0. فوری کو کسیزم م کوئی طور. ہيں سکتے بن نمائندوں مائسنہرنيی پر بن کميٹی ايک کارکن کوئی ہے سکتا خود مرکزی ايک کارکن کوئی ہے سکتا بن1. ضروریقی اخ ايک ہم ؛ ہيں چاہتے کا زندگی نئ ايک نے ہم ہيں چاہتے کرنا تصور پر زندگی کی سرمايہ ہمستحصال ا يہيونکہ ک ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو ہے مبنی پر پانے قابو پر تعليم نے ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے کے پانے قابو پر مہارت ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے قابو کی ماہرين نے ہم، ہيں چاہتے ليے کے پانے پانے قابو پر مقابلے ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو پر کيرئر نے ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو پر مارکيٹ ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو پر پيداوار ہم کے، ہيں چاہتے لئے ہم پانے قابو پرستعمال ا، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے قابو پر بندی درجہ ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو پر ڈھانچے تنظيمی ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے پانے قابو پر خوبصورتی ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے کے پانے قابو پر فاصلے ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے پر ثقافت يورپی شديد ہم، ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو کو خود ساتھ کے ثقافتی ہم شناخت- . ہيں چاہتے لئے کے پانے قابو0. سرمايہ سے گزشتہ اب نے ہم. گا کرے داری بينک کوئی اور پاس ہمارے. ہے بقايا ياکاؤنٹ ا رئيسوں لے کچھ سب نے ہم. سے کے کارکنوں دوسرے کے اس ميں کرنے مقابلہ ساتھ ہے نہيں فائده کوئی. گا کرے چوری سے ظالم ہم ہی کيا کون؟ ہے لئے کے1. ہے مطلب کا پيداوار نے ہم کنٹرول مجموعی کی ہيں چاہتے کرنا ساتھ کے وسائلام تم نے ہم ہيں چاہتے کرنا اشتراک ايک پر جگہ ہر نے ہم ہوں چاہتا بننا کونسل کارکن مزدور ايک ميں وقت ہم ہوں چاہتا بننا کونسل مزدور ايک ميں خ نے ہم ہوں چاہتا بننا کونسل0. ديگر کے بھر دنيا ہم. ہيں کرتے کام ساتھ کے کونسلوں کارکنوں اور يونينوں کارکنوں اور کارکن کیطاعت ا نے ہم ہيں غريب زياده سے ہم کہ يونينوںزمين م اور کارکن کیطاعت ا نے ہم جاتے کئے منعقد سے ہم کم کہ يونينوںزمين م ہيں اور کارکنوں حکم نے ہم زياده سے ہم کہ يونينوں مزدوروں ہيں امير اور کارکنوں حکم نے ہم کہ يونينوں مزدوروں ہم مزيد منعقد سے ہيں جاتے کئے کی تنظيم کو خود نے ہم ہم تشکيل نئی. ديکھو آگے لئے کے کرنے مسترد کو1. پر دن کے قيامت اور کيامت') سنيما ميں وڈ ہالی2012 (' رائےتفاق ا سماجی ہے کرتا حمايت کی نظريہ سرمايہ کی دن کے قيامت اور کيامت ختم' والیچونکانے' ايک ميں فلموں کی وڈ ہالی. ہے ديتا فروغ منظوری فعالغير' کی کی مستقبل مختلف ايک ہم. کلپنا0. ہڑتال عام ايک مقصدرا ہما ہے: قتصادی ا ايک مقصدرا ہما ہے ہڑتال سماجی ايک مقصدرا ہما، ہے ہڑتال ايک مقصدرا ہما ثقافتی کارکن عملی اورھنيک ک متنجمن انھنيک ک شمار و اعدادان کارکن نفسياتی ذہنی اورھنيک ک ڈيٹا ہم ہيں جاتی کیين يون ليبر کی کارکنوں0. معنی جو کو کارکنوں نے ہم. ہيںين يون ليبر لئے کے بنانے، ترقی، کا کھولنے جو، کنٹرول، پيداوار ميں معنی اور منتقلی. کام کات مواص کھانے اور مصنوعات مطلب کی جانب کی صارفين کو چيزوں. ہے جاتا ديا سے1. يا داس، م غ تنخواه ہم ہيں کھلے لئے کے بندوا بندوں پراپرٹی ادت يا ادائيگی کی سب ہم. ہيں رہتی کھلی کو کارکنوں مستقل اور عارضی نے ہم ہيں کھلے لئے کےزمين م، جارت ت، کام کوئی نے ہم ہيں کھلے لئے کےزمين م کے صنعت وقت اور جگہ بھی کسی ہم ہيں کھلے لئے کے مزدوروں سے مر جو کو کارکنوں نے ہم ہيں کھلے لئے کے ہيں چکے جو کو کارکنوں نے ہم. ہيں رہتی کھلی کرنا نہيں موجود0. جتماعی ا آلہ ايک کا جنگ. ہے شاعری کیرروائی کا راست براه. ہے جاتی لے طرف1. کا بغاوت کی رواج مثبت ہم، مطالبہ کی دين کا پيداوری ہم، مطالبہ کا بغاوت پرستی بت کینوادشتھا ا ہم، مطالبہ کا بپا فتنہ کےئيزمريشن' کی سرمايہ ہم' عقلعام) ' مطالبہ کا بغاوت-- عام اتنی ميں جس، ( ہے نہيں کی نوکرشاہی شاہی نے ہم. مطالبہ کا بغاوت کی ذہنيت0. لئے کے حالت خاص نے ہمنظم م کے جدوجہد طبقاتی نے ہم.نظم م لئے، نظم م ميں گھر ہم نجی يا عوامی، تفريح ہم، نظم م ميں خ، صنعت، کام کوئی نے ہمنظم م ميںقے ع اورجارت ت وقت کچھ بھی کوئی نے ہم.نظم م پر بنياد کی طبقے يا کی1. ہے کارکن کے پيدائش کی مزدور پہ کام اہم زياده سے سب تو، ہے کام کا عورتوں پذير ترقی پر طور جنسی کام کا لوگوں غيرام تم ميں بھر دنيا مرد غير سفيد- کرتے کام کا لوگوں. ہيں، ہے حملہ جنسی ايک ہے مقصدرا ہما، ہے ہڑتال ايک ہے مقصدرا ہما. ہے ہڑتال نفسياتی1. 2012 ہو سال کا مزاحمتی گا2012 ه مطابق کے نوشی رے ختم نہ لئے کے رہنے. گا ہو سال کا تنظيم ميں راه کی ہونے2012 ہم گا جائے ہو سال بم ديا کر بند وقت کوانٹم نے2012 تو گا جائے ہو سال مستقبل بند ہم0. پيمانے کے دنيا ايسی ايک. ہے پر ترقی اور ہے ممکن تبديلی سماجی پر سب کو ايک سے وجہ کی چوٹ ہے چوٹ کو، ھنيک ک شمار و اعداد جوابی ہماریف خ کے ظالم بيتہاشاين يون ليبر کے کارکنوں کے مرنے اور ذہنی! زياده
8
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Transcript
0.
