On sealing a lakebed: mass media and environmental democratisation in China Ji Ma, Michael Webber *, Brian L. Finlayson Department of Resource Management and Geography, The University of Melbourne, Victoria 3010, Australia 1. Introduction The evolution of the Chinese Central Government’s policies and actions in the past 15 years has resulted in a transition towards an environmental governance regime that is more open to public consultation and more transparent than the traditional way of managing the environment before the 1990s. We refer to such a transition in environmental governance as a process of environmental democratisation. Many researchers have observed the development of civil society during China’s recent reforms (e.g. Yang, 2003a). Despite the emergence of this field and the significance of environmental democratisation in China, little research has been conducted to examine the process of democratising the Chinese environmental govern- ance regime. In many countries, the Internet, by improving public access to environmental information and stimulating online environmental communication, has become an instrument for increased public participation in environmental decision- making (Scharl, 2004). The Internet is gradually becoming a part of millions of Chinese people’s lives too, providing them a platform for online environmental communication. Several forms of online communication, such as Bulletin Board System (BBS) Forum and BLOG, have been adopted for the discussion of environmental concerns. This paper exam- ines the role of the mass media in China’s environmental democratisation, with a particular focus on the role of the Internet. The paper seeks answers to two central questions. In what respects have the Chinese Central Government’s policies and actions towards environmental governance evolved in the past 15 years? What has been the role of the mass media in these transformations? The vehicle for this analysis is the so- called lakebed-sealing project in the Old Summer Palace, Beijing (see Fig. 1 for a map of the Palace and its location). Recent changes to the hydrology of the surface and ground- water systems that have historically kept the lakes at the Old Summer Palace supplied with water caused the adminis- trators of the site to set out to artificially seal the beds of the lakes in an attempt to maintain full lake levels. The work was environmental science & policy 12 (2009) 71–83 article info Published on line 29 October 2008 Keywords: China Media Governance Environmental management Internet abstract This paper examines a transition of environmental governance in China that involves increased transparency and public participation. It pays close attention to the role of the mass media in this transformation. After briefly reviewing the history of environmental governance in China, the paper examines the particular transformations in the governance regime that are associated with the controversy over the sealing of the eastern lake in the Old Summer Palace, Beijing. The paper argues that the central government has increasingly enlisted the support of the public and the media in governing environmental matters and provides evidence that the traditional mass media and the Internet have become increas- ingly active in environmental debates in China. # 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. * Corresponding author. Tel.: +61 3 8344 3171. E-mail address: [email protected](M. Webber). available at www.sciencedirect.com journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/envsci 1462-9011/$ – see front matter # 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.envsci.2008.09.001
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On sealing a lakebed: mass media and environmentaldemocratisation in China
Ji Ma, Michael Webber *, Brian L. Finlayson
Department of Resource Management and Geography, The University of Melbourne, Victoria 3010, Australia
e n v i r o n m e n t a l s c i e n c e & p o l i c y 1 2 ( 2 0 0 9 ) 7 1 – 8 3
a r t i c l e i n f o
Published on line 29 October 2008
Keywords:
China
Media
Governance
Environmental management
Internet
a b s t r a c t
This paper examines a transition of environmental governance in China that involves
increased transparency and public participation. It pays close attention to the role of the
mass media in this transformation. After briefly reviewing the history of environmental
governance in China, the paper examines the particular transformations in the governance
regime that are associated with the controversy over the sealing of the eastern lake in the
Old Summer Palace, Beijing. The paper argues that the central government has increasingly
enlisted the support of the public and the media in governing environmental matters and
provides evidence that the traditional mass media and the Internet have become increas-
ingly active in environmental debates in China.
