NOTES - Springer978-1-137-04931-5/1.pdf · NOTES Introduction 1 ... Eros and Allegory: Medieval Exegesis of the Song of Songs (Kalamazoo, MI: ... and Steven Kruger (Minneapolis: U

NOTES

Introduction

1. Classic studies of affective theology include Etienne Gilson, The Mystical Theology of Saint Bernard, trans. A.H.C. Downes (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1940) and Jean Leclerq, Monks and Love in Twelfth-CentulY France: Psycho-Historical Essays (Oxford: Clarendon, 1979). More recent studies include Ann Astell, The Song of Songs in the Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1990); E. Ann Matter, The Voice oj My Beloved: TIle Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1991); and Denys Turner, Eros and Allegory: Medieval Exegesis of the Song of Songs (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1995). Affective theology also receives attention in Julia Kristeva's history of the erotic, Tales of Love (New York: Columbia UP, 1987). Recent publications on Margery Kempe are numerous, a select few include: Karma Lochrie, Ma~r;ery Kempe and the Translations if the Flesh (Philadelphia: U of Penn P, 1991); Lynn Staley, Margery Kempe's Dissenting Fictions (University Park: Penn State UP, 1994); Kathy Lavezzo, "Sobs and Sighs between Women: The Homoerotics of Compassion in the Book of Margery Kempe," in Premodern Sexualities, ed. Louise Fradenburg and Carla Freccero (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 175-198; and the chapters on Kempe in Sarah Beckwith, Christ's Body: Identity, Culture, and Society in Late Medieval Writings (New York: Routledge, 1993) and in Carolyn Dinshaw, Getting Medieval: Sexualities and Communities, Pre- and Postmodern (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1999).

2. Fradenburg and Freccero, Premodern Sexualities, p. viii. 3. Important work on the medieval body includes: Caroline Walker Bynum,

Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone Books, 1992); Joan Cadden, Meanings oj Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Natural Philosophy and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1993); Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1990); and Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christia/lity (New York: Columbia UP, 1988). For discussion of medieval marriage and family, see Clarissa Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell

114 NOTES

UP, 1991); Michael Sheehan, l'vlarriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1996); Christopher Brooke, The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1989); David Herlihy, Medieval Households (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1985); and Carol Neel, ed., Medieval Families: Perspectives on 1'v1arriage, Household and Chi/drm (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2004). The study of medieval sexuality has also been greatly enhanced by "queer" histories such as those in Dinshaw's Getting Medieval; Bernadette Brooten's Love between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1996); Karma Lochrie's Covert Operations: The Medieval Uses of Secrecy (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1999); and the recent anthology, Queering the Middle Ages, ed. Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2001).

4. Michael Goodich, The UnmClltionable Vice: Homosexuality in the Loter Medieval Period (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 1979); John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning ~fthe Christian Era to the Fourteenth Century (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1980); and James Brundage, Low, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987). Other pioneering work on medieval sexuality includes: Vern Bullough, Sexual Varia11Ce in Society and History (New York: John Wiley, 1976); Jean-Louis Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, trans. Richard Southern (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1979); Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983); and Pierre Payer, Sex and the Penitentials: The Development of a Sexual Code, 550--1150 (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1984). A comparison of many of these works and their approaches to writing the history of sexuality can be found in Allen Frantzen, Before the Closet: Same-Sex Love from Beowulf to Angels in America (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1998), pp. 117-137.

5. This argument is made in Foucault's ambitious and profoundly influential History of Sexuality, especially Vol. I (New York: Vintage Books, 1990). It is important to note, however, that, while many scholars of medieval sexu­ality have appropriated Foucault's ideas about discursive construction, most have qualms about his characterization of the medieval period itself. Frantzen puts this skepticism most trenchantly, noting "[Foucault's] medievalism was remarkable only for its superficiality, lack of detail, and indifference to documents and their nuances" (Before the Closet, p. 7). Similar reservations are voiced by the introductions to collections of recent scholarship on medieval sexuality, such as those I cite above (Constructing Medieval Sexuality, Desire and Discipline, Handbook of Medieval Sexuality, and Premodern Sexualities). Yet these introductions also attest to the profound influence of Foucault's ideas, and they shape their respective collections as parts of an ongoing dialogue between his arguments and methods and the discoveries of medieval scholars. Most of the essays in these volumes are, of course, also deeply informed by Foucauldian paradigms. For a sense of the influence of Foucault's work on the study of sexuality more broadly, see: David Halperin, One Hundred Years if Homosexuality and Other Essays on

NOTES 115

Greek Love (New York: Routledge, 1989), and his "Is There a History of Sexuality?" in The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader, ed. Henry Abelove et al. (New York: Routledge, 1993); the essays in Pat Caplan, ed., TIle Cultural Construction of Sexuality (London: Tavistock Publications, 1987); and those in Edward Stein, ed., Forms of Desire: Sexual Orientation and the Social Constructionist Controversy (New York: Routledge, 1992).

6. The arguments that I have summarized here are made in Foucault's History of Sexuality, Vol I. Discussion of the" constructionist" approach to sexuality can be found in the essays in Stein's Forms of Desire. Especially helpful are Robert Padgug's "Sexual Matters: On Conceptualizing Sexuality in History," Ian Hacking's "Making Up People," and Arnold Davidson's "Sex and the Emergence of Sexuality."

7. Brundage's Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, Payer's Sex and the Penitentials, and Cadden's Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages, for example, are frequently cited as essential reading for students of medieval sexuality. The work of all three of these authors is, further, prominently featured in the Handbook of Medieval Sexuality.

8. On the relegation of sexuality to the private sphere, see Robert Padgug, "Sexual Matters," in Stein, Forms ~fDesire, pp. 41-67.