ریو فوی ک کسالزمی م کوئ
ور ط
ہيں.تے سکں بن
ئندو نمارنيی
ئسنہر ما پ
ی بنکميٹ
ک ن ايکارک
وئی ے ک
کتا ہ س
خودزی مرک
ک ن ايکارک
وئی ے ک
کتا ہن س ب
1.
وریضر
قی خالک اہم اي
ں ؛ ے ہي
چاہت
ی کازندگ
نئ يکے ا ہم ن ہيںہتےا چاکرن
ور تص
ی پرزندگ
کی ايہ سرم
ہم صال
ستح يہ انکہ کيو ہيںہتےے چا
ے لئے ک
و پانقاب
ہےمبنی
پر
انےبو پر قاليم پے تع
ہم نيں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ے ل ک
کےنے و پار قاب
ت پمہار
، ہم ہيں
تے چاہلئے
قابوکی
رين ماہ نے، ہم
ہيں تے چاہليے
کے نے پا
انےبو پر قاے پمقابل
ہم يں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ے ل ک
انےبو پر قائر پ کير نے، ہم
ہيں تے چاہلئے
کے
انےبو پر قاٹ پرکيم ماں ، ہ
ے ہيچاہت
ئے ے ل ک
انےبو پر قاار پيداو ہم پ
کے
يں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ل
ہم
انےبو پر قاال پستعم
ا
يں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ے ل ک
قابو پر ندیجہ بم درں ، ہ
ے ہيچاہت
ئے ے لے ک
پان
قابو پر چےڈھان
می تنظي
ہم يں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ے لے ک
پان
انےبو پر قاتی پصور
خوب ہم يں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ے ل ک
کےنے و پار قاب
ے پاصل ہم فيں ،ے ہچاہت
ئے ل
ت پر ثقافرپید يو شدي، ہم
ہيں تے چاہلئے
کے نے و پا قاب
د کو خوساتھ
کے فتی م ثقا ہ
خت شنا
-
ہيں.تے چاہلئے
کے نے و پاقاب
0.
مايہ سرسے
شتہ گز اب نےا. ہمے گ
کراری د
نکی بي کوئاور
اس ے پہمار
ے. ايا ہيا بق
نٹ اکاؤ
سوں رئي لےکچھ
سب نے
. ہم سے
کےوں رکنے کا
وسرے دس ک
ں اے مي
کرنقابلہتھ مسا
ہےنہيں
ئده ی فا کوئ
گا.رےی کچور
سے ظالم
ہم
کيا ہی کے لئے ہے کون؟
1.
کی مجموعی کنٹرول ہم نے پيداوار کا مطلب ہے
کرنا چاہتے ہيں
اشتراک کرنا چاہتے ہيں ہم نے تمام وسائل کے ساتھ
کارکن کونسل بننا چاہتا ہوں ہم نے ہر جگہ پر ايک
کونسل بننا چاہتا ہوں ہم وقت ميں ايک مزدور
کونسل بننا چاہتا ہوں ہم نے خال ميں ايک مزدور
0.
کارکنوں يونينوں اور کارکنوں کونسلوں کے ساتھ کام کرتے ہيں. ہم دنيا بھر کے ديگر
مالزمين يونينوں کہ ہم سے زياده غريب ہيں ہم نے اطاعت کی کارکن اور
مالزمين يونينوں کہ کم ہم سے منعقد کئے جاتے ہم نے اطاعت کی کارکن اور
ہيں
مزدوروں يونينوں کہ ہم سے زياده ہم نے حکم کارکنوں اور
امير ہيں ہم نے حکم کارکنوں اور
مزدوروں يونينوں کہ مزيد ہم
سے منعقد کئے جاتے ہيں
نئی تشکيل ہم ہم نے خود کو تنظيم کی
کو مسترد کرنے کے لئے آگے ديکھو.
1.
کيامت اور قيامت کے دن پر
ہالی وڈ ميں سنيما ('
2012 ('
سماجی اتفاق رائے
کی سرمايہ نظريہ کی حمايت کرتا ہے
ہالی وڈ کی فلموں ميں ايک 'چونکانے والی' ختم کيامت اور قيامت کے دن
کی 'غير فعال منظوری فروغ ديتا ہے.