# 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
avai lab le at www.sc iencedi rec t .com
journal homepage: www.e lsev ier .com/ locate /envsc i
1. Introduction
The evolution of the Chinese Central Government’s policies and
actions in the past 15 years has resulted in a transition towards
an environmental governance regime that is more open to
public consultation and more transparent than the traditional
way of managing the environment before the 1990s. We refer to
such a transition in environmental governance as a process
of environmental democratisation. Many researchers have
observed the development of civil society during China’s recent
reforms (e.g. Yang, 2003a). Despite the emergence of this field
and the significance of environmental democratisation in
China, little research has been conducted to examine the
process of democratising the Chinese environmental govern-
ance regime.
In many countries, the Internet, by improving public
access to environmental information and stimulating online
environmental communication, has become an instrument
for increased public participation in environmental decision-
making (Scharl, 2004). The Internet is gradually becoming
Table 1 – The five most supported BBS messages at SINA.com.
1 It (the water-tight membrane) is harmful to the environment, so it should certainly be removed immediately!
2 The sealing construction was started with no EIA; and the water-tight membrane is to be removed now. Who is responsible
for all these? I am sorry for the tax I paid.
3 The management of the Old Summer Palace Ruins Park must take the legal responsibility!
4 The Administrative Office of the Old Summer Palace Ruins Park violated the law, which almost produced an irreparable
mistake. Why the responsible leaders and members of staff were not questioned? The people who take most
responsibility should resign automatically!
5 I support the lakebed-sealing construction in the Old Summer Palace. I have been involved in the landscape construction
industry for a long time. I think that this project is the best solution both economically and technically.
Source: SINA.com (2005).
e n v i r o n m e n t a l s c i e n c e & p o l i c y 1 2 ( 2 0 0 9 ) 7 1 – 8 378
governance; the fourth one also made it clear that different
institutions should take different responsibilities in resolving
environmental controversy. The third message expressed
people’s concern about possible economic problems behind
the lakebed-sealing case. The fifth message expressed the
public’s pleasure in SEPA’s attitude in dealing with the
lakebed-sealing controversy and hopes for China’s future
environmental democratisation. The breadth and depth of
the neutral BBS messages can be regarded as evidence of the
recent increase of environmental knowledge and growing
environmental awareness among the Chinese Internet users.
BBS messengers clearly identified the importance of the rule
of law, and of publicity.
Another online survey was conducted by a TV news
magazine, Eastern Horizon. This is one of the most highly
viewed television news magazine programs from China
Central Television (CCTV): it explores illegal or immoral
practices by institutions and reports incidents as illustrative
of social phenomena deserving public attention (Hua, 2000).
With the outbreak of the lakebed-sealing case in April 2005,
Eastern Horizon posted two web-based, closed, multiple-
choice survey questions on the website specially about the
lakebed-sealing case.
The first question—what result do you think can be achieved
by the public hearing on the controversy over sealing the
Eastern Lakes in the Old Summer Palace?—asks people’s
opinion about the public hearing. The survey question shows
a high expectation for the first national-level environmental
hearing from the public (Eastern Horizon, 2005). More than 87%
wanted the watertight membrane to be removed, while 10%
Table 2 – The five most representative neutral BBS messages
1 Democratic decision-making represents the new idea of moder
protection’, rather than an issue that affects only the minority.
society. The fair platform established among the government, t
in obtaining and communicating all kinds of ideas. The govern
2 The rule of law is the best weapon in resolving all kinds of con
as a ‘soft law’, which led to many construction projects started
ecosystem, but also ruin the dignity of the law. The principle o
Old Summer Palace case, which can be used as the example fo
3 If the officials can benefit, then that is the best plan. In terms o
4 EIA is EIA. The court and procuratorate should investigate econ
an administrative bureau; hence, it can only be responsible for
5 It is a victory in environmental protection! This is a vivid exam
the most effective warning: the consequence will not be good f
protection!
Source: SINA.com (2005).
wanted to modify the current construction plan. Less than 3%
thought the lakebed-sealing construction should continue
while processing an EIA. Although the public hearing failed
to achieve any of the three options in this question, the later EIA
report requested a number of modifications from its original
plan.
