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9,700 Years of Maritime Subsistence on the Pacific: An Analysis
by Means of Bioindicators inthe North of ChileAuthor(s): Agustin
Llagostera MartinezSource: American Antiquity, Vol. 44, No. 2,
(Apr., 1979), pp. 309-324Published by: Society for American
ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279082Accessed:
08/04/2008 20:51
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REPORTS REPORTS
Lathrap, Donald W., and Jorge G. Marcos 1975 Informe preliminar
sobre las excavacionesdel sitio Real Alto por la mision
antropologica de la Uni-
versidad de Illinois. Revista de la Universidad Catolica,
Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador, Quito. Numero
Monografico: Arqueologia Ano III (10):41-66.
Lathrap, Donald W., Jorge G. Marcos, and James A. Zeidler 1977
Real Alto: an ancient ceremonial center. Archaeology 30:3-13.
Lovejoy, C. Owen, Richard S. Meindl, Thomas R. Pryzleck, Thomas
S. Barton, Kingsbury G. Heiple, and David Kotting
1977 Paleodemography of the Libben site, Ottawa County, Ohio.
Science 198:291-293. Marcos, Jorge G., Donald W. Lathrap, and James
A. Zeidler
1976 Ancient Ecuador revisited. Field Museum of Natural History
Bulletin 47:3-8. McKern, Thomas W., and T. D. Stewart
1957 Skeletal age changes in young American males. Technical
Report EP-45. Headquarters Quartermas- ter Research and Development
Command, Natick, Massachusetts.
Moore, James A., Alan C. Swedlund, and George J. Armelagos 1975
The use of life tables in paleodemography. In Population studies in
archaeology and biological an-
thropology: a symposium, edited by Alan C. Swedland. Memoirs of
the Society for American Archaeology, No. 30: 57-70.
Pearsall, Deborah M. 1978 Phytolith analysis of archaeological
soils: evidence of maize cultivation in Formative Ecuador. Sci-
ence 199:177-178. Ubelaker, Douglas H.
1974 Reconstruction of demographic profiles from ossuary
skeletal samples: a case study from the tide- water Potomac.
Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, No. 18.
Weiss, Kenneth M. 1973 Demographic models for anthropology.
Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No.
27. Zevallos M., Carlos, Walton C. Galinat, Donald W. Lathrap,
Earl R. Leng, Jorge G. Marcos, and Kathleen M. Klumpp
1977 The San Pablo corn kernel and its friends. Science
196:385-389.
9,700 YEARS OF MARITIME SUBSISTENCE ON THE PACIFIC: AN ANALYSIS
BY MEANS OF BIOINDICATORS IN THE NORTH OF CHILE
Agustin Llagostera Martinez
In this report, conclusive archaeological data are disclosed
that demonstrate that about 10,000 B.P. there were in America
groups of people able to exploit the sea with remarkable
effectiveness. In addition, through the analysis of the biological
indicators of three coastal archaeological sites of different
chronology, the con- tinuity and the diachronic development of the
maritime adaptation in the north of Chile is shown.
Maritime subsistence, with respect to the greater or lesser
importance of the ocean as a source of food for a large human
population and its effect on the development of civilizations, is a
topic that has been discussed by several investigators (e.g.,
Greengo 1952; Patterson 1971; Moseley 1975). In this paper it is
not my intention to enter that debate. Instead I wish to present
informa- tion on an area that is almost unique in the world, where
extremely arid conditions have obliged people to get the main part
of their sustenance from maritime resources. At the same time,
through the study of bioindicators, I shall develop a diachronic
analysis of these coastal peoples.
The area in which this work is concentrated is the most barren,
forbidding segment of the long western coastal desert of South
America, which extends the length of Peru and northern Chile. This
segment, between 21?26'S and 25?24'S, is 440 km long and
characterized by an absolute
Lathrap, Donald W., and Jorge G. Marcos 1975 Informe preliminar
sobre las excavacionesdel sitio Real Alto por la mision
antropologica de la Uni-
versidad de Illinois. Revista de la Universidad Catolica,
Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador, Quito. Numero
Monografico: Arqueologia Ano III (10):41-66.
Lathrap, Donald W., Jorge G. Marcos, and James A. Zeidler 1977
Real Alto: an ancient ceremonial center. Archaeology 30:3-13.
Lovejoy, C. Owen, Richard S. Meindl, Thomas R. Pryzleck, Thomas
S. Barton, Kingsbury G. Heiple, and David Kotting
1977 Paleodemography of the Libben site, Ottawa County, Ohio.
Science 198:291-293. Marcos, Jorge G., Donald W. Lathrap, and James
A. Zeidler
1976 Ancient Ecuador revisited. Field Museum of Natural History
Bulletin 47:3-8. McKern, Thomas W., and T. D. Stewart
1957 Skeletal age changes in young American males. Technical
Report EP-45. Headquarters Quartermas- ter Research and Development
Command, Natick, Massachusetts.
Moore, James A., Alan C. Swedlund, and George J. Armelagos 1975
The use of life tables in paleodemography. In Population studies in
archaeology and biological an-
thropology: a symposium, edited by Alan C. Swedland. Memoirs of
the Society for American Archaeology, No. 30: 57-70.
Pearsall, Deborah M. 1978 Phytolith analysis of archaeological
soils: evidence of maize cultivation in Formative Ecuador. Sci-
ence 199:177-178. Ubelaker, Douglas H.
1974 Reconstruction of demographic profiles from ossuary
skeletal samples: a case study from the tide- water Potomac.
Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, No. 18.
Weiss, Kenneth M. 1973 Demographic models for anthropology.
Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No.
27. Zevallos M., Carlos, Walton C. Galinat, Donald W. Lathrap,
Earl R. Leng, Jorge G. Marcos, and Kathleen M. Klumpp
1977 The San Pablo corn kernel and its friends. Science
196:385-389.
9,700 YEARS OF MARITIME SUBSISTENCE ON THE PACIFIC: AN ANALYSIS
BY MEANS OF BIOINDICATORS IN THE NORTH OF CHILE
Agustin Llagostera Martinez
In this report, conclusive archaeological data are disclosed
that demonstrate that about 10,000 B.P. there were in America
groups of people able to exploit the sea with remarkable
effectiveness. In addition, through the analysis of the biological
indicators of three coastal archaeological sites of different
chronology, the con- tinuity and the diachronic development of the
maritime adaptation in the north of Chile is shown.
Maritime subsistence, with respect to the greater or lesser
importance of the ocean as a source of food for a large human
population and its effect on the development of civilizations, is a
topic that has been discussed by several investigators (e.g.,
Greengo 1952; Patterson 1971; Moseley 1975). In this paper it is
not my intention to enter that debate. Instead I wish to present
informa- tion on an area that is almost unique in the world, where
extremely arid conditions have obliged people to get the main part
of their sustenance from maritime resources. At the same time,
through the study of bioindicators, I shall develop a diachronic
analysis of these coastal peoples.