: ہے ہمارا مقصد ايک عام ہڑتال .0 کلپنا. ہم ايک مختلف مستقبل کی
ہڑتال ہے ہمارا مقصد ايک اقتصادی
ہڑتال ہے ، ہمارا مقصد ايک سماجی
ہمارا مقصد ايک ثقافتی
انجمن متن کھنيک اور عملی کارکن
اعداد و شمار کھنيک
نفسياتی کارکنان
کارکنوں کی ليبر يونين کی جاتی ہيں ہم ڈيٹا کھنيک اور ذہنی
0.
بنانے کے لئے ليبر يونين ہيں. ہم نے کارکنوں کو جو معنی
پيداوار ، کنٹرول ، جو کھولنے کا ، ترقی ،
منتقلی اور معنی ميں مواصالت کا کام.
کی مطلب مصنوعات اور کھانے چيزوں کو صارفين کی جانب
سے ديا جاتا ہے.
1.
پراپرٹی بندوں بندوا کے لئے کھلے ہيں ہم تنخواه غالم ، داس يا
کارکنوں کو کھلی رہتی ہيں. ہم سب کی ادائيگی يا ادت
مالزمين کے لئے کھلے ہيں ہم نے عارضی اور مستقل
صنعت کے مالزمين کے لئے کھلے ہيں ہم نے کوئی کام ، تجارت ،
سے مزدوروں کے لئے کھلے ہيں ہم کسی بھی جگہ اور وقت
چکے ہيں کے لئے کھلے ہيں ہم نے کارکنوں کو جو مر
موجود نہيں کرنا کھلی رہتی ہيں. ہم نے کارکنوں کو جو
0.
شاعری ہے. جنگ کا ايک آلہ اجتماعی
طرف لے جاتی ہے. براه راست کارروائی کی
1.
مطالبہ ، ہم مثبت رواج کی بغاوت کا
بغاوت کا مطالبہ ، ہم پيداوری کا دين کی
کے فتنہ بپا کا مطالبہ ، ہم اشتھانواد کی بت پرستی
جس ميں اتنی عام --بغاوت کا مطالبہ' (عام عقل ' ہم سرمايہ کی 'ريشنالئيزم
نہيں ہے) ،
ذہنيت کی بغاوت کا مطالبہ. ہم نے شاہی نوکرشاہی کی
0.
منظم ہم نے خاص حالت کے لئے
لئے منظم. ہم نے طبقاتی جدوجہد کے
ہم گھر ميں منظم ،
خال ميں منظم ، ہم تفريح ، عوامی يا نجی
ت ،صنع
، کام
ی وئ کےم نم ہنظ ميں مےالق عورت ا
ارتج
توق
ھ کچ
ی بھئیکو
ے م ن. ہظم منپر
اد بني
ی کےطبق
يا ی ک
1.
ےن ہرک کاےش ک
دائ پيکی
ر دومز
ال پہ
کامہم ه اياد زے سب ستو
، ےم ہ کا کاوںرتعو
ير پذقیتر
ر ر پطو
ی نس جکام
کا ں گو لو
ير غمامں ت ميھرا بدني
رد مير غفيدس
- ے رت ککام
کا ں گولو
ں. ہي
ے ، حملہ ہ
ک جنسیے اي
صد ہے ، ہمارا مق
ہڑتال ہ
کے اي
صد ہے. ہمارا مق
نفسياتی ہڑتال ہ
1.
گا مزاحمتی کا سال ہو 2012
ه 2012 رہنے کے لئے نہ ختم رے نوشی کے مطابق
ہونے کی راه ميں تنظيم کا سال ہو گا.
نے کوانٹم وقت بند کر ديا بم سال ہو جائے گا ہم 2012
ہم بند مستقبل سال ہو جائے گا تو 2012
0.
پر سماجی تبديلی ممکن ہے اور ترقی پر ہے. ايک ايسی دنيا کے پيمانے
کو چوٹ ہے چوٹ کی وجہ سے ايک کو سب
ذہنی اور مرنے کے کارکنوں کے ليبر يونين بيتہاشا ظالم کے خالف ہماری جوابی اعداد و شمار کھنيک ،
زياده!
Comrades [Marxist]
To point to the enemy is exactly how the mecha‐nism of subjuga on starts to work: dividing, hatred to “the other” – that is how na onalism is build‐up, but actually that was the biggest problem of bol‐shevism as well (you will always find an enemy – the process is endless). That is truth – subjuga on is not slave‐like any more: instead of being forced to survive therefore to work for somebody it is modified into mechanism of survival by working for somebody – there is no direct forcing anymore in wage slavery. But if you are iden fying yourself with subjugated – the point is – who you are when loosing the chains? The “worker” has much more poten ality – it means ability to produce. Workers’ demands are very simple – to get the right to con‐trol the produc on and it’s distri‐bu on. In the case of DAMTP – that is the produc on of meaning. Crea on of subjugated meaning is crea on of commodity in the form of symbols (art, culture, state and
religious propaganda, adver sing etc.) – that is what we should resist against. That is not truth that your produc on of meaning always was subju‐gated, so besides resis ng the subjuga on you have an ability to control the meanings you’ve had produced, to disrupt the false ones, and also to create new meanings. Another point is the ques on of solidarity – to point the enemy is the way to create the crowd of “subjugated” who dislike being like that…but they are re‐maining in the same mode of “subjugated” so long they remain a crowd. There is a big differ‐ence how to manipulate crowd and how to deal with organized strike. Crowd actually plays the role prescripted, but strike is about refusal from playing the roles (excep on is the strike organized by official trade unions that are actually playing one of the state domes ‐cated roles). The strike of just “subjugated” is impossible. Their rebellion – meaningless, so far they immediately will loose the self‐organiza on – rebellion is effec ve only in a concert with wild‐cat strikes and on the basis of self‐organiza on on a workers’ level.