9. In addition to the difficulties discussed below, it should be noted that medieval scholars have also frequently objected to Foucault's characterization of the medieval period as an era of "unified" sexual discourse, against which the modern proliferation of multiple discourses appears all the more striking. This disagreement, however, does not strike me as a logical "problem" for medieval scholarship, since one can adopt Foucault's methods-and many of his arguments-without subscribing to that characterization. In fact, the oversimplification of the Middle Ages in his History of Sexuality has, in itself, galvanized work on medieval sexuality, as medievalists seek to correct this assertion and proffer evidence that demonstrates the diversity and complexity of medieval constructions of sex. The problems outlined below, in contrast, are more intransigent methodological obstacles.

10. Pierre Payer, "Confession and the Study of Sex in the Middle Ages," in Handbook ~fMedieval Sexuality, p. 14 [3-31].

11. Karma Lochrie, Introduction to Constructing Medieval Sexuality, p. ix. 12. This methodological and theoretical position of compromise (between the

need to think medieval sexuality in relation to modern experience and the need to reconstruct medieval experience in historically accurate terms) appears to be the one most commonly adopted by medieval scholars. One notable challenge to this mediating position, however, was voiced by Caroline Walker Bynum in her study of medieval women's religiOUS practice, Fragmentation and Redemption. There, Bynum argues that the bodily fixations of medieval devotional practice (both as they are imaged in art and writing and experienced somatically) would not have been recognized as "sexually" suggestive, but would have been interpreted in relation to other discourses, such as those about suffering and nourishment. She argues vigorously that critical precedent be given to medieval interpretations rather than to

116 NOTES

"unexamined modem attitudes" ... " mapp [ed] back onto medieval paintings" (p. 116). Challenging such contextually bound approaches (though not addressed to Bynum's work specifically) is Nancy Partner's "Did the Mystics Have Sex?" in Desire and Discipline, pp. 296-311. Partner argues that scholarship that relies only on what medieval authors wrote about somatized religious experience is a "paraphrase," rather than an "interpreta­tion," of that experience and its discursive management (p. 303). Championing the application of methods drawn from the juncture of psycho­analysis and anthropology, Partner asserts that such modern tools enable us to say what medieval mystical experience cannot voice about itself, identifYing "the fault lines in the medieval construction of ideal mental life" (p. 307). See also the discussions of psychoanalytic method in Madeline Caviness, Visualizing Women in the Middle Ages: Sight, Spectacle, and the Scopic Economy (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2001).

13. Dyan Elliott has recently noted the scarcity of scholarly attention to sexual fantasy in the medieval period. Her 1998 study, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1999), argues that research on the body, and especially that on the ideological linkage of women and the bodily, cannot afford to overlook the "corporeal imagination" as it was conceived by medieval authorities.

14. See Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, trans. Michael Holquist and Caryl Emerson (Austin: U of Texas P, 1981) and "Discourse in Dostoevsky," from his Problems of Dostoevsky'S Poetics, trans. Caryl Emerson (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1984), pp. 181-269.

15. Jacqueline Murray's, "The Absent Penitent: The Cure of Women's Souls and Confessors' Manuals in Thirteenth-century England," in Women, the Book, and the Godly, ed. Lesley Smith and Jane Taylor (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1995), pp. 13-25, is a step in this direction, attempting to reconstruct the varying relationships between female penitents and the moral discourse­especially concerning sexual matters-encapsulated in these sources.

16. See Margery Kempe, The Book of Margey Kempe, ed. Sanford Brown Meech, EETS O.s. 212 (London: Oxford UP, 1940).

17. My approach thus partakes of some of the methods outlined by reader response theorists such as Wolfgang Iser, although my larger agendas have more in common with the reception model of literary history proposed by Hans Jauss. Jauss's understanding of textual dialogism accounts for historical change in audiences and their expectations. See Iser, The Act ~f Reading: A Theory ~f Aesthetic Response (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1978) and Jauss, Towards an Aesthetic of Reception, trans. Timothy Bahti (Minneapolis, U of Minnesota P, 1982). I also engage in the practice of "symptomatic" reading when analyzing my texts' relations with their readers. This method follows the conviction that seemingly marginal elements of written works can hold important "clues" about their social context and ideological orientation. For a brilliant discussion of the history of this method in modern critical practice, see Carlo Ginzburg, Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1992), pp. xx-xx. Ginzburg

NOTES 117

rightly connects the modem version of the method to Freud's notion of the symptom and thus of the Unconscious. For a discussion of this approach in relation to medieval literature, see Paul Strohm, Theory and the Premodern Text (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2000), pp. 165-181 and xi-xvi.

18. Leclerq, Monks and Love, pp. 9-12. Originally published in 1979, Leclercq's argument about recruitment patterns and their implications continues to be cited in studies of Bernard's work and in work discussing the innovations of twelfth-century "affective" piety. See, for example, Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Disciplines and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1993), pp. 141-147; Carolyn Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley: U of California P, 1982), pp. 7, 142, 157; Astell, The Song of Songs, p. 9; and Beckwith, Christ's Body, pp. 50-51. In her review of Monks and Love (for Speculum 55 [1980], pp. 595-597), Bynum criticizes some of the "psycho-historical" claims of Leclercq's later essays, but finds the argument about a new monastic audience "for the most part convincing" (p. 595) and Leclercq's relation of this audience to Bernardine imagery, "a fine insight" (p. 596).

19. The term "reliteralizes" is Astell's, from The Song of Songs, p. 17. 20. The Latin text is taken from Sancti Bemardi Opera, Vol. I, Sermones super

Cantica Canticorum, ed. Jean Leclercq et al. (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1957), p. 5. The English translation is from Bemard of Clairvaux, Selected Works, trans. G.R. Evans, (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), p. 212.