The area in which this work is concentrated is the most barren,
forbidding segment of the long western coastal desert of South
America, which extends the length of Peru and northern Chile. This
segment, between 21?26'S and 25?24'S, is 440 km long and
characterized by an absolute
Agustin Llagostera Martinez, Museo Regional, Universidad del
Norte, Casilla 1280, Antofagasta, Chile Agustin Llagostera
Martinez, Museo Regional, Universidad del Norte, Casilla 1280,
Antofagasta, Chile
309 309
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
absence of surface water. The maritime zone in which the economy
may be almost exclusively dependent on the sea is even more
extensive than the study area, running from 19035'S to 27?04'S
(Schaedel 1957; see Figure 1).
The extreme aridity is attenuated only by the camanchacas,
moisture-laden mists that drift in off the ocean over the mountains
of the Coast Range, forming a mantle of clouds that protects living
organisms from the intense rays of the sun and at the same time
provides the minimum humidity necessary to sustain life. Small
littoral springs constitute the scanty water sources near which the
majority of archaeological remains are to be found.
In contrast to the deficiency of land resources, the sea is rich
in nutrients and oxygen from the Humboldt Current or Peru Coastal
Current and is an abundant source of food. A rich fauna of fish,
mollusks, crustaceans, echinoderms, tunicates, and cephalopods, as
well as sea birds and mam- mals, has furnished subsistence to a
large human population.
Figure 1. Maritime zone of northern Chile.
310 [Vol. 44, No. 2,1979]
-
REPORTS
Before the results of the radiocarbon analysis for Quebrada Las
Conchas were known, the earliest evidence of human habitation on
this coast went back to ca. 6000 B.P. and had been de- fined by
Bird (1943, 1946) on the basis of the shell heaps at Quiani
(Arica), Punta Pichalo (Pisagua), and Cerro Colorado and Punta
Morada (Taltal). These sites were occupied by groups of people
whose fishing gear included highly specialized artifacts denoting
an efficient maritime adaptation.
Using Quiani as his pattern site, Bird calls this occupation
Quiani I (6170 ? 220 B.P.) and makes it as extensive as a First
Preagricultural period on the northern coast of Chile. Among the
Quiani I artifacts, the most outstanding are fishhooks cut from
mussel shells (Choromytilus); Bird named this phase "the shell
fishhook culture." Composite fishhooks consisting of a bone hook
tied to the end of an elongated weight, harpoons with detachable
heads tipped with some points and bone barbs for catching marine
mammals, and lanceolate and double-ended stone points are also
found.
In the context of Quiani II (5616 ? 145 B.P.), which may be said
to correspond to the Second Preagricultural period, fishhooks made
of cactus thorns come to replace the shell fishhooks; there are
also bone harpoons with thorn barbs for catching fish, hoods for
cephalopods, cigar-shaped fishline weights, and triangular stemmed
and barbed points, as well as stemless points with con- cave bases.
This second occupation of Quiani shares elements with the previous
period as well, such as lava bowls, pebble choppers, flat and
conical mortars, small oval mullers, hammerstones, and other stone
pressure and percussion tools.
At the Abtao-1 site (Antofagasta) a time period contemporaneous
with Bird's Second Preag- ricultural period occurs, with a series
of eight radiocarbon dates that range from 5350 to 3550 B.P.
(Boisset and Llagostera 1971). I have identified three occupations
at this site. The unusual feature of the site (as compared with
Quiani) is that at Abtao-I shell fishhooks coexist with those made
from cactus thorns; this was also the case at Punta Pichalo. The
thorn fishhooks are present in all layers; in addition, above the
second occupation levels, bone replaces shell as the raw material
for the fishhooks. A similar situation occurs at Punta Grande
(Taltal), where a layer with bone fishhooks is superimposed on a
deposit with a large number of shell fishhooks.
Along the segment of the coast discussed here, the Quiani model
suffers more modifications, corresponding to conditions offered or
limited by the environment. In Quiani there are evidences of the
cultivation of crops such as cotton, squash, and corn, which
doubtless were obtained from the adjacent valleys. South of Quiani
this phase is not represented; there is little or no possibility of
practicing agriculture in this region. This southern region shows
marked evidence of cultural survivals; original traditions are
prolonged, and consequently local development is out of phase with
adjacent areas.
As we follow the coastal chronological sequence, about 5000 B.P.
we encounter new cultural expressions, of which the burial customs
are well known, but their relation to the Second Quiani occupation
is a matter that is under discussion. These people had such an
advanced knowledge of human anatomy that they were able to preserve
corpses by a complicated method of mummifica- tion that is the most
ancient method currently known (Bittman and Munizaga 1976). It is
also prob- able that they performed therapeutical cranial
trepannings in an experimental way (Munizaga 1976). Their remains
were described for the first time by Uhle (1917, 1922) in reports
on his find- ings at Faldas del Morro and Chinchorro (Arica) and at
Punta Pichalo (Pisagua). The sites where mummified remains have
been recovered include Chinchorro (Arica), Playa Miller (Arica),
Quiani (Arica), Morro de Arica (Arica), Pisagua Viejo (north of
Pisagua), Patillo (south of Iquique), Bajo Molle (south of
Iquique), and as far south as Trocadero in Antofagasta (Bittman and
Munizaga 1976:64; Munizaga and Llagostera 1969).
These Chinchorro societies manifest a coastal adaptation that
introduced many new elements, including an annular or circular type
of cranial deformation. Early in the sequence, settlements are
found at river mouths or on interstream sites with access to
valleys, perhaps because the ancestors of the inhabitants came from
the fertile tropical valleys and some contact with the valleys was
maintained. Later some offshoot groups achieved an almost exclusive
dependence on maritime resources, having been able to break their
connections with the valleys and move into
311
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
zones of extreme aridity (e.g., El Trocadero), while others
continued their dual manner of sub- sistence, obtaining sustenance
from both the sea and the valleys.
About 4000 B.P. we encounter innovations in the settlement
patterns. Clusters of dwellings ap- pear, characterized by
semicircular structures with walls constructed of stones placed
vertically and floors made from burned algae and salt water. Human
burials are recovered from beneath these floors. Curiously enough
this type of settlement has been recorded only in the area that we
are analyzing: at Caleta Huelen (Nunez et al. 1974) and lately at
Los Canastos at the southern end of the Peninsula de Mejillones.
The small hamlets may remotely resemble those groups of habita-
tions at Chilca, on the central coast of Peru, where burials inside
the dwellings under a layer of ashes have also been found, although
the latter are 2,000 years older (Engel 1966, 1972). While these
settlements sprang up in Chilca in connection with farming
activities, on the northern coast of Chile they seem to represent
groupings with a certain degree of stability that were settled near
maritime resources.
Between the years 3500 and 3000 B.P., the Chinchorro cultural
forms gave way to others, in which the original contributions were
slowly modified. The corpse, which was previously buried in an
extended position, is now flexed, though always lying down; the
former complicated method of preparation is reduced to a partial
covering of the body with a layer of mud. These changes have been
found in the Quiani cemeteries (Bird 1943; Dauelsberg 1974) and by
myself and others in another sector of Los Canastos. A double
burial was found at the latter site with a layer of mud covering
the heads and torsos of a man and a woman. The distribution of
offerings there makes it possible to perceive a sexual division of
subsistence activities, the man's grave offerings being related to
hunting and the woman's to fishing and mollusk gathering.