There is no sense to play with words on the level of linguis cs – meaning is beyond linguis‐cs and disrupts it if it’s rules start to press.
Worker is probably mostly and wide under‐standable word – no sense to change it into some vague cunning.
But there is one more category in different social levels of more or less “subjugated” – that is “privileged” (that is what unites at some prospec ve lumpen‐proletariat, libido‐proletariat and bourgeoisie).
"It must never be for‐go en that some of the targets of molecular thea‐tre lie within ourselves and it is the fascism within that must be exposed in open combat" from Freedom through movement: To‐wards a molecular theatre: By Ross Birrell.
It’s crucial! the defini on of psychic /seman c or value space (its defini on s ll unclear) is something that has developed since the end of the age of divin‐ity was published on the internet ‐ the version distributed at the last art strike biennial I think re‐fers to "le er ‐ name ‐ text ‐ volume" ‐ the latest texts by DAMTP refers to "le er ‐ name ‐ na on ‐ class". Some of this theorizing relates to Object Oriented Programming in which sense perhaps 'object' is an alterna ve to 'subject'.
Dear co‐rades [Bakuninist],
‐ which sounds alm
ost revoluonary Spanish ‐
as to "worker" ‐ I have som
e essenal objec
on against over‐use of the w
ord ‐ because its original meaning is a person heavy
working in the factory ‐ as such this profession is disappearing ‐
you might say that Czech or Europe is not the w
hole world ‐ but
it shows the tendency ...‐ so any other use of the w
ord is more
a metaphor ‐ w
hen we say i.e. cultural w
orker ‐ its mere m
ock‐ery ‐ even w
hen we say cultural laborer ‐ its not m
uch beer,
maybe hom
o faber ‐ but its taking us somew
here totally differ‐ent + loosing any social tension. Very sim
ilar the word class ‐ it
exists only when backed w
ith the self‐idenfica
on of the large group of people ‐ w
hich is also a queson if it exists in these
days...
On the edge of becom
ing homo voyeur (w
ith closed eyes)
Comrade
s [Marxist]
The removal of the
basic word what m
akes se
nse to iden
fy
self in th
e context o
f class ‐ that su
bverts th
e who
le su
bject o
f strik
e... It is no
t abo
ut th
e worker w
ho hides iden
ty, but th
e on
e, who
takes it o
ver a
nd strik
es it fo
rever.
Soviet‐com
mun
ist‐capita
list state iden
fica
on of the
worker
is un
acceptable because th
eir con
cept simply lead
towards
workers’ bou
rgeo
isifica
on.
Impo
rtant it is to po
int o
ut th
e class d
isnc
on while drawing
on M
arx himself: th
at th
ere are those who
own and em
ploy,
and those who
do no
t own a capital and
must w
ork to su
rvive
(and
this exceed
s 'a worker', since the un
employed
are also
workers ‐ it is on
ly at a
specific mom
ent that the
y do
n't h
ave
a job; sa
me with
'white collar' or 'precaria
t' ‐ w
e do
not work
in th
e factory, but we must w
ork to earn a living. a m
anager is
a worker... I wou
ld go for 'working
peo
ple' or ‘the work‐
ing’ (d
irban
eji in Lithuanian).
But yes, this is a
purely materialist d
isnc
on. This d
oes n
ot
take cultural habits into accou
nt. I like Black M
ask's 'nigger as
class'. But fo
r this text spe
cifically ‐ I am in favor o
f 'a worker'
or 'the
working', be
cause the working
class anger in north
Africa is un
der threat o
f being
overcom
e by capita
list calls for
'dem
ocracy' and
the status quo
‐ so th
is materialist d
isnc
on
is rather im
portant...
Yes, m
aybe
it is a kind of a m
etapho
r, bu
t it's got con
tent.
How do we use this metapho
r (the on
ly to
ol we've got in
this
instance ‐ language) so that we supp
ort a
nd re
late to
the dis‐
possessed and exploited?
While singing 'we are all pros‐
tutes' to m
y course‐m
ates and
tutors I was going
for the
same
Dear rades [Bakuninist]
... you don’t hear it from workers in Czech ‐ they are not so much proud of their sta‐tus ‐ especially now when so easy to loose the job...+ actually its doctors now who are on riot ‐ about 4000 Czech doctors will leave the hospitals by the March 1st if the doctors trade union doesn’t succeed to get form government what they have
been asking for a long me (they made all the juridical steps about 3 months ago)... this is what is moving with the society now in this small country... so the Czech psy‐chic workers are silent ‐ but the psychic doctors are howling!
…trying to figure out the more suitable word than „worker“ – for my under‐standing of the posion of people to whom I count myself – I overcame some pa‐thec ones like
Comrades
If you speak for your organizaon when you say that: capitalist society isn't com‐posed of two fundamental classes, the owners and controllers of the means of producon who subsequently live off the labour of a second class; those forced
Comrades,
In my opinion, you deny the existence of rac‐ism all over the world ‐ you seem to s ck to the illustra on of a starving Ethiopian ‐ and this issue for me seems more and more im‐portant, because it is of benefit to the bour‐geoisie and strongly opposing socialism. Peo‐ple ARE being discriminated because of the skin colour, but by calling you white – the referring is about your thinking and rhetoric, rather than your skin colour. White people can think black, black people can think white, so on.