21. Asad, GerIealogies of Religion, p. 135. See also Asad's "Remarks on the Anthropology of the Body," in Religion and the Body, ed. Sarah Coakley (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997) for a theory of the body as a "self-developable" (p. 47) medium, an approach that underlies his discussion of monastic sexuality in Genealogies.

22. See Asad, Genealogies of Religion, pp. 142-145. 23. An economic and lucid summary of affective theology can be found in Astell's

Song of Songs, pp. 4-15. For discussion of Be mar d's theology in particular see Gilson, The Mystical Theology of Saint Bernard; Leclercq, Monks and Love; Leclercq's Introduction to Evans's Bernard of Clairvaux; and Kristeva, Tales if Love, pp. 151-169, who approaches it from a psychoanalytic perspective.

24. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 192. For the Latin text, see Sancti Bernardi Opera, Vol. III, Tractatus et Opuscula, ed. Jean Leclercq and H.M. Rochais (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963).

25. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, pp. 192-193. 26. Asad, Genealogies of Religion, p. 142. 27. Evans, Bemard of Clairvaux, p. 210. 28. The term "ritual dialogue" is not, I believe, intended to imply the verbal

participation of Bernard's audience in the Sermones. Rather, it suggests that the imaginative, emotional, and physical (even if nonverbal) response of the sermons' auditors is anticipated and subsequently channeled into precise actions. By their ritual repetition, these actions (for example, the contem­plation of particular questions, such as "Who is speaking' ... But why

118 NOTES

Bride?" can then be expected, and to some extent, initiated by the monks themselves, should they be willing.

29. Asad, Genealogies of Religion, p. 144. 30. See Janet Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain: 100()-1300

(Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), pp.lOl-106, and Sally Thompson, Women Religious: The Founding of English NUn/wries after the Norman Conquest (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), pp. 94-112, on Cistercian detachment from women's piety.

31. Paul Saenger, "Silent Reading: Its Impact on Late Medieval Script and Society" Viator 13 (1982), pp. 399-401 [367-414].

32. As Homi Bhabha argues in The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994), "tradition" itself is an understanding that must be reproduced rather than passively received, and its very "restaging" always "introduces other, incommensurable cultural temporalities into [its] invention" (p. 2).

33. This assessment is reiterated even in David Lampe's article, "Sex Roles and the Role of Sex in Medieval English Literature," in the recently published Handbook of Medieval Sexuality, a volume intended to encourage scholarship on sexuality.

34. One of tlie most important critics of English anchoritic texts, Elizabeth Robertson, argues that they limit and narrow the affective discourses they inherit, reproducing them from the vantage point of a "quotidian psycho­logical realism" that reflects a view of anchoritic readers as "more restricted and less informed" tlian monastic ones. See her Early English Devotional Prose and the Female Audience (Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 1990), pp. 3, 11.

35. Joyce Coleman argues that any reconstruction of reading must be guided as much as possible by the particular text in question, since generalizing histories of reading often fail to account for the diversity of reading practices at any one historical moment. "We should work outwards from given texts and literary environments to develop culture---specific descriptive systems," she writes. See her Public Reading and the Reading Public in Late Medieval England and France (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996), p. xii. This is the approach I adopt here, basing my reconstructions first on information from the texts themselves (which are, fortunately, fairly rich in this way), second on a knowledge of reading habits specific to their precise context (institutional, gendered, marked by class, etc.), and last on histories ofreading, which can still help to reveal the status of reading practices as normative, marginal, or practically unknown for a particular period.

36. The quoted phrases are from Andrew Talyor, "Into His Secret Chamber: Reading and Privacy in Late Medieval England," in The Practice and Representation if Reading in England, ed. James Raven et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996), p. 42.

1 Before Affection: Christ I and the Social Erotic

1. The most obvious and influential example is Matthew Lewis's 1796 sensa­tionalist novel, The Monk (New York: Grove Press, 1993). The Gothic

NOTES 119

association of monasticism with sexual perversion and predation was popu­lar enough to influence Jane Austen's choice of title for her parody of Gothic formulae, Northanger Abbey, though there the "Abbey" is an ancestral home (New York: Penguin, 2003).

2. On Anglo-Saxon monasticism, see David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1963). For more regionally specific work appropriate to the provenance of Christ I, see Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages (London: Leicester UP, 1995), pp. 192-240, and especially Patrick Conner, Anglo-Saxon Exeter: A Tenth-Century Cultural History (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1993). On the textual archive of Anglo-Saxon monasticism, see Martin Irvine, The Making of Textual Culture: "Grammatica" and Literary Theory, 350-1100 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994) and, though it focuses on the earlier Anglo-Saxon period, Patrick Sirns-Williams's Religion and Literature in Western England, 600-800 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990). A compilation of primary sources can be found at the Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture (SASLC) website: http://www.wmich.edu/medievallresearch/saslc/volone (in progress). I do not intend to suggest here that the products of monastic cul­ture remained solely within the domain of the monastery in Anglo-Saxon England. Clare Lees makes a powerful case for the monastic turn toward preaching to lay audiences in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, especially under the influence of .tElfric, Abbot of Eynsham. See her Tradition and Belief: Religious Writing in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1999).

3. Frantzen, Before the Closet, pp. 3-5, 12-13, 11-230. 4. Clare Lees has discussed the "sacred sensualiry" constructed by the poem's

representations, suggesting that these elements bear continuities with female saint's lives in }Elfric's prose Lives of Saints. See her "Sex, Bodies, and Spirituality in Anglo-Saxon Culture, "Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 27:1 (1997), pp. 17-45.