At this time the first signs of cultivation in the northern
valleys occur, but, as already empha- sized, horticulture never
reached the coastal sector discussed here because of the ecological
limitations.
Although initial reports of pottery on the northern coast of
Chile seem to date to about 2300 B.P., these figures are not
definitive. There are two dates that coincide very well; one, from
Cona- noxa at the mouth of the Camarones Valley, indicates 2270 ?+
70 B.P. (Niemeyer and Schiap- pacasse 1969) and the other, obtained
from Abtao-5, is 2300 + 50 B.P. (P-2588).
Late settlements in this segment of the coast are represented by
Punta Blanca (Tocopilla) and Auto Club Beach (Antofagasta). The
occupants of these sites understood the techniques of naviga- tion,
using rafts. Strangely, the Auto Club Beach group, strongly
oriented toward hunting, also possesses rafts but has not developed
pottery. According to their physical anthropological char-
acteristics, these individuals are distant from the Chinchorro
peoples; on the other hand, the an- nular cranial deformation,
which has already disappeared in other areas, persists here (Costa
and Sanhueza 1976). All of this argues in support of the late
persistence of cultural characteristics in this area.
With the discovery of the settlements at Quebrada Las Conchas
and Quebrada Hipodromo (both in Antofagasta), the time series and
the cultural development for the sites and for the area can be
projected back to an extraordinary depth in time. There are two
baseline dates for the occupation of Quebrada Las Conchas: 9400 i
160 B.P. and 9680 -+ 160 B.P. (P-2702). The identification of the
remains of locally extinct fish at various sites on the Chilean
coast has stimulated research that may open up new perspectives in
the field of bioindicators and complement already existing methods
of dating.
BIOINDICATORS IN COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY
The archaeologist's interest in plant and faunal remains
associated with prehistoric deposits is as old as archaeology
itself, but only recently has the way in which these remains may be
used to provide new kinds of scientific information become clear.
For example, the refinements of physical collecting techniques
(Struever 1968; Lange and Carty 1975) and the publication of
manuals on bones, fish, etc. (Chaplin 1971; Casteel 1976) have been
valuable aids in leading to a better understanding of the
connection between man and environment through archaeology.
Studies carried out by Cook and Treganza (1950), White (1953),
Clark (1954), and Gauthier
312 [Vol. 44, No. 2,1979]
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REPORTS
(1956) marked the practical beginning of a productive era in
this field, which was intensified in the 1960s with the
contributions of Reed (1961), Perkins (1964), Cleland (1966), Kehoe
(1967), Shawcross (1967), Daly (1969), and various others. Reed
emphasized the need to consider organic materials not only as
simple zoological specimens but as cultural elements, since they
had passed "through the cultural filter" (Reed and Braidwood
1960:165). Daly, following this line of thought, says "it is
essential for archaeologists to realize that bones are artifacts,
and they must be treated as such" (Daly 1969:152). I support the
idea that, from the botanical and zoological remains recovered from
a site, it is possible to infer a series of alternative solutions
discerned by the in- habitants of that site, which, when adopted by
a group of people, are transformed into cultural patterns for
meeting the problem of survival (Llagostera 1976).
Not all the environment that surrounds a given society is
consciously realized by its members; there is a neutral or
indifferent part of their surroundings that does not affect the
development of their social life because the cultural baggage of
the moment does not contain the knowledge and tools necessary for
its exploitation. On the other hand, there is another part of the
environment composed of a series of elements considered to be
subsistence resources, which taken together constitutes a
"culturally integrated space"; the latter is an abstract idea of
the environment in the collective mind of the group, which could be
called the "cultural environment."
This useful portion of the environment around which the social
conduct of the group turns is peculiar to each ethnic group. It
differs in populations that exist at the same period of time and,
more logically, differs among those that are distant from each
other in time, even though they may have occupied the same sites;
this is true not only because of the changes that habitat could
have undergone but also because of the different conceptions that
made up the aboriginal thinking of the moment.
The "cultural environment" is recorded in the organic remains
left at the settlement. There we have a representation of a
selected portion of a biotic community, precisely the portion of
the en- vironment that was directly utilized by a human group and
that corresponded to their most im- mediate world. It was the part
of the environment to which a people directly related, using a
specific set of artifacts and adaptive mechanisms.
The taphonomic setting contributed by any archaeological
settlement is structured by a group of plants and animals. These
biological forms can be changed into indicators of human behavior
insofar as we can devise a method to extract from them the
information they contain.
We may consider a bioindicator to be any species that has
registered in its anatomical, physiological, and biological
structure or in its ecological population pattern any alterations
caused by external changes. These alterations, when appropriately
interpreted, can indicate climates, ocean currents, temperatures,
diets, demographic density, relative chronology, sub- sistence
activities, transhumant migrations, etc.
In coastal archaeology we distinguish between two types of
bioindicators on the basis of the degree of sensitivity with which
they indicate change. Steno-indicators are those with a reduced
spectrum of tolerance, and Euri-indicators are those that show a
wide range of tolerance. Among the first it is worth stating that
the most sensitive are the fish, which, because of their ability to
travel, disappear or appear rapidly in a biotope, affected as they
are by temperature, salinity, and other conditions. In contrast,
the mollusks, echinoderms, and other benthonic forms of life are
more resistant to changing conditions and at the same time are
slower to show alterations in population characteristics.
For the identification of fish remains at archaeological sites,
otoliths have been most useful. Otoliths are pieces of the hearing
organ of the teleost fish, which are composed of aragonite and seem
to function as piezoelectric bodies to register depths and sound
(Degens et al. 1969). Of the three pieces in each organ, the
sagitta, or saccular otolith, is generally easiest to use to
differen- tiate fish species because of its larger size, although
in families such as Ariidae the utricular oto- lith, or lapillus,
is more useful. In any case, the morphological characteristics of
these pieces dif- fer from one species of fish to another. In 1891
H. von Ihering, a German scientist, compared oto- liths found in
excavations in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, with those of fish caught
in a nearby river. In the 1950s otoliths reappeared in the
archaeological literature, as a method for inventorying the fish
present in archaeological deposits.
313
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
From the forms and sizes of the otoliths recovered from middens,
we can learn the varieties, sizes, and quantitites of fish caught
and eaten by man. In addition, by knowing the habits of the
ichthyofauna, we can infer the marine environmental conditions that
prevailed at the moment they were caught; furthermore, by honing
our research techniques, we may be able to discover the season of
the year in which a given midden layer was deposited, according to
the migratory character of the fish found in it.