Where I differ from your posi ons I don’t s ck to the rela on to the produc on ONLY. Where did the bourgeoisie come from? Was it not the Europe and its ideas of supremacy? Yes, we are all from Africa, but there were certain moments in history (and the ideologies) which we don’t have any grounds to deny! Because it carries on!
I remember you said that Nazis are only stupid
workers. Only? I think that's one of the crucial things: to not allow it happening! O en the racism, the na onalism might be le as unim‐portant, but that's the enemy as important as capitalist 'freedom' ideology, not to forget authoritarian le .
As I perceive it, proletariat is the class that is determined to abolish capitalism, that is the mentality, which does not equal ones rela on to produc on, but the determina on, the conscious interests taken into praxis. As was said before, the queen is welcome to resign (or whatever the term) and join DAMTP ‐ she would be a perfect contributor to crack the royal occul sm and to turn in on itself!!! Where we differ, I think, DAMTP is, as it is wri en in cons tu on, or even the tle itself suggests, an organiza on for mental class war, instead of becoming poli cians or crea ng a trade union which would ins tu onally fight for higher wages ‐ so it is not intended for defense.
We can call the middle class a working class,
Comrades,
I found some typical W
estern hubris present in the notes defending class interest of the privileged group of people, denying the fact that racism
exists as such. M
aking equaon betw
een privileged western bourgeoisie
called “cultural workers” and the w
orkers of the third world – that is non‐
sense. There is a big difference between such “w
orkers’ who are m
aking a choice – to w
ork or refuse from it for the rebel sake is not adequate to the
queson of survival w
hat brings to the fight third world people (even
counng eastern Europeans at som
e extend). As 60‐ies showed m
ore then evidently – w
estern white “revolu
onaries” quite easy came back to
“normaliza
on”, while for to the m
ost black (and Lan‐Am
erican) revolu‐onaries it w
as the queson of life/death.
The queson of trade unionism
and bargaining – all the means w
hat lack the ul
mate risk are hopelessly com
promised…
these kind of organizaons
becoming part of the cult rituals and tense pressure sim
ulators what sim
p‐ly m
akes evidence that they are far away from
the ordinary people, or sim
ply they are linking towards deeper bourgeoisifica
on of the working
people by offering some m
ore privileges for the more obedient ones.
In general we as DAM
TP’s should admit that our aim
consist not of trying to obtain som
e more privileges but about loosing those already go
en. Definitely it is an opposite direc
on from trade unionism
and will do not
fit with the desires of our colleagues tow
ards the welfare life.
Simply – I do not see a possibility for socialism
while there is a situa
on
ورۀنزناريا رد ديماناريا مايقنيرتھوکشاب بالقنا زا سپ ھک تسيا
This is an open address to all your self‐organized com‐
munity throughout the enre globe.
We are addressing you because you’re the first organizaon of psychic
workers what really suc‐ceed to step beyond
“whiteness” of eurocentrist culture and really involved
into the "blackness" of planet earth.
We are addressing you as those who propagate and realize collecvity as gen‐
eral approach towards equality and freedom in
society.
We are addressing you for your widely known declara‐
ons towards dehierarchi‐zaton of culture and
providing the source for the mad imaginaon and black humor what bursts from the inevitability and explodes into a convulsive
beauty.
We are calling to join us in discussion and laughter
(either physically, or in psy‐chic) at our meeng of DA‐
ta Miners & Travailleurs Psychique what will hap‐pen August 22nd‐28th,
2011 in Alytus (Southern Lithuania)
As having a branch of DEad WOrkers Union of DAMTP we address also all dead
proto‐ortodox‐post‐out of‐non‐surrealists counng from Violee Nozière to
Aimé Cesaire, or from Abd‐el‐Krim to Amadou Diallo
to join us in a Psychic March of Death planned on those days & nights in the
country what was de‐scribed as nowhere in the last act of Ubu Roi by Jary.
It was in the black mirror of anarchism that surrealism
first recognized itself.
Therefore it is a black mir‐ror of surrealism that psy‐chic syndicalism recognizes
itself.
Lately, Presence Africaine has, unfortunately been too preoccupied with an‐
thropological creepy crawl‐ies to denote enough
aenon to the problem of the arst in his present
predicament. It worried me a lot that
such a useful instuon did not seem to be aware of
cultural cross‐currents that characterize arsc expres‐
sion in mul‐racial socie‐es. They seem to think
that the only culture worth exhibing was tradional
or indigenous. And so they concentrated on countries
where interacon of streams of consciousness between black and white has not taken place to any significant or obvious de‐
gree, or doesn’t so much as touch the cultural subsoil.
A number of these enthusi‐asts even became apolo‐gec about the Western
elements in their own art. Where do we come in – we who are detribalized and
are producing a proletarian art? This is what I wanted to know. ‐ Ezekiel Es'kia
Mphahlele
Bourgeois culture is not about equality as it tends to manifest, but rather is producing the schisms in‐side the indigenous coun‐tries which were already
surrealist in fact. That pos‐sibly ex‐
plain why surrealism prevails in the coun‐
tries of advanced capitalism.
Being an adept of
surrealism in the third
world means
idenfica‐on with western colonist
culture while giving an im‐pression of exocs and mulculturality to it.
Illusionary privileges to the newly established bour‐
geoisie made exploitaon injected into a very body of proletariat and negritude
as well.
The bourgeois “we are all humans” culture pushes towards “equal rights” to
parcipate in the capitalist machine based on exploita‐
on. It means that all we are parts of the same ma‐chine – not equal parts, of
course.
