressanarrangementinthepastora‘futureinthepast’.

174AndthesebuildingsweretobethehomeofOrdnanceSurveyforthenextonehundredyears.

175LivingwithherfamilyinOxford,shehadsetherselftolearnLatinandGreekasagirl,laterattendingStAnne’sCollegeofwhichshewastobecomeanhonoraryfellow.

10.3.11Lexicalmodality

Modalmeaningscanbeexpressedlexicallybynouns,adjectives,verbs,andadverbs.Thesetrigger(or‘govern’,astraditionalgrammarhasit)amodalcontext,usuallyintheshapeofasubjunctiveclause(sections10.3.2and10.3.5.2.3).

10.3.11.1Modalnouns

Examplesofmodalnounsincludecondition,decree,demand,necessity,order,requirement,request,resolution,andwish.Intheexamplebelowthemodalnounintentioncreatesamodalcontextwhichcontainsthemodalverbshould.

176SoIdrewtheinferencethattheintentionwasthatthemediashouldreproducetheprogramme.

Noticethatshouldinthisexampleismandativeshould(section10.3.5.2.3).In(177)theverbbeinthesubjunctiveclauseis‘governed’bythemodalnouninsistence.Thisexamplecontainstwofurthermodalexpressions:wereintheif-clause,andwouldinthematrixclause.

177AndyetifitwerenotforMrsThatcher’sinsistencethatthe12waterbusinessesofEnglandandWalesbemadeeconomicallyhealthy,theLowermoorplantwouldhavehadsomeoneondutyonthedaythealuminiumsulphatewasdumpedintothewrongtank.

Anotherexampleofamodalnouniswish,illustratedbytheexamplebelow,inwhichitlicensesasubjunctiveclause.

178Werespectthejudge’swishesthatwenotraisethetemperaturefurther.

10.3.11.2Modaladjectives

Examplesofmodaladjectivesincludeable,advisable,anxious,bound,concerned,crucial,desirable,essential,fitting,imperative,important,likely,necessary,possible,supposed,sure,vital,andwilling.Thesecreatemodalcontextstovaryingdegrees,oftendependingonhowthespeakerorwriterviewsthesituationexpressedbytheComplement.

179Survivorsarelikelytoexperienceadversephysicalandpsychologicaleffects.

180Thereareboundtobeguardsatthecheckout,whetherthealarmisoutforusornot.

181Itwouldbedesirabletohaveasmuchanalysisaspossibledoneautomatically.

182Imeanascouncillorswearelegallyobligedtotryandensurethatourexpenditurematchesourincome.

183Itisthereforenecessarytoencouragetheoperatorstotakeshortbreakstokeepthemproperlyalert.

IntheexamplesabovetheComplementsareviewedasnon-actualized,potentialsituationsinthefuture.

Noticethatshouldin(184)and(185)ismandativeshould(section10.3.5.2.3),whereas(186)involvesamandativesubjunctiveclause(section10.3.2).

184HewasanxiousthatargumentswithintheCommunityshouldnotleaveBritainisolated.

185Itisdesirablethattherobotshouldbedeflectedwhenitiskickedsothatthecowisnotharmed.

186Itisimperativethatanewmaturitybeachievedindomesticandinternationalcommunications.

10.3.11.3Modallexicalverbs

10.3.11.3.1ModallexicalverbstakingaDirectObject

Wehavealreadycomeacrossexamplesofmodallexicalverbs,namelyURGEin(13)andDECREEin(68).OthersincludeADVISE,INTEND,PROPOSE,RECOMMEND,REQUIRE,SUGGEST,andWISH.Theseverbscanlicensemandativeshouldclausesormandativesubjunctiveclauses.

187WeintendthatthisbankshouldprovidethestimulusforprivateinvestmentinEasternEurope.

188Werecommendthatfrontbrakepadsbecheckedforwearatleastevery12,000milesor12months.

189Bothdivisionssuggestthattreatmentbedirectedtowardsthecauseunderlyingthediseaseratherthanthesymptoms.

10.3.11.3.2HAVE[to]

Unlikethecoremodalauxiliaries,modallexicalHAVEcantakeinflectionalendings,andlicensesato-infinitiveclauseasComplement(indicatedby‘[to]’).

190Youhavetopayforthese.

AlthoughitreadilytakesDO-support,asin(191),inversionandnegation,asin(192)and(193),arebarelypossibleformostspeakers.

191Dowehavetotakeabottleofwine?

192HavewetoconsiderthealarmingpossibilitythattheBritishjustdon’thavethetennisgene?

193“Wehaven’ttogetworriedafterthisbecauseweplayedwellandweneedtorememberwewereplayingawaytoMilan,whoareaprettystrongside.”

HAVE[to]canoccurasanon-tensedform,andcanbeprecededbyanauxiliaryverb,modalornon-modal,as(194)and(195)demonstrate.

194ButI’llhavetodrive.

195AtthemomenttheGunnersarehavingtodefendasSavavakosbringsthatup.

LikethecoremodalverbMUST,andlikeHAVEgot[to],thecombinationHAVE[to]canexpress‘obligation’.ThelatterismoreformalthanHAVEgot[to].However,unlikewithMUST,butlikewithHAVEgot[to],theobligationisimposedbysomeoneotherthanthespeaker.Forexample,in(190),therequirementtopayisimposedbytheseller,notbythespeaker.RecallthatMUSThasnopasttenseform(sections10.3.3and10.3.8).ToexpresspastobligationHAVE[to]isusedinstead,asin(196).

196Ihadtogetdowntherebynine.

AnothermeaningexpressedbyHAVE[to]isdynamicnecessity.In(197)theobligationofcheckingonthebabiesisimposedonthenursebyhospitalregulations.

197Twentybabieshavebeenbornovernightandshehastocheckthey’reallhealthy.

Finally,HAVE[to]canexpressepistemicmeaning,asin(198),thoughthisismorecommoninAmericanEnglish.

198Ithastobetrue;theymustbeputtingsomethinginthewater.NoticethatthissentencealsocontainsanexampleofepistemicMUST.

10.3.11.3.3BEgoing[to]

BEgoing[to]isanidiosyncratic,idiomaticcombination,whichresemblesotherverbsandverbalconstructionsinanumberofways,aswewillsee.

Firstly,BEinthiscombinationcantakeafullrangeofinflectionalforms,includingnon-finiteforms.Forexample,in(199)BEtakesabareinfinitiveform,placedafterthemodalwill.

199Theadmissionsprocessforentryin2007beginswhentheschoolsgobackthismonth,althoughchildrenwillonlyfindoutinMarchwhichschoolstheywillbegoingtoattend.

ExampleslikethismakeclearthatinthisrespectBEgoing[to]behaveslike

alexicalverb,andcannotsyntacticallyberegardedasacoremodalverb,becausesequencesoftwoormoremodalauxiliariesarenotpossibleinStandardEnglish(thoughtheyareattestedinthesouthernUS,inTyneside,andinScotland).Thisexampleisparticularlyinterestingbecauseitcombinestwofuturetimemarkers.

Secondly,BEgoing[to]takesato-infinitiveclauseasComplement(indicatedby‘[to]’),whichisagainapropertyoflexicalverbs.However—andinthissenseBEgoing[to]isidiosyncratic—withinthiscombinationBEbehaveslikeanauxiliaryverb(theprogressiveauxiliaryBE)whichconformstotheNICEproperties(section3.6.3.1),as(200)–(203)show.

200JohnBrownisn’tgoingtobethere.[Negation]

201Ishegoingtocomebackhere?[Inversion]

202Heisn’tgoingtocomeback,andneitherisshe.[Code]

203Heisgoingtocomeback.[Emphasis]

OnthebasisofthedatapresentedaboveweconcludethatonbalanceBEgoing[to]behaveslikealexicalverbwithamodalmeaning.Itsidiomaticnatureisreflectedinthefactthattheelementgoingissemanticallybleached.However,wedonotregardBEgoing[to]asamodalidiom(section10.3.10),becausethemembersofthatclassbehavelikethecoremodalstoamuchgreaterextent.

BEgoing[to]iscommoninspokeninformalEnglish,andisusedtorefertofuturetime.Despiteouranalysingitascarryingmodalmeaning,italsohasaspectualqualitiesbyvirtueofthepresenceoftheprogressiveauxiliaryBE,andbecauseithas‘currentorientation’.Thismeansthatitoftenconveysasenseofimmediacy,orthecurrencyofpresentpurpose,astheexamplesbelowshow.

204Right,I’mgoingtodishthisupnow.

205OhGodI’mgoingtostopforaminute.

206I’mgoingtobeinRamsfordtomorrow.

Bycontrast,theverbWILL,whichisalsousedtorefertofuturetime,hasamoreneutralfuturemeaning.VeryoftenBEgoing[to]andWILLareinterchangeable,thoughnotalways.Thusin(207)WILLcannotreplaceBEgoing[to].

207IfI’mgoingto(*will)makesuchamealoutofeveryexercise,I’llnevercompletethecourse.

HereBEgoing[to]occursinaconditionalsubordinateclausewhereWILLisrare,andonlyoccursinrestrictedcircumstances,forexamplewhenitexpressesvolition.Avolitionalreadingisexcludedin(207),becauseonewouldnotnormallywillingly‘makeamealoutofeveryexercise’.However,considernext(208)whereavolitionalreadingisplausible(‘Iftheyarenotwillingto…’).HereBEgoing[to]wouldsoundodd.

208Pleaseaskwhethertheauctioneerwillcompletethenotificationofsaleonyourbehalf.Iftheywillnot(?*arenotgoingto),youshouldtellDVLAinwritingthatyouhavetransferredthevehicletotheauctionfirm.

In(209),too,themostlikelyreadingforWILLis‘volition’.Ifwesubstituteisn’tgoingtoforwillnot,theif-clausewillexpress‘intention’(i.e.itwillmean‘ifParliamentdoesn’thavetheintentiontorestrainitslaw-makingzeal’).

209IfParliamentwillnotrestrainitslaw-makingzeal,itshouldatleasthaveaddressedthisstateofaffairsbymakinglegaladviceandassistanceavailabletothemyriadcaughtinitstentacles.

BEgoing[to]canalsoexpressepistemicmeaning,asinthefollowingexample.

210Ithinkthatthere’sgoingtobeincompetenceineveryprofession.

Themeaningconveyedhereis‘prediction’basedongeneralknowledge.

Thepasttenseformswas/weregoing[to]expressapastfuturate(section9.2.2.5),asexemplifiedin(211).

211Bobwasgoingtotryandfindhimtoday.

10.3.11.4Modaladverbs

AmongthemodaladverbsinEnglishwefindarguably,probably,maybe,possibly,perhaps,andsurely.Herearesomeexamples.

212Theageoftotalwarisarecentphenomenon,arguablydatingfromtheThirtyYearsWar.

213Ithoughtmaybeyou’dcomeround.

214Theymaypossiblyincreasethecapacityofanindividualorganismtotrackoravoidchange.

215Theteachersaren’tperhapsawareofhowtheycanworkwiththedisabledstudent.

216Probablytheworstthingthatonecanhaveisalarge,southfacingwindowglazedwithreededglasswhichcandispersethesun’sraysinalldirections.

Noticethepositionalversatilityofmodaladverbs,andthatin(214)modalityisdoublyencoded:herewehaveamodalverb,aswellasamodaladverb,bothexpressingthemeaning‘possibility’.

10.3.12Hedges

Hedgesareexpressionsthatqualifyastatementwithregardtoitstruth.Somecanaddanelementofmodalmeaning(e.g.doubt)toanutterance,asin(217)–(220).

217Soyouwouldactuallysay,Iwouldhavethought,withinyourexecutivesummary,somethingtotheeffectthatthedetaileddesignworkyou’vedonehasbeenfocusedonthekeyelementoftheprocess.

218ButImeanit’sworkingextremelywell,andIthinkhopefullythatwillcontinue.

219Wellwe’resortofworkingtowardsourfirstperformance.

220Iusedtokindofsayyouknowplease,pleaseGodgetmeoutofthis.

10.3.13Otherissuespertainingtomodality

10.3.13.1Contextualinfluencesontheinterpretationofmodalverbs

Thewayweinterpretmodalexpressions,especiallymodalverbs,oftendependsonthediscoursecontextinwhichaparticularverbisused.Asanexample,consider(221).

221MayIputitinadifferentway?

Ifthisisutteredbysomeonewhoisaskingforpermissiontomakeapointdifferently,thenthereisnothingremarkableaboutit,apartfromthefactthatCANismoreusualinsuchrequests.However,imaginenowthedirectorofabigcompanyuttering(221)atanimportantmeeting.Insuchasituation,dependingonhowitisuttered,thispersonmaysimplybeexpressinganintention,namely‘I’mgoingtoputitinadifferentway’.Byuttering(221)containingtheover(t)lypoliteMAY,acertaindegreeofdeliberatelyunderstatedauthoritycanbeconveyed.Usingthemodalsinthiswaytoconveyaparticularstanceinaconversationisextremelycommon,asafewfurtherexampleswillmakeclear.

