Ojibwa Vocabulary in Longfellow's Hiawatha

Ojibwa Vocabulary in Longfellow's Hiawatha

WILLIAM COWAN

Carleton University

O n November 10, 1855, the Boston publishing house of Ticknor and Fields put on sale Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's The Song of Hiawatha (Longfellow 1855), a long epic poem dealing with the life of a mythical

American Indian culture hero, interwoven with many Indian myths and

legends taken from a wide variety of anthropological and literary sources.

The poem, published in a four and a half by seven inch hardcover volume of

some 316 pages, was an immediate success, selling more than 4000 copies on

the first day of sale, more than 30,000 in the first six months, and hundreds of thousands in the years thereafter, not only in the United States, but all

over the world. At a price of $1.00 per volume, the profits to the publisher

and the royalties to the author must have come to a considerable sum. It has not only remained continuously in print since then, but has become part

and parcel of North American and even world culture. Which of us has not heard of such well-known parts of the landscape as the shores of Gitche

Gumee, the Big-Sea Water, or of such well-beloved figures as Nokomis, the

grandmother, or Minnehaha, Laughing Water, wife of Hiawatha? In addition to the personages and myths taken from Indian lore, Longfel­

low used a fairly extensive vocabulary of Ojibwa words and names to give a poetic flavour to the poem. In the notes appended to the end of the

poem, Longfellow listed a vocabulary of 137 words and phrases. Among

these 137 items are 6 phrases in English; 3 Ojibwa words that do not occur in the poem itself, including totem (the other two are pemican and ahdeek

'reindeer'); 9 proper names of people or places, including Pauwating, the

Ojibwa name for Sault Saint Marie; and at least three onomatapoetic utter­ances, including the famous — or infamous — Ugh, glossed by Longfellow

as meaning 'yes'. In addition, the following 14 Ojibwa words occur in the

poem but are not included in the vocabulary list:

59

60 WILLIAM C O W A N

ahmo kabeyun manito medamin Mitche Manito muskoday nawadaha

'bee'

'West-Wind'

'guardian spirit'

'art of healing'

'Great Spirit'

'meadow'

'musician'

ojeeg

pamosaid

pukwana

sebowisha

wagemin

wahonowin

waywassimo

'weasel'

'com-thief'

'smoke'

'rivulet'

'corn-thief

'wail'

'lightening'

And at least two of the proper names — those of Hiawatha and his wife

Minnehaha — are not Ojibwa names at all. Hiawatha, as is well-known, is a

Mohawk name and rank of a chief who either established or co-established

the Five Nations confederacy, and Minnehaha is a Dakota word meaning,

as well as can be established, 'waterfall' (Hodge, ed. 1907,1:546, 870).

In what follows I will examine this vocabulary to determine its accuracy,

extent, and the sources of the Ojibwa forms that Longfellow uses and their

particular shapes. I will then speculate about further sources for the forms.

I will also consider their efficacy in creating the poetic effect that Longfellow

was aiming at.

There is no question about the source of the Indian myths and legends

that Longfellow wove into his narrative. In a series of notes at the end of the

volume, he freely acknowledges that most of the material had been taken

from the works of the well-known ethnologue and Indian agent Henry Rowe

Schoolcraft, who published widely on Ojibwa and other Indians in the early and mid 19th century. Schoolcraft was an explorer, surveyor, minerologist,

and writer, who was born in 1793 and died in 1864, and who traveled widely

in the region of the Great Lakes. In 1823 he married the granddaughter of

an Ojibwa chief, an event that gave him an entry into Ojibwa society that

was rare among white men of his time. He seems to have spent the rest

of his life collecting, publishing and republishing Indian lore from various Algonquian and Siouan cultures.

The two books of Schoolcraft's mentioned by Longfellow are Algic Re­searches, first published in 1839, and History, Prospect and Conditions of

the Indian Tribes of the United States, presumably an 1851 reprint of an earlier book published under a different title.1 These loosely structured works are grab-bags of essays, notes, poems, translations, legends, myths,

many of them dealing with the exploits of an Ojibwa culture hero named

JThe title fisted by Longfellow does not occur in Pilling (1891). One similar to

it is The American Indians. Their History, Conditions and Prospects, published in

two different editions, both in 1851, one in Buffalo, the other in Rochester. One must

approach bibliographical reference to the works of Schoolcraft with care. Apparently he

wrote one basic book, which went through an seemingly endless series of reprints, with

slight modifications and occasional change of title, from 1844 to about 1851.