The upcoming future could‐n’t be defined neither by
stepping back to “savageness”, nor ac‐
cepng “civilized” behavior – DOWN WITH BOURGEOIS FACELESSNESS MASKED BY
IMAGE OF SOMETHING ELSE!
ITS TIME TO LIVE OUR OWN LIVES!
DOWN WITH BOURGEOIS “WE ARE ALL HUMANS”
HERD CULTURE!
UP WITH PROLETARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF EQUAL
HUMAN AUTONOMIES!
We are looking forward to meet you this year and so to open paths towards the general strike 2012 as best
partners to dance in the streets – your experience is
Comrades communists,
This is an open address to all your self‐organized community throughout the en re globe.
We are addressing you be‐cause you’re the first organiza‐on of psychic workers what
really succeed to step beyond “whiteness” of eurocentrist culture and really involved into the "blackness" of planet earth.
We are addressing you as those who propagate and real‐ize collec vity as general ap‐proach towards equality and freedom in society.
We are addressing you for your widely known declara ons towards dehierarchizaton of culture and providing the source for the mad imagina on and black humor what bursts from the inevitability and ex‐plodes into a convulsive beau‐ty.
We are calling to join us in dis‐cussion and laughter (either physically, or in psychic) at our mee ng of DAta Miners & Travailleurs Psychique what will happen August 22nd‐28th, 2011 in Alytus (Southern Lithu‐ania)
As having a branch of DEad WOrkers Union of DAMTP we address also all dead proto‐ortodox‐post‐out of‐non‐communists coun ng from Viole e Nozière to Aimé Cesaire, or from Abd‐el‐Krim to Amadou Diallo to join us in a Psychic March of Death planned on those days & nights in the country what was de‐scribed as nowhere in the last act of Ubu Roi by Jary.
It was in the black mirror of anarchism that communism first recognized itself. There‐fore it is a black mirror of com‐munism that psychic syndical‐ism recognizes itself.
Lately, Presence Africaine has,
unfortunate‐ly been too preoccupied with anthro‐pological creepy crawl‐ies to denote enough a en on to the problem of the ar st in his present predicament. It worried me a lot that such a useful ins tu on did not seem to be aware of cultural cross‐currents that characterize ar s‐c expression in mul ‐racial
socie es. They seem to think that the only culture worth exhibi ng was tradi onal or indigenous. And so they con‐centrated on countries where interac on of streams of con‐sciousness between black and white has not taken place to any significant or obvious de‐gree, or doesn’t so much as touch the cultural subsoil. A number of these enthusiasts even became apologe c about the Western elements in their own art. Where do we come in – we who are detribalized and are producing a proletarian art? This is what I wanted to know. ‐ Ezekiel Es'kia Mphahlele
Bourgeois culture is not about equality as it tends to manifest, but rather is producing the schisms inside the indigenous countries which were already communist in fact. That possi‐bly explain why communism prevails in the countries of ad‐vanced capitalism.
Being an adept of communism in the third world means iden‐fica on with western colonist
culture while giving an impres‐sion of exo cs and mul cultur‐ality to it.
Illusionary privileges to the newly established bourgeoisie made exploita on injected into a very body of proletariat and negritude as well.
The bourgeois “we are all hu‐mans” culture pushes towards “equal rights” to par cipate in the capitalist machine based on exploita on. It means that all we are parts of the same machine – not equal parts, of course.
The upcoming future couldn’t be defined neither by stepping back to “savageness”, nor ac‐cep ng “civilized” behavior – DOWN WITH BOURGEOIS FACELESSNESS MASKED BY IMAGE OF SOMETHING ELSE!
ITS TIME TO LIVE OUR OWN LIVES!
DOWN WITH BOURGEOIS “WE ARE ALL HUMANS” HERD CUL‐TURE!
UP WITH PROLETARIAN CON‐SCIOUSNESS OF EQUAL HU‐MAN AUTONOMIES!
We are looking forward to meet you this year and so to open paths towards the gen‐eral strike 2012 as best part‐ners to dance in the streets – your experience is the one to fuel people from ge ng bored while resurging in the ci es and in a countryside as well.
There is a small difference in communism from the mid last century when to imagine was enough to close one’s eyes and that communism of nowadays – now it’s me to reopen ‐ the
Whereas in previous epochs the conduct of Interna onal organisa ons necessitated long and arduous journeys, contemporary society has not only rendered such behaviour unnec‐essary, but posi vely demands its superces‐sion. In an era when telema cs has indus‐trialised the imagi‐na on, our resources and intellegence must move beyond the mental and whizzical con‐straints imposed by the toy technology of info‐tech capitalism. Our congress will be a virtual congress, but not however mediated by electrickery. We assert that all congresses have always been virtual, a technique for window‐dressing predetermined decisions and selling them on to the delegates who then carry the message out to the party faithful, and thence to the broad layers of humanity. In‐stead of mechanising this process, we wish to implode it. Our First Congress will also be an Imaginist Congress.
Congress is about crea ng the myth of unity, but our First Congress will, contrariwise, unify
the myth crea on process. The Congress will only exist at the level of myth, thereby excising poli cal chicanery. Par cpants will not so much be inscribing their ideas on the palimpsest of an his‐toric event, but will have to subject themselves to the
much harsh‐er discipline of pro‐jec ng their concep ons
onto the tabla rasa of the non‐existent. In this process, we make no restric ons on the use of info‐tech. It is sufficient to assert, how‐ever, that the most important work will take place away from such machinery. At a me
when computers are poised as a means of in‐dustrialising the imagina on, and present themselves as the open‐sesame to a world of virtual reality, we assert that all virtaul reality is the consequence of the social interac on of human consciousness.