5. On the" eventfulness" of Anglo-Saxon texts, see Allen Frantzen, Desire for Origins (New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1990), pp. 122-129.

6. Hugh Magennis's article, "No Sex Please, We're Anglo-Saxons ... ," Leeds Studies in English New Series 41:161 (1995), pp. 1-27, lists a number of studies that discuss Anglo-Saxon "reticence" about sexual subjects. Notable among these are: Michael Swanton, "The Wife's Lament and The Husband's Message: A Reconsideration," Anglia 82 (1964), pp. 269-290; Stephen Morrison, "The Figure of Christus Sponsus in Old English Prose" in Liebe­Ehe-Ehebruch in der Literatur des Mittelalters, ed. X. von Ertzdorff (Giessen: Schmitz, 1984), pp. 5-15; and, with a somewhat different, lexical approach, Paul Beekman Taylor, "The Old English Poetic Vocabulary of Beauty," in New Readings on Women in Old_English Literature, ed. Helen Damico (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1990), pp. 211-221. Magennis's own survey of the literature finds, in Old English translations of Latin works, a diminish­ing of sexual representation and a "de-emphasizing of sexual themes" (7), and, in secular heroic poetry, a modesty and/or disinterest concerning

120 NOTES

sexual content. The obvious exceptions to this evident lack of sexual content in Old English literature are those riddles from the Exeter Book that depict sexual acts or play on sexual expectations. As John Tanke argues, however, it is misleading to consider the riddles as our only "literal" or "explicit" rep­resentations of sex in Old English poetry, since this position assumes an uncomplicated mimeticism, which, of all texts, one could scarcely expect of socially coded riddles. See his "Wonfeax Wale: Ideology and Figuration in the Sexual Riddles of the Exeter Book," in Class and Gender in Early English Literature, ed. Gillian Overing (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1994), pp. 21-42.

7. An exception here is Lees, "Sex, Bodies, and Spirituality," which, while concurring that Old English representations of sexuality are "restrained" (18) and "ambivalent" (39), nonetheless uncovers a wealth of information about the textual construction of sexual desire and "the cultural significance of sex" (18) in the Old English corpus. See also, Kathleen Davis, "The Sexual Politics of Translating 'Desire in the Desert' in the Tenth Century," Studies in the Humanities 22 (1995), pp. 86-99, which discusses the scripting of male sexuality, via the translation of the Vitae Patrum, in the wake of the Benedictine Reform. Though the result of this translation, a cautionary exemplum that Davis dubs "Desire in the Desert," warns against sexual temptation, Davis views the work as emphatically producing a new discourse about sexuality, wherein sexual desire is "translated" as woman.

8. See Hugh's Didascaliwn (On the Study of Reading), Book V, especially chapters 2,6,7, and 9 (PL 176, 789-798). For an English translation and commentary, see Jerome Taylor, Didascalicon (New York: Columbia UP, 1961). Tropology, for Hugh, as for previous Christian theologians who theorized the practice of reading, is principally a feature of scriptural texts and their reading. I am adapting the concept here as a way of thinking about reading practices in general, and medieval reading in particular. Hugh's concept of tropology is indebted to Gregory the Great's Moralium /ibri, Epistula missoria iii (PL 75, 513C), Jerome's Epistola' ep. cxx.xii (PL 22, 1005), and Bede's De tabernaculo et vas is eius Lvi (PL 91, 41OB-D). On Hugh's influences, see Taylor, Didascaliwn, p. 219.

9. As one of the senses of scripture, that is, one of its "three ways of conveying meaning-namely history, allegory, and tropology" (Taylor, Didascaliwn, p. 120; PL 176, 789), tropology is not strictly a hermeneutic or exegetical method, but also a rhetoric-one of the distinctive properties of scriptural texts. Ann Astell captures the textually determined nature of tropology in Hugh's theorization when she writes that, for him, tropologia is "the reader's response to the rhetorical appeal of the text, rightly understood" (The Song of Songs, p. 21, my italics). As rhetoric, however, it must be actuated via the "four steps" of reading outlined by Hugh, "study, meditation, prayer and performance" (lectio sive doctrina, meditatio, oratio, operatio) (Taylor, Didascaliwn, p. 132; PL 176, 797). The "moral" or exhortative dimension of literature, tropology is only fully realized with the final step of reading (the performative). Thus, Astell can write that tropology is "the meeting point oflife and letter" (The Song of Songs, p. 21). It is the ability of the concept

NOTES 121

of tropology to encompass both textual features and readerly response, both rhetoric and performative reading, that I find especially helpful for thinking about the location of eroticism in Old English texts, since eroticism, like tropology, is a fundamentally efficacious aspect of texts.

10. I follow Joyce Coleman's use of the term "aural" as describing "literature experienced through public reading," where "public" means "social, shared reading-reading aloud to one or more people, not just to oneself. See her Public Reading, pp. 35-37.

11. Carlo Ginzburg, "Titian, Ovid, and Sixteenth-Century Codes for Erotic Illustration," in Ginzburg, Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, pp. 77-78.

12. Judith Butler, "Gender Trouble, Feminist Theory and Psychoanalytic Discourse," in Feminism/ Postmodernism, ed. Linda J. Nicholson (New York: Routledge, 1990), p. 333.

13. Although Butler's work allows for an economical mention of this point, a much more extensive discussion (one of certain interest to medievalists) is Charles Taylor's history of psychic interiority in his Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1989). Unlike Butler, Taylor is not concerned with the ontological plausibility of inner subjective space, but with the history of its articulation in the West by philosophers and theologians. Taylor's approach is to discuss milestones in this discourse, such as Augustine's formulation of "in interiore homine" in De trinitate. But he does not offer criteria for measuring the extent, force, or speed of the cultural impact made by these major works. In England, the discourse of interiority is clearly evident by the mid-twelfth century, with Aelred of Rievaulx's distinction of the "Inner Man" and the "Outer Man" in his De institutione inclusarum.