LONGFELLOW'S HIAWATHA 61

Manabozho.2 From these collections, which Longfellow himself character­ized as "ill-digested" (S. Longfellow, ed. 1886,2:248) , he fashioned the poem as we know it now, changing the name of the hero to what he thought was his Iroquois name and shaping the material so as to be in concord with

mid-19th century white literary values. Schoolcraft, who knew Ojibwa well, larded his narratives with a great many Ojibwa words, either as names or epithets for the characters in the stories, or as terms for things and concepts

that he thought better identified by the Ojibwa word than the English one.

In each case, he was careful to give a translation of the term used, either in the text itself or in a footnote. In this he was followed by Longfellow,

who similarly larded his narrative with Ojibwa words used as names, epi­thets, and terms for items from the material culture, almost always with a translation or other suitable identification in the same or closely following

line. A good example is what is surely the most famous and well-known refrain from the poem: "By the shores of Gitche Gumee/ By the shining

Big-Sea-Water", in which gitche gumee, literally 'big body of water' is ap­

propriately called big-sea-water in the following line. Other examples are:

"The Keneu, the great war-eagle", "Through the Muskoday, the meadow",

"And the Shawgashee, the craw-fish", and many others.

Insofar as it can be checked, Longfellow's vocabulary coincides largely

with that of Schoolcraft, and is presumably in a central dialect of Ojibwa. Nowhere in Schoolcraft's writings about Indian myth and legend have I

found a vocabulary list similar to that of Longfellow, so one can only go

through the pages of Schoolcraft's books for material to compare with that

of Longfellow. A ramdom sampling reveals that most of Longfellow's terms

have counterparts in the writings of Schoolcraft dealing with the myths and

legends. There is no reason to believe that if all of Schoolcraft's writings were read assiduously — a task that I do not intend to undertake; nor, I warrent, does any one else — all of Longfellow's Ojibwa vocabulary items

would not in due course be found. Longfellow mentions other sources in

his notes: Heckwelder, Catlin, Mrs. Eastman, but the material he quotes

from them contain little if any Ojibwa vocabulary. However, Longfellow's spellings do not always coincide with those of

Schoolcraft. Neither, for that matter, do Schoolcraft's, since he frequently

spells a word in two or more different ways. Some of the discrepant spellings

are as follows:

2 The name begins with an "M" in all the writings of Schoolcraft that I have seen, but it begins with an "N" in most other references.

62 WILLIAM COWAN

Longfellow

ahmeek

cheemaun

kineu

opechee

pahpukkeena

wabasso

Yenadizze

'beaver'

'canoe'

'war-eagle'

'robin'

'grasshopper'

'rabbit'

[personal name]

Schoolcraft

amik

chemaun

caniew

opeechee

pauppukenay

wabose

Ienawdizzi

and a number of others. However, Schoolcraft was similarly inconsistent

in his own spelling in one and another place in the same book, and we

find, for example, both apukwa and aupukwa for 'bulrush'. Longfellow's

Kabibonokka, the name of the North Wind, is rendered at least three

ways in Schoolcraft's book on Hiawatha (Schoolcraft 1856): Kabibboonocca,

Kabiboonoka, Kabibonokka, as well as Kabebonicca in his Algic Researches,

(Schoolcraft 1839) achieving a proliferation of spellings almost worthy of

the 17th century. Given such a wide variety of spellings to choose from,

Longfellow seems to have selected one and either stuck to it, or changed it

to something else and stuck to that.

A greater discrepancy appears between the spellings that Schoolcraft

used in his linguistic writings and the spellings employed by Longfellow. In

two chapters specifically devoted to the Ojibwa language in Schoolcraft's

The Red Race of America (Schoolcraft 1847:266-288), chapters that show

up time and time again in both earlier and later writings, Schoolcraft appar­ently went to greater lengths to supply a linguistically valid transcription,

with accents and umlauts, which Longfellow either was unaware of, or chose

to ignore. Some of these spellings, compared to those of Longfellow, are as follows:

Longfellow

shaugodaya

gitche gumee

soangetaha

keenabeek

'coward'

'big-sea-water'

'brave man'

'serpent'

Schoolcraft

shaugedaa

gitshiguma

songeedaa

genabik

There are a number of possible explanations for the various discrep­ancies between the spellings of Schoolcraft and those of Longfellow. The

simplest and probably the most correct is that Longfellow simply did not

put much store in reproducing Schoolcraft's spellings letter by letter, and

just rendered the words in ways that he thought more euphonious or eas­ier to pronounce than those of his model. Although Longfellow was an

accomplished polyglot, able to read and translate from a variety of Euro­pean languages, as well as professor of Romance languages and literatures

LONGFELLOW'S HIAWATHA 63

at Harvard, and therefore presumably quite able to handle Schoolcraft's phonetics, he was first and foremost a poet writing for a great public, and

the last thing he wanted to do was to make it difficult for this public to

read his works. Therefore, it is quite within the realm of possibility that he simplified Schoolcraft's spellings when he thought it necessary, and even

changed the phonetic form of a word or expression if it seemed to him more appropriate to the tone that he wanted to establish; for example, he did

not hesitate to change the final vowel of Schoolcraft's gitchiguma from a to ee, presumably to enhance the assonance of the final vowels in the two words.