We assert that far from facil‐ita ng de‐bate Con‐gress
bureaucra cises human interac on, subjects it to the manipula on of the execu ve bodies. By re‐versing the process, such that par cipants submit accounts of the proceedings before encountering one another, we de facto reduce the func oning of the execu ve bodies to that of mere clearing hous‐es of informa on. This innova on is in itself a major
step forward in our organ‐ising processes. Further to this however, it is necessary to charge all par cipants to integrate their submission and cir‐cula on of accounts, whether visual, verbal,
musical or otherwise, simply by explicitly sta ng that the work in ques on is precisely just such an account. In the event of par ciapants circula ng
material and only revealing its exact rela on to the First Congress at a la er stage, we invite delegates to draw their own conclusions.
From the material so presented and reproduced by delegates, as appropriate, the full variety of ac vity will become apparent. It will then possible for task groups to emerge, directly rela ng to the intrinsic interconnec ons established by the First Congress, rather than the bureaucra c management of ex‐trinsic connexions being implemented according to the interests of an execu ve, which has already established itself as a pole of separate ac vity. From the emergence of the task groups, whatever direct mee ngs such as are required by the nature of the work the task group has undertaken, will take place. This accords with our principle of mini‐mum necessary ac vity. Although we espouse the warmth of comradeship, task groups are in no way
akin to affinity groups, which seek to offer a psychological bolster to the individuals in‐volved. Any such emergent affinity groups will be dissolved.
The following texts comprise ini al accounts of the Congress, and are comprosed of conven‐
onal descrip ons of the proceedings. We invite delegates to publish or otherwise manifest their accounts. The First Congress is already underway.
Long Live the New Le rist Interna onal
The quotes are from an account of a trip to Mos‐cow to nego ate the adherence of the Communist Workers' Party of Germany to Third Interna onal made by O o Rühle in the summer of 1920.
I used the me to study the situa on. First I looked around Moscow, mostly without official guidance (...) Then I made a long car tour to Kashira and a trip to Nischny‐Novgorod, Kasan Simbirsk, Samara . . .
As I returned from the Volga, Comrade Merges had arrived in Moscow.
I travelled illegally to Russia. The business was difficult and dangerous; but it succeeded. On 16th June I stepped onto Russian soil: on the 19th I was in Moscow. ‐Report from Moscow, O o Rühle
At this mee ng we got to see the discussion guidelines which were to be laid before the Congress. They were intended to be the basis for the decisions of the Congress. Of which, in his boas ul manner, Radek had already said to me earlier that he had it in the pocket. "In the Pocket!"
On the same day a si ng of the execu ve of the Third Interna‐tonal took place. We weren't invited. In our absence, the mo‐on of Meyer (Kommunist Partei Deutschland) that we should
be refused admission was discussed. the mo on was rejected. Upon this, they called us to the si ng, and were so gracious as to grant us advisory status at the Congress.
The methods which I saw prac sed on me in Moscow aroused my strongest aversion. Whereto I saw: poli cal scene shi ing ‐ calculat‐ed as bluff ‐ using flashy revolu onary resolu ons to conceal the opportunis c background. It would have been best just to have headed off. However I decided to stay un l the second delegate Comrade Merges‐Braunschweig would arrive.
Prelimanary Commi ee for the Founda on of a New Le rist Interna onal proposes
The First Congress of the New Le rist Interna onal
Africa's Linguis c Prison One of the many reasons why Africa lags behind the rest of the world is that it is s ll stuck in a very Eurocentric mindframe regarding language. Every virtually
country in Africa has as its official language a European language, either English, French or Portuguese, depending on who the colonial power was. This means that African children receive their educa on in a language that is not their
own , limi ng their crea vity and their overall understanding. As the Shona peo‐ple of Zimbabwe would say, ha kwanise kubudirira kasa shandisa mitauro
wedu (we cannot progress if we don't use our own language). Africa is s ll very much under colonial rule, psychological colonial rule, and it is the language of the former colonial masters that represents the chains that must be broken...
0. التغيير االجتماعي على الصعيد العالمي أمر ممكن والتقدم.
اصابة احد ھو ضرر للجميع
العمالة اتحاد عمال المناجم دتس، نفسية والعمال الذين يموتون ضرب
معادلة لدينا بعنف
“Feeling a bit stunned by the whole
event. A board of 18 m
embers lined
up, in a historic room full of portraits.
About 20 shareholders w
ho were in-
vited to ask any questions close to the beginning. I held onto the m
icrophone until it w
as taken away from
me ask-
ing:
- Following the death of Jim
my M
u-benga can the board tell us w
hat steps have been taken to ensure that no one else w
ill be killed by G4S
? - H
ave the critisisms of the Inspector of
Prisons been addressed regarding
treatment of prisoners and detainees,
especially children? - Why is G
4S
supplying services in ilegal settle-m
ents in Israel including means to
torture prisoners -Following union re-
ports in Malaw
i, Mozam
bique and S
outh Africa detailing the racist prac-
tices of G4S
managem
ent and staff w
hat has been done to address this? S
ome of these points w
ere answered
by different board mem
bers. Most re-
plies related to training of staff or the fact that G
4S w
as following directions
from U
KB
A etc. I pursued a num
ber of points and one other shareholder m
entioned that any adverse publicity potentially affected econom
ic benefits (!) W
hen they voted to give them-
selves a pay rise from £750,000 to
£1M I voted against (only one) and
stood up and ranted how they w
ere benefiting from
the suffering of the individuals in their care and should be asham
ed. I walked out. A
horrible ex-perience - like being in a circle of hell w
ith no real human beings present!