Theinterpretationof(222)inaparticularcontextdependsoninterpersonalrelationships,conversationalsetting,andsoon.Forexample,if(222)isutteredbyafrienditislikelytoconstituteapieceofadvice,butifitisutteredbyone’sgrandfatheritmightbeastrongexhortation,orperhapsevenanorder.

222Youshouldkeepyourancestralpaintings.

Similarconsiderationsapplyto(223)and(224).Thesearenotexamplesofspeakersimposingtheirdemands,butratherthesortofthingswesaytoeachotherinfriendly,politeinterchanges.Themostlikelyreadingfor(223)isthatitisanoffer,while(224)isaninvitation.

223Ah,you’reexquisite;youmustletmepaintyou.

224However,theimportantthingisthatwearehavingahousewarmingpartyandyoumustcome.

Finally,considertheexamplesin(225),fromatrainingvideoonhowto

rideamotorbike,and(226),fromacookbook.

225Youcannowletgoofthefrontbrake.

226Youcan,ifyoulike,addsomeanchovyinapatternbetweentheeggs.

Whileostensiblyexpressing‘permission’or‘possibility’,itispossibletointerpretthefirstuseofCANasaninstruction,whereastheseconduseislikelytobeunderstoodasasuggestion.Noticetheparentheticalifyoulike.

10.3.13.2Indeterminatemeanings

Modalexpressionscanbesemanticallyindeterminate:itisnotalwayspossibletodetectoneclearmeaninginaparticularexample.Wecameacrossafewinstancesofambiguitiesinearliersections.Asanadditionalexample,consider(227),fromasportscommentary.Herewecanperceivethemeaningsof‘ability’and‘possibility’.Ofcourse,thesemeaningsarecloselyrelated,becauseifsomeoneisabletodosomethingitisgenerallypossibleforthemtodoit(circumstancespermitting).

227NowPaulAllencanrunatthoseArsenaldefenders.

Wheremorethanonemeaningisapplicabletoaparticularverbwespeakofsemanticmerger.

Chapter11InformationstructuringThischapterdiscussesthesyntacticchoicesspeakershaveinpresentinginformationtotheiraddressees.

11.1Introduction

Whenwecommunicatewithotherstherearevariouswaysinwhichwecanconveyaparticularmessageinspeechorinwriting.Forexample,ifwewanttomakeastatementaboutaparticularstateofaffairsintheworldwhichwebelievetobetrue,wenormallyuseadeclarativeclause(seesection6.1),asinexample(1).

1Petemarriedastrongwoman.

TheconstituentorderhereisSubject–Predicator–DirectObject.Wecanembedanexamplelike(1)intheconversationalsituationin(2).

2Jim:Petemarriedastrongwoman.

Meg:HowcomePetemarriedthewrongwoman?

Inthismini-interchangeMegmishearsJim.Tosetthisright,JimreorderstheinformationconveyedinhisoriginalutterancebydisplacingtheDirectObjectfromitsoriginalpositionfollowingtheverbMARRY(indicatedby‘_’)toaninitialposition,thusderivingtheorderDirectObject–Subject–Predicator.Inaddition,thewordsstrongandwrongarestressed,asindicatedbytheboldtypeface.ItisverycommonforusersofEnglishtohighlightcertainpartsofthecontentofaclauseinthismanner,andinthischapterwewilllookatanumberofwaysinwhichspeakersandwriterscandoso.Thisiscalledinformationstructuring.

Beforeweproceedweneedtodistinguishbetweentwotypesofmeaning:

propositionalmeaningandnon-propositionalmeaning.Theformerisasemanticnotion,concernedwithwhatisexpressedbytheverbanditsarguments,aswellasanyAdjuncts,abstractingawayfromaparticularcontextofuse.Inthecaseofanexamplelike(1)thepropositionalmeaningroughlyequatesto‘xmarryy(atsomepointtinthepast)’,withthevaluesforxandyfixedas‘Pete’and‘astrongwoman’,respectively.Bycontrast,whenwespeakofnon-propositionalmeaningwearetalkingabouthowprocessessuchasinformationstructuringcanaffectinterpretation.Asaruleofthumb,iftheconstituentsinaclausearereorderedbyaninformationstructuringprocess,thepropositionalmeaningoftheclausedoesnotchange,butthenon-propositionalmeaningdoes.

Wecouldsaythatthemeaningofanutteranceonaparticularoccasionisthesumtotalofitspropositionalmeaninganditsnon-propositionalmeaning.Returningto(1)andJim’ssecondutterancein(2),theirpropositionalmeaningisthesame,namely‘xmarryy(atsomepointtinthepast)’,againwiththevaluesforxandyfixedas‘Pete’and‘astrongwoman’.However,Jim’ssecondutterancein(2),withadisplacedDirectObject,hasanaddedlayerofnon-propositionalmeaning,namelytheinformationstructuringeffectsofdisplacingandstressingtheDirectObject.Inthisparticularconversationalsetting,theinformationstructuringeffectamountstocorrectingawrongassumptiononthepartofMegthatPetemarriedthewrongwoman.

Presentinginformationdifferentlycanbedoneinmanyways,forexamplebydisplacementandstress,asabove,butalsobynon-linguisticmeanssuchasaccompanyinganutterancewithfacialexpressions,gestures,andsoon.InthischapterIwillfocusonlyonthedifferentsyntacticpossibilitiesofexpressingapropositionindifferentways.

11.2Twoprinciplesofinformationstructuring

Informationstructuringis‘regulated’byanumberofprinciples,chiefamongthemtheGiven-Before-NewPrincipleandthePrincipleofEndWeight.Theformerstipulatesthatspeakersandwriters,incomposingtheirmessages,willtendtoplacegiveninformationbeforenewinformation.Weunderstandgiveninformationtobeinformationthatis‘known’intheprevioussituationalorlinguisticcontext,thatis,sharedbetween

interlocutors.Newinformationhasnotbecomeknowninthisway.Bycontrast,thePrincipleofEndWeightstipulatesthat‘heavy’constituents,inthesenseofunitscontainingmanywords,tendtobeplacedattheendofamessage.Wewillcomeacrossexamplesofthesetwoprinciplesinwhatfollows.Aswewillsee,bothprinciplescanbeoverridden.

11.3Movement

Insection11.1wesawthatwecanhighlightinformationbydisplacingaparticularunitinaclause.Asinpreviouschapters,thereisnosuggestionherethatweshouldregarddisplacementasaprocessthathappensinthemind;makinguseofthenotionofdisplacementismerelyaconvenientwayofdescribingthestructureswearedealingwith.

Weneedtodistinguishobligatorymovementfromoptionalmovement.Theformerisexemplifiedbyopeninterrogativeclausessuchas(3)(seeSection6.2.1).

3

HeretheDirectObjectofSAYhasbeendisplacedfromthepositionindicatedby‘_’tothebeginningoftheclause.Toformanopeninterrogativeclauseaspeakermustmovethewh-phrasetoaclause-initialposition,aswellasimplementSubject–auxiliaryinversion(seesection11.7below).Bycontrast,whenmovementiseffectedforinformationstructuringreasons,itisnormallyoptional,aswewillsee.Wedistinguishleftwardmovementsfromrightwardmovements.

11.3.1Leftwardmovements

DisplacementstotheleftaretypicallyregulatedbytheGiven-Before-NewPrinciple,ortheyaremotivatedbyadesireonthepartofaspeakertoestablishacontrastbetweenconstituentsindifferentclauses.

11.3.1.1Preposing

Considerthefollowingfragmentfromaconversation.

4IgoinWaterstones,orwherever,andbuypaperbacksandreadthemandprobablycastthemasideorgivethemorlendthemtosomeoneelse,andforgetwhoyou’velentthemto.ButhardbacksIwouldn’tlendtoanyone.

NoticethatinthesecondsentencetheDirectObjectoftheverbLEND,hardbacks,isnotplacedinitscanonicalpositionaftertheverb,butatthebeginningoftheclause.Wecanrepresentthisdisplacementasin(5).

5

Thistypeofpreposingiscalledtopicalization.Thisisbecausethefirstslotinaclauseisoftenoccupiedbyastringofwordsthatspecifieswhattheclauseisabout;itisthetopicposition.Topicscharacteristicallyrepresentgiveninformationinclauses,andusuallyfunctionasSubject.In(4)thetopicNPhardbacksrepresentsgiveninformationbecausetheconversationisaboutbooks.Thepreposedphraseestablishesalinkwithasimilarphrase(paperbacks)earlieroninthediscourse.Hereisafurtherexamplefromanovel.

6Shewaspreventedfrommeetingamanwithwhomshewasinfatuated,amanwhospenteverydayoftheweekthreehundredyardsfromherownhousebytheproprieties,bythoseabsurdsocialconventionswhichdictatedwhatwasbecomingaladyofherposition,andfurthermorebydutytoKingandcountry.Sheshudderedassherememberedherprejudiceswhichamountedtospurningwithcontumelyanddisgusttheenemyatherdoor.Herdutytoherhusband,fightingonforeignfieldforhisandherfreedom,shedidnotconsideratall.

Thesecondpartofthisfragmentisanalysedasin(7).

7

ThepreposedphraseclearlyestablishesalinkwiththephrasedutytoKingandcountryintheprecedingcontext.

Althoughitisrare,IndirectObjectscanalsobepreposed,asintheexampleshownbelow.

8WellI’vebeendoingalotofresearchintothis,and

.

TheclauseintroducedbyhowfunctionsasDirectObject(seesection7.3.1.2.5).

Othertypesofphraseswithdifferentfunctionscanalsobepreposed,asintheexamplesbelow.

9

10

11

In(12)and(13)wehaveavariantofpreposing.Itinvolvesthedisplacementofaconstituent,typicallyanadjectivephrase,frominsideathough-clausetotheleft.

12

13

Theversionsoftheseexampleswithoutdisplacementareshownin(14)and(15).

14Thoughtheybothareexcellent,theymaynotbeenough.

15Thoughitistemptingtolinkrisingcrimeandtheeconomicdownturn,factorssuchasinequalityplayafargreaterrole.

Displacementfromclauseswithasisalsopossible.

16

However,hereaversionwithoutdisplacementisnotpossible.

17*Myretailjob,asitiscrazy,keepsmesane.

Aswiththeearlierexamplesofpreposing,thedisplacedphrasesrepresentgiveninformation,andoftenestablishalinkwiththeprecedingcontext.Thefollowingpassagemakesthisclear.

18Atthestart,theauthorappearstobegoingthroughthesameagoniesasthereader.Whyspendtimethinkingaboutpeoplewhospendtheirlivesregularlyeatingagainsttheclock?‘Competitiveeating’,writesFagone,‘wasasymbolichairballcoughedupbytheAmericanid.Itwasmeaningfullikeatumourwasmeaningful.’Inotherwords,horriblethoughitis,competitiveeatingisworthwritingabout,asasignoftheworstaspectsofhumannature.

Inthispassagetheadjectivehorriblecanberegardedasgiveninformation,becauseitislinkedintheprecedingtextwithsomethingthatisunpleasant,namelycompetitiveeating.

Finally,inthefollowingexamplethepreposingofthenounphrasesetsupa

contrast.ConsideragainJim’sresponsein(2),repeatedin(19).

19

Aswehaveseen,JimiscorrectingawrongassumptiononthepartofMegthatPetemarriedthewrongwoman.

11.3.1.2Leftdislocation

Considertheexamplesshownin(20)and(21).

20ThecolleagueImentionedtoyou,Imarriedher.

21Yourmother,shewasjustmisunderstood.

Inbothcasesanounphrasehasbeenpreposed,buta‘copy’isleftintheregularpositionoftheNPsintheshapeofapronoun.Inthefirstexample,aDirectObjectiscopied;inthesecondexample,aSubject.Thisprocessiscalledleftdislocation.Inspeechthereisoftenashortpauseaftertheleft-dislocatedphrase,whichusuallyrepresentsgiveninformation.Thepragmaticeffectofleftdislocationisthatitcreatesdiscoursecohesionortextualcohesion.Noticethatin(20)thedislocatedNPconveysgiveninformation,witnessthepresenceofthedefinitearticlethe,whichsignalsthatthecolleagueinquestionisidentifiablefromtheprecedingdiscourseorrepresentssharedknowledge.Aswehaveseen,giveninformationtendstoprecedenewinformation.Example(21)isfromanovel.Thephraseyourmotherisusedintheimmediatelyprecedingtext(notshownhere),andhencerepresentsgiveninformation.Byplacingitinclause-initialpositionatextuallinkbetweenthetwoinstancesofthephraseiscreated.

11.3.2Rightwardmovements

DisplacementstotherightarecharacteristicallyregulatedbythePrincipleofEndWeight,introducedinsection11.2.

11.3.2.1Postposing

Asanexampleofpostposing,consider(22).

22Shecalls[NPwritingpaper][NPnotepaper].

RecallthatwefunctionallyanalysedanexamplelikethisasinvolvingaSubject(she),aPredicator(calls),aDirectObject(writingpaper),andanObject-relatedPredicativeComplement(notepaper)inacomplextransitivecomplementationpattern(seesection4.1.3.3.2).ConsidernextthesameexamplewithalengthenedDO.

23Shecalls[NPanykindofpaperthatcanbeusedforcorrespondence][NPnotepaper].