It is impossible to set norms for the analysis of bioindicators
since the treatment of each of them differs, depending on the
particular characteristic used as the indicator. In any case, we
can con- sider some of the steps that are fundamental to the
technical strategy of the research. The first step consists of the
search for the attribute of the biological species that has
recorded the change (such as quantity of chemical compounds,
dimensions, growth rings, populational density, seasonal migration,
thermic habits). Next such data must be indexed, transforming the
facts into statistically manageable units. Finally, a quantitative
series must be established for the attribute, so that changes in
the situation become evident and may be compared with the behavior
of other bioindicators. Once the bioindicator table is ready, it is
confronted with the ergological panorama of the site to define the
adaptative homeostasis of the cultural system with the
environment.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
We shall focus the following discussion on three of the
archaeological sites mentioned above, all of them located in the
extremely arid coastal area. They are representative of a
chronological sequence that is adequate for a diachronic
examination of both the interaction of coastal societies with their
environment and their internal transformations. Quebrada Las
Conchas is an early site, Abtao-1 is intermediate in age, and Punta
Blanca represents later times.
Quebrada Las Conchas There are two C-14 dates available for this
site from samples of vegetable carbon from hearths
at the base of the deposit; both were processed at the
laboratory of the University of Penn- sylvania, and they indicated
9400 + 160 B.P. and 9680 ? 160 B.P. (P-2702).
The shell heap lies approximately 3,000 m from watermark on the
slopes of the Coast Range near the city of Antofagasta. Especially
noteworthy are discoidal and polygonal stones that close- ly
resemble those of Huentelauquen, Chile (Iribarren 1961; Gajardo
1962-1963) and the cogged stones of California (Eberhart 1961).
Other artifacts include chipped granite and basalt choppers, large
chips from these same cobbles with margins that were used directly
or retouched, circular or oblong cobbles with evidence of use on
their margins or ends (edge-ground cobbles), minor pressure-flaked
core tools on silicate stone chips (scrapers, knives, awls,
projectile points of diverse shapes), mortars made of blocks of
granite, small mortars of micaceous schists, metates and mullers,
ellipsoidal plummets, sandstone abraders, and a series of bone
tools for digging mollusks (Carevic 1978).
Among the faunal remains, the shells of Concholepas concholepas
(a type of abalone known throughout Chile as locos) predominate,
along with several species of keyhole limpet of Fissurella (locally
called lapas). Twenty-four species of fish have been identified,
seven of which are extinct in this locality at the present time. In
addition, there were semifossilized bones of sea lions (Otarids),
dolphins (Delphinids), and a representative of the South American
Camelids, the guanaco (Lama guanicoe). The midden also contained
bones of birds that were difficult to identify, although it was
evident that there was little variety among them. The presence of
some burned human bones among the refuse at the Quebrada Las
Conchas site was unusual. Finally, seeds con- taining a
hallucinogenic substance (harmine) were encountered.
Abtao-1
This site is located 18 km from Quebrada Las Conchas on the
southern side of the Mejillones
314 [Vol. 44, No. 2,1979]
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REPORTS
Peninsula, a few meters above waterline. The radiocarbon dates
set its limits between 5350 and ca. 3000 B.P. (Boisset and
Llagostera 1971). There were three occupations on this site, each
of which is clearly defined as to ergological context.
First occupation (5350-4000 B.P.) The most important diagnostic
feature of this occupation is the shell fishhook in association
with double-ended projectile points and stemmed points with no
barbs. These points are similar to those Bird describes for Quiani,
Punta Pichalo, and Taltal (1943).
Second occupation (4000-3550 B.P.) Here bone is replacing shell
as the raw material for the fishhook, but the form of the artifact
is conserved; the end of the shaft continues to be sharpened as it
was in the shell fishhook. Shell fishhooks are still recovered
during this occupation. Stone points with a rounded base,
comparable to those Bird describes from Punta Pichalo (1943),
predominate.
Third occupation (3550-3000 B.P.) The morphology of the fishhook
changes, with the innova- tion of a knob on the shaft to which the
fishline was tied. Only bone hooks occur. The stone blades are
triangular and stemless, wide for hafted knives and narrow for
projectile points. The com- posite fishhooks, which until this time
were simple, now begin to have a small barb. The harpoon barbs,
which previously were curved, are now straight.
Other artifacts, not described here, show little typological
change throughout the sequence (see Boisset et al. 1969).
Abtao-1 is a stratified shell heap. The quantitative column
showed an accumulation of 43 layers, which cover the three
occupations of the site. The organic preservation is fairly good,
with an average conservation index (based on the disintegration of
Fissurella shells) of 61%. Among the mollusks Concholepas
predominates, followed by Fissurella. In addition, there were sea
ur- chins (Loxechinus albus), chitons (Amphineura), crabs
(Brachyura), black tops (Tegula atra), and choro mussels
(Choromytilus chorus). Several species of fish were represented,
the most signifi- cant being the cabinza (Isacia conceptionis) and
the jack mackerel (Trachurus symmetricus). Sea lion bones,
especially those of immature individuals, marine otter or
chungungos (Lutra felina), and algae and bush from the local flora
complete the ecocontext represented at Abtao-1.
Punta Blanca
This area of shell heaps associated with cemeteries lies 10 km
south of the city of Tocopilla. I have chosen the Frente-5 shell
heap as the basis for the following discussion both because it
shows evidence of being occupied since the shell fishhook period
and because the greatest propor- tion of material found is
representative of late times (with ceramics), completing the
diachronic site series.
In this deposit there are four distinct occupations. The first
occupation is a preceramic period, with a strong persistence of
stonework and the presence of shell fishhooks; it probably
represents the last phase of the utilization of shell fishhooks.
The second occupation could be characterized in general terms by
the presence of pottery in the traditional coastal style.
Cactus-thorn fishhooks appear in the fishing gear, and the seafood
diet is strongly supplemented by the pods of the mes- quite or
carob tree (Prosopis chilensis), locally known as algarroba. A
noteworthy augmentation of the ergological context of the site
occurs with the third occupation. Pottery types characteristic of
the valleys, especially of the Loa River tradition, are present as
varicolored weavings. The dietetic reserve now includes new items.
Algarroba seeds are found less frequently than previously, and
corn, probably from the Loa Valley, appears for the first time. The
fourth occupa- tion corresponds to various times during the
post-Hispanic period.
While the Punta Blanca organic content is, on the whole, of
maritime origin, subtle statistical deviations are detectable that
differentiate the site from those previously discussed. Among the
mollusks, the Fissurella take first place, followed by Tegula, with
Concholepas in third place. Choromytilus appears strongly in the
third and fourth occupations, its valves being used as knives. Of
the ichthyological series present, the conger eels (Genypterus),
known locally as congrios, make a later appearance.
315
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DISCUSSION
When I presented the progress report on my research at the
National Archaeological Meeting in La Serena, Chile (Llagostera
1976), I did not yet have the carbon-14 dates for the Quebrada Las
Conchas site, and I stated that the biological indicators present
there were significantly different from those of other deposits on
the northern coast of Chile.
On the one hand, the set of bioindicators for the site was not
repeated after 5350 B.P. (a baseline date for the first occupation
of Abtao-1) or after 6170 B.P. (the baseline date for Quiani
occupation), if the Abtao and Quiani homotaxis is taken into
consideration. On the other hand, I was presented with biological
features of a markedly warm water with a high degree of
salinity.