Paul C
ondon (ex-London police guy), N
ick Buckles (C
hief Exec - w
ith £7M
pension at 52! all whitened sm
iles and spray tan). R
ow of greedy poisonous
characters. Scary w
orld!”
of the
ir classle
ss society on Am
erican
radi‐
calism. This
was linked
to his
psycho
‐geograph
ical the
ories linked to con
nuity
: “O
ne of the
stron
gest fo
rms of social con
‐nu
ity is c
onnu
ity o
f pla
ce. In spite
of c
om‐
plete changes in the
nature of the
pop
ula‐
on, the
tend
ency is very strong
for instu‐
ons in the
sam
e gene
ral locality
to pe
rsist
to som
e no
ceable exten
t. Whe
re a new
pe
ople ta
ke over a
locality, th
ere is a strong
tend
ency for the
m to
acqu
ire a
t least a
powerful admixture o
f the instu
ons of
the pe
ople th
at lived there be
fore th
em.”
Be
fore his de
ath in 1944 he
was in
‐vesgated by th
e FBI for his role in
the Bo
s‐ton Metropo
litan
Transfer Grou
p. This was
a psycho
‐geo
graphical grou
p of w
hich h
e was the
sole mem
ber (alth
ough
he used
a
numbe
r of pseud
onym
s). It’s principal a
im
was the
collecon
of transfer
ckets, which
enabled
the
purchaser to con
nue
their
journe
y on
a se
cond
veh
icle.
See h
p://www.sidis.ne
t/inde
x.html for an
online archive of
Sidis w
ork.
Future genera ons will marvel at how the United States in the twen eth century so effec vely destroyed those who would superceed both the democra c forms of its cons tu on and that of the capitalist econo‐my which had already subverted its struc‐tures. Faced with judicial murder of such ac vists as Joe Hill, many ac vists chose anonymity especially following the defeat of the interna onal wave of struggle following the First World War. William Sidis was just such a person.
Sidis had a rude introduc on to the Society of the Spectacle. At the age of eleven he was regarded as an infant prodigy. He deliv‐ered a lecture to Harvard professors on the Fourth Dimension. When word of this reached bars where local journalists would drink, they started his persecu on: he was later to recall how he would be physically a acked by journalists with one holding him down while the other photographed him. Grub Street did not need Murdoch to teach them how to be abusive.
Born in 1989, the son of perhaps America’s foremost psychiatrist, his story was projected into the newsphere by his father, and later his mother, who wanted to promote their views on child‐rearing. At an early age he study poli cs and economics and soon developed a socialist perspec ve. The boy savant could not understand what role money had except to deny people ac‐cess to the things they need. By 1919 he had become an ac vist in the Communist move‐ment, and was arrested for carrying a red flag on the May Day demonstra on in Bos‐ton that year. His father managed to pull strings to get him released from the so‐called “jus ce system” and kept him prison‐er in the private sanatorium he ran. His po‐li cal evolu on was regarded as a psycho‐logical problem and he was drugged and terrorised by his mother. His parents threat‐ened him with a one‐way trip to the insane asylum if he did not conform. Escaped their clutches and avoided them for the rest of his life.
Like so many ac vists across the world, he soon realised that the regime be‐ing developed in Russia was not communist but just as much a perversion of the human desire for a fair society as the United States itself. He also con nued his mathema cal studies publishing The Animate and the Inanimate in 1925. Here he discusses the psychological aspects of the four dimen‐sions and challenges the Second Law of Thermos‐dynamics and was the first pub‐lished account of black holes. The book passed unno ced without a single review, and was only over fi y years later that the book got any recogni on.
Sidis also wrote extensively on Amer‐ican History and in away which highlighted the role of Na ve Americans and the impact
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اک راکشس کے قبضے ميں ہے راکشس جو سمندر پار بيٹھا شہر سے کھيلتا رہتا ہے کبھی توڑتا ہے ...مروڑتا ہے اور پھر خود ہی بيٹھ کے روتا ہےhaکہ جيسے غم بھی اسی کو ہے kwanise kubudirira kasa shandisa mitauro wedu غصہ جب اجائے اس کو انکھوں سے اس کے شعلے لپکيں اور زبا ں بن جائے سو منہ واال سانپ اور پاوں پہاڑ سے بھی بھاری لحظو ں ميں سب تہس نہس کردیتا ہے گاڑیاں، بسيں ،دوکانيں، گھر بچے، بوڑھے، عورتيں اور مرد سب کچھ وه نگل ليتا ہے اس کو بھينٹ چڑھاوا پہونچے شہر پھر چلتا رہتا ہے اسکی طاقت خدائی ہے جب چاہے ذلت دے جب چاہے عزت دے جب چاہے بنادے وه جب چاہے مٹادے وه بھرا پرا شہر لحظوں ميں ویراں کردے ڈرادے وه ڈرے سہمے شہر کے باسی بوڑھے بچے عورتيں اور مرد اسی کا نام لے کر گھر سے باہر نکلتے ہيں اور اسی کی مہربانی سے گھر اپنے لوٹتے ہيں گر شہر کو چالنا ہے پہلے سر جھکانا ہے پھر کچھ نا کچھ چڑھانا ہے پھر شہر بھی چلتا رہتا ہے گر چڑھاوا اشيرواد نہيں پھر بٹن دب جائے گااچلتا پھرتا شہر رک جائے گ
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Alytaus [meno streiko] bienalė 4 pasaulio duom
enkasių ir psichodarbininkų kongresas Alytus [Art Strike] Biennial 4 World Congress of DAta M