BecausetheaddresseewillhavetowaitalongtimebeforetheObject-relatedPredicativeComplementcomesalong,(23)ishardtoprocess,andforthisreasontheDOwilltendtobepostposedrightwards,asin(24).

24

.

Thisdisplacement,calledHeavyNounPhraseShift,isinaccordancewiththePrincipleofEndWeight:becausetheDirectObjectNPisheavyitismovedtotheendoftheclauseresultingintheorderSubject–Predicator–Object-relatedPredicativeComplement–DirectObject.ThelengthieranunmovedDirectObjectis,theharderitistoprocessthecontainingclause,andthemorelikelyitisthatitwillbemoved‘across’theObject-relatedPredicativeComplement.Thefollowingexamplemakesthisparticularlyclear.

25

HeretheconstituentorderisPredicator(lays)+gap+Object-relatedPredicativeComplement(bare)+DirectObject(themechanisms…versa).ThebracketedDOisaverylongandcomplexnounphrase,andhasbeenpostposedtotherightfromthepositionindicatedby‘_’inconformitywiththePrincipleofEndWeight.HadtheDOstayedinitsregularposition,theclausewouldhavebeenvirtuallyimpossibletoprocess.

11.3.2.2Extraposition

Aswesawinsections3.2.2.1.2,7.3.1.1,and7.3.1.2,whenaclauseismovedandanticipatoryitissubstitutedforthedisplacedclauseasaplace-holder,wespeakofextraposition.Herearesomefurtherexamples.

26

.

27

28

In(26)and(27)theSubjectsoftheclauseshavebeendisplacedtotheright.Bycontrast,in(28)aDirectObjecthasbeenmovedtotheendoftheclause.Inallthesecasesthedisplacedclausesareheavy,andthereforeprefertocomelast,inaccordancewiththePrincipleofEndWeight.Extrapositionisoptionalfor(26),asitscounterpartin(29)shows.

29[Thatfarmersareveryhappy]isquiteclear.

Bycontrast,itisobligatoryfor(27)and(28),ascanbeseenbelow,wherethedisplacedunitshavebeen‘putback’intotheSubjectandDirectObjectpositions,respectively.

30*[Thattheyweren’tgettinganybetter]seemedtome.

31*Rajivfound[thathispoliciesmadelittleimpactonpoverty]frustrating.

However,noticein(32)thatpreposingofthecontentclausetoaclause-initialpositionwithoutinsertingitispossiblefor(28).

32

.

Extrapositionisalsoobligatoryin(33),which,like(28),involvesacomplextransitivepatternwithathat-clausefunctioningasDirectObject.Herethedummypronounitispossibleinthepositionindicatedby‘_’,butitsomissionfacilitatesthe‘flow’oftheclause.

33

11.3.2.3Rightdislocation

Consider(34).

34Imarriedher,thewomanImentionedtoyou.

Thisisthemirrorimageof(20),repeatedhereas(35).

35ThecolleagueImentionedtoyou,Imarriedher.

In(34)theDirectObjectisdisplacedtotheright,witha‘copy’intheshapeofapronouninthe‘regular’DirectObjectposition.Thisprocessiscalled

rightdislocation.Whenutteredthereisnormallyashortpauseafterthepronoun.Thispatterncanbeusedinasituationinwhichthespeakerthinksthatthehearermaynotbesurewhothepronounherrefersto.ForclaritythefullreferentialNPisspelledout.Thispatternisnoteworthybecausetheright-dislocatedconstituentsrepresentgiveninformation,andtheGiven-Before-NewPrincipleisthusoverridden.

11.4Passivization

RecallthatsyntacticallypassiveclausesinvolvethepassiveauxiliaryBEfollowedbyapastparticipleandanoptionalby-phrase.LesscommonlythepassiveconstructioncontainstheverbGET(section3.6.3.4).TheSubjectpositionofpassiveclausesischaracteristicallyfilledbyanounphrasethatcarriesthesemanticroleofPatientorTheme.Hereisanexample.

36Theprocesswasdevisedin1795byamancalledConté.

Theactivecounterpartofthisexampleisshownin(37).

37AmancalledContédevisedtheprocessin1795.

NoticethattheDirectObjectoftheactiveclause(theprocess)istheSubjectofthepassiveclause.Aswehaveseen,EnglishalsohaspassivestructuresinwhichtheSubjectcorrespondstoanIndirectObjectortheComplementofaprepositioninanactiveclause,as(38)and(39)show.

38Parliamentwasgiventhebestestimate.

Cf.ThecommitteegaveParliamentthebestestimate.

39Theproblemwasdealtwith.

Cf.Thepolicedealtwiththeproblem.

Passiveclauseshavethesamepropositionalmeaning(section11.1)astheiractivecounterparts.However,(36)and(37)conveysubtlydifferentnon-propositionalmeanings.Aswehaveseen,byvirtueofbeingpositionedatthebeginningofaclausetheSubjectissaidtobethetopic,andbecausethe

activeandpassiveclausesabovehavedifferentSubjects,wecansaythattheyfocusondifferenttopics.Thus(36)canbesaidtobeabout‘theprocess’,whereas(37)isabout‘amancalledConté’.Theorderoftheconstituentsin(36)isinconformitywiththeGiven-Before-NewPrinciple.The‘process’referredtoin(36)constitutesgiveninformationbecauseitisidentifiabletotheaddresseefromtheprecedingtext,shownin(40),whichmakesreferencetoaprocessof‘firing’.

40Pencil“lead”todayiscomposedoflesspuregraphite–mostlyfromMexico–andBavarianclay,firedlikeporcelaininakiln.

NoticealsothattheNPtheprocessin(36)isdefinite.BecausethepassiveclauseconformstotheGiven-Before-NewPrincipleitismorenaturalthanitsactivecounterpartin(37)whichhasnewinformation(thephraseamancalledConté)placedclause-initially.Havingthenewinformationinclause-finalpositionin(36)makesConté,andhisroleindevisingthefiringprocess,morefocal.

Theby-phrase,whichtypicallyexpressesthesemanticroleofAgentinthepassiveversionsofactiveclausesthatexpressanaction,cangenerallybeleftout.Whenthisisdonewespeakofanagentlesspassive.LeavingouttheAgentcanbedoneforanumberofreasons.OnereasoncouldbethattheAgentisalreadyknown.AnothermightbethatthespeakerdoesnotwanttodrawattentiontotheAgent,ordoesnotknowwhotheAgentis.NoticethatifweleaveouttheAgentin(36)theaddressee’sattentionisfocusedontheactionofdevisingaprocess.OmittingtheAgentisnotalwayspossible.Ifweremovetheby-phrasefrom(41)wederive(42)whichisungrammatical.

41Theguminfectioniscausedbytwogermsthatlivetogether.

42*Theguminfectioniscaused.

11.5TheIndirectObject–PrepositionalPhraseasComplementalternation

Inthefollowingexamplewehaveaditransitivecomplementationpattern(seesection4.1.3.2),involvinganIndirectObjectandaDirectObject.

43InSeptember1921,theBritishnewspapersgaveonestoryprominence–LansburywasinBrixtonprison.

Analternative(attested)constituentorderisshownin(44).

44InSeptember1921,theBritishnewspapersgaveprominencetoonestory–LansburywasinBrixtonprison.

InthisversiontheNPonestory,whichistheIndirectObjectin(43),functionsasComplementoftheprepositionto.ItisnolongeranIO.AtclauselevelthePPtoonestoryfunctionsasaComplementoftheverb(section4.1.3.2.1).Noticethat(43)islessnaturalthan(44),giventhatthePrincipleofEndWeightisnotrespected:aheavierunitconsistingoftwowordsprecedesalightunitconsistingofjustoneword.In(44)theinformationflowisoptimal,becausethePrincipleofEndWeightisrespected,andbecausethecontentofthestory,whichisspecifiedafterthedash,isdirectlyjuxtaposedtothenounphraseonestory.

Considernext(45).

45Theygavemealotionthatwasn’tasgoodasthecream.

NoticethatthisexampleconformstoboththeGiven-Before-NewPrincipleandthePrincipleofEndWeight:theNPalotionthatwasn’tasgoodasthecreamcarriesnewinformation(witnesstheindefinitearticle),comeslast,andisalsoaheavyphrase.TheIOisapersonalpronoun,whichconveysgiveninformationbecausethepersonreferredtoisidentifiablebytheaddressee.Analternativeconstituentorderfor(45)isshownin(46).

46Theygavealotionthatwasn’tasgoodasthecreamtome.

Thisorderislessnaturalthan(45),giventhatbothorderingprinciplesarenotrespected:newinformationprecedesoldinformation,andaheavyunitprecedesalightunit.

ThenextexampleconformstotheGiven-Before-NewPrinciple(therestaurantisknowntotheaddressee),butthePrincipleofEndWeightdoesnotapply,giventhatboththeIOandtheDOhavethesamelength,measuredinnumberofwords.

47Weneedtogivetherestaurantaring.

Example(48)isunusualinhavingdefiniteNPsfunctioningasIOandDO.Bothexpressidentifiableinformation,sotheGiven-Before-NewPrincipleisnotrelevant.AviolationofthePrincipleofEndWeightexplainswhy(49)soundsodd.(Inaddition,noticethatthepronountheyisfollowedbyitsantecedent.)

48Itgives[thepeopleofourcountry][theopportunitiesforemploymentandforearningswhichtheywant].

49?Itgives[theopportunitiesforemploymentandforearningswhichtheywant][tothepeopleofourcountry].

11.6Theexistentialandpresentationalconstructions

Existentialconstructionsinvolveclausesthatareintroducedbyexistentialthere(section3.2.2.1.3)followedbytheverbBEoroneoftheraising-to-Subjectverbs(APPEAR,SEEM,etc.;section8.1.3.4).Wedistinguishbareexistentialsfromextendedexistentials.Inthepresentationalconstructionthenounthereisfollowedbyaverbfromasmallsetofverbsof‘appearance’,suchasAPPEAR,ENTER,andEMERGE.

11.6.1Thebareexistentialconstruction

Bareexistentialsconformtothetemplatebelow.

Bareexistential

There+BE/raisingverb+semanticSubject(+Adjunct(s))

ThereisthegrammaticalSubject,whichfillstheSubjectslotandismeaningless.ThesemanticSubjectistheconstituentintheclausethathasasemanticroletoplayvis-à-vistheverb(section4.2).Herearesomeexamples,inwhichthesemanticSubjectisinboldfacetype.TheunderlinedAdjunctsin(51)can(bydefinition)beomittedwithoutaffectingthegrammaticalityoftheclauses.Bareexistentialsdonothaveanon-existentialcounterpart.

50Thereisacrisis.

Cf.*Acrisisis.

51ThereisashortageofaccommodationhereduetotheimpendingOlympics.

Cf.*AshortageofaccommodationishereduetotheimpendingOlympics.

52Thereseemstohavebeensomesortofinterruption.

Cf.*Somesortofinterruptionseemstohavebeen.

53ThereappearstobeaBarcelonaequivalentofCamdenMarket.

Cf.*ABarcelonaequivalentofCamdenMarketappearstobe.

11.6.2Theextendedexistentialconstruction

Theextendedexistentialconformstothetemplatebelow.

Extendedexistential

There+BE/raisingverb+semanticSubject+extension

Extendedexistentialshaveanon-existentialcounterpart,andinvolvealocative,temporal,predicative,infinitival,orparticipialextensionwhichtypicallycannotbeleftoutwithoutaradicalchangeinmeaning.Asbefore,thesemanticSubjectsintheexamplesthatfollowareinbold;thematerialthatbelongstotheextensionisdoublyunderlined.

54Thereweretwomeninsidethefiveyardarea.

Non-existentialversion:Twomenwereinsidethefiveyardarea.

Cf.‘Thereweretwomen.(Thiscanbeacceptable,butwithadifferentmeaning.)

55Therearebitsmissing.

Non-existentialversion:Bitsaremissing.

Cf.*Therearebits.(Acceptablewithadifferentmeaning.)

56Thereisacasetobemade.

Non-existentialversion:Acaseistobemade.

Cf.*Thereisacase.(Acceptablewithadifferentmeaning.)

57WellthereweresomanyDutchpeoplewantingtocomehere.

Non-existentialversion:SomanyDutchpeoplewerewantingtocomehere.

Cf.*ThereweresomanyDutchpeople.(Acceptablewithadifferentmeaning.)

11.6.3Thepresentationalconstruction

Whenthereisfollowedbyoneofasmallsetofverbsof‘appearance’,‘emergence’,andthelike(e.g.APPEAR,ARISE,ARRIVE,BEGIN,COME,DEVELOP,EMERGE,ENTER,ESCAPE,EXIST,LIVE,LOOM,OCCUR,REMAIN,STAND),wespeakofpresentationalthereintroducingthepresentationalconstruction.

Presentationalconstruction

There+verbof‘appearance’+semanticSubject+(Adjunct(s))/(extension)

Asbefore,inthefollowingexamplesthesemanticSubjectisinbold.ThepresentationalconstructioncanbeofthebaretypewithanoptionalAdjunct(underlined),oroftheextendedtypewithanextension(doublyunderlined)whichistypicallyoptional.ThelattercanbeplacedbeforetheSubject,asin(62).Anadjunctmayalsooccur.

