. INTERNATIONAL EDITION | WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 20, 2017 QUATRE FIRST JEWELER OF THE PLACE VENDÔME In 1893, Frédéric Boucheron is the first of the great contemporary jewelers to open a Boutique on the Place Vendôme SUBWAY BOMBER HIS CRYPTIC TRIP IN BANGLADESH PAGE 4 | WORLD ANTWERP’S RISE DISTILLERY TURNS INTO SHOWPLACE PAGE 13 | CULTURE EXTREME WEATHER A LOOK AT 5 CALAMITIES LIKELY CAUSED BY HUMANS PAGE 6 | SCIENCE The first promising vaccine for dengue — a disease that afflicts hundreds of mil- lions of people around the world — is in jeopardy after the Philippines sus- pended it, amid widespread fears about its safety and growing public anger over its use in 830,000 schoolchildren. The Philippines government has be- gun investigations into the rollout of the immunization program by the French drug maker Sanofi, which has come un- der fire for discounting early warnings that its vaccine could put some people at heightened risk of a severe form of the disease. The newly revealed evidence, confirmed recently by Sanofi’s review, found that in rare cases, Dengvaxia can backfire: If people who never had dengue are vaccinated and later become infected, the vaccine may provoke a much more severe form of the illness. The situation has become a public-re- lations debacle for the drug maker, which spent decades developing the world’s first dengue vaccine, Deng- vaxia. Politicians in the Philippines are demanding information about Sanofi’s advertising campaign and their govern- ment’s aggressive push, against the ad- vice of some experts, to vaccinate a mil- lion children. The backlash has alarmed researchers who worry that Sanofi’s stumble could stoke mistrust in vac- cines around the globe. Sanofi’s vaccine is approved in 19 countries and is the first to combat dengue, a disease spread by mosquitoes that infects about 400 million people worldwide. Dengue puts 500,000 people in the hospital each year and kills 25,000, mostly in Latin Amer- ica and South Asia. Infection rates can reach 90 percent in the Philippines, according to Sanofi. Death rates are highest among chil- dren, and just last week a 7-year-old girl who had not been vaccinated died from dengue in the Philippines, according to news reports there. Late last month, Sanofi said its new analysis showed that vaccination should not be recommended for people who have never had dengue, advice that was echoed last week by the World Health Organization. But that only adds to the confusion, because there is no rap- id test to tell if someone has had the dis- ease. Even though the risk from the vac- cine is low, families fear it has turned their children into time bombs, in whom the virus could set off a life-threatening illness. Leovon Deyro, whose youngest son received his last injection of the vaccine two weeks ago, said he suspects that Sanofi conspired with corrupt Phil- ippine officials to circumvent regula- tions, something the company has de- nied. “We weren’t told it was not safe,” Mr. Deyro said. So far, he said, his son, who is 10, has had no worrying symp- toms. But, he added, “They made my son and other students as guinea pigs.” DENGUE, PAGE 5 When a vaccine causes harm A creek south of Manila. Dengue is a disease spread by mosquitoes that infects about 400 million people worldwide. Infection rates are high in the Philippines. PHOTOGRAPHS BY JES AZNAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Anger rises in Philippines after warnings on danger of Sanofi’s dengue drug BY DENISE GRADY AND KATIE THOMAS Iran Lustre at home near the creek. He had dengue a few years ago and has since re- ceived the dengue vaccine. When he got sick, his parents feared he had dengue again. Beth Rudin DeWoody, the art world doy- enne born into a New York real estate fortune, was walking through the Bunker Artspace, a renovated Art Deco building here that she recently opened as an exhibition space for her renowned and eccentric collection. Although just two miles from Mar-a- Lago, the building is another world, and an indication that this serene, largely residential area is making a play for some of the art scene pizazz of Miami, a bit more than an hour’s drive south. “This is the X-rated area,” Ms. De- Woody, a slim woman in her mid-60s, was saying downstairs in a corner gallery of the Bunker. Dressed in tropi- cal-fruit colors, and with her third hus- band, Firooz Zahedi, a photographer, and their small white poodle following, she passed a Paul McCarthy white sili- cone bust with a sex toy. A Nick Cave as- semblage had one, too. There was a painting depicting a cru- cifixion by George Condo that might not be pleasing to some of her more conser- vative neighbors, and a deer’s head made of zippered black leather likely only to please a sadomasochist. Nearby, were John Waters’s doll-size sculptures of Michael Jackson and Charles Manson having a play date. Ms. DeWoody, who is president of the Rudin Family Foundations and on the boards of the Whitney Museum of American Art and the Hammer Mu- seum, owns more than 10,000 pieces of art, including a vast array of work that is ART, PAGE 2 Beth Rudin DeWoody, the owner of the recently opened Bunker Artspace in West Palm Beach, Fla., an area trying to get a piece of the art scene pizazz of Miami. YSA PÉREZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES An oasis of provocative art in a playground of the rich WEST PALM BEACH, FLA. Not far from Mar-a-Lago is the Bunker Artspace, packed with eccentricities BY BOB MORRIS The New York Times publishes opinion from a wide range of perspectives in hopes of promoting constructive debate about consequential