14. Daniel Boyarin, "Placing Reading: Ancient Israel and Medieval Europe," in The Ethnography of Reading, ed. Jonathan Boyarin (Berkeley: U of California P, 1993), p. 10 [10-37].

15. Writing oflate medieval architectural developments that supported "private" practices of reading, Andrew Taylor notes, "The chamber, a realm of private solace in which dreaming and reading intermingle, is both a symbol and a material condition of a certain kind of leisure reading we now take very much for granted" ("Into His Secret Chamber, p. 42). Taylor also, however, points out the deceptiveness of this image for comprehending medieval reading: despite its imaging of individual privacy, "the chamber rarely offered perfect solitude" in the Middle Ages, chamber reading, often as not, being conducted by a "select and intimate group .. .listening as one member read aloud" (43).

16. This is not to suggest that the relationship between architecture and other spatial practices is one of simple determinsim, that is, that architectural developments such as the private bedroom necessitated either private reading or the conception of an "interior" self. It is, rather, that such developments provided an environment in which these related practices could happen. As both Foucualt and De Certeau have argued, spatial discourses are dependent not only on architecture, but, equally, on the practices that adhere to it. See

122 NOTES

Michel Foucualt, "Space, Knowledge and Power," in The Foucualt Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: Pantheon, 1984), pp. 239-256; and Michel de Certeau, The Practice if Everyday Life (Berkeley: U of California P, 1984), especially pp. 91-110.

17. Even the claim that Old English literature represents "individuals" is probably anachronistic. As Tanke notes of the Anglo-Saxon textual community, "it is by no means clear that [it] had any great interest in what we call 'individ­uals.' " Rather, subjective categorization, at least as seen in the Exeter Book riddles, focuses on the "symbolic differences" between "men and women, nobles and slaves, English and Welsh" CWonfeax Wale," p. 22).

18. William Johnson argues for a pervasive homology, or "real equivalence," between hall and body in Old English literature, which does suggest that representations of the hall's inner space map an interior for the human body. See his" The Ruin as Body-City Riddle" Philological Quarterly 59:4 (1980), pp. 397-411. He does not, however, address the issue of psychic interiority, and his examples (which as often image the body as a sum of components as they do a container of space) do not articulate a concern with an exclusive, individual self at the body's interior.

19. Should this argument need further bolstering, we can also note the lack of conventions designating internal monologue in Old English literature.

20. This assumption, which is rooted in the idea that erotic behavior is subversive and, therefore, must be hidden from public view, grounds Paul Saenger's discussion of the historical reemergence of erotic reading in the fifteenth century in his article, "Silent Reading," pp. 357-414, especially pp. 412-413. Andrew Taylor also shares this view in his article, "Into His Secret Chamber" (p. 43).

21. Saenger, "Silent Reading," p. 378. This does not necessarily mean that Anglo-Saxon reading was predominantly" oral," meaning that Anglo-Saxon "readers" were always listeners who heard "texts" as they were recited from memory. Although literary portraits of scops suggest that oral-memorial performance was one method of textual transmission and, as O'Keeffe and Foley have both argued, Anglo-Saxon audiences, even when reading a written text, probably employed some interpretive techniques forged from a tradition of oral-memorial reading, the written texts of the period clearly suggest that their reading could be only partially "oral." See Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe, Visible Song: Transitional Literacy in Old English Verse (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990) and John Miles Foley, "Texts that Speak to Readers Who Hear: Old English Poetry and the Languages of Oral Tradition," in Speaking Two Languages, ed. Allen Frantzen (Albany: State U of New York P, 1991), pp. 141-156. As Coleman has further argued, the mere presence of a written text, even in a reading event where one speaker recited its content to an audience oflisteners (as was customary for Anglo-Saxon reading), would tend to foster different interpretive dynamics than those that scholars have recorded for purely oral transmission (Public Reading, p. 28). Focusing on an "ethnographic" (2) approach to medieval reading-one that surveys descriptions of reading events and not

NOTES 123

stylistic traits supposedly resulting from oral or literate processes-Coleman has recently proposed the term "aural" for the vocal, shared reading of written texts. Since I am here concerned with the environment for textual recep­tion and not the presence of "oral residue" or "literate qualities" in Old English texts, I follow Coleman's approach, which is similar to that of Howe (cited below).

22. Nicholas Howe, "The Cultural Construction of Reading in Anglo-Saxon England," in Boyarin, The Ethnography of Reading, pp. 71, 60-62.

23. The imagery and mood of Christ I are, in fact, quite distinct from the other two "Christ" poems that follow it in the Exeter Book, Christ II (also known as Ascension, and attributed to Cynewulf) and Christ II (or Judgment Day). I do not, however, dispute Roy Liuzza's claim (in "The Old English Christ and Guthlac: Texts, Manuscripts and Critics," Review of English Studies New Series 41:161 [1990], pp. 1-11) that there are thematic resonances between all three Christ poems or that these poems were probably placed together by a scribe or collator who saw them as forming a cycle (5).

