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Some Remarks on the Armorial Tapestry of John Dynham at The
Cloisters HELMUT NICKEL Curator of Arms and Armor, The Metropolitan
Museum of Art
FOR EDITH A. STANDEN ON HER EIGHTIETH BIRTHDAY
AMONG THE MILLEFLEURS TAPESTRIES in the Mu- seum's collections
the tapestry with the arms of Sir John Dynham, first Lord Dynham of
Hartland, is the only one that does not display figural scenes of
hunt- ing or shepherds, but is composed strictly of heraldic
designs. This tapestry has been published in a com- prehensive
study by Bonnie Young in 1962.1 Al- though her essay offers much
detailed information, a few points about the heraldry in this
tapestry can be added.
The tapestry's central motif is the full achievement of arms of
Sir John, as first Lord Dynham and Knight of the Garter. His
armorial shield, shaped as a tour- nament targe, is surmounted by a
crested and man- tled helmet with barred visor; the shield is sur-
rounded by the Garter and flanked by two stags proper as
supporters. Bonnie Young describes the armorial bearings on the
shield as "four ermine loz- enges on a now-faded red field (or, in
the language of heraldry, gules, a fess of four lozenges ermine)."
The crest is composed as follows: on a chapeau gules, upturned
ermine, an ermine statant between two lighted candles proper. The
mantlings of the helmet are: gules, lined ermine, on the sinister
side, but with colors counterchanged; ermine, lined gules, on the
dexter. The shield's supporters, the two stags, actu- ally hold the
Garter between their forehooves like a frame for the shield (Figure
1).
Two smaller shields appear in the upper corners of the tapestry.
The one on the dexter side bears the
Dynham arms of the four lozenges, while the one on the sinister
shows the Dunham arms impaling those of the Arches family: gules,
three arches argent, the two in chief conjoined (Figure 2). The
maiden name of Sir John's mother was Arches; these two shields,
therefore, must represent his father's and his moth- er's
arms.2
The upper part of the millefleurs background is strewn with the
device of the topcastle of a warship, eleven times repeated. Five
javelins lean against its railing and a swallow-tailed pennant with
the Cross of St. George flies from the mast. A strip across the
bottom of the tapestry is heavily restored with patches of other
millefleurs work, but part of one topcastle and a fragment of
another pennant are preserved in the lower right corner. These show
that the tapestry was once considerably longer, most likely-as
already pointed out by Bonnie Young-containing two more shields in
its lower corners, following the usual pat- tern of armorial
tapestries.
1. Bonnie Young, "John Dynham and His Tapestry," MMAB n.s. 20
(June 1962) pp. 309-316, ill. I have drawn freely on Young's
quotations from her sources, including contemporary chronicles.
2. Sir John's Garter stall-plate in the choir of St. George's
Chapel, Windsor Castle, uses an alternate form of his arms:
Quarterly, 1 and 4 Dynham, 2 and 3 Arches, incorporating his
mother's arms in his shield. The mantlings of the helmet are there
gules, lined ermine; the stags are supporting the helmet rather
than the shield. See Young, "John Dynham," fig. 6.
25
? The Metropolitan Museum of Art 1986 METROPOLITAN MUSEUM
JOURNAL 19/20
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1. Tapestry with the armorial bearings and badges of John, Lord
Dynham (1433-1501), Flemish (Tour- nai), after 1487. Wool and silk
threads, 12 ft. 8 in. x 12 ft. 1 in. The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, The Cloisters Collection, 6o. 127.1
In her study Bonnie Young traces John Dynham's colorful career
as a dashing naval commander and a distinguished administrator in
the service of "five successive kings without losing either his
head or his land"-no mean accomplishment during the turbu- lent
times of the Wars of the Roses. In 1458, as a loyal subject of the
Lancastrian king Henry VI, John Dyn- ham inherited the family
manors of Nutwell and
26
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Hartland in Devonshire; but in 1459 after the disas- trous
battle of Ludlow, a failed attempt by the duke of York to seize the
crown, he helped Warwick the Kingmaker and the earl of March
(York's son and the future Edward IV) to escape to Calais. They
crossed the Channel in a small ship bought by Dynham for "vj score
nobles," presumably the bulk of the family fortune. Having joined
the Yorkist side "out of love of the Earl of March," Dynham led two
successful raids from Calais on the seaport of Sandwich, one in
mid- January and the other in late June of 1460. In both
enterprises he managed to capture not only most of the assembled
royal fleets but also their commanders. As a result of the second
raid a bridgehead was es- tablished, launching the Yorkist campaign
that even- tually succeeded in unseating Henry VI. In this sec- ond
raid Dynham was "sore hurte and maymed on his legge, by reason
whereof, he ever after halted and somewhat limped." In spite of
this handicap, in March 1461, as one of the commanders of the
Yorkist rear guard at the battle of Towton, he arrived in the nick
of time to save the day for York.