questions. DUBLIN This month, as Arctic winds have swept down through Britain, Brexit has led the government of Prime Minister Theresa May into a blizzard of humiliations. It is two weeks since the Northern Irish Democratic Unionist Party, which is propping up Mrs. May’s minority government, made a show of her. She was in Brussels for a working lunch, about to smile her way through the carefully choreographed announce- ment of a deal that guaranteed “regu- latory alignment” between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. But Mrs. May was called offstage to take a call from the leader of the D.U.P., Arlene Foster, who told her that the party would not tolerate a deal that distinguished Northern Ireland from the rest of Britain. Ms. Foster’s concern was that the deal would effectively move the border to the Irish Sea, creat- ing the illusion that Ireland was united and separate from “the mainland.” That would be anathema to unionists, for whom the border that winds across the island of Ireland is the last frontier of the empire. (The D.U.P. has loved the way that Brexit, with its strutting nationalism, has brought out in the rest of Britain the Union Jacks that festoon the parts of Northern Ireland that are loyal to the queen.) Four intense days after the D.U.P.’s intervention, the European Union and Britain reached a new deal that weak- ened the British Brexiters’ position, strengthened that of the Irish govern- ment and had the support of the rest of the bloc. This time it spelled out that there would be “full alignment” be- tween Britain and Ireland in relation to the rules of the single market and the customs union; and that Northern Ireland’s peace deal, known as the Good Friday Agreement, would be honored. But Brexit Secretary David Davis promptly and breezily confided on a British television show that this hard- won deal was “much more a statement of intent than it was a legally enforce- able thing.” The European Union’s chief negotia- tor, Michel Barnier, shot back that there would be no final deal unless Britain respected the agreements it had made. Rubbing it in, the European Brexit takes more than just bluster Susan McKay OPINION MCKAY, PAGE 11 There has been nothing clear about strategies for leaving the E.U. There may not even be any. When Craig Chung, an up-and-coming Sydney city councilor, meets with for- mer American officials, neither the me- dia nor his constituents seem to care. But for events with Australia’s ethnic Chinese community, he errs on the side of caution. He researches the people in- volved. He sidesteps certain photo- graphs and publicly declares whom he talks to and why — all to ensure that he doesn’t end up accused of associating with someone tied to the Chinese Com- munist Party. “There is this fear that we may work closely with somebody who is accused of being an agent of another govern- ment,” said Mr. Chung, 49, who is ethnic Chinese. “We’re in a position now where people are running scared.” Australia has been thrown into tur- moil over allegations that China is try- ing to buy its politicians and sway its elections, charges that have led to in- creased scrutiny of the rising superpow- er’s efforts to influence Australia. But there are also fears that a campaign to stamp out Chinese influence risks be- coming a McCarthy-esque witch hunt. The Chinese government has been us- ing proxies in Australia for years to pol- ish its image and press for its priorities, including reunification with Taiwan and sovereignty over much of the South China Sea. These efforts have intensi- fied under President Xi Jinping, who seems to view Australia — which has benefited greatly from trade with China — as a laboratory for efforts to sway opinion abroad and increase China’s global influence. In practice, that means tycoons born in China with ties to the Communist Party have exploited Australia’s weak campaign finance laws to donate mil- lions to Australian political parties. Chi- nese diplomats have also mobilized Chi- nese students for rallies and to speak out against what they see as anti-Chi- nese views, while local Chinese-lan- guage media tends to follow the fiercely nationalistic tone set by China’s state- run outlets. But a thunderous backlash has now arrived, with a public outcry condemn- ing anyone accused of links to Chinese influence, and a series of new measures that would strengthen espionage laws, outlaw foreign political donations and criminalize efforts to interfere in Aus- tralia’s democracy. Critics, including human rights groups, worry that the legislation, and the intensity of anti-China sentiment, will stir hysteria and unfairly target Australia’s large and diverse ethnic Chi- AUSTRALIA, PAGE 2 In Australia, fervor over China risks going too far SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA Legislation aims to curb Beijing’s influence, but many fear a backlash BY DAMIEN CAVE
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INTERNATIONAL EDITION | WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 20, 2017
QUATRE
FIRST JEWELER OF THE PLACE VENDÔME
In 1893, Frédéric Boucheron is the first of the great contemporary jewelers to open a Boutique on the Place Vendôme
SUBWAY BOMBERHIS CRYPTIC TRIPIN BANGLADESHPAGE 4 | WORLD
ANTWERP’S RISEDISTILLERY TURNSINTO SHOWPLACEPAGE 13 | CULTURE
EXTREME WEATHERA LOOK AT 5 CALAMITIESLIKELY CAUSED BY HUMANSPAGE 6 | SCIENCE
The first promising vaccine for dengue— a disease that afflicts hundreds of mil-lions of people around the world — is injeopardy after the Philippines sus-pended it, amid widespread fears aboutits safety and growing public anger overits use in 830,000 schoolchildren.