Using this background information, I sought a chronological
adjustment that would fit the paleoclimatic conditions of the
situation described, while corresponding to the maximum increase in
land and sea temperatures known as Thermic Maximum or Climatic
Optimum. This time could be identified with Heusser's Fifth Pollen
Zone in the south of Chile, which has been dated at be- tween 8500
and 6500 B.P. (Heusser 1966). The radiocarbon dates that we
subsequently secured corroborated our reasoning, confirming the
early date we had assigned to the Quebrada Las Con- chas site on
the basis of the bioindicators. At the same time they have
underlined the potential utility of bioindicators.
A novel aspect of the bioindicators at this site is the presence
of fish that are now extinct in the locality. Seven of the 24
species of fish that were recovered, approximately 12% of the
ichthyological population consumed on the site, are not found on
this coast at the present time or are found only occasionally.
These species are Cynoscion analis, Roncador sp., Micropogon
altipinnis, Ophioscion oscurus, Elattarchus archidium, Paralabrax
callaensis, and a member of the Ariidae family (Figure 2).
Cynoscion analis (J) is a corvina or seabass belonging to the
Sciaenidae family, and Chirichigno (1974) has described the limits
of its distribution as being between Santa Elena, Ecuador, and Co-
quimbo, Chile. Mann (1954) has also included this species among the
"northern invaders that come as far as Coquimbo." In general this
fish is found rarely in Chilean waters, usually in the summer
months; it is most abundant in the waters around 6? and 7? south
latitude off Peru. Yet it appears in an appreciable quantity in the
archaeological site at Quebrada Las Conchas.
Roncador sp., a type of sagitta that undoubtedly belongs to the
Sciaenidae but is of a genus and species not clearly defined, is
present in the set of otoliths found at the Quebrada Las Conchas
site. The form of these sagittas is similar to that of the genus
Sciaena but is differentiated from Sciaena by an elongation of the
rostrum, a typical characteristic of the genus Roncador. In spite
of the fact that the genus Roncador has not been reported for the
eastern Pacific in the Southern Hemisphere, we have chosen to
include this genus provisionally here since the comparative study
of various Peruvian and Chilean Sciaenidae has not yielded positive
results. Roncador is de- scribed for the North American Pacific in
the form of Roncador stearnsi (spotfin croaker), be- tween Punta
Concepcion and Bahia de San Juanico in lower California.
Micropogon altipinnis (G) is a berrugato that also belongs to
the Sciaenidae family; its present habitat extends from Chiapan,
Guatemala, to Mancora, Peru. This fish prefers warm water with high
salinity. There is no record of sightings of Micropogon altipinnis
in the Chilean Pacific. The large size of some of the sagittas
found at the archaeological site is noteworthy; some of them were
as large as 28 mm in maximum diameter.
Ophioscion oscurus (H) is another Sciaenid that has been
reported from the northern limits of Peru, from Puerto Pizarro to
Lobos de Tierra Island. We have no references to its existence in
waters south of the sector indicated.
Elattarchus archidium (J and G), a croaker of the Sciaenidae
family, has its actual habitat far away from the area being
studied. It has been found from the Gulf of California (Mexico) to
Lobos de Tierra Island (Peru).
Paralabrax callaensis (S) is a bassfish belonging to the
Serranidae family with a distribution from Manta, Ecuador, to El
Callao, Peru.
Some utricular otoliths (lapillus) from this site have been
assigned to a member of the Ariidae
316 [Vol. 44, No. 2,1979]
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Figure 2. Otoliths of locally extinct fish from Quebrada Las
Conchas site: (a) Ophioscion oscurus, (b) Micropogon altipinnis,
(c) Elattarchus archidium, (d) Cynoscion analis, (e) Arridae, (f)
Roncador sp., (g) Paralabrax callaensis.
family, but the genus and species are still undetermined. In
Peru six species of marine catfish have been reported that belong
to this family (Chirichigno 1974). There is no information from
Chile on this family.
The presence and frequency of these fish and their absence from
later archaeological sites give us evidence of maritime
environmental conditions of higher temperatures, which we could
com- pare with conditions in the Late Pleistocene. This is similar
to observations made by Fitch (1964, 1966) in California. He notes
a lateral displacement of Micropogon quite similar to that which we
have detected; he found Micropogon ectenes in Pleistocene fossil
deposits in California and states that in modern times they are
caught only in locations several hundred miles south of California.
Their presence in the deposits, together with other southern
species (among them a Cynoscion), leads him to hypothesize that the
deposit was laid down at times when the local ocean temperature was
considerably higher than the temperature prevailing today.
With the radiocarbon dates we can estimate that the Quebrada Las
Conchas site was occupied around the Holocene, at moments when the
climatic conditions were affected by a slow increase in temperature
advancing toward its maximum oscillation. The effect of this
process is clear in the paleoecological picture delineated by
bioindicators. The species that live in warmer waters in- crease in
frequency toward the upper layers of the deposits, documenting the
sequence of a pro- gressive warming-up of the ocean; first
Cynoscion occurs, which indicates that the water was already warm,
and then Micropogon, marking the precise time of the maximum water
temperature.
317
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Micropogon thus becomes an extraordinary indicator for detecting
and dating the "climax" of the Climatic Optimum. This phenomenon is
related to the ebb and flow of groups of fauna that swim to follow
their habitual water temperature conditions. As the temperature
rose, a latitudinal displace- ment of the subtropical ichthyofauna
occurred, and species such as Cynoscion came to form a part of the
diet of the coastal inhabitants of this latitude (23 ? 33'S). As
the increase in temperature continued, the arrival of equatorial
species (Micropogon) became possible, and they were added to the
local diet. Then, with the later decrease in temperature, the
reverse movement northward began, first of Micropogon and later of
Cynoscion. Consequently, the sequence of the series within this
period is as follows: (1) thermic "preclimax," with Cynoscion; (2)
thermic "climax," with Cynoscion and Micropogon; and (3) thermic
"postclimax," once again with Cynoscion alone.
The possible implications of the El Nino Current phenomenon
might be discussed in this connec- tion. We know that in the months
from January to March the Equatorial Current that normally flows
along the coasts of Ecuador, Colombia, and Central America changes
its routes to swing southward, bringing its warm water as far as
Salaverry (8? 13'S). This countercurrent produces marked changes in
the marine fauna; the cold-water species disappear, yielding to an
invasion by equatorial species. The amplitude of the phenomenon
presents a certain cyclical periodicity with intensities that, even
in historical times, have been felt rather far to the south. What
we are find- ing at the archaeological site cannot be attributed to
the normal fluctuations of El Nino; the pic- ture presented by the
bioindicators shows clearly an event that had no parallel in either
intensity or duration during the remainder of the prehistoric
period or in historical times. It is possible that the changes that
caused the reheating of the earth also had an intense and prolonged
effect on the El Nifno phenomenon or that the gradual reheating of
the ocean simply permitted groups of equatorial fauna to move
toward extreme southern latitudes.