A few days after Edward's coronation on June 28, the grateful
new king raised John Dynham to the peerage as Lord Dynham "ffor his
manhood." Ten years later, in 1470-71, Henry VI-now supported by
Warwick-was restored briefly to the throne. Lord Dynham, who had
apparently kept wisely out of sight in Devon, was pardoned for his
actions against the Lancastrians, but as soon as the Yorkists
returned from exile, he rallied to the White Rose standard again.
During the following years, in 1472 and particularly in 1475, when
he kept the "narrow sea" safe as the line of supply and
communications for the invasion of France, he held several
important naval com- mands; later he became deputy to the Captain
of Ca- lais, Lord Hastings. His long and loyal service to the House
of York notwithstanding, Dynham did not en- joy the full trust of
King Richard III. Although he was left in command of Calais after
the execution of Hastings in June 1483, he was removed from this
post in March 1485, and-adding insult to injury-re- placed by the
king's bastard son, John of Gloucester, who was still a minor.3
After Henry VII's victory at the battle of Bosworth Field, August
22, 1485, Dyn-
3. Paul Murray Kendall, Richard the Third (New York, 1955) pp.
392, 482; Charles Ross, Richard III (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1981) p.
138.
ham was reinstalled as Captain of Calais. The Tudor king, who
recognized a useful man when he saw one, made Dynham Lord Treasurer
in 1486 and a Knight of the Garter in 1487.
Bonnie Young's essay shows that Henry VII bought tapestries on
at least two occasions, in 1486 and 1488, from the Grenier family,
the leading weavers and dealers of the famed tapestry center at
Tournai, to which this tapestry is attributed. In 1488 the king in-
structed his customs officials and the Treasurer that his
tapestries should be imported free of duty. The Treasurer was Lord
Dynham, who could easily have ordered tapestries of his own at the
same time; in any case, this tapestry must have been made after
Dyn- ham's elevation to Knight of the Garter.
Membership of this exclusive order of chivalry was limited to
twenty-five knights, the "bravest in the land," in imitation of
King Arthur's Knights of the Round Table. To fill a vacancy members
nominated nine worthy candidates each, and then proposed the knight
with the most nominations to the king, who, as the
2. Shield with the Dynham arms impaling Arches, de- tail of
Figure 1
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sovereign of the order, had the final word of ap- proval. John
Dynham had been proposed at least four times during Edward IV's
reign, but in spite of his many merits the king chose not to elect
him. Richard III quite pointedly ignored him too, but Henry VII
awarded him this supreme accolade at the earliest opportunity. The
rather unusual display of Garters in the tapestry, not only in Lord
Dynham's full achievement of arms but also surrounding the two
smaller shields representing his parental arms, makes it likely
that the two missing lower shields were simi- larly encircled by
Garters. Whether these hypotheti- cal shields were repetitions of
the upper two, other ancestral arms, or perhaps the arms of Lord
Dynham impaling those of his two wives, we shall never know. In
speculating about this peculiar arrangement one might conjecture
that Lord Dynham wanted to show that his election to the Garter was
actually achieved on his fifth attempt.
Heraldry is fraught with symbolic meaning often too obscure to
be recognizable from a twentieth- century standpoint, except in
cases of canting arms, where the charges of the shield or the crest
illustrate a play upon words, usually the name of the bearer of the
arms. The three arches in the shield of the Arches family are a
classic example of canting arms. The stags in Lord Dynham's full
achievement, on the other hand, represent the much rarer case of
canting sup- porters. As "harts" they refer to the Dynhams' ances-
tral estate of Hartland in Devonshire.
Some relationship between crest and shield charges 28
3. Standard of Sir John Carew, Knight. English, early 16th
century (drawing: Nickel, after de Walden, Banners, Standards and
Badges)
is highly desirable; the Dynham arms display this in several
ways. The ermine in the crest is obviously connected with the
tincture of the "fess of lozenges ermine" on the shield, but the
two lighted candles flanking the animal figure are such an
extraordinary element that they have been misinterpreted as spears
or unicorn horns in earlier descriptions.4 However, these candles
also, in a roundabout way, derive from the shield charges, because
an alternative term for "lozenge" is "fusil." A fusil was the piece
of steel used to strike sparks from the flint in a medieval
strike-a- light, the instrument needed to light a candle.