The Philippines government has be-gun investigations into the rollout of theimmunization program by the Frenchdrug maker Sanofi, which has come un-der fire for discounting early warningsthat its vaccine could put some people atheightened risk of a severe form of thedisease. The newly revealed evidence,confirmed recently by Sanofi’s review,found that in rare cases, Dengvaxia canbackfire: If people who never haddengue are vaccinated and later becomeinfected, the vaccine may provoke amuch more severe form of the illness.
The situation has become a public-re-lations debacle for the drug maker,which spent decades developing theworld’s first dengue vaccine, Deng-
vaxia. Politicians in the Philippines aredemanding information about Sanofi’sadvertising campaign and their govern-ment’s aggressive push, against the ad-vice of some experts, to vaccinate a mil-lion children. The backlash has alarmedresearchers who worry that Sanofi’sstumble could stoke mistrust in vac-cines around the globe. Sanofi’s vaccineis approved in 19 countries and is thefirst to combat dengue, a disease spreadby mosquitoes that infects about 400million people worldwide. Dengue puts500,000 people in the hospital each yearand kills 25,000, mostly in Latin Amer-ica and South Asia.
Infection rates can reach 90 percent inthe Philippines, according to Sanofi.
Death rates are highest among chil-dren, and just last week a 7-year-old girlwho had not been vaccinated died fromdengue in the Philippines, according tonews reports there.
Late last month, Sanofi said its newanalysis showed that vaccinationshould not be recommended for peoplewho have never had dengue, advice thatwas echoed last week by the WorldHealth Organization. But that only addsto the confusion, because there is no rap-id test to tell if someone has had the dis-ease. Even though the risk from the vac-cine is low, families fear it has turnedtheir children into time bombs, in whom
the virus could set off a life-threateningillness.
Leovon Deyro, whose youngest sonreceived his last injection of the vaccinetwo weeks ago, said he suspects thatSanofi conspired with corrupt Phil-ippine officials to circumvent regula-
tions, something the company has de-nied. “We weren’t told it was not safe,”Mr. Deyro said. So far, he said, his son,who is 10, has had no worrying symp-toms. But, he added, “They made myson and other students as guinea pigs.”DENGUE, PAGE 5
When a vaccine causes harmA creek south of Manila. Dengue is a disease spread by mosquitoes that infects about 400 million people worldwide. Infection rates are high in the Philippines.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY JES AZNAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Anger rises in Philippines after warnings on danger of Sanofi’s dengue drug
BY DENISE GRADYAND KATIE THOMAS
Iran Lustre at home near the creek. He had dengue a few years ago and has since re-ceived the dengue vaccine. When he got sick, his parents feared he had dengue again.
Beth Rudin DeWoody, the art world doy-enne born into a New York real estatefortune, was walking through theBunker Artspace, a renovated Art Decobuilding here that she recently openedas an exhibition space for her renownedand eccentric collection.
Although just two miles from Mar-a-Lago, the building is another world, andan indication that this serene, largelyresidential area is making a play forsome of the art scene pizazz of Miami, abit more than an hour’s drive south.
“This is the X-rated area,” Ms. De-
Woody, a slim woman in her mid-60s,was saying downstairs in a cornergallery of the Bunker. Dressed in tropi-cal-fruit colors, and with her third hus-band, Firooz Zahedi, a photographer,and their small white poodle following,she passed a Paul McCarthy white sili-cone bust with a sex toy. A Nick Cave as-semblage had one, too.
There was a painting depicting a cru-cifixion by George Condo that might notbe pleasing to some of her more conser-vative neighbors, and a deer’s headmade of zippered black leather likelyonly to please a sadomasochist. Nearby,were John Waters’s doll-size sculpturesof Michael Jackson and Charles Mansonhaving a play date.
Ms. DeWoody, who is president of theRudin Family Foundations and on theboards of the Whitney Museum ofAmerican Art and the Hammer Mu-seum, owns more than 10,000 pieces ofart, including a vast array of work that isART, PAGE 2
Beth Rudin DeWoody, the owner of the recently opened Bunker Artspace in West PalmBeach, Fla., an area trying to get a piece of the art scene pizazz of Miami.