It is also possible that Longfellow used a source other than Schoolcraft

for at least some of these forms. If so, the source is not obvious. The best-

known source that might have been available to Longfellow was the first edition of Baraga's A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, published in

Cincinnati in 1853. However, a comparison between Longfellow's spellings

and those of Baraga's dictionary show that the spellings were quite different. A few examples are as follows:

Longfellow

adjidaumo

kagh

cheemaun

jeebi

keneu

'squirrel'

'porcupine'

'canoe'

'spirit'

'war-eagle'

Baraga

atchitamo

kag tchiman

tchibai

kiniw

In effect, Baraga's forms strike us as fairly sophisticated linguistically

and in concord with French notational conventions for phonetic forms, while

Longfellow's are clearly designed for the lay English-speaking public.

The last possiblity to consider is that Longfellow made up his own

transcription, and did his own vocabulary gathering, at least for those items in which he differs from the transcription used by Schoolcraft. It is not

known whether Longfellow actually traveled to the southern shore of Lake

Superior, the supposed scene of the events in Hiawatha or not, either during

or before the time during which he was composing the poem, but he did have

at least one interview with a native speaker of Ojibwa, and the possibility

exists that this was a source.

Longfellow, as many Victorian gentlemen, kept a diary, called a "jour­

nal" in those days, in which he recorded thoughts, events, people he met,

places he went, things he said and were said to him. Extracts from these

journals were published in the two-volume biography of him written and edited by his brother Samuel Longfellow and published in 1886, four years

after the poet's death. In the entry for February 26, 1849, six years be­fore the publication of Hiawatha, and five years before Longfellow actually

64 WILLIAM C O W A N

began work on the poem, he mentions that he was visited by an Indian

named "Kah-ge-ga-gah '-bowh", whose English name was George Copway,

and w h o m he described as "an Ojibwa preacher and poet" (S. Longfellow,

ed. 1886,2:137). He left with Longfellow a copy of his autobiography, which

had been originally published in 1847. Copway also later published several more books, and had co-authored several translations of various books of the New Testament with a clergyman named Sherman Hall.3 He was a

well-known lecturer, and on April 12 and 14, two weeks after he first met

him, Longfellow went to hear lectures of his at the Boston Athanaeum. Of

the second lecture, Longfellow has this to say: "He described very graph­

ically the wild eagles teaching their young to fly from a nest overhanging a precipice on the Pictured Rocks of Lake Superior." (S. Longfellow, ed.

1886,2:137). These, of course, are the very Pictured Rocks where, accord­

ing to one of Longfellow's notes to Hiawatha (Longfellow 1855:300), the

action of the poem is laid. It is conceivable, although I have found nothing

in Longfellow's journals to prove it, that he might have gathered a list of

Ojibwa words and terms during either the afternoon visit with Copway, who was, of course, a native speaker of the language, or the two lectures.

W e must remember that Longfellow was linguistically sophisticated, and

was quite capable of getting a list of interesting words and phrases from

such an articulate and practised speaker as Copway appears to have been.

In addition, Longfellow had earlier written and published two poems on

Indians, "Burial of the Minnisink" and "To the Driving Cloud", and even

in 1849 might have been turning another over in his mind.

It is true that the genesis of Hiawatha can be fairly precisely dated to

June 22, 1854, when Longfellow recorded in his journal the following entry:

I have at length hit upon a plan for a poem on the American Indians, which seems

to me the right one, and the only. It is to weave together their beautiful traditions

into a whole. I have hit upon a measure, too, which I think the right and only one for such a theme. (S. Longfellow, ed. 1886,2:247)

This last statement refers to the trochaic tetrameter in which the poem is

written — a poetic measure which contains four metric feet, each consisting of one stressed and one unstressed syllable. This is, of course, the meter in which the well-known Finnish epic poem Kalevala is written, a poem that

Longfellow's journal reveals he was reading on the 5th of June, just two and

a half weeks before he conceived the idea of writing Hiawatha. However, it is intimated by his use of the phrase "at length" that this is an idea he had

played with for some time prior to that decision. It is therefore conceivable

3Copway's career is outlined by Smith (1987).