The Quebrada Las Conchas site is culturally peculiar because of
the presence of geometric stone objects (Figure 3), which have not
been dated in South America. In North America, Eberhart suggested
that the maximum span of the use of cogged stones might extend from
8000 B.C. to as late as 1000 B.C. (Eberhart 1961:367), but it seems
much more likely that their period of use will prove to be from
6000 to 3500 B.C. Later the same author claimed a beginning date of
ca. 6000 B.C. (Eberhart and Wasson 1975:39-40). We would not
venture to suggest a correspondence be-
Figure 3. Geometric sandstone objects from Quebrada Los Conchas
site.
318 [Vol. 44, No. 2,1979]
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REPORTS
tween these stones and the early dates assigned at Quebrada Las
Conchas, since they increase in number toward the surface of the
site, coinciding with Micropogon and indicating a cor- respondence
with the thermal "climax," which we shall soon be able to date when
our next set of samples is returned. For now, the dates show us the
moment at which man came to occupy the northern coast of what is
today Chile and that indicates the earliest human settlement on the
North, Central, and South American coasts. This site was first
occupied ca. 10,000 B.P. during the thermal "preclimax" and
culminated during the "climax."
The majority of the geometric stone objects are disk shaped. A
probable early date for the discoidal stones is supported by the
fact that Bird found similar objects in southern Chile and
Argentina and attributed them to the paleo-Indian occupation (Bird
1970). Two of these objects came from Fell's Cave and were directly
associated with remains of the extinct horse and the giant sloth;
the dates fluctuate around 11,000 B.P.
Within the group of implements found at the site, the mortars
seem to be contradictory elements: they are present in a valleyless
desert environment where there had never been a tradi- tion of food
grinding. This fact, as well as the small size of some examples,
made us think they might have been psychotropic equipment. By
careful excavation, it was possible to isolate small seeds that,
when analyzed by Karolinska Institutet of Stockholm, revealed the
presence of a hallucinogenic substance, an alkaloid of the
0-carboline group known as harmine. This substance is one of the
psychotropic components of Banisteriopsis ssp. of the New World and
Pegonum har- mala of the Old World, but the seeds found in Quebrada
Las Conchas are not from either of those plants. Instead they
belong to an undetermined species that undoubtedly had xerophitic
characteristics like those of Peganum.
The early presence of hallucinogens has been recorded in Mexico
and in Texas (Adovasio and Fry 1976). In Mexico, in the Cuatro
Cienagas Basin of Coahuila, there is a group of caves and rock-
shelters, among which is Frightful Cave. In the abundant deposits
of that site, which cover a period of from 9450 to 1220 B.P., the
beans of the mescal plant (Sophora secundiflora), which have a
recognized psychotropic effect, were found. Also found was another
specimen that must have had the same function, the Mexican buckeye
(Ungnadia speciosa). Deposits at Trans-Pecos, Texas, contain the
same hallucinogenic plants, and at one of them, Bonfire Shelter
(10,390-9070 B.P.), they were found in direct association with
Folsom and Plainview points. Consequently it is justifiable to
conceive of the very early existence of a psychotropic tradition in
America, which is represented at Quebrada Las Conchas.
As for the subsistence activities of the groups of people who
inhabited Quebrada Las Conchas, once again the bioindicators have
something to tell us. We know that Cynoscion is a fish that can-
not be caught with a hook; it is not in the habit of feeding on
anything that could be used for bait. Nevertheless, this fish
appears in a high percentage in the deposits. This leads one to
believe that this fish was caught not with a hook but by netting.
This idea seems to be supported by the small sandstone plummets
that have been found and by the fact that the majority of the
ichthyological remains at the site belong to fish that live on the
bottom along the shore.
In the Abtao-1 site we found a schema of bioindicators markedly
different from those described thus far. The species of fish
referred to above and the panorama of their frequencies and
distribu- tions present certain special features that suggest that
they belonged to a definite time period. In the first occupation of
this site (5350-4000 B.P.), one observes an interesting frequency
inversion of the mollusks, Choromytilus, and the fish, Trachurus.
While Choromytilus appears most abun- dantly in the lower layers,
gradually decreasing as we examine higher levels, Trachurus begins
to be present in strength only above stratum 15 in our quantitative
column. Choromytilus is an in- dicator of cold waters and Trachurus
of warm temperate waters. Consequently, the behavior of these
bioindicators presents us with temperature conditions that
gradually increase about 5350 B.P. until they have significant
ecological repercussions about 4000 B.P. (Figure 4).
Since the shell fishhook is the element most representative of
the first occupation of Abtao-1, we could be faced with a sample
that could be diagnostic of the so-called shell fishhook culture;
this moment in the sociocultural development of the northern coast
of Chile would have been closely related to the fate of the
Choromytilus mussel from whose valves the fishhooks were made.
319
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
TRACHURUS CHOROMYTILUS
*
I
I
UNIDADES DE DENSIDAD: -_ Trachurus * Choromytilus
Figure 4. Frequency inversion of Trachurus and Choromytilus at
Abtao-1 (first and second occupations).
The earliest radiocarbon date recorded for the shell fishhook in
northern Chile is in Quiani, Arica, and corresponds to 6170 ? 220
B.P. (Mostny 1964).
If we look for paleoclimatic references on the chronological
period concerned, we learn that of the eight pollinical zones that
Heusser sets forth for Chile, the Sixth Zone would have a range
that would fit in the time period from 6500 to 4500 B.P. It would
be characterized by a drop in temperatures and high humidity, as
indicated by the growing percentage of such plants as Fitz-
35 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15
14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
35 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15
14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
(0.1) (0.1)
320 [Vol. 44, No. 2,1979]
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REPORTS
roya, Pilgerodendron, and Podocarpus (Heusser 1966).
Consequently, we shall propose a cor- respondence between the
groups that used the shell fishhooks and the cooler, wetter period
in- dicated by Heusser.
The opposition we have observed in Abtao-1 between Choromytilus
and Trachurus gives us evidence that, in addition to the
continental decrease in tempraerature, a considerable cooling of
the ocean took place, creating on the present-day nothern coast of
Chile ideal conditions for the development of cold-water species
that Mann considers to be within "the group of sub-antarctic
cold-water fish" (Mann 1954:84). These conditions inhibited the
development of warm-water species, as the ichthyological series
from the site indicates. The predominant species is the cabin- za
(Isacia conceptionis), which doubtless at that time was the most
abundant of all the fish resources, followed by two croakers, Cilus
montii and Sciaena deliciosa, which maintain a certain continuity
in the frequency of remains encountered. Sargo (Anisotremus
scapularis) appears in any plentifulness only at the end of the
period. Other fish appear sporadically and in small numbers.
Trachurus, as we have already stated, is present only in the second
occupation of Abtao-1, coming to take second place in the order of
importance among the fish species. A rocksargo (Sciaena fasciatea),
a bassfish (Paralabrax humeralis), other bass (Hemilutjanus
macrophthalmos), and a halibut (Paralichthys adspersus) are also
found in the second occupation with some frequency; all of these
last are examples of the "group of northern invaders in the Peru
Current" (Mann 1954:81).