Shield and crest, as the inherited family arms, were considered
too personal to the bearer to be displayed as tokens of allegiance
by common soldiers or house- hold retainers. Followers of a
particular family wore its badge, either cast in metal and pinned
to the hat, or embroidered and sewn on clothing (thus "to wear
one's heart on one's sleeve").5 Badges, although also
4. Joseph Foster, A Tudor Book of Arms, Being Harleian Manu-
script No. 6I63, The De Walden Library (London, n. d.) p. 302.
Entry folio 119, 4: "Lord Denam (Dynham). Gules, four loz- enges
conjoined in fess ermine. CREST. On a chapeau gules turned up
ermine, a hound argent between two spears."
5. In one of the best-known examples Richard III ordered 13,000
costume badges of his White Boar for the investiture of his son,
Edward, as Prince of Wales on Aug. 31, 1483 (BM Har- leian MS 433,
f. 126). The only surviving White Boar badge,
2- tlm zezw - &
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used in France, Spain, and Italy, were particularly abundant in
England. Most were freely chosen per- sonal symbols, though some,
such as the three ostrich feathers of the Prince of Wales and the
half-moon of the Percys, became associated with certain offices and
families. Others were the badges of political parties, like the red
rose of Lancaster, the white rose of York, and later the Tudor
rose. The family badge of the Dynhams was a stag's head, in
allusion to the manor of Hartland.6 The armed topcastle-pars pro
toto for an entire warship-so liberally displayed in this tap-
estry would have been Lord Dynham's personal badge, one that was
appropriate for a renowned naval com- mander. Whether the five
javelins leaning against the topcastle's railing have special
significance is an in- triguing question. Perhaps they indicate the
five im- portant commands in Lord Dynham's naval career; on the
other hand, they might have been just regula- tion armament. The
pennants with the Cross of St. George in the fore section and their
red and white streamers, in the same tinctures as Lord Dynham's
shield, conform to the English military pattern.
In the intricate grading system of military heraldry two
different types of flags were employed, the square banner and the
triangular, often swallow-tailed, stan-
dard. A knight banneret had the privilege of bearing a banner
charged with his family's arms; in addition to this banner he had
one or more standards to dis- play his badges. Lower-ranking
knights had their family arms limited to their shields and surcoats
(hence "coat of arms"), and carried only one standard. En- glish
military standards all had the Cross of St. George (red on white)
as signum commune at their head next to the staff; the fly was in
the livery colors of the knight and bore his badges. The standard
shown here is that of Sir John Carew, from an early
sixteenth-century roll of arms (Figure 3). Sir John's coat of arms
was: "Quarterly, 1. Or, three lions passant Sable, armed and
langued Gules; 2. Gules, four fusils in fess Ermine; 3. Gules,
three arches (the upper two conjoined) Ar- gent; 4. Azure, a bend
Or, a label of three points Gules; in the fess point of the shield
a crescent Ar- gent for difference."7 Since the first field shows
the family arms of Carew, the second those of Dynham, and the third
those of Arches, it is clear that Sir John Carew was a descendant
of one of John Dynham's four sisters.8 Many Carews had naval
careers, and Sir John presumably adopted his badge of the armed
topcas- tle, modified by adding the black lion from the Carew
crest, in honor of his famous relative, Lord Dynham.
now in the Yorkshire Museum, York, seems to be from this group.
Pamela Tudor-Craig, Richard III, exh. cat. (London, 1973) no.
139.
6. H. G. Str6hl, "Beitrage zur Geschichte der Badges," Jahr-
buch der k. k. Heraldischen Gesellschaft "Adler" n.s. 12 (1902) pp.
75-113. The Dynham badge is mentioned on p. 83.
7. Lord Howard de Walden, Banners, Standards and Badges from a
Tudor Manuscript in the College of Arms [MS 12], The De Walden
Library (London, 1904) p. 67. Note the interchangeable use of
"fusil" and "lozenge" in describing the Dynham charge in the second
field.
8. John Dynham's two children predeceased him and he was
survived only by his second wife. His sisters' children were his
eventual heirs.
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