24. The structure of Christ I has been the subject of some debate, primarily because manuscript divisions into fitte, though aligned with the beginnings of some of the "lyrics," occur only at the incipits of Lyrics IV, VII, IX, and XI. This is obviously less frequent than the lyrical divisions followed by most editors, which are based on distinctions between antiphons. Further, there has been considerable disagreement about the unity of the poem, and it should be noted that the beginning of the text (indeed, the beginning of the entire Exeter Book) is missing. Susan Rankin has proposed that the missing section would most likely have contained expansions of the remaining "Great 0" antiphons; see her "The Liturgical Background of the Old English Advent Lyrics: A Reappraisal," in Literature and Learning in Anglo­Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1985), pp. 317-340. An overview of these debates can be found in Robert Budin, The Old English Advent: A Typological Commentary. (New Haven: Yale UP, 1968), pp. 38-50, and more recently, in Mary Clayton, The Cult of the Virgin in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990), pp. 181-182, and in Liuzza, "The Old English Christ Poems." Here I discuss as Christ I the first 439 lines of the Exeter Book, and follow Budin's divisions of the text for convenience. Consideration of the poem's structural arrange­ment is not particularly important to my argument, as I am primarily here concerned with imagery and its social meanings.

25. Dom Edward Burgert, in his monograph, The Dependence of Part I of Cynewulfs Christ upon the Antiphonary (Washington: Catholic U of America, 1921), was the first scholar to document Christ fs liturgical sources. For more recent discussion see Rankin, "The Liturgical Background," and also Hill, "A Liturgical Source for Christ I, 164-213 (Advent Lyric VII)," Medium JEvum 46 (1977), pp. 12-15. On Anglo-Saxon practice in general, see M. Bradford Beddingfield, The Dramatic Liturgy of Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2002); David Dumville, Liturgy and the Ecclesiatical History of Late Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge: Boydell,

124 NOTES

1992); and Christopher Jones, "The Book of the Liturgy in Anglo-Saxon England," Speculum 73.3 (1998), pp. 659-702. An explanation of the textual sources related to Anglo-Saxon liturgical services can be found in Richard Pfaff, The Liturgical Books oj Anglo-Saxon England, Old English Newsletter Subsidia 23 (1995), and Helmut Gneuss, "Liturgical Books in Anglo-Saxon England and Their Old English Terminology," in Lapidge, Literature and Leaming, pp. 91-142. For discussion of the liturgy's importance in monastic life in particular, see Milton Gatch, "The Office in Late Anglo-Saxon Monasticism," in Lapidge, Literature and Leaming, pp. 341-362.

26. Burlin, Old English Advent, p. 177. See Rankin, "The Liturgical Background," p. 334, on the lack of equivalent liturgical texts.

27. Rankin, "The Liturgical Background," pp. 334-336. 28. See Clayton, The Cult oj the Virgin, pp. 203-206, for an overview of the

debate surrounding the dating of Christ I. More recently, Patrick Conner's Anglo-Saxon Exeter has argued for Christ fs association with the Benedictine reform. Conner, who divides the Exeter Book into three paleographicly distinct booklets, claims that Christ 1 was one of the last poems to be copied and that the poems in its booklet reflect the "cultural myopia of the Reform" (150) and a narrowing of subject matter to monastic concerns. See also Bernard Muir's introduction to The Exeter Anthology of Old English Poetry (Exeter: U of Exeter P, 1994), pp. 1-44, on the production of the Exeter Book.

29. Barbara Raw, The Art and Background oj Old English Poetry (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), p. 39. Clayton, The Cult oj the Virgin, p. 181. Clayton cites the poem's allusive complexity as evidence that it was intended for a learned audience. This argument for a restricted audience, however, does not take into consideration that the poem may have been designed to be intelligible (in different ways) to a variety of listeners. A layperson might have had difficulty following the poem's typological patterns or doctrinal refinements, but one needn't be able to decode these exactly in order to extract some meaning from Christ I. Alternatively, we might see the typology of the lyrics as indicative of a particular approach toward the liturgy, rather than a par­ticular audience. Christopher Jones has argued that the late Anglo-Saxon period witnessed a change of attitude in which the liturgy was increasingly regarded as a "text" that required the same kind of exegetical COITlmentary as Scripture. He cites )Elfric's translation of a Latin pastoral letter-containing comments on the Palm Sunday liturgy and an exhortation to teach the liturgy's "significance" (what it may "getacnian," or betoken), whether in Latin or Old English-as suggestive of a need for "allegorical" exposition of the liturgy. In this and other evidence, Jones finds support for the claim that monastic practices of reading (Jectio divina) were influencing the use of texts in not only the "cloister" but also the "choir" ("The Book of the Liturgy"). Christ I-liturgy and allegory, and exegesis all in one, and all in the vernacular-would respond particularly well to this desire to expand upon the liturgy's significance.

NOTES 125

30. Gatch, "The Office," p. 351. Dumville shares this view (Liturgy and the Ecclesiatical History, pp. 127-128). Speaking of the script of the Exeter Book, Flower notes that it "achieves a liturgical, almost monumental effect" (quoted from Muir, The Exeter Anthology, p. 29). The form and paleographic characteristics of the codex do not seem to indicate private reading, but, one must concede, neither does this evidence rule out private reading as a possibility.

31. I, in fact, assume a liturgically inflected reading context for Christ I in my subsequent argument. That is, I view the reading of the poem as communal, ceremonial, and seasonally related.

32. Mary Carruthers, in her discussion of the term "ductus" at the Thirty-Second International Congress of Medieval Studies (Kalamazoo, 1997), noted that its metaphor, for medieval writers, resonated with the experience of moving through architectural spaces-particularly church naves-in the process of reading/reciting a text. In medieval devotional reading in particular, the movement of progressing around a space coincides with the "movement" of a reader through a text, thus the latter would have connoted-and often promoted-the former. See her The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990), pp. 71-79, for discussion of what she calls "the architectural mnemonic." I discuss the role of somatic memory in reading at length in chapter 4.

33. Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1991), p. 86.