58Inallthatdrearywildernesstherewasnotalighttobeseenuntil,beyondawood,thereappearedatinygoldencubethatseemedmagicallysuspendedinair.

59Therebeganan11-yearstintduringwhichhelethisambitionrun

wild,sometimesagainsttheadviceofhisbosses.

60Inallwalksoflifethereexistpeoplewhofeelitnecessarytotakeontheroleofthetypicalschoolbully,preparedtoisolateandexploitothers.

61ThereremainfivebridgesacrosstheTigrisinthedowntownareaalone,allintact.

62Thisflatwasbynomeansdark;largewindowsinallfourofitsroomsadmittedbothmorningandafternoonlight,andoneachofthewindow-ledgestherestoodawell-tendedboxofbrightlycolouredflowers–pansies,trailingaubretia,raresummer-floweringcrocuses.

TypicallytheexistentialandpresentationalconstructionsinvolveasemanticSubjectthatisnewtotheaddressee,andhenceoccursmorenaturallylaterintheclauseinaccordancewiththeGiven-Before-NewPrinciple.Tomakethisclear,compare(58)with(63).

63Inallthatdrearywildernesstherewasnotalighttobeseenuntil,beyondawood,atinygoldencubethatseemedmagicallysuspendedinairappeared.

ThesemanticSubjectin(58),theNPatinygoldencubethatseemedmagicallysuspendedinair,containsnewinformation(witnesstheindefinitearticle),andforthatreasonismorenaturallyplacedfurthertotheright.Noticealsothat(58)satisfiesthePrincipleofEndWeight.In(63)theheavySubject(initalics)ispositionedawkwardlybeforetheverb.

11.7Inversion

Inversioninvolvesconstituentsexchangingplacesinaclause,sometimesinvolvingminorsyntacticadjustments.Weneedtodistinguishobligatoryinversionfromoptionalinversion.Theformeroccurs,forexample,inclosedinterrogativeclauses(e.g.Didyoucallhim?;seeSection6.2.2),wheretheSubjectandtheauxiliaryverbDOareinverted.Crucially,speakershavenochoiceastowhetherornottoapplyinversion:iftheywishtouseaclosedinterrogativeclausetheymustapplyit.Bycontrast,inversionthatisappliedforinformationstructuringpurposesisoptional,withoneortwoexceptions.

Considerfirsttheexamplesin(64)and(65),andtheiruninvertedcounterpartsin(66)and(67).

64[AdjPImperativetoo]is[NPtheneedtoeconomiseattheHomeOffice].

65[AdjPMostrelevant]was[NPadramatizedversionofhowthenewsoftheBattleofTrafalgarwasbroughttoLondon].

66TheneedtoeconomiseattheHomeOfficeisimperativetoo.

67AdramatizedversionofhowthenewsoftheBattleofTrafalgarwasbroughttoLondonwasmostrelevant.

In(64)and(65)theitalicizedSubjectnounphraseshavebeeninvertedwiththeadjectivephrases,whichfunctionasSubject-relatedPredicativeComplements.(66)and(67)displaytheunmarked(i.e.expected)constituentorder.NoticethatthemotivationfortheinversionisthelengthoftheSubjectsin(66)and(67):movingthemtotheendoftheclausesatisfiesthePrincipleofEndWeight.Inaddition,inbothcasestheadjectivephrasessupplyoldinformation,witnessthepresenceofthewordstooandmost,andhenceplacingtheminclause-initialpositionsatisfiestheGiven-Before-NewPrinciple.Intheexamplebelow,theheavinessoftheSubject(italicized)isparticularlyclear.

68Besidesfavouritebooks,[AdjPessential]seemedtobe[NPaliterarylandscape(Leeds?),aknowledgeofmetreandscansionand(thiswastheclincher)apassionfortheIcelandicsagas].

Theexamplesin(69)–(72)areslightlydifferentbecauseinthesecasestheinversioninvolvesapreposedlocativeortemporalexpression.

69And[here]comes[theNorthernLine].

70[Then]came[AllanSmith’sequaliser].

71Andthensuddenly[fromthebottom]appears[amotorcar].

72[Below]issuggested[amoresophisticatedapproachtothisproblem].

Considernext(73)–(75).

73[Backingit]was[amassive6-speedZFgearbox].

74[Runningalongastripjustabovethekeyboard]are[somefamiliarfeaturesofdigitalparameteraccess:anExitbutton,adataentrysliderandincrement/decrementbuttons,atwo-digitLEDdisplayforthecurrently-selectedprogramnumber,twobacklitLCDwindows,Pageup/downandCursorleft/rightbuttons,anInt/Cardselectorbutton,eightBankandeightNumberbuttonsforPatchselection,andbuttonsprovidingdirectaccesstoCompare,Copy,Manual,WriteandDataTransferfunctions].

75[Tuckedawayintheupperleft-handcornerofthemaineditingpanel]are[foursliderscollectivelyknownasthePalette].

IntheseexamplestheComplementsofBE(backingit,runningalongastripjustabovethekeyboard,andtuckedawayintheupperleft-handcornerofthemaineditingpanel)havebeenpreposed,andthisisaccompaniedbypostponementoftheSubject.In(73)anNPcarryingnewinformationoccursinclause-finalpositioninaccordancewiththeGiven-Before-NewPrinciple.Example(74)isespeciallynoteworthy:haditsextremelylongSubjectappearedintheregularSubjectposition,theclausewouldhavebeenveryhardtocomprehend.In(75)itmightappearatfirstsightthattheconstituentorderisunexpected,sincethesequencetuckedawayintheupperleft-handcornerofthemaineditingpanelis‘heavier’thantheitalicizedSubject,andthereisthusaviolationofthePrincipleofEndWeight.Toexplainthisweneedtolookatwhatprecedes(75)inthetextinwhichitappears,namely(76).

76Incidentally,allyourfront-panelsynthesiseditscanoptionallybetransmittedviaMIDIasSysExdata,andsorecordedintoaMIDIsequencerforsubsequentplayback.

Thetechnicalcontentofthisexampleneednotconcernushere.Whatisimportantisthatmentionismadeofsomesortof‘panelforediting’.Sincesuchapanelhasnowbeenintroducedintothediscourse,itisnolongernewinformation,andthewordorderin(75)isthereforeinharmonywiththeGiven-Before-NewPrinciple.Wethusseethat,ininformationprocessingterms,theinversionservestomakethetextflowbetter,andaidstextualcohesion.WealsoseethataprinciplelikethePrincipleofEndWeightcanbeoverriddenbythedynamicsofotherinformationprocessingconcerns.

11.8Clefting

Cleftingisaprocedurewhichdividesaclauseintotwopartsforinformationhighlightingpurposes.Wedistinguishit-cleftsfromwh-clefts.Thelatterarealsocalledpseudoclefts.

11.8.1It-clefts

Considertheexamplesbelow.

77Simionihasgonedown.

78Ancienthistoryattractedme.

79Youneedexercise.

80TheyoungDutchmanfirstfellinlovehere.

81I’dwantedtoworkinthetheatreforsometime.

82IconsultedwiththechairmanoftheSelectCommitteeonthismatter.

Theseclauseshaveanunmarked(i.e.regular)clausestructurewherenoneoftheitemsoccursinaninformationallyprivilegedposition.Wecanformit-cleftversionsoftheseclausesusingthetemplatebelow,asin(83)–(88).

It-cleft

It+BE+{focus}+relativeclause(who(m)/that/Ø/which…)

83Itis{Simioni}who’sgonedown.

84Itwas{ancienthistory}thatattractedme.

85Itis{exercise}youneed.

86Itwas{here}thattheyoungDutchmanfirstfellinlove.

87Itwas{thetheatre}thatI’dwantedtoworkinforsometime.

88Itwas{thismatter}onwhichIconsultedwiththechairmanoftheSelectCommittee.

Itisimportanttostressthatparticularclausescanhavemorethanonecleftversion.Forexample,(78)alsohas(89)asapossiblecleft,and(80)has(90)asanalternativecleft.

89Itwas{me}whowasattractedtoancienthistory.

90Itwas{theyoungDutchman}whofirstfellinlovehere.

TheSubjectpositionoftheit-clefttemplateisfilledbythepronounit(calledcleftit,section3.2.2.1.2),whichisfollowedbyaformoftheverbBE,Thisinturnisfollowedbythefocuspositionwhichallowsspeakerstohighlightaconstituent.Therelativeclause,introducedbywho(m),that,Ø,orwhich,providesfurtherinformationabouttheelementinthefocusposition.UnliketherelativeclausesthatwerediscussedinSection7.3.3,relativeclausesincleftconstructionsdonotformaconstituentwithanantecedent.Thus,in(83)Simioniandwho’sgonedowndonotformanNP.

Differentitemsareinthefocuspositionin(83)–(88)above:theSubjectsof(77)and(78),theDirectObjectof(79),anAdjunctin(80),andtheComplementofaprepositionin(81)and(82).Almostanytypeofconstituentcanoccurinthefocusposition,thoughnotverbsandverbphrases,as(91)shows.

91*Itwasattractmethatancienthistorydid.

Thefocuspositionisusuallyoccupiedbyunitsthatprovideforegroundedinformation:ithighlightsaconstituentwhichmeritsspecialattention.Thusin(83),whichisfromacommentaryonanincidentinafootballmatchinwhichitwasnotimmediatelycleartothecommentatorwhofelltotheground,Simioniisfinallyidentifiedasthepersonwhowentdown.In(84),fromaninterviewwithanovelist,ancienthistoryiscontrastedwithothertopicsthatarementionedintheprecedingdiscussion.Therelativeclausecanspecifyeitheroldornewinformation,butinanycaseprovidesinformationthatisnotunderprimaryconsideration:itisbackgrounded.

11.8.2Wh-clefts(orpseudoclefts)

Considerthefollowingexamples.

92Isawoneofthemostimpressivegovernmentpoliciesinyears.

93Youwearitlikethat.

94Theyactuallysent6hugeC.I.D.mentosaythatI’daccusedherofstealingthevideoandthatIwasnofriendofhers.

95IsentacomplainttoRadio2.

96You’llfindthatpeoplewhoarenearerthecamerawillbebleachedout.

97Ididn’tlikeleavingmymum.

Thewh-cleftversionsoftheseclauseshaveastructureinvolvingaclause-initialwh-item,usuallywhat(thoughwhereandwhenarealsopossible),followedbyaSubject,aPredicator,andotherpossibleelementsofclausestructure.Togethertheseformafreerelativeclause(section7.3.3.5)whichisfollowedbyaformoftheverbBEandthefocusposition,asshowninthetemplatebelow.

Wh-cleft

[freerelativeclausewh-word+SUBJ+PCR+(…)]+BE+{focus}

Noticethatinwh-cleftsthefocuspositionisattheendoftheclause.Astheexamplesbelowshow,awiderangeofconstituentscanoccurhere,forexamplenounphrases,asin(98),verbphrases,asin(99)–(101),andclauses,asin(102)–(103).Theconstituentthatfillsthefocuspositionidentifieswhateveritisthatthefreerelativeclausespecifiesasrequiringidentification.Thusin(98)theNPinfocuspositionidentifieswhatthespeakersaw.

98[freerelativeclauseWhatIsaw]was{oneofthemostimpressivegovernmentpoliciesinyears}.

99[freerelativeclauseWhatyoudo]is{wearitlikethat}.

100[freerelativeclauseWhattheyactuallydid]was{send6hugeC.I.D.mento

saythatI’daccusedherofstealingthevideoandthatIwasnofriendofhers}.

101[freerelativeclauseWhatIdid]was{sendacomplainttoRadio2}.

102[freerelativeclauseWhatyou’llfind]is{thatpeoplewhoarenearerthecamerawillbebleachedout}.

103[freerelativeclauseWhatIdidn’tlike]was{leavingmymum}.

Aswiththeit-clefts,morethanonewh-cleftversionisusuallypossible.Forexample,(95)alsohas(104)asapossiblecleft.

104[freerelativeclauseWhatIsenttoRadio2]was{acomplaint}.

Whenthefreerelativeclauseandthefocusarereversedwespeakofareversedwh-cleft.

105{Oneofthemostimpressivegovernmentpoliciesinyears}is[whatIsaw].

106{SendacomplainttoRadio2}is[whatIdid].

Notallwh-cleftshaveanuncleftedcounterpart.Thus(107)doesnothave(108)asitsnon-cleftversion.

107[WhatIfoundhappeningovertheperiodofstudy]was{thatIbegantobringthosetwoareastogether}.

108*IfoundthatIbegantobringthosetwoareastogetherhappeningovertheperiodofstudy.

Thefactthatnotallwh-cleftshaveanon-cleftcounterpartisoneofthemainreasonswhysomegrammarsspeakofpseudoclefts,ratherthanrealclefts.

Thefreerelativeclauseinwh-cleftsprovidesbackgroundedinformation:itisinformationthatissomehowknownbytheinterlocutors,orinformationwhichsomehowplayedaroleintheprecedingdiscourse.Aswithit-clefts,thefocuspositionisoccupiedbyconstituentsthatprovideforegrounded

information.