In the second occupation of Abtao-1, the cold environmental
conditions became attenuated. This initiated the
retrogretrogression of Choromytilus to its present haunts in the
far south of Chile, which obliged the coast dwellers to replace the
shell with other raw material. Bones and cactus thorns were the new
raw materials for the manufacture of fishhooks.
The Punta Blanca site contains deposits that pertain to a time
period following Abtao-1 and reflect environmental factors that
affected the late coastal societies. When we analyze the series of
bioindicators encountered in the 37 layers of the quantitative
column, we observe that some fish, especially those that migrate
seasonally (Trachurus, Cilus, Sciaena) are present throughout the
column but in an intermittent fashion. Others with definite thermal
preferences show themselves only at determined intervals, when
environmental conditions were suitable for them. Thus forms common
to subantarctic waters, such as Isacia, are dominant in the first
occupation and correspond with the shell fishhook occupation in
Abtao-1. At the same moment specimens of the subtropical species
(Hemilutjanus, Cheilodactylus, Paralabrax, Doydixodon, and
Paralichthys) occur as well. This combination is one that,
according to the Abtao data, would be located in late preceramic
times.
In the second occupation we observed a small variety of fish
types with a notable resurgence of Trachurus and a weak presence of
Isacia; algarroba appear to have been an important sup- plemental
food as well.
In the third occupation of the Punta Blanca site, the most
noticeable feature is the appearance of the conger eels, or
congrios (Genypterus chilensis and G. maculatus). These do not
occur in earlier occupations or sites; they appear to be associated
with the late ceramic period, since we have also detected their
presence in other late middens. Today these fish are caught between
.5 and 3 km from the shore and from 10 to 150 fathoms deep; that is
to say, they are not fish that can be caught from the shore. The
quantity in which they are found in the archaeological deposit
obliges us to think that rafts must have been used for their
capture, an idea that is reinforced by the observations made during
the first centuries of European contact. In 1672 the chronicler
Vas- quez de Espinoza wrote that the Indian fishermen go out to the
sea in their rafts "because on that coast they do a great deal of
fishing of conger eels, spotted dogfish, lisas, dorados, armados,
sea catfish, jackmackerel, tuna, octopus, and many other kinds of
fish which they salt down, and they take them with great droves of
llamas to Potosi, Chuquisaca, Lipes, and to all those provinces in
the highlands" (Vasquez de Espinoza 1969:438).
In addition to the presence of Genypterus, a series of
associated facts supports what has been suggested above. When we
look at the stratigraphic series made for the keyhole limpets, it
is ob- vious that there is strong increase in Fissurella maxima in
this third occupation. This species was
321
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
only weakly represented before, being surpassed by Fissurella
limbata. Nevertheless, it now goes to the top of the series of the
eight Fissurellids. The habitat of F. maxima is the rocky islets
most exposed to the breakers. This habitat is undoubtedly most
accessible by rafts. F. nigra and F. lata, which share the same
habitat, are also constantly present. The large size of the
examples of Con- cholepas when compared with the examples of the
same species found at lower levels makes us think that the
inhabitants of the site were not restricted to the exhaustive
exploitation of a few banks of mollusks but had a larger radius of
action, with the possibility of selecting from a larger quantity of
banks. Finally, it is interesting to note that the presence of corn
in the deposit first oc- curs at this time, a fact that could
indicate contact with the valleys where the rafts played an im-
portant role.
We believe that Genypterus is a good indicator for the use of
rafts and the moment when these craft began to be used. Basing our
estimates on this, we have obtained a date for this important event
of 1720 ? 50 B.P. (P-2587).
There is no doubt that the use of navigation implied significant
contributions to the quantity and quality of food, which in turn
would have had repercussions on the social structure. Our next
lines of research will be oriented toward quantifying these
contributions and, in general, toward trying to understand the
significance of the introduction of different techniques of
capturing fish, such as the fishhook.
Acknowledgments. It is a pleasure for me to extend my most
sincere gratitude to Hector Garces, an of- ficial in the Museo
Regional and member of the faculty of the Anthropology Department
of the Universidad del Norte of Antofagasta, Chile, and to all the
students in that department, most especially to Maria Antonietta
Costa Junqueira and Julio Cruz Barahona, and to the museum
assistant Bernardo Baez. All of them, with their valuable field and
laboratory work, have contributed a fundamental part to the
discoveries set forth in this ar- ticle. In addition, several
specialists have rendered their participation and advice, among
whom I wish to men- tion very specially Dr. Thomas F. Lynch of the
Anthropology Department of Cornell University, Dr. Norma
Chirichigno of the Instituto del Mar in Peru, Dr. John E. Fitch of
the Fish and Game Department of Long Beach, California, Dr.
Elizabeth K. Ralph of the Physics Department of the University of
Pennsylvania, Professor Henry Wassen of the Ethnographic Museum of
Goteburg, and Professor Bo Holmstedt of the Karolinska In- stitutet
of Stockholm.
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1964 Anzuelos de Concha: 6170 ? 220 anos. Noticiario Mensual del
Museo Nacional de Historia Natural 98. Santiago.
Munizaga, Juan 1976 Esquema de la antropologia fisica del norte
de Chile. Jornada de Estudios el Hombre y sus Obras en
el Norte de Chile, Universidad del Norte. (in press.)
323
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AMERICAN ANTIQUITY AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Munizaga, Juan, and Agustin Llagostera 1969 Restos oseos humanos
de un periodo cultural preceramico de la costa de la Provincia de
An-
tofagasta, Chile. Revista Chilena de Antropologia 2. (in press.)
Niemeyer, Hans, and Virgilio Schiappacasse
1969 Comentarios a tres fechados radiocarbonicos de sitios
arqueologicos de Conanoxa, Valle de Cama- rones, Provincia de
Tarapaca. Noticiario Mensual del Museo de Historia Natural 151.
Santiago.
Nufiez, Lautaro, Vjera Zlatar, and Patricio Nufiez 1974 Caleta
Huelen 42: una aldea temprana en el norte de Chile. Hombre y
Cultura 2(5).
Patterson, Thomas C. 1971 The emergence of food production in
central Peru. In Prehistoric agriculture, edited by Stuart
Strue-
ver, pp. 181-207. Natural History Press, Garden City. Perkins,
Dexter, Jr.
1964 The prehistoric fauna from Shanidar, Iraq. Science
3626:1565-1566. Reed, C. A.
1961 Osteological evidences for prehistoric domestication in
southwest Asia. Zeitschrift fur Tierrzuch- tung und
Zuchtungsbiologie 76(1):31-38.
Reed, C. A., and Robert Braidwood 1960 The environmental
sequence in northeastern Iraq. In Explorations in Iraqi Kurdistan,
edited by R. J.
Braidwood and B. Howe, pp. 163-175. Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, Chicago. Schaedel, Richard
1957 Arqueologia Chilena: contribuciones al estudio de la region
comprendida entre Arica y La Serena. Centro de Estudios
Antropologicos, Universidad de Chile, Santiago.