The second question—what is your view of the function of
public hearings generally?—investigates public opinion on public
hearings in China (Eastern Horizon, 2005). Nearly 16% of
respondents thought that public hearings were very useful,
making the processes of decision-making more democratic,
while another quarter thought that hearings were useful,
displaying the attitude of encouraging public participation.
However, nearly 59% of respondents chose the answer that
public hearings were ‘not useful, public opinions are rarely
adopted’. In other words, most people thought that hearings
were not useful and/or that public opinion was rarely heeded.
Evidently, the simple circulation and articulation of news
articles and BBS messages throughout the Internet can prompt
outrage at the violation of the environmental law. Messengers
clearly identified the significance of the rule of law. In the case of
the lakebed-sealing controversy, hundreds of news reports
drew enormous public attention, and Chinese Internet users
responded proactively by leaving tens of thousands of BBS
messages and answering online surveys. There remained,
though, scepticism about the effectiveness of the open hearing.
The huge number of BBS messages in many websites
over such an environmental controversy mirrored China’s
transforming media landscape and the emergence of media
and civic power on environmental governance. The Central
at SINA.com.
n politics. Environmental protection is the ‘public environmental
As a public affair, it demands collective actions throughout the
he public and the media allows the public to have opportunities
ment is also under the scrutiny of the public and media.
flicts. With the introduction of the EIA, it was widely regarded
without EIAs. This does not only lead to the degradation of China’s
f the rule of law was being displayed through the processing of the
r processing future similar environmental illegal cases.
f ecological concerns and public opinions, they do not matter!
omic issues and legal issues. Tsinghua University is not
technical issues.
ple of promoting environmental protection knowledge! This is
or all departments, if they neglect the issue of environmental
e n v i r o n m e n t a l s c i e n c e & p o l i c y 1 2 ( 2 0 0 9 ) 7 1 – 8 3 79
Government’s increasing tolerance of online discussion about
environmental issues and SEPA’s support of media and public
scrutiny are evidence that they view the media and the public
as allies in safeguarding the environment in the course of
environmental democratisation.
Of course, the BBS messages conflicted with each other.
During the public hearing, experts from various disciplines
also stated different opinions for and against the project.
Unlike an online petition, not all the message writers hold the
same point of view, but display a diversity of opinions;
therefore, the focus of the controversy over sealing the Eastern
Lakes in the Old Summer Palace is not just about these
wrongdoings in environmental management of the Old
Summer Palace but more importantly about the demand for
transparency and a more democratic approach in China’s
environmental governance in the future.
6. An emerging environmental movement inChina
The question—is there an emerging environmental movement in
China?—was asked by Stalley and Yang (2006) when they
investigated environmentalism among university students in
Beijing between the 1990s and early 2000s. They found little
likelihood of the mounting environmental consciousness in
universities evolving into an independent environmental
movement. However, China’s environmental democratic
movement has emerged rapidly from the grassroots during
the past few years. The lakebed-sealing case, a milestone in the
history of environmental governance in China, has changed the
trajectory of China’s environmental democratisation, effec-
tively accelerating it. Since the outbreak of the lakebed-sealing
case in 2005, all kinds of environmental protection theme
communities have emerged in both the real social sphere and
cyberspace. This section investigates the emerging environ-
mental cyber-movement in China, providing evidence from
online interviews with bloggers. Here we investigate web-based
online groups, which are unregistered environmental NGOs
that operate mainly through the World Wide Web (compare
Yang’s 2005 classification of emerging environmental NGOs).
According to the 20th Statistical Survey Report on Internet
Development in China, more than 30 million Internet users
nationwide are considered to be bloggers (CNNIC, 2007). If a BBS
represents a conventional online communication technology,
blogging is a much more sophisticated network invention.
SINA.com has one of the largest and best-established blogging
systems of all the major Chinese websites; it features a blogging
circles system. By August 2007, the total number of circles at
SINA.com reached 606 358, containing 96 circles with the
keywords ‘environmental protection’ and at least a hundred
environment-themed blogging circles under other names.