Appendix1:EnglishirregularverbsFormsprecededbythesuperscriptsymbol‘‡’arealternativeformswhicharerestrictedinuse(e.g.toparticularsenses).Theabbreviation‘arch.’indicatesanarchaicform,andtheannotations‘GB’and‘US’indicateBritishandAmericanusages,respectively.

plainform pasttenseform pastparticiple

a

abide abode,abided abode,abided

arise arose arisen

awake awoke awoken

b

be was/were been

bear bore borne

beat beat beaten

become became become

befall befell befallen

beget begot,arch.begat begotten

begin began begun

behold beheld beheld

bend bent bent

beseech beseeched,besought beseeched,besought

beset beset beset

bespeak bespoke bespoke,bespoken

bet bet,betted bet,betted

bid bade,bid bidden,bid

bind bound bound

bite bit bitten

bleed bled bled

blow blew blown

break broke broken

breed bred bred

bring brought brought

broadcast broadcast broadcast

browbeat browbeat browbeaten

build built built

burn burned,GBburnt burned,burnt

bust bust,GBbusted bust,GBbusted

buy bought bought

c

cast cast cast

catch caught caught

choose chose chosen

cleave cleft,cleaved,clove cleft,cleaved,cloven

cling clung clung

come came come

cost cost,‡costed cost,‡costed

creep crept crept

crow crowed,arch.crew crowed

cut cut cut

d

deal dealt dealt

dig dug dug

dive GBdived,USdove dived

do did done

draw drew drawn

dream dreamed,GBdreamt dreamed,GBdreamt

drink drank drunk

drive drove driven

dwell dwelt dwelt

e

eat ate eaten

f

fall fell fallen

feed fed fed

feel felt felt

fight fought fought

find found found

flee fled fled

fling flung flung

floodlight floodlit floodlit

fly flew flown

forbear forbore forborne

forbid forbade,forbad forbidden

forecast forecast,forecasted forecast,forecasted

foresee foresaw foreseen

foretell foretold foretold

forget forgot forgotten

forgive forgave forgiven

forsake forsook forsaken

forswear forswore forsworn

freeze froze frozen

g

gainsay gainsaid gainsaid

get got got,USgotten

give gave given

go went gone

grind ground ground

grow grew grown

h

hamstring hamstrung hamstrung

hang hung,‡hanged hung,‡hanged

have had had

hear heard heard

heave heaved,‡hove heaved,‡hove

hew hewed hewn,hewed

hide hid hidden

hit hit hit

hold held held

hurt hurt hurt

i

inlay inlaid inlaid

inset inset inset

interweave interwove interwoven

k

keep kept kept

kneel knelt,USkneeled knelt,USkneeled

knit knitted,knit knitted,knit

know knew known

l

lay laid laid

lead led led

lean leaned,GBleant leaned,GBleant

leap leaped,GBleapt leaped,GBleapt

learn learned,GBlearnt learned,GBlearnt

leave left left

lend lent lent

let let let

lie lay lain

light lit,‡lighted lit,‡lighted

lose lost lost

m

make made made

mean meant meant

meet met met

miscast miscast miscast

misdeal misdealt misdealt

mishear misheard misheard

mislay mislaid mislaid

mislead misled misled

misread/-ri:d/ misread/-red/ misread/-red/

misspell misspelled,GBmisspelt misspelled,GBmisspelt

misspend misspent misspent

mistake mistook mistaken

misunderstand misunderstood misunderstood

mow mowed mowed,mown

o

outbid outbid outbid,USoutbidden

outdo outdid outdone

outgrow outgrew outgrown

output output,outputted output,outputted

outrun outran outrun

outsell outsold outsold

outshine outshone outshone

overbid overbid overbid

overcome overcame overcome

overdo overdid overdone

overdraw overdrew overdrawn

overeat overate overeaten

overfly overflew overflown

overhang overhung overhung

overhear overheard overheard

overlay overlaid overlaid

overlie overlay overlain

overpay overpaid overpaid

override overrode overridden

overrun overran overrun

oversee oversaw overseen

overshoot overshot overshot

oversleep overslept overslept

overtake overtook overtaken

overthrow overthrew overthrown

p

partake partook partaken

pay paid paid

plead pleaded,USpled pleaded,USpled

prove proved proved,proven

put put put

q

quit quit,quitted quit,quitted

r

read/ri:d/ read/red/ read/red/

rebuild rebuilt rebuilt

recast recast recast

redo redid redone

rehear reheard reheard

remake remade remade

rend rent rent

repay repaid repaid

reread/-ri:d/ reread/-red/ reread/-red/

rerun reran rerun

resell resold resold

reset reset reset

resit resat resat

retake retook retaken

retell retold retold

rewrite rewrote rewritten

rid rid rid

ride rode ridden

ring rang rung

rise rose risen

run ran run

s

saw sawed sawed,GBsawn

say said said

see saw seen

seek sought sought

sell sold sold

send sent sent

set set set

sew sewed sewn,sewed

shake shook shaken

shear sheared shorn,‡sheared

shed shed shed

shine shone,‡shined shone,‡shined

shit shat shat

shoe shod shod

shoot shot shot

show showed shown,showed

shrink shrank shrunk,shrunken

shrive shrived,shrove shrived,shriven

shut shut shut

sing sang sung

sink sank sunk

sit sat sat

slay slew slain

sleep slept slept

slide slid slid

sling slung slung

slink slunk slunk

slit slit slit

smell smelled,GBsmelt smelled,GBsmelt

smite smote smitten

sow sowed sowed,sown

speak spoke spoken

speed sped,‡speeded sped,‡speeded

spell spelled,GBspelt spelled,GBspelt

spend spent spent

spill spilled,GBspilt spilled,GBspilt

spin spun,arch.span spun

spit spat spat

split split split

spoil spoiled,GBspoilt spoiled,GBspoilt

spotlight spotlit,spotlighted spotlit,spotlighted

spread spread spread

spring sprang sprung

stand stood stood

stave staved,stove staved,stove

steal stole stolen

stick stuck stuck

sting stung stung

stink stank,stunk stunk

strew strewed strewed,strewn

stride strode stridden

strike struck struck

string strung strung

strive strove striven

sublet sublet sublet

swear swore sworn

sweep swept swept

swell swelled swollen,swelled

swim swam swum

swing swung swung

t

take took taken

teach taught taught

tear tore torn

tell told told

think thought thought

thrive thrived,throve thrived,arch.thriven

throw threw thrown

thrust thrust thrust

tread trod trodden

u

underbid underbid underbid

undercut undercut undercut

undergo underwent undergone

underlie underlay underlain

underpay underpaid underpaid

undersell undersold undersold

understand understood understood

undertake undertook undertaken

underwrite underwrote underwritten

undo undid undone

unfreeze unfroze unfrozen

unlearn unlearned,GBunlearnt unlearned,GBunlearnt

unstick unstuck unstuck

unwind unwound unwound

uphold upheld upheld

upset upset upset

w

wake woke woken

waylay waylaid waylaid

wear wore worn

weave wove,weaved woven,weaved

wed wedded,wed wedded,wed

weep wept wept

wet wet,wetted wet,wetted

win won won

wind wound wound

withdraw withdrew withdrawn

withhold withheld withheld

withstand withstood withstood

wring wrung wrung

write wrote written

Appendix2:ThestructureoftheICE-GBcorpusICE-GBistheBritishcomponentoftheInternationalCorpusofEnglish.Itcontainsonemillionwordsoffullygrammaticallyanalysedtexts,almosttwothirdsofwhichisspoken.ThematerialissearchablewiththeinnovativeICECUPsoftware(InternationalCorpusofEnglishCorpusUtilityProgram).

Thestructureofthecorpusisshownbelow.Eachtextinthecorpuscontains2,000words.

TextCategories

Spoken(300texts)

Dialogue(180)

Private(100)

directconversations(90)

telephonecalls(10)

Public(80)

classroomlessons(20)

broadcastdiscussions(20)

broadcastinterviews(10)

parliamentarydebates(10)

legalcross-examinations(10)

businesstransactions(10)

Monologue(120)

Unscripted(70)

spontaneouscommentaries(20)

unscriptedspeeches(30)

demonstrations(10)

legalpresentations(10)

Scripted(50)

broadcastnews(20)

broadcasttalks(20)

non-broadcasttalks(10)

Written(200texts)

Non-printed(50)

students’untimedessays(10)

students’examinationscripts(10)

socialletters(15)

businessletters(15)

Printed(150)

Informationalwriting(100)

academic(40)

popular(40)

pressreports(20)

Instructionalwriting(20)

administrative/regulatory(10)

skillsandhobbies(10)

Persuasivewriting(10)

presseditorials(10)

Creativewriting(20)

novelsandstories(20)

Formoreinformation,seewww.ucl.ac.uk/english-usageandwww.ucl.ac.uk/englishusage/projects/ice-gb/index.htm.

NotesandfurtherreadingChapter1:AnoverviewofEnglishgrammar

ForgeneralintroductionstoEnglishlinguistics,seeCrystal(2003),andthechaptersinAartsandMcMahon(2006).Ongrammarandgrammarwriting,seeLeitner(1986),Michael(1970),andLinn(2006).Onthehistoryofprescriptivism,seeCrystal(2006).ApartfromQuirketal.(1985)andHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002),somewell-knownmoderngrammarsofEnglishareJespersen(1909–1949),Poutsma(1914–1929),H.E.Palmer(1924),Kruisinga(1932),Zandvoort(1945),Curme(1947),Fries(1952),Long(1961),Stockwell,Schachter,andPartee(1973),Huddleston(1984),Givón(1993),McCawley(1998),andBiberetal.(1999).

OnEnglishusage,seePeters(2004,2006).

FormoreinformationontheBritishcomponentofTheInternationalCorpusofEnglish,seeAppendix2andNelson,Wallis,andAarts(2002).

Chapter2:Wordstructureandword-formation

Onmorphology,seeSpencer(1991),Carstairs-McCarthy(2002),Bauer(2003,2004),KatambaandStonham(2006),andBooij(2007).Onword-formation,seeMarchand(1969),Bauer(1983),Adams(2001),andPlag(2003).Oncompounding,seeBauer(1998,2006).Oninflectionandderivation,seeBlevins(2006).

InmanyaccountsofEnglishgrammarthenotion‘finite’isequatedwith‘tensed’.Thisisnotentirelyunproblematic,especiallyregardingthesubjunctiveandimperativeinEnglishwhichmostgrammarsclaiminvolvefiniteverbs.Ifwerecognizea‘presentsubjunctive’and‘pastsubjunctive’thereisnoproblem,butifwesay,asdoHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:88),that‘subjunctiveverbs’involvetheplainformoftheverbinthecaseofthe‘presentsubjunctive’,andthatwehavea‘subjunctiveconstruction’,ratherthanasubjunctiveverbform,thenitishardtoseewhya‘subjunctiveverb’shouldberegardedastensedorfinite.Itisforthisreasonthat‘subjunctiveverbs’arenottensedorfiniteforHuddlestonandPullumetal.(ibid.:85,87).Thesameappliesto‘imperative

verbs’.Theseauthorsalsoarguethatthereisno‘pastsubjunctive’verbforminEnglish,becauseitwouldbeindistinguishablefromthepasttenseform.(Theyregardwere,asinIfIwereyou,whichtheycallirrealiswere,asbeingexceptional.)Nevertheless,HuddlestonandPullumetal.(ibid.:90)saythatsubjunctiveconstructions,asopposedtoverbforms,arefinitebecausetheirsyntaxresemblesthatoftensedclausesforthreereasons:theyhaveanobligatorysubject,theytakethesamesubordinatorsasdotenseddeclarativeclauses,andtheycanalternatewithtensedconstructions.

Chapter3:Wordclassesandsimplephrases

OnwordclassesingeneralseeAartsandHaegeman(2006).OnEnglishverbsseePalmer(1987)andLeech(2004),andonauxiliariesinparticular,seeWarner(1993).Onpersonalpronouns,seeWales(1996).Ongradiencebetweenwordclasses,seeTaylor(2003),Aartsetal.(2004),andAarts(2007).

Therearemanydisagreementsabouttheassignmentofagreatnumberofelementstothevariouswordclasses.Itwouldtakeuptoomuchspacetolistthemallhere.Whatfollowsbelowisabriefoverviewofthemajordifferencesbetweengrammaticalframeworks,especiallyQuirketal.(1985)andHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002).

InQuirketal.(1985:335f.)pronounsaretreatedasaseparatewordclass.ForHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:425f.)theyareasubclassofnouns.Thelatterrecognizefiveclassesofpronouns:personal,reciprocal,interrogative,relative,andtemporal.Reflexivepronounsareincludedwithintheclassofpersonalpronouns.Temporalpronounsarewordsliketoday(analysedasnounsinthepresentbook).HuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:1461)recognizeacategoryofpro-formswhichoverlapswiththepronouns.