34. The phrase, "formalized speech and behavior," is Asad's from his Genealogies of Religion, p. 134.

35. Asad, Genealogies if Religion, p. 138. 36. Both the Old English and the Modern English translation are taken from

Budin's edition of the poem, The Old English Advent (here, 11. 7-8) 37. Budin, The Old English Advent, p. 59; Budin notes that the passage is

strongly reminiscent of Ephesians 2:19-22. 38. Budin, The Old English Advent, 11. 15, 14, 12. 39. Budin, The Old English Advent, p. 65. 40. Johnson, "The Ruin as Body," p. 398. 41. Budin, The Old English Advent, 1. 32. 42. Stanley Greenfield has argued that Christ I voices a "spiritual exile" compara­

ble to the social exile expressed in the elegies; see his "The Theme of Spiritual Exile in Christ I," Philological Quarterl}' 32 (1953), pp. 321-328. Images of binding are also employed in Old English poetry to represent fallenness, as in Genesis B, where Satan laments his binding by "iron bands" (1. 371) in "this narrow place" \pIXS IXnga styde) (1. 356) (my translation, from A.N. Doane's edition, The Saxon Genesis: An Edition of the West Saxon Genesis B and the Old Saxon Vatican Genesis [Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1991]). There is a remark­able image of Satan bound by knots among the illustrations accompanying the text of Genesis Bin MS Junius 11. For a facsimile, see Israel Gollancz, ed., The

126 NOTES

Ccpdmon Manuscript of Anglo-Saxon Biblical Poetry, Junius XI in the Bodleian Library (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1927) p. 20.

43. Clayton, The Cult of the Virgin, p. 189. 44. Clayton, The Cult of the Virgin, p. 203. Judith Garde also discusses Christ fs

"underlying Mariology" in her account of the poem's doctrinal dimensions; see her Old English Poetry in Medieval Christian Perspective: A Doctrinal Approach (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1991), p. 63. On Marian devotion and imagery in general, see further Marina Warner, Alone if All Her Sex: The Myth and Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York: Vintage, 1983), and the "Prelude" to Caviness, Visualizing Women in the Middle Ages. Caviness, building upon Warner's argument that the idealization of Mary sets impossible standards for women, argues that images akin to those in Christ I may be considered "gynephobic" in that they "deny women's corporeal reality" (8), displacing it with fetishes that indicate a lack of normal bodily boundaries.

45. Budin, The Old English Advent, 11.337-341. 46. This absense oflactans imagery from Anglo-Saxon England is consistent with

what Christine Fell notes as a general scarcity of Anglo-Saxon representations (textual or visual) of "women in the maternal role"; see her Women in Anglo-Saxon Englal1d (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), p. 78. However, Mary Dockray Miller has recently argued to the contrary; see her Motherhood and Mothering in Anglo-Saxol1 England (New York: St. Martin's, 2(00).

47. Budin, The Old English Advent, II. 74-79, 84-86. 48. Budin, The Old English Advel1t, 11. 93-95. 49. Budin, The Old El1glish Advel1t, 11.206,251. 50. The image of the closed gates is mistakenly attributed to Isaiah in the poem.

Clayton notes that "the closed gates as a figure for Mary's conception are, of course, a commonplace" and cites Pseudo-Augustine Sermo CXCV as a close Latin analogue to this passage. See also Joyce Hill, "A Sequence of Associations in the Composition of Christ 275-347," Review if English Studies 27 (1976), pp. 296-299, and Budin, The Old English Advent, pp. 134-135,146-149, on the complex typology of this image.

51. Burlin, The Old English Advent, II. 307-310. 52. Budin, The Old English Advel1t, II. 332-336. 53. Burlin, The Old English Advel1t, II. 39-41. 54. Conner has argued that the manuscript "group" of poems of which Christ I

is a part is characterized by a less receptive attitude toward the" older subjects" of Old English literature: "the fictions of the hall, the Germanic backgrounds of the Anglo-Saxons, or repeated references to poets and the power of poetry" (Anglo-Saxol1 Exeter, p. 164). Conner attributes this to a narrowing of poetic subject matter occasioned by the Benedictine reform. As I have argued, however, at least one traditional figure, that of the Hall, retains a central importance in Christ 1.

55. Budin, The Old English Advent, II. 421-422. 56. See Garde, Old English Poetry, pp. 59-63, on the eschatological dimensions

of the poem. 57. Budin, The Old English Advent, p. 137.

NOTES 127

58. Budin, The Old English Advent, ll. 54-63. 59. Budin, The Old English Advent, pp. 83-87. 60. See Budin, The Old English Advent, p. 87, on the image-complex of

Mary /Temple/Jerusalem. 61. Budin, The Old English Advent, ll. 204-205. 62. That Christ I would have almost certainly been reread on a regular basis at a

seasonally appropriate time is a point overlooked by Clayton in her suggestion that the poem may have been intended for private reading. Clayton argues that the poem's allusive nature would be lost in the context of public, spoken devotion (The Cult of the Virgin, p. 181). Yet even a lay audience, after hearing the poem repeated on several occasions would have at least been able to follow its more obvious symbolic operations.

63. Lees, "Sex, Bodies, and Spirituality," p. 15. 64. Burlin, The Old English Adverlt, 1. 46. 65. Budin, The Old English Advent, 11. 26-27, 42, 44. 66. Budin, The Old English Advent, 1. 45. 67. Roland Barthes, The Pleasure of the Text, trans. Richard Miller (New York:

Noonday, 1975), p. 17. 68. See Caviness's "Prelude" to Visualizing Women for a discussion of the

objectification of Mary's body in medieval visual culture. I would not disagree with her argument that imagery like that in Christ I is to an extent "gynephobic." But my aim here is to point out that our contemporary notions of visualizing subject and visual object are dependent on represen­tations of spatial distance that Christ I, in its dramatic performance, greatly complicates. For a critique of the unstated spatial assumptions of contemporary visual theory, see Victor Burgin, In/Different Spaces: Place and Memory in Visual Culture (Berkeley: U of California P, 1996).