Some 2 393 358 articles on a range of themes about environ-
mental protection were posted by SINA bloggers by the end of
August 2007. The rapidly growing online environmental
communities at SINA.com manifest the vibrant development
of an environmental blogosphere across the Internet.
Since SINA.com is a portal website that hosts BBS forums
and a blogging system, a valuable insight into the emerging
online environmental communities can be achieved with
online interviews of its members. Among the current
environmental blogging circles at SINA.com, online interviews
were conducted within SINA’s largest environmental-themed
circle—‘Environmental Protection Hand in Hand’, which had
570 members in August 2007. These online interviews aim to
obtain a profile of individuals participating in environmental
discussion in the blogosphere and to indicate the variety of
motivations influencing bloggers’ contributions to this kind of
online environmental community. There are 100 senior
members, appointed by the Chief Webmaster of this blogging
circle according to their contributions to the online commu-
nity, such as the quantity and quality of their articles. All the
senior members are online environmental activists who
regularly post commentaries and essays in their blogs. A fully
structured questionnaire of twelve questions in Chinese was
sent to all the senior members. In total 32 completed
responses were received from them about the current state
of online environmental communication in China.
The interviewees cover all age groups with more than two-
thirds between 18 and 60 years of age. Thirty out of thirty-two
interviewees had a university education and good environ-
mental understanding (one other was still at high school). The
only non-university educated respondent is a retired worker,
aged over 60 years.
Approximately 90% of the interviewees had read news
articles about the lakebed-sealing case from online and offline
sources. The respondents offered similar opinions about the
lakebed sealing to those found on the BBS. However, they added
more reflective (after the event) comments about the role of the
media (see Table 3). Most respondents thought the public
hearing and EIA processes about the controversy were positive
moves by the Central Government and meaningful in the
development of environmental democratisation. They also
thought that the media had successfully drawn the public’s
attention to this environmental conflict, providing a model for
future resolutions to environmental controversies. However,
two interviewees regarded them as ‘ridiculous cosmetic
projects’. Only three interviewees wrote BBS messages about
the lakebed-sealing case: that these educated, knowledgeable
and Internet-using interviewees did not participate much in the
online discussion on the lakebed-sealing case reveals the facts
that online environmental communication in China is a new
phenomenon and that conventional mass media are still
dominant information sources to the majority of the Chinese
population. On the other hand, some did participate in the
discussion, in itself a new possibility.
As ‘Environmental Protection Hand in Hand’ was estab-
lished in June 2006, interviewees have participated in
this online community for periods of 2–12 months. The
blogging circle was viewed as a good platform for members to
exchange and share information on environmental protec-
tion, while some felt that the circle was ‘home-like’. Their
expectations of the online community differ: ‘communicat-
ing with bloggers with similar interests on environmental
protection’, ‘some activities can be organised’, ‘use the
function of the new media, transfer the power of words to
practical actions’. All of them agreed to different degrees that
the rapid development of online environmental commu-
nities, environmental NGOs and mass media had promoted
the process of environmental democratisation in China. As
Table 3 – Representative sets of responses to interview questions.
Question 7: What is your attitude towards the lakebed-sealing project, the Environmental Impact Assessment and the Public Hearing?
Answer 1: In my opinion, the project can damage the local ecosystem. The officials outweighed the ecological health with ‘‘people’s’’
benefits. (11)
Answer 2: I am completely against the Old Summer Palace lakebed-sealing project. In terms of its EIA and public hearing, they are better
than none. I insist that the EIAs and public hearings should be held before the start of the constructions, which is the only way to produce
positive outcomes. (8)
Answer 3: Stop the lakebed-sealing construction immediately! Undo the lakebed-sealing! Save the Old Summer Palace! (6)
Question 8: Do you think the Old Summer Palace Lake-sealing Project is historic and representative in China’s environmental governance
transition?