Inmanyframeworks,ifaparticularwordhasadependentandanindependentuse,itisassignedtodifferentwordclasses,ashasbeendoneinthisgrammarfortheseinIlikethesebooksandIlikethese,whereintheformerexampletheseisadeterminative,whileinthelatteritisapronoun.InHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002)bothinstancesofthesearedeterminatives,butwithdifferentfunctions(DeterminerandFusedDeterminer-Head,respectively).InHuddlestonandPullum’sgrammartheindefinitepronounslistedhereinTable3.10wouldbetreatedasfusedDeterminer-Headconstructions.Forthesegrammarians‘thereisnointerrogativepronounwhich’(2002:422).Insteadwhichine.g.Whichdid

youbuy?isadeterminative,functioningasfusedDeterminer-Head(ibid.:398,410f.).

Table3.11isbasedonHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:356,373f.).Onmanyasanadjective,seeSpinillo(2004).

Chapter4:Grammaticalfunctions,semanticroles,andtreediagrams

OngrammaticalfunctionsandtheirrealizationseeF.AartsandJ.Aarts(1982).OnsemanticrolesseeSaeed(2009).

Chapter5:Complexphrasesandcoordination

Onphrasestructure,seeAarts(2008).Oncoordination,seeHuddlestonandPullum(2006).

IlargelyfollowHuddlestonandPullumetal.’s(2002)accountofnounphrasestructure,thoughtherearesomedifferencesbetweenthetwoanalyses.Forexample,IprefertousethefunctionallabelAdjunctinsidephrases,ratherthanModifier.AnotherdifferenceisthatforHuddlestonandPullumetal.therearetwotypesofexternalmodifiersfornounphrases:predeterminermodifiers(predeterminersforshort)andperipheralmodifiers.InthisgrammarIalsousethefunctionlabelPredeterminer,butIusethelabelExternalAdjunctinsteadofperipheralmodifier.

InthisbookIamassumingtwolevelswithinphrases:thephraselevelandthelexicallevel.TheX-barsyntaxframeworkrecognizesso-calledbar-levelcategorieswhichareintermediatebetweenthephraseandword.Someevidenceforthisintermediatelevelinsidenounphrasescomesfromone-substitutiondata.Thus,inthesentenceIlikethebigbrowndog,butnotthesmallonethewordonerefersbacktobrowndogwhichisclearlynotafullnounphrase,butalsonotjustanoun.Similarly,intheNPtherealedge-of-your-seatactionthestringedge-of-your-seatissomethinglessthanafullNP,butmorethanabarenoun.ThelabelN-barisusedforsuchstrings,orsometimesNom(inal),asine.g.HuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002).SeeAarts(2008)forfurtherdiscussion.

InmanygrammarssequenceslikecomeinandcutbackNP/cutNPbackin

constructions1and2inTable5.10arecalledintransitivephrasalverbsandtransitivephrasalverbs,respectively,i.e.theyareregardedasverbsconsistingofmorethanoneword.Theverbsinconstruction3(Type1,e.g.relyonNP,accountforNP)arereferredtointheliteratureasintransitiveprepositionalverbs,whilethoseinconstruction4(Type2,e.g.blameNPonNP,dojusticetoNP)arecalledtransitiveprepositionalverbs.Finally,inconstructions5(Type1)and6(Type1)sequenceslikeputupwithNPandfobNPoffwithNPareoftencalledintransitivephrasal-prepositionalverbsandtransitivephrasal-prepositionalverbs,respectively.Inthisgrammartheselabelshavenotbeenadopted.Instead,theverbsintheseconstructionslicenseparticularPPs/NPsasComplements.

Chapter6:Clausetypesandnegation

Onclausetypes,seeCollins(2006).TheclassicalreferencesforspeechactsareAustin(1962/1975)andSearle(1969).OtherbooksthatdiscussspeechactsincludeLevinson(1983)andLeech(1983).

Chapter7:Finitesubordinateclauses

Inmanygrammars(e.g.Quirketal.1985)contentclausesarecallednominalclauses,thoughthesealsocomprisenon-finitestructures.SuchclausesaresaidtobelikeNPs.SeeHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:1014ff.)forargumentsagainstthisanalysis.

InHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:1018–1019)reasonsareputforwardfornotanalysingpostverbalcontentclausesasDirectObjects,thoughnotethattheymakeoneexceptiontothis,namelywhenacontentclauseinacomplextransitiveclauseispre-posed,asinThathelosthistemperIfindodd(HuddlestonandPullumetal.2002:1022).

InQuirketal.(1985)thewordthatinrelativeclausesisanalysedasaSubjectine.g.Thebookthatfellonthefloorwasalreadysoiled,andasDirectObjectine.g.ThebookthatIbought–wasexpensive.

Freerelativeclausesarecallednominal-relativeclausesinQuirketal.(1985),whereasinHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002)theyarecalledfusedrelativeconstructions,andareanalysedasnounphrases.

Chapter8:Non-finiteandverblesssubordinateclauses

Someofmynon-finiteComplementClausesarecalledCatenativeComplementsinHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002).Aswithcontentclauses,inHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:1206ff.)argumentsareputforwardfornotanalysingpostverbalnon-finiteclausesasDirectObjects,thoughtheyrecognizethat-ing-participleclausesdobehavelikeDOsifthereisafollowingObjectivePredicativeComplement,asintheexampleIwouldcalleatingrawmeatinadvisable.

Theanalysisofmanyofthepatternsdiscussedinthischapteriscontroversial.Totakejustoneexample,theraisingtoObjectpattern‘INTENDNPi[clauseØito-infinitive…]’isanalysedintheChomskyantraditionasinvolvingasingleclausalComplement:‘INTEND[clauseNPto-infinitive…]’.InthispatternthepostverbalNPisregardedastheSubjectofthesubordinateclause,principallybecausethereisnothematicrelationshipbetweenthematrixclauseandtheNP.Foradetaileddiscussionofthisanalysis,seeAarts(2008).

Thetreatmentofauxiliaryverbsasmain(catenative)verbsisadoptedbyHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:1214ff.),butnotbyQuirketal.(1985)whofollowthetraditionalanalysisofauxiliaryverbsas‘helping’verbs,i.e.verbsthataredependentonthelexicalverbthattheyaccompany.Insomeframeworkseachoftheverbsintreediagramslike(150)and(151)takesaVPComplement.Ihavenotadoptedthisanalysis.Fordiscussion,seeAartsandMeyer(1995).

InsomeframeworksthepostverbalNPinasentencelikeIfinditfascinating,wherethereisnosemanticrelationshipbetweentheverbandtheNPinquestion,isregardedastheSubjectofaverblessclause,oftencalledasmallclause:Ifind[SCitfascinating].SeeAarts(1992).

Chapter9:Tenseandaspect

Ontense,seeComrie(1985)andMichaelis(2006).Onaspect,seeComrie(1976)andBinnick(2006).

Manygrammars,especiallyschooltextbooks,regardtheprogressiveandperfectconstructionsastenses,andthusrecognizeapresent/pastprogressivetense(alsocalledthepresent/pastcontinuoustense)andapresent/pastperfecttense.As

noted,inthisgrammartheseconstructionsarenotregardedasseparatetenses.

Somegrammars,e.g.HuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002),regardtheperfectasa(secondary)tenseratherthanasanaspectualconstruction.Onereasonfordoingsoisthatarguablyonlythepresentperfectconstructionisaspectualduetoits‘currentrelevance’meaning.Otherusesoftheperfect(thepastperfectandthenon-finiteperfect)areprincipallyusedtorefertopasttime.Inthisgrammarwetakethepresentperfectconstructiontobethemostfrequent,andhencebasicuseoftheperfectconstruction,andforthatreasonregardtheperfectconstructioningeneralasbeingaspectual.

Theterm‘currentorientation’asappliedtoBEgoing[to]isduetoPalmer(1990:144).HediscussestheinterestingideathatBEgoing+to-infinitivemirrorsthepresentperfectconstructionwhichhas‘currentrelevance’.

Thefootballer’sperfectisdiscussedinWalker(2008).

OnissuesofmeaningwithrespecttoEnglishverbsandverbalconstructions,seeLeech(2004).

Onshort-termchangesinthesyntaxofEnglishverbalconstructions,seeMairandLeech(2006),Leechetal.(2009),andAartsetal.(forthcoming).

Chapter10:Mood

InTable10.1allnumbershavebeenroundedup.Analyticnegations(e.g.willnot,couldnot)havenotbeencountedseparately,becausetheywereincludedinthecountsfortheunnegatedverbsinquestion.Itshouldbeborneinmindthatitisimpossibletoreliablydistinguishthespokeninstancesofcannot.Theinstancesofcan,might,andwillashomonymousnounsorverbswereexcluded.Althoughsomescholarsclaimthat’llcanrepresentWILLorSHALLitwascountedasWILL,Thecontraction’dwascountedaswould,exceptwhereitwasacontractionofhad(asine.g.I’dbeenthereanhour;S1A-082119).Iexcluded’dbetterandthefollowing‘mention’useofmust:Thisisanother‘must’foryou(W1B-005008).

Thereisalotofconfusingterminologyinthedomainofmodalitywhichisoftentheresultofauthorsnotkeepingthesyntaxandsemanticsofthevariousverbsandverbalpatternsapart.Onmoodandmodalityingeneral,seeCoates(1983),

Palmer(1990),DepraetereandReed(2006),andCollins(2009).ThetermanalyticmoodisduetoHuddleston(1984).

The‘dynamicpossibility’meaningforthemodalverbCANcanbefoundinPalmer(1990:83f.),andinHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:184–185).

ThedifferencebetweenMAYandCANexpressing‘possibility’ischaracterizedinLeech(2004:82–83)asbeingoneof‘factualpossibility’vs‘theoreticalpossibility’.

Somelinguists(e.g.Coates1983)distinguishbetweenepistemicmodalityandrootmodality,wherethelattercategorysubsumesalltypesofmodalitythatarenotepistemic.

Withregardtothenon-existenceofafuturetenseinEnglish,Palmer(1990:140)writes,‘Ingeneral,however,WILLseemstobeusedwherethereisreferencetoageneralenvisaged,planned,intended,hopedfor,etc.stateofaffairs,asopposedtoastatementthataspecificeventorspecificeventswillinfacttakeplace.Itisinthissensethatitindicatesa“modal”ratherthanareal(“tense”)future.’Bycontrast,Declerck(1991)andSalkie(2010),amongothers,arguethatEnglishdoeshaveafuturetense.

Thetermsemi-auxiliaryverbisusedinQuirketal.(1985:143f.)forsuchcombinationsasBEableto,BEboundto,BEgoingto,BElikelyto,BEobligedtoThesecancarrymodaloraspectualmeanings.Inthisgrammarthesecombinationsarenotviewedasunits.

StrengthanddegreeofmodalityarediscussedinHuddlestonandPullumetal.(2002:175ff.).

MergersarediscussedinCoates(1983).

Chapter11:Informationstructuring

GeneralstudiesoninformationstructuringincludeTaglicht(1984),Lambrecht(1994),andBirnerandWard(1998,2006).Onexistentialconstructions,seeLumsden(1988).OncleftconstructionsseeCollins(1991).

ListofsourcesofexamplesThefollowingisalistofsourcesforallauthenticexamplesgiveninthetextandtables.Itemssuchas‘S1B-036010’areidentifiersforexamplestakenfromtheICE-GBcorpus(describedinAppendix2);thosebeginningwith‘S’and‘W’comefromspokenandwrittentextsrespectively.Thedatesofnewspapersaregiveninabbreviatedformintheorderday,month,year(e.g.4/7/93for4July1993).Examplesforwhichnosourceislistedwereconstructedforillustrativepurposes.