Shawcross, Wilfred 1967 An investigation of prehistoric diet and
economy on a coastal site at Galatea Bay, New Zealand. Pre-
historic Society 33, Cambridge. Struever, Stuart
1968 Flotation techniques for the recovery of small-scale
archaeological remains. American Antiquity 33:353-362.
Uhle, Max 1917 Los aborigenes de Arica. Publicaciones del Museo
de Etnologia y Antropologia de Chile 1(4-5):151-
176. 1922 Fundamentos etnicos y arqueologia de Arica y Tacna.
Sociedad Ecuatoriana de Estudios Historicos,
Quito. Vasquez de Espinoza, Antonio
1969 Compendio y descripcion de las Indias occidentales (1672).
Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles 231, Madrid.
White, T. E. 1953 A method of calculating the dietary percentage
of various food animals utilized by various aboriginal
peoples. American Antiquity 18:396-398.
THE AGGRESSIVE FIELD LAB
Jacqueline Nichols and June Evans
It is proposed that archaeological field labs should be a
mandatory and integral part of archaeological research design.
An archaeological field lab should no longer be considered
optional for field schools and long- term research projects. By
field lab we do not mean a building where things are stored or a
kind of "holding station" for artifacts awaiting preliminary
analysis; nor do we mean the process of washing, drying, and inking
of artifacts by the wife and children of the field director. We
refer in-
Munizaga, Juan, and Agustin Llagostera 1969 Restos oseos humanos
de un periodo cultural preceramico de la costa de la Provincia de
An-
tofagasta, Chile. Revista Chilena de Antropologia 2. (in press.)
Niemeyer, Hans, and Virgilio Schiappacasse
1969 Comentarios a tres fechados radiocarbonicos de sitios
arqueologicos de Conanoxa, Valle de Cama- rones, Provincia de
Tarapaca. Noticiario Mensual del Museo de Historia Natural 151.
Santiago.
Nufiez, Lautaro, Vjera Zlatar, and Patricio Nufiez 1974 Caleta
Huelen 42: una aldea temprana en el norte de Chile. Hombre y
Cultura 2(5).
Patterson, Thomas C. 1971 The emergence of food production in
central Peru. In Prehistoric agriculture, edited by Stuart
Strue-
ver, pp. 181-207. Natural History Press, Garden City. Perkins,
Dexter, Jr.
1964 The prehistoric fauna from Shanidar, Iraq. Science
3626:1565-1566. Reed, C. A.
1961 Osteological evidences for prehistoric domestication in
southwest Asia. Zeitschrift fur Tierrzuch- tung und
Zuchtungsbiologie 76(1):31-38.
Reed, C. A., and Robert Braidwood 1960 The environmental
sequence in northeastern Iraq. In Explorations in Iraqi Kurdistan,
edited by R. J.
Braidwood and B. Howe, pp. 163-175. Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, Chicago. Schaedel, Richard
1957 Arqueologia Chilena: contribuciones al estudio de la region
comprendida entre Arica y La Serena. Centro de Estudios
Antropologicos, Universidad de Chile, Santiago.
Shawcross, Wilfred 1967 An investigation of prehistoric diet and
economy on a coastal site at Galatea Bay, New Zealand. Pre-
historic Society 33, Cambridge. Struever, Stuart
1968 Flotation techniques for the recovery of small-scale
archaeological remains. American Antiquity 33:353-362.
Uhle, Max 1917 Los aborigenes de Arica. Publicaciones del Museo
de Etnologia y Antropologia de Chile 1(4-5):151-
176. 1922 Fundamentos etnicos y arqueologia de Arica y Tacna.
Sociedad Ecuatoriana de Estudios Historicos,
Quito. Vasquez de Espinoza, Antonio
1969 Compendio y descripcion de las Indias occidentales (1672).
Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles 231, Madrid.
White, T. E. 1953 A method of calculating the dietary percentage
of various food animals utilized by various aboriginal
peoples. American Antiquity 18:396-398.
THE AGGRESSIVE FIELD LAB
Jacqueline Nichols and June Evans
It is proposed that archaeological field labs should be a
mandatory and integral part of archaeological research design.
An archaeological field lab should no longer be considered
optional for field schools and long- term research projects. By
field lab we do not mean a building where things are stored or a
kind of "holding station" for artifacts awaiting preliminary
analysis; nor do we mean the process of washing, drying, and inking
of artifacts by the wife and children of the field director. We
refer in-
Jacqueline Nichols, Department of Anthropology, University of
New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131 June Evans, Department of
Anthropology, The American University, Washington, DC 20016
Jacqueline Nichols, Department of Anthropology, University of New
Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131 June Evans, Department of
Anthropology, The American University, Washington, DC 20016
324 324 [Vol. 44, No. 2, 1979] [Vol. 44, No. 2, 1979]
Cover PageArticle
Contentsp.309p.310p.311p.312p.313p.314p.315p.316p.317p.318p.319p.320p.321p.322p.323p.324
Issue Table of ContentsAmerican Antiquity, Vol. 44, No. 2, Apr.,
1979Front Matter [pp.209-210]Editor's Corner [pp.211-212]Historic
Site Content, Structure, and Function [pp.213-237]Comments on the
Theory of Holocene Refugia in the Culture History of Amazonia
[pp.238-251]Climatic Oscillation as a Factor in the Prehistory of
Amazonia [pp.252-266]Geoarchaeology: The Geologist and Archaeology
[pp.267-270]ReportsField Systems and Frost Drainage in the
Prehistoric Agriculture of the Upper Great Lakes
[pp.271-285]Thermoluminescence Determinations on Early Ceramic
Materials from Coastal Southern California [pp.285-295]Osteological
Identification of Sandhill Crane versus Turkey [pp.295-299]A Maya
Dam in the Copan Valley, Honduras [pp.299-305]Paleodemography of
the Valdivia III Phase at Real Alto, Ecuador [pp.305-309]9,700
Years of Maritime Subsistence on the Pacific: An Analysis by Means
of Bioindicators in the North of Chile [pp.309-324]The Aggressive
Field Lab [pp.324-326]
Cultural Resource Management"Significance" in Contract
Archaeology [pp.327-328]A Reply to Sharrock and Grayson on
Archaeological Significance [pp.328-329]Using NTIS, or How to
Disseminate Archaeological Reports [pp.330-332]
CommentsThe Olmec in the Central Highlands: A Non-Quintessential
Approach [pp.333-337]A Comment on Curren's "Potential
Interpretations of 'Stone Gorget' Function" [pp.337-341]Comments on
"Application of Orthophoto Mapping to Archaeological Problems"
[pp.341-345]A Comment on Bettinger: Problems in Archaeological
Interpretation [pp.345-351]Curation, Statistics, and Settlement
Studies: A Reply to Munday and Lincoln [pp.352-359]
Current Research [pp.360-381]Reviewsuntitled
[pp.382-383]untitled [pp.383-384]untitled [pp.384-385]untitled
[pp.385-386]untitled [pp.386-387]untitled [pp.387-388]
Society for American Archaeology [pp.389-399]Back Matter
[pp.400-400]