Answer 1: Yes. The participation of more people can improve the effectiveness of environmental monitoring. (9)
Answer 2: Yes. I think that this incident symbolises that the Chinese public, educated people in particular, have strong environmental
awareness. Meanwhile, it sent the message to the Chinese Central Government that China’s environmental protection industry cannot
progress without involvement of the Chinese general public. (7)
Answer 3: Yes. This incident drew people’s attention to what had been ignored in the past, causing a huge discussion. (7)
Question 11: What do you think are the roles of online environmental communities, NGOs and mass media in the process of environmental
democratisation in China?
Answer 1: More and more public participation draws people’s attention to environmental protection, while laying solid foundation for
environmental protection in China. (13)
Answer 2: Environmental protection in China cannot progress without the help from the government. Mass media, especially BBS forums
and blogging circles on the Internet, can successfully uncover environmental abuses and improve people’s environmental awareness. NGOs
are the media between individuals and the government. They can observe the government’s implementation of environmental laws, while
organising activities to increase public involvement. Due to the current political system in China, China’s NGOs have little influences.
However, I believe they will be a powerful force in environmental protection, which we need to pay attention to. (9)
Answer 3: They should monitor environmental issues around the country, while spread seeds of environmental protection. (6)
Question 12: What do you think is your responsibility as an individual in China’s environmental protection?
Answer 1: Try my best to help China’s environmental protection. (16)
Answer 2: As a Chinese citizen, I think that I have the responsibility in environmental problems. First of all, I will start from myself. However,
it is far from enough. It is necessary to monitor companies’ and governments’ actions in environmental protection. We should proactively
use the environmental-themed blogging forums to involve the public in stopping environmental abuses. (9)
Answer 3: To myself, I will use my knowledge to improve environmental awareness among my relatives and friends. In terms of China’s
environmental problems, I feel frustrated, because they are too complicated. (7)
Note: Bracketed numbers indicate numbers of respondents agreeing with the comment; 32 responses were received in total. The remaining
responses were idiosyncratic (unique to a single respondent).
e n v i r o n m e n t a l s c i e n c e & p o l i c y 1 2 ( 2 0 0 9 ) 7 1 – 8 380
individuals and Chinese citizens, they all thought that they
have responsibility for conserving the environment. They
believed they should take actions to learn more about the
environment and use themselves to inspire the people
around them. One interviewee pointed out that existing
environmental organisations did not communicate well with
each other, which could potentially be a factor preventing
future collaboration between environmental organisations.
The interviewees generally saw the recent transition in
China’s environmental governance as an improvement.
While considering environmental democratisation to be a
positive transformation as a result of the interplay between
the Central Government and the non-government sector, all
the interviewees think that they will use their resources
proactively to promote environmental protection in the
communities around them both online and offline.
7. Discussion
The transition of environmental governance in China has
been slow and ineffective until recently. Since the beginn-
ing of the Modernisation Phase in the early 1990s, the Central
Government started to take environmental issues more
seriously. For the past few years, the democratisation of
China’s environmental governance regime has taken off,
despite continued repression in other arenas of social debate.
The lakebed-sealing case in 2005 is significant as a starting
point for a new stage in the transformation. Although the
Central Government is still dominant in managing the
environment, the mass media and various types of environ-
mental NGOs are being encouraged by SEPA to play more
important roles in decision-making over the environment.
The lakebed-sealing case has shown people how SEPA
may resolve such environmental conflicts by introducing a
public participation mechanism in the public hearing and the
EIA report.
During the past 15 years, the transparency of China’s
environmental governance has been increasing, while an
effective environmental legal system has been established.