Chapter1

(2)S1A-032215

(11)S1B-069002

(12)W2F-011088

(13)S2A-031015

(14)S1A-011140

(15)S1B-036010

(17)S1B-049049

(18)S1A-082023

(19)S1B-025078

(20)W1B-009107

Chapter2

(1)TheIndependent,28/2/09

(2)S1A-080160

(3)S2A-042034

(6)TheIndependent,4/7/93

(10)TheGuardian,12/6/06

(11)W2F-008076

(12)W2B-010108

Table2.4

(a)TheTimes,30/1/08

(b)S1B-039074

(c)W2C-017042

Table2.6

(a)S1A-046415

(b)W2B-023078

(c)S1B-022052

(d)S1A-011140

(e)S2A-020119

Chapter3

(5)W2B-009032

(7)S1A-076067

(8)S1A-007072

(9)S2A-050137

(10)S1A-017215

(11)S1B-041192

(12)S1B-043058

(13)S1B-037068

(14)S1A-015216

(15)S2A-014196

(16)S1B-048194

(17)S1A-073053

(18)DailyTelegraph,18/10/01

(19)S1A-019017

(20)S2A-021105

(21)S1A-040235/8

(22)S1A-083057/8

(23)S2A-014004

(24)W2A-001096

(25)W1B-006069

(27)W2F-010115

(28)S1A-030242

(29)W2F-011108

(30)NewYorkTimes,14/12/09

(31)TheGuardian,22/9/08

(32)S1A-094079

(33)S1A-017265

(34)W2A-024069

(36)W1B-007099

(37)W2F-013047

(38)TheGuardian,29/6/2002

(39)W2D-001016

(40)TheIndependent,3/6/2009

(41)TheIndependent,23/1/2007

(42)DailyTelegraph,3/11/2007

(43)S1A-004087

(44)S1A-077012

(45)TheIndependent,25/8/10

(46)S1A-069183

(47)W2F-010083

(48)S1A-012096

(49)TheTimes,29/1/2006

(50)TheIndependent,29/5/2007

(51)TheIndependent,10/3/2002

(52)TheGuardian,6/10/02

(53)S1B-049068

(54)TheIndependent,21/4/95

(55)TheTimes,26/5/06

(56)S1A-043098

(57)S1A-007197

(58)S1B-068042

(59)S1A-032133

(60)S1A-008127

(61)S1A-038001

(62)S1A-001042

(63)S1B-047112

(64)S1A-019071

(65)W2F-014053

(66)S1A-011101

(67)S1B-036062

(68)W2C-016022

(69)W2B-004089

(70)S1A-019342

(71)S1A-020001

(72)S2A-059011

(74)S2A-060049

(75)S1B-008039

(77)W1B-008204

(78)W1B-007086

(79)S1B-046096

(80)WashingtonPost,3/6/06

(81)BBCNews,31/5/02

(82)TheGuardian,22/11/09

(83)W2C-002007

(84)S1A-096063

(85)S1A-001090

(86)S1A-023164

(87)W1B-028032

(88)S1A-081024

(89)W2B-021005

(90)S1A-021031

(91)W1A-017033

(92)S1A-054118

(93)S1A-008127

(95)S1A-002138

(98)W2F-018134

(125)S1A-001090

(126)S1A-073027

(127)S1B-079060

(129)W1B-014024

(130)S1A-020277

(131)S1A-001056

(132)S1B-015003

(137)S1A-011135

(138)S2A-024013

(139)W1B-025106

(140)S1A-019189

(141)W1B-007142

(142)S1A-001035

(143)W1B-008039

(144)S1A-013101

(145)W1B-014069

(146)S1A-099120

(147)S1A-014220

(148)W1B-020083

(149)S1A-005236

(150)W2D-012005

(151)W1B008-115

(152)S1A-004104

(153)TheGuardian,19/10/08

(154)BBCNews,4/11/06

(155)S1B-022003

(156)W1A-007064

(157)TheGuardian,4/9/09

(158)W2B-019101

(159)S1A-005212

(160)W1B-001004

(161)S2B-006032

(162)S1A-095159

(163)S1B-029050

(164)S2B-006032

(165)S1A-004091

(166)S1B-016097

(167)S2B-029128

(168)W1A-018119

(169)W1B-015005

(170)S1A-062155

(171)popsonglyric,TheGuardian,17/3/06

(172)S1A-009257

(173)S1A-094006

(174)S1A-007127

(175)S1A-100088

(176)S1A-052148

Table3.10

(a)W1A-009062

(b)S2B-024007

(c)BBCNews,3/6/09

(d)S1B-029030

(e)S1A-019081

(f)W1B-013007

(g)S2A-028117

(h)DailyTelegraph,8/6/08

(i)S2B-006117

Table3.11

(a)S2A-014158

(b)S2B-007087

(c)S1A-004133

(d)S2B-005091

(e)S1A-037073

(f)S1A-013147

(g)S1A-005087

(h)S1B-031042

(i)W2F-007079

(j)S1A-019193

(k)S1A-010042

(l)S1B-008039

(m)S1A-011144

(n)S1A-005239

(o)S1A-099286

(p)TheTimes,18/12/06

(q)S1A-016176

(r)DailyTelegraph,24/2/06

(s)WashingtonPost,3/6/06

(t)BBCNews,31/5/02

(u)TheGuardian,22/11/09

(v)S1A-093273

(w)S2B-025084

Table3.18(‘basic’versionsentence)S1A-045267

Chapter4

(1)TheGuardian,24/10/08

(2)S1A-077077

(3)BBCNews,12/09/08

(4)TheGuardian,10/12/06

(5)S2A-041091

(6)W2C-010036

(7)S2A-003103

(14)TheTimes,18/12/05

(15)W2B-027055

(16)TheGuardian,13/4/03

(17)TheGuardian,15/3/03

(18)TheGuardian,21/9/07

(19)W1B-009064

(20)S1A-001029

(21)S1A-001003

(22)S1A-083102

(23)S1A-022310

(24)S1B-080232

(25)W1B-014102

(26)S1A-016148

(27)S1B-049176

(28)S1B-064144

(49)S1A-040144

(58)TheMirror,21/12/07

(59)W2D-001075

(60)S1B-040069

(61)S1A-020211

(62)S1A-057025

(63)S2A-022038

(64)BBCNews,24/7/06

(69)S1A-017150-2

(70)W1B-007108

(75)S2B-022012

(76)W2F-009007

(77)S2B-024009

(78)S1A-023363

(79)S1A-060226

(80)S1A-099002

(81)S1B-065050

(82)S1A-014127

(83)DailyTelegraph,15/11/07

(84)BBCNews,1/1/10

(85)S1B-068013

(86)BBCNews,22/1/99

(87)W2D-011064

(90)W2B-021011

(91)S2A-039035

(93)S2B-022030

(94)S1A-069321

(95)S1B-037011

(96)W2F-001012

(97)W2F-007121

(98)TheIndependent,22/9/96

(99)S2B-027026

(100)S1A-068152

(101)S1B-062059/060

(102)W1B-020027/028

(103)S1A-035137

(108)S1A-017216

(109)BBCNews,5/02/09

(110)S1B-049171

(111)W2F-002029

(113)S2B-018064

(114)S1A-091346

Table4.13

(a)TheIndependent,13/02/01

(b)BBCNews,14/08/07

(c)W1B-014078

(d)S2A-061051

(e)S1A-022305

(f)TheTimes,20/07/03

(g)DailyTelegraph,23/09/03

(h)S2A-013117

(i)S1A-035185

(j)S1A-013168

(k)S2A-043118

Chapter5

(1)S1B-032088

(3)W2A-029033

(5)S2B-028106

(8)W2B-005091

(13)W2A-019064

(14)W2A-005058

(15)S1A-060124

(16)S1B-049068

(17)TheTimes,21/1/06

(18)TheTimes,20/1/09

(19)TheIndependent,26/6/08

(20)headline,BBCNews,13/1/98

(21)DailyTelegraph,20/9/01

(22)S1A-013004

(23)W1B-021053

(24)TheGuardian,1/3/09

(25)S1B-058056

(26)TheGuardian,10/6/07

(27)DailyTelegraph,16/3/09

(28)W2B-036098

(29)S2B-022075

(30)TheIndependent,3/6/07

(31)S1A-007182

(32)S1B-036091

(33)W2B-006022

(34)W2B-035079

(35)W1A-010121

(36)W2A-031032

(37)W1B-026152

(42)S2B-001084

(43)S1A-002144

(44)S1B-035016

(45)W2C-009097

(46)S1B-035095

(47)W2E-005049

(48)W2C-020097

(53)W2B-020013

(54)S2A-023004

(55)W2E-003092

(56)BBCNews,24/11/09

(57)W1B-016075

(58)W2C-006067

(59)W2F-004130

(60)W2C-020057

(61)S2A-067162

(62)S1A-010185

(63)W2A-032046

(68)S1A-001049

(73)TheGuardian,6/12/06

(74)S2A-040104

(75)S2B-023012

(76)BBCNews,24/2/09

(77)BBCwebsite,4/11/2008

(78)J.D.Salinger,TheCatcherintheRye,p.1

(79)S1B-064104

(80)DailyTelegraph,29/10/09

(81)LondonLite,16/4/07

(82)LondonPaper,4/4/07

(83)TheGuardian,17/10/08

(84)TheGuardian,30/1/05

(85)TheGuardian,3/3/01

(86)S1B-014132

(87)S1A-002024

(88)TheTimes,23/7/03

(89)TheGuardian.28/12/08

(90)TheGuardian,17/6/08

(91)S1B-052082

(92)SundayTimes,14/5/06

(93)TheIndependent,19/9/03

(94)S2B-026025

(95)S1A-080062

(96)S1B-054011

(97)S2A-059003

(98)S2B-04532

(99)Cassell’sAtlasofWorldHistory,1997

(105)S1A-001071

(106)S1A-003039

(107)W1B-027008

(108)W1B-026110

(109)S1A-040249

(110)S1B-059084

(111)TheGuardian,20/11/06

(112)BBCNews,10/12/03

(113)TheIndependent,10/11/99

(114)W2F-007064

(115)S1A-008266

(116)S1A-002149

(117)W2B-009059

(118)TheTimes,18/11/09

(119)S2B-023085

(120)DailyTelegraph,21/10/09

(121)DailyTelegraph,18/1/10

(122)S2B-043054

(123)DailyTelegraph,21/1/06

(124)S2A-022009

(125)BBCNews,20/7/00

(126)S1B-029068

(127)S1A-049025

(128)BBCNews,29/10/09

(129)W2A-016118

(130)S1B-011042

(131)S1A-088019

(132)S2A-048086

(133)W2E-009006

(134)S1A-066238

(135)S1A-034123

(136)S2B-042125

(137)BBCNews,18/11/09

(138)S1A-059086

(139)W2B-037091

(140)S1A-005210

(141)S1A-056286

(142)S1A-001037

(143)W2F-017065

(144)S2B-001037

(145)S1B-045074

(146)S2A-062005

(147)S1A-003114

(148)S1A-052055

(149)S2B-025016

(150)TheGuardian,16/5/08

(151)S1A-028135

(152)DailyTelegraph,11/11/09

(153)S1B-071225

(155)S1B-058004

(156)TheTimes,24/5/09

(157)S1B-014066

(158)TheTimes,11/6/08

(159)S1B-021136

(161)S2B-029148

(162)S1A-010251

(163)S1B-034068

(164)S1B-040004

(166)S2B-025054

(167)W2D-019013

(168)W2F-006173

(169)S2B-024009

(171)W2A-011074

(172)TheGuardian,24/2/09

(173)S1A-081311

(174)S1A-093024

(175)S1B-011121

(176)S1A-024053

(177)S2A-042075

(178)S1A-0060316

(179)S1A-002035

(180)S1B-051058

(181)NewYorkTimes,17/4/07

(182)W2F-009044

(183)S1A-028238

(184)S2A-008191

(185)S1A-096103

(186)LATimes,23/12/86

(196)W2B-004122

(197)S1A-046100

(198)S1A-056162

(199)S1A-049260

(200)S1A-080055

(201)TheTimes,1/7/06

(202)S1A-022227

(203)S1A-050190

(204)S1A-055033

(205)S1A-009054

(206)S1A-011256

(207)S2B-027026

(208)W1A-003042

(209)S1A-054116

(210)S1A-041181

(211)S1A-001050

(212)TheIndependent,11/10/09

(213)S1A-005041

(214)W2B-003039

(215)W2F-020106

(216)S1B-021154

(217)S1A-058056

(218)W2B-002012

(219)S2A-042048

(220)S2B-036026

(221)S2A-007085

(222)W2D-014063

(223)S1A-070238

(224)S2B-030001

(225)W2B-005021

(226)S1A-076069

(227)S1A-050003

(228)S2A-055084

(229)W2C-015091

(230)W2F-004172

(231)S2B-027015

(232)W2B-009042

(233)W2A-009020

(234)S1A-012151

(235)W2F-007132

(236)W2B-035048

(237)W1A-004028

(238)W2B-017005

(239)W2B-007094

(240)S2B-020113

(241)W2F-010069

(242)W2C-009090

(243)S1B-021154

(244)S1A-047079

(245)W2F-008041

(246)S1A-025071

(247)TheGuardian,3/5/03

(248)TheGuardian,5/9/04

(249)S1A-056284

(250)W2C-020036

(251)S1A-023272

(252)S1A-053013

(253)S2A-050111

(254)S1A-022295

(255)BBCNews,4/1/05

(256)S1A-036148

(257)S1A-047217

(258)S1A-074024

(259)S2A-001072

(260)S2A-002019

(261)S2A-037051

(262)S2A-016049

(263)S1A-032090

(264)BBCNews,9/5/02

(265)S2A-015103

(266)TheTimes,3/4/08

(267)W2A-003055

(268)S1B-049016

(269)TheGuardian,30/9/05

(270)TheGuardian,28/9/08