LONGFELLOW'S HIAWATHA Co

that during his interview with Copway, Longfellow could already have been thinking of an Indian Edda and collecting material for it.

Whatever the source of Longfellow's Ojibwa forms, he seems to have used them to telling poetic effect within the norms for the genre he was using and the times he was writing in. In keeping with the source material, many

of the words are names of birds and animals, endowed by the poet with reason and anthropomorphic sensibilities. The generic name is elevated to

a personal name, as when Longfellow names the squirrel that Hiawatha converses with Adjidaumo, the Ojibwa word meaning 'red squirrel', or as

when he names the sun-fish Ugudwash, the Ojibwa word meaning 'sunfish'.

And so forth for a wide variety of animals and objects. O n another oc­casion, Longfellow names Hiawatha's magic canoe Cheemaun, which is the

Ojibwa word for 'canoe'. Other vocabulary areas include plant names, such

as odahmin 'strawberry', and natural features, such as sasajewun 'rapids'.

The whole vocabulary reflects the woodland life supposed to be that of

the Indians in pre-contact times, as well as elements of their spiritual and mythical concerns, like Mitche Manito, the 'Great Spirit', or Kabibonokka,

the 'North-Wind'. A rough count shows that of the 125 or so Ojibwa vo­

cabulary items, 9 refer to animals, 21 to birds, 7 to fish, 8 to insects, 10 to plants, and 18 to other natural features like rocks, thunder, or seasons.

By and large, Longfellow manages to inject the flavour of Indian life as

it was supposed to be by his intended audience into the mythological tales with good effect. The chosen meter provides a beat reminiscent of what is

supposed to be the heady throb of Indian war drums, and the sprinkling

of exotic words in Ojibwa, all explained in plain English immediately after

their introduction, provide a suitable setting for the idealized Indian myth.

Many generations of English-speaking children and adults, as well as many generations of speakers of other languages4 have become as familiar with

Gitche Gumee, Nokomis, Minnehaha and the rest of the persons, places

4 The poem has been translated into many languages. Here is an example of the

famous lines about the Big-Sea-Water (Longfellow 1855:39-40) translated into Czech

(Eisner, tr. 1952:50). I am indebted to Jara Rakusan for this reference.

By the shores of Gitche Gumee

By the shining Big-Sea-Water

Stood the wigwam of Nokomis

Daughter of the Moon, Nokomis

Dark behind it rose the forest

Rose the black and gloomy pine-trees

Rose the firs with cones upon them;

Bright before it beat the water,

Beat the clear and sunny water,

Beat the shining Big-Sea-Water.

Kde m a bfehy Gici Gumi

kde ta Velka Voda sviti,

wigwam Nokomis tarn mela,

ona, dcera Mesicova

Temne vzadu les tarn stoupal,

zdvihaly se mracne smrky,

staly jedle sama siska,

jasna voda byla pfed mm,

slunecna a jasna voda,

Velka Voda mihotava.

4

66 WILLIAM COWAN

and things in this poem as they have with other Indian words like papoose and wampum that have become part and parcel of the English language.

This is a testament to Longfellow's skill in weaving these words into his

best-selling poem.

REFERENCES

Baraga, Frederic 1853 A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language. Cincinnati: Jos. H. Hemann.

Eisner, Pavel (tr.)

1952 Risen o Hiawathovi. Prague: Melantrich.

Hodge, Frederick W.

1907 Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Bureau of American

Ethnology Bulletin 30, part 1; part 2, 1910. Washington.

Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth

1855 The Song of Hiawatha. Boston: Ticknor and Fields.

Longfellow, Samuel (ed.)

1886 Life of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. With Extracts from his Journals

and Correspondence. 2 vols. Boston: Ticknor and Company.

Pilling, James C.

1891 Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages. Bureau of American Ethnol­

ogy Bulletin 13. Washington.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe

1839 Algic Researches. 2 vols. New York: Harper and Brothers.

1847 The Red Race of America. New York: Wm. H. Graham.

1851 The American Indians, Their History, Condition and Prospects. Buffalo:

George H. Derby.

1856 The Myth of Hiawatha. Philadephia: J.B. Lippincott.

Smith, Donald B.

1987 George Copway: Canada's First Indian Author. Ms.

VOCABULARY.

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VOCABULABY. 315

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0

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1

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68