During the past few years, institutional modifications were
made to increase SEPA’s administrative capacity in managing
the environment when the bureaucracy of environmental
governance was found not sufficient to tackle many environ-
mental problems. The non-government sectors, including the
mass media and all types of environmental NGOs, are enjoying
more freedom in reporting various environmental abuses and
helping raise environmental awareness among the Chinese
public, particularly with the assistance of the Internet. These
facts suggest that the lakebed-sealing case was not a showcase
but a turning point in the transformation of China’s environ-
mental governance.
e n v i r o n m e n t a l s c i e n c e & p o l i c y 1 2 ( 2 0 0 9 ) 7 1 – 8 3 81
There are three caveats to this conclusion. The first is that
Chinese government has become highly decentralised, and
partly as a consequence local leaders have become economic
actors in their own right, rather than simply agents of the
state (Goodman, 2008). There is likely therefore to be
variation in the conditions of environmental governance
in different parts of the country, and perhaps at different
spatial scales. Our conclusions about environmental demo-
cratisation perhaps apply most clearly to arenas in which the
central government is most prominent. That said, people
and the media are governed by the central government as
well as by local governments and may seek to generalise
the transformation of (central) environmental democratisa-
tion to more local states. Secondly, it is still early to tell
whether the changes we have observed represent a perma-
nent transformation. However, the lakebed-sealing case has
demonstrated to people and governments that public
involvement in decision taking can be effective. Thirdly,
there is no evidence that public participation in the hearing,
in the BSB, in the Eastern Horizon survey, or in the blogging
circles had any effect on the outcome of the lakebed-sealing
case. What all that participation has revealed—to SEPA and
to people generally—is that there is widespread interest in
environmental protection, anger at the lack of an EIA, and
recognition of the importance of the rule of law. Together
with the expressed cynicism about the value of public
hearings, these surely encourage SEPA to invite more public
participation in the future and to take public views into
account.
It is evident that the environmental governance regime in
China has become more open to public participation in the
processes of environmental decision-making. The institu-
tional and legal reforms within China’s environmental
bureaucracy encourage this public engagement in environ-
mental governance by tolerating criticisms from the mass
media, environmental NGOs and individuals, particularly
Internet users. This evolution of China’s environmental
governance regime has accelerated after the lakebed-sealing
case. More actions have been taken by the Chinese Central
Government to effectively implement environmental regula-
tions and laws in China, while both online and offline
media coverage of environmental controversies have been
fostered in order to provide public scrutiny in China’s ongoing
environmental democratisation. This rise of public scrutiny
signifies the Central Government’s conscious use of the
emerging media and civic power to tackle crises in environ-
mental governance. These recent transformations in China’s
environmental governance regime are the outcomes of the
interaction between government and non-government
actors: both play vital parts in China’s environmental demo-
cratisation. The recent progress of democratising environ-
mental governance could hardly have been achieved without
all these contributors.
China’s current environmental democratisation is distinc-
tive. When He (2006) investigated the Chinese path towards
democracy, he posed an interesting question: whether it was a
top-down approach of democratisation advanced by the
Central Government, or a bottom-up path of democratic
experiments that started first from the grassroots and local
levels, and then gradually spread into more regions and
upwards. Our evidence is that China’s environmental demo-
cratisation has adopted a hybrid approach with features of
both top-down and bottom-up paths. With the shift of policy,
the Central Government offers space for the rapid develop-
ment of grassroots non-government stakeholders, such as the
mass media and environmental NGOs. The mounting envir-
onmental demand from the grassroots reinforces the Central
Government’s political will to democratise environmental
governance. This interactive top-down and bottom-up rela-
tion between the Central Government and grassroots non-
government stakeholders establishes a positive feedback loop
to propel the future development of a democratic environ-
mental governance regime in China.
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Ji Ma grew up in Shanghai. He has completed a BSc (Hons) degreein geography at the University of Melbourne and is about to enrolin a PhD program.
Michael Webber is professorial fellow in the School of ResourceManagement and Geography at the University of Melbourne. Aneconomic geographer, he has spent the past decade writing abouteconomic and social change in China, and has a particular interestin water management in northern China.
Brian Finlayson is principal fellow in the School of ResourceManagement and Geography at the University of Melbourne. Heis a hydrologist, who has is also interested in the problems andissues involved in river management and water in China.