(271)W1B-017016

(272)W2B-025058

(273)W2D-020103

(274)TheGuardian,30/4/06

(275)S1A-004114

(276)S1A-060073

(277)DailyTelegraph,18/12/08

(278)BBCNews,23/10/03

(279)W2F-017011

(280)S1A-017379

(281)W1A-004074

(283)S1A-005157

(284)S2A-035057

(285)W2B-006106

(286)TheIndependent,17/10/02

(287)W1B-009175

(288)W2D-013093

(289)S2B-047035

(290)S1A-081274

(291)S1A-004007

(292)S1B-053072

(293)S2B-033046

(294)W2D-005025

Table5.10

(a)TheGuardian,19/4/08

(b)S1A-088181

(d)S2A-068073

(e)TheGuardian,26/1/09

(f)S1A-008111

(g)TheGuardian,4/6//09

(h)S2B-032045

(i)S2B-026014

(j)TheGuardian,2/10/09

(k)BBCNews,7/11/99

(n)TheGuardian,9/6/09

(o)DailyTelegraph,27/1/09

(p)TheGuardian,4/3/08

(q)TheIndependent,7/3/02

Table5.11

(a)S1A-090231

(b)S2A-034097

(c)BBCNews,22/9/03

(d)S1A-017090

(e)S2A-017157

(f)TheDailyTelegraph,11/5/01

(g)S2A-012100

Chapter6

(1)S1A-007193

(3)S1A-018003

(4)BBCNews,31/05/02

(5)BBCNews,19/9/07

(6)BBCNews,6/08/08

(7)S1A-019307

(8)S1A-008215

(9)S1A-006174

(10)S1A-024032

(11)W2A-016011

(12)S1A-009218

(13)S1A-066100

(14)DailyTelegraph,25/10/08

(15)DailyTelegraph,22/9/03

(16)W1B-013081

(17)S1A-020018

(18)S1A-028167

(19)S1A-070057

(20)TheIndependent,14/3/03

(21)S1A-004046

(22)S1B-011033

(23)S1B-072244

(24)W2B-029015

(25)S1A-044104

(26)S1B-004037

(27)S1A-019153

(28)TheIndependent,23/5/09

(29)DailyTelegraph,18/2/08

(30)S1A-053064

(31)S1B-048134

(32)S1A-068100

(33)DailyTelegraph,13/09/08

(35)W1B-029098

(36)S1A-010278

(37)S1A-079116

(38)DailyTelegraph,23/8/07

(39)S1A-032130

(40)S1A-008106

(41)DailyTelegraph,29/5/08

(42)S1B-069110

(44)TheTimes,21/8/06

(45)S1A-081184

(46)S1A-014088

(47)W1B-006043

(48)W2F-014003

(49)W2F-006188

(50)W1B-020020

(51)S1A-052044

(52)S2A-062112

(53)www.soap-news.com

(54)S1A-032084

(55)S1A-022243

(56)W2F-004033

(57)S1B-079075

(58)S1B-007060

(59)TheGuardian,18/9/06

(60)W1B-006107

(61)W1B-026147

(62)W1B-004004

(63)W1B-021040

(64)S2B-030052

(65)S1A-027038

(66)S1A-007103

(67)S1A-073077

(68)S1A-083067

(69)S1A-038114

(70)S1A-086152

(71)S1B-001007

(72)S1A-007078

(73)S2B-002105

(74)S1A-006323

(75)S1A-006079

Chapter7

(1)W1B-028117

(3)S1A-037178

(4)W1A-018094

(5)W2F-011007

(6)W2F-005015

(7)W1A-012046

(8)TheTimes,20/6/09

(13)S1A-001048

(14)S1A-005196

(17)S1A-015145

(18)S1B-063180

(19)S1A-009003

(20)S1A-027034

(21)W2B-030022

(22)S1A-010117

(23)W1A-018094

(24)W2F002082

(25)TheGuardian,20/7/09

(26)TheGuardian,27/8/98

(27)W1B-011013

(28)BBCNews,8/9/08

(29)TheGuardian,28/7/09

(30)TheTimes,23/2/09

(31)S1A-002005

(33)S1B-053002

(34)TheIndependent,29/8/05

(35)S1A-082033

(36)TheGuardian,16/9/09

(38)BBCNews,15/1/09

(40)BBCNews,9/9/04

(42)TheIndependent,22/6/09

(43)BBCNews,23/2/09

(44)BBCNews,5/9/05

(46)S1B-053035

(47)W2B-017012

(48)BBCNews,19/11/09

(49)TheIrishTimes,7/9/2010

(50)S1B-060052

(51)S1B-028016

(52)TheIndependent,22/6/93

(53)W2F-011007

(54)S2A-023036

(55)W1B-016062

(56)S1B-036067

(57)S1A-052052

(58)S1A-085158

(59)S1B-005060

(60)S1A-041179

(61)S1B-026015

(62)S2B-025075

(63)S1A-001030

(64)S1A-084121

(65)S2A-054098

(66)TheIndependent,18/4/03

(67)W2D-001016

(68)W1A-004009

(69)S2A-022078

(70)W1B-013007

(71)W2E-003075

(72)DailyTelegraph,8/5/07

(73)W2A-003058

(74)S1A-004123

(75)W2A-003058

(76)S1A-004123

(77)W2C-007070

(78)TheIndependent,3/4/93

(79)S1A-008266

(80)W2B-039037

(81)S1B-029172

(83)S1A-068064

(84)W1B-011051

(85)S2A-019029

(86)W2C-002015

(87)TheDailyTelegraph,11/3/09

(88)S1B-007229

(89)TheIndependent,27/1/09

(90)W1A-018035

(91)TheTimes,4/9/05

(92)BBCNews,11/10/02

(93)W2F-015118

(94)TheDailyTelegraph,22/9/08

(95)S1A-058210

(97)TimesHigherEducation,9/7/09

(99)TheGuardian,10/2/07

(103)TheGuardian,16/5/09

(104)W2C-003105

(105)TheIndependent,12/1/05

(106)TheDailyTelegraph,22/8/08

Table7.11

(a)S1A-017376

(b)S1A-028007

(c)W2D-011019

(d)NewYorkTimes,20/11/07

(e)NewYorkTimes,28/4/10

Chapter8

(1)S2B-029145

(3)S2A-038050

(4)W2E-004064

(5)BBCNews,28/2/08

(6)S1B-069002

(12)TheGuardian,12/7/05

(13)TheGuardian,27/10/06

(14)NewYorkTimes,22/8/00

(15)W2D-009103

(16)TheIndependent,10/7/00

(17)S1A-064077

(18)S1A-001118

(19)TheIndependent,22/6/04

(20)TheGuardian,10/3/09

(21)S2A-047045

(23)BBCNews,9/2/06

(24)DailyTelegraph,4/6/09

(26)DailyTelegraph,26/5/04

(27)W2E-007050

(33)TheGuardian,13/11/08

(34)TheTimes,18/6/09

(35)DailyTelegraph,6/10/05

(38)BBCNews,3/3/00

(40)W1A-018096

(43)S1B-003125

(45)S1A-02453

(46)W2C-003097

(47)S1A-060012

(48)S1B-051013

(49)W2A-032050

(50)W2D-001053

(51)S1A-093202

(52)S1A-014062

(53)DailyTelegraph,11/1/10

(55)TheGuardian,13/10/06

(57)TheTimes,6/7/08

(58)S1A-036093

(59)S1B-043126

(60)S1A-043211

(61)S1A-028151

(62)W2C-020096

(64)S1A-022236

(65)S1B-022222

(66)W1A-010128

(67)W2C-002086

(68)S1A-040322

(69)TheGuardian,18/6/08

(71)W2C-006041

(76)TheTimes,20/11/07

(79)S1B-046064

(80)BBCNews,22/11/06

(88)TheGuardian,10/11/06

(89)BBCNews,18/1/09

(93)TheTimes,29/11/08

(94)NewYorkTimes,17/7/09

(96)W2F-013055

(98)W2C-011018

(99)WashingtonPost,9/12/07

(100)S2B-015069

(102)W2E-010050

(104)W1A-010039

(105)W2D-017103

(106)BBCNews,30/12/08

(107)S2A-026065

(108)TheGuardian,28/11/09

(109)S1A-040407

(110)S1A-051118

(111)NewYorkTimes,17/08/09

(114)TheTimes,18/1/08

(117)LATimes,6/10/07

(120)W1B-028140

(122)W2F-002006

(123)TheIndependent,18/6/04

(126)TheIndependent,16/01/07

(127)S2B-023073

(128)S1B-035095

(129)W2C-007070

(130)S1A-002028

(131)S1A-028082

(152)TheIndependent,7/1/89

(153)W1B-012026

(154)S2A-054219

(155)NewYorkTimes,25/8/95

(156)W1B-017017

(157)W2B-003101

Chapter9

(2)S2A-050104

(4)S1A-042343

(5)W2D-005028

(6)W1B-003187

(7)S1A-038107

(8)S1A-031023

(9)S1A-001074

(10)S1B-053075

(11)W2C-003029

(12)S1A-083237

(13)S1A-042342

(14)S1A-032237

(16)TheTimes,16/07/07

(17)S2A-002006

(18)S2A-017030

(19)S2A-019007

(20)S2A-011127

(21)S1A-092342

(22)W1B-022020

(23)DailyTelegraph,21/07/07

(24)DailyTelegraph,7/06/06

(25)S1A-006107

(26)S1B-077074

(27)W2A-001019

(28)W2C-004003

(29)W2F-019064

(30)W2F-016059

(31)W2A-031075

(32)S2A-022063

(33)HaroldPinter,TheDumbWaiter

(34)W2D-009074

(35)W1B-014090

(36)TheGuardian,11/04/09

(37)headline,TheIndependent,19/3/06

(38)S1A-099245

(39)W2E-006015

(41)S1B-075011

(42)W2B-012055

(43)W2B-005022

(44)S1A-057002

(45)TheGuardian,5/11/00

(46)S1A-001003

(47)S2A-055098

(48)S1A-048345

(49)TheGuardian,25/10/05

(50)TheTimes,10/4/07

(51)DailyTelegraph,25/9/01

(52)S2A-055098

(53)TheIndependent,26/6/09

(54)S1A-038261

(55)W2F-003135

(59)TheGuardian,21/8/00

(60)W2A-030042

(61)W2F-018148

(62)W2A-030044

(63)S2B-016085

(64)W1B-005022

(66)S1B-053105

(68)S1B-053105

(70)BBCNews,8/5/09

(72)W2C-004007

(73)W2F-009113

(74)W1A-001009

(75)W1B-001155

(76)W2C-019094

(77)S1A-074362

(78)S1A-074197

(79)W1B-014092

(80)W1B-001054

(81)http://ehealthforum.com

(84)S2B-015063

(88)fromWalker2008;seeReferences

(89)S1A-040334

(90)W2E-005012

(91)W2C-007069

(93)W2C-011076

(94)S2B-018101

(95)S2B-015060

(96)W1B-005018

(98)S2B-027161

(99)S1A-013096

(100)W1B-022027

(101)W1A-004071

(102)W1B-021047

(103)W2C-011036

(104)W2C-011091

(105)W2C-013039

(106)S1B-032091

(107)W2E-002052

(108)S1B-044113

(109)S1A-007020

(110)S1A-049278

(111)W1B-005105

(112)S2A-059114

(113)S1A-014078

(114)S1A-041124

(115)W2F-017053

(117)S2B-043055

(118)W2B-002035

(119)W1A-001088

(121)S1B-043048

(123)W1B-014008

(124)S1B-064128

(125)S1B-042067

(126)S2A-06708

(128)TheGuardian,3/12/06

(130)S1A-020277

(131)S2B-026095

(132)S1B-077178

(133)S1A-034069

(134)S2B-007109

(135)S2B-008007

(138)TheIndependent,18/6/94

(141)W2B-023032

(143)S2A-020120

(144)S1A-001083

(145)S2A-019063

(147)S1A-013228

(148)S1A-011008

(149)S1A-003160

(153)W1A-019090

(155)W1B-011009

(156)W2F-020159

(157)W2F-013114

(159)S1A-032063

(160)W2F-020130

(162)S2B-021020

(163)S2B-035031

(164)W1B-001199

(165)S1A-059059

(166)W1B-009099

(167)W1B-013055

(168)S1A-096161

(169)S1A-092027

(170)S2A-055056

(174)S1A-007224

(175)S1A-039355

(176)W1B-004084

(177)S1B-012195

(198)S2B-020037

(199)S1B-049039

(200)S2A-061110

(201)S1A-019106

(202)S1A-061261

(203)S1A-006230

(205)MrsAlfredGatty,Parablesfromnature.T.Nelson&Sons,nodatehttp://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/gatty/parables/parables.html

(206)W2A-037011

Chapter10

(1)S1A-031116

(2)S1B-056089

(3)S1A-075140

(4)W2D-004075

(5)W2F-002050

(6)S1A-082023

(7)S1B-003092

(8)S1A-035135

(9)W2A-011028

(10)W1B-006098

(13)W2F-010079

(14)W2D-012010

(15)W1B-014047

(16)W2C-004111

(17)S1A-074375

(18)W2D-019035

(19)S1A-057078

(20)S2A-059045

(21)S2A-039038

(27)W1B-009074

(28)S2B-024053

(29)S1A-087234

(30)TheIndependent,4/7/09

(31)W1B-016053

(32)S1A-083131

(33)S2A-011082

(34)S1B-054071

(35)S1B-003185

(36)TheTimes,28/4/07

(37)W2D-010060

(38)S1A-041207

(39)S1A-038058

(40)S1A-081326

(41)S2B-005056

(42)TheTimes,12/7/03

(43)NewYorkTimes,27/10/96

(44)DailyTelegraph,18/7/09

(45)S2A-054097

(46)S1B-052096

(47)W2A-018082

(48)W1B-028046

(49)W1B-015024

(50)W1B-027122

(51)S2A-031052

(52)W2D-008049