YSA PÉREZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
An oasis of provocative artin a playground of the richWEST PALM BEACH, FLA.
Not far from Mar-a-Lagois the Bunker Artspace, packed with eccentricities
BY BOB MORRIS
The New York Times publishes opinionfrom a wide range of perspectives inhopes of promoting constructive debateabout consequential questions.
DUBLIN This month, as Arctic windshave swept down through Britain,Brexit has led the government ofPrime Minister Theresa May into ablizzard of humiliations.
It is two weeks since the NorthernIrish Democratic Unionist Party, whichis propping up Mrs. May’s minoritygovernment, made a show of her. Shewas in Brussels for a working lunch,about to smile her way through thecarefully choreographed announce-ment of a deal that guaranteed “regu-latory alignment” between NorthernIreland and the Republic of Ireland.
But Mrs. May was called offstage totake a call from the leader of the D.U.P.,Arlene Foster, who told her that theparty would not tolerate a deal thatdistinguished Northern Ireland from
the rest of Britain.Ms. Foster’s concernwas that the dealwould effectivelymove the border tothe Irish Sea, creat-ing the illusion thatIreland was unitedand separate from“the mainland.” Thatwould be anathemato unionists, forwhom the border
that winds across the island of Irelandis the last frontier of the empire. (TheD.U.P. has loved the way that Brexit,with its strutting nationalism, hasbrought out in the rest of Britain theUnion Jacks that festoon the parts ofNorthern Ireland that are loyal to thequeen.)
Four intense days after the D.U.P.’sintervention, the European Union andBritain reached a new deal that weak-ened the British Brexiters’ position,strengthened that of the Irish govern-ment and had the support of the rest ofthe bloc. This time it spelled out thatthere would be “full alignment” be-tween Britain and Ireland in relation tothe rules of the single market and thecustoms union; and that NorthernIreland’s peace deal, known as theGood Friday Agreement, would behonored.
But Brexit Secretary David Davispromptly and breezily confided on aBritish television show that this hard-won deal was “much more a statementof intent than it was a legally enforce-able thing.”
The European Union’s chief negotia-tor, Michel Barnier, shot back thatthere would be no final deal unlessBritain respected the agreements ithad made. Rubbing it in, the European
Brexit takesmore thanjust blusterSusan McKay
OPINION
MCKAY, PAGE 11
There hasbeen nothingclear aboutstrategies forleaving theE.U. Theremay not evenbe any.
When Craig Chung, an up-and-comingSydney city councilor, meets with for-mer American officials, neither the me-dia nor his constituents seem to care.
But for events with Australia’s ethnicChinese community, he errs on the sideof caution. He researches the people in-volved. He sidesteps certain photo-graphs and publicly declares whom hetalks to and why — all to ensure that hedoesn’t end up accused of associatingwith someone tied to the Chinese Com-munist Party.
“There is this fear that we may workclosely with somebody who is accusedof being an agent of another govern-ment,” said Mr. Chung, 49, who is ethnicChinese. “We’re in a position now wherepeople are running scared.”
Australia has been thrown into tur-moil over allegations that China is try-ing to buy its politicians and sway itselections, charges that have led to in-creased scrutiny of the rising superpow-er’s efforts to influence Australia. Butthere are also fears that a campaign tostamp out Chinese influence risks be-coming a McCarthy-esque witch hunt.
The Chinese government has been us-ing proxies in Australia for years to pol-ish its image and press for its priorities,including reunification with Taiwan andsovereignty over much of the SouthChina Sea. These efforts have intensi-fied under President Xi Jinping, whoseems to view Australia — which hasbenefited greatly from trade with China— as a laboratory for efforts to swayopinion abroad and increase China’sglobal influence.
In practice, that means tycoons bornin China with ties to the CommunistParty have exploited Australia’s weakcampaign finance laws to donate mil-lions to Australian political parties. Chi-nese diplomats have also mobilized Chi-nese students for rallies and to speakout against what they see as anti-Chi-nese views, while local Chinese-lan-guage media tends to follow the fiercelynationalistic tone set by China’s state-run outlets.
But a thunderous backlash has nowarrived, with a public outcry condemn-ing anyone accused of links to Chineseinfluence, and a series of new measuresthat would strengthen espionage laws,outlaw foreign political donations andcriminalize efforts to interfere in Aus-tralia’s democracy.
Critics, including human rightsgroups, worry that the legislation, andthe intensity of anti-China sentiment,will stir hysteria and unfairly targetAustralia’s large and diverse ethnic Chi-AUSTRALIA, PAGE 2
In Australia, fervor over China risksgoing too farSYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
Legislation aims to curbBeijing’s influence, butmany fear a backlash
BY DAMIEN CAVE
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