69. Frantzen, Bifore the Closet, p. 5. 70. Lees, "Sex, Bodies, and Spirituality," p. 18.

2 Dirty Words: Ancrene Wisse and the Sexual Interior

1. Lochrie, Covert Operations, pp. 93-134. See also William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1994). Lochrie's discussion begins with Roger Bacon's thirteenth-century edition of the Pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum Secretorum (for which see Bacon, Opus Majus, Vol. I, trans. Robert Burke [N ew York: Russell and Russell, 1962]). The Secretum was a translation of a tenth-century Arabic text, Kitilb Sirr al-Asrilr, and Lochrie locates the beginning of the Western "secrets" tradition as part of the twelfth-century translation of Arabic texts (especially those claiming to be translations of Greek or Syriac works) into Latin. Though this obviously postdates the Anglo-Saxon period, it is interesting to consider that the Secretum, which takes the form of an epistolary dialogue between Aristotle and Alexander, "gained credibility, legitimacy, and authority" from an association with Anglo-Saxon uses of the Aristotle to Alexander epistolary fiction, such as

128 NOTES

the Old English prose version found in the Beowulf codex (for which see Stanley Rypins, ed., Three Old English Prose Texts, EETS, e.s. 161 (London: Oxford UP, 1924).

2. Lochrie, Covert Operations, p. 96. She is here expanding upon a remark made by Michel de Certeau in The Mystic Fable, Vol. I, trans. Michael Smith (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1992), p. 98.

3. Lochrie argues that gender difference is established by the "distinction between being and having the secret" (Covert Operations, p. 9).

4. See Stephanie Hollis, Anglo-Saxon Women and the Church: Sharing a Common Fate (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1992); Clare Lees and Gillian Overing, Double Agents: Women and Clerical Culture in Anglo-Saxon England (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2001); Bruce Venarde, Women's Monasticism and Medieval Society: Nunneries in France and England, 890-1215 (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1997); Julia Crick, "The Wealth, Patronage, and Connections of Women's Houses in Late Anglo-Saxon England," Revue Benedictine 109:1-2 (1999), pp. 154-185; and Roger Schoenbechler, "Anglo-Saxon Monastic Women," Magistra 1.1 (1995), pp. 139-171. On double monasteries, the most thorough study continues to be Mary Bateson's "Origin and Early History of Double Monasteries," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 13 (1899), pp. 137-198.

5. Discussed in chapter 1 and notes. 6. See Lees, TraditiOll and Belie[for a survey and discussion of scholarship on Old

English religious writing; homiletic and hagiographic traditions in particular. 7. We might consider Christina of Markyate's Vita as an indicator of

twelfth-century interest in lay piety. Of all texts from the Norman/ Angevin period, the spiritual biography of Christina, written by an anonymous monk of St. Albans, would seem the most appealing to lay audiences interested in religious vocation. Christina is herself a laywoman who pursues an unortho­dox spiritual career of her own determination. Yet the Vita is written in Latin, with the apparent purpose of promoting St. Albans rather than directing laywomen to follow Christina's example. This does not rule out a readership oflaypersons educated in Latin (I discuss lay Latinity in chapter 4), but neither does it suggest that the work was written for the laity. For an edition and translation of the text, see The Life of Christina of Markyate: A Twelfth­Century Recluse, ed. and trans. C.H. Talbot (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2001). On Anglo-Norman spiritual biography and hagiography, see Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, Saints' Lives and ~Vomen's Lite/my Culture C. 1150-1300: Virginity and Its Authorizations (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2001), esp. pp. 223-245. See also her article, "Saints' Lives and the Female Reader" Forumfor iWodem Language Studies 27 (1991): 314-332, for a discussion of Christina's Vita and its audiences.

8. On eleventh and twelfth-century monastic reform see: M. Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1997); Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Tweljih Century (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996); Constance Berman, The Cistercian Evolution: The

NOTES 129

Invention if a Religious Order in Twelfth-Century Europe (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2000); and Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders.

9. The most thorough study of English anchoritism is Ann Warren's Anchorites and Their Patrons in Medieval England (Berkeley: U of California P, 1985), which includes charts of the number, sex, and placement of anchorites (20, 38) and discussion of class background (25-26). See also Rotha Mary Clay's pioneering study, The Hermits and Anchorites of England (London: Methuen, 1914). Anchoritism did exist before the twelfth century, as we see in the case of the anchoress Eve, for whom the monk Goscelin wrote his Liher con­fortatorious, ca. 1080. But the anchoritic movement gained much initial momentum from the asceticist reforms associated with twelfth-century monastic foundations. See Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, for discussion of the "primitivist aspirations" of new monastic orders in the twelfth century. Of importance here is Burton's assertion that "From the early twelfth century we can detect a trend towards what we may call the institutional­ization of hermitages" (90). See also Henrietta Leyser, Hermits and the New Monasticism: A Study of Religious Communities in Western Europe, 1000-1150 (New York: Palgrave, 1984).

10. Letters of instruction for male anchorites include the anonymous "Lambeth," and "Dublin" rules and "Walter's Rule," all written in the thirteenth century. For the text of Walter's Rule, see Oliger Livario, ed., "Regula reclusorum Angliae et quaetiones tres de vita solitaria, saec. XII-XIV," Antoniarum 9 (1934), pp. 37-84, 243-265. For that of the Dublin Rule, see Livario, ed., "Regulae tres reclusorum et eremitarum Angliae, saec. XIII-XIV," Antoniarum 3 (1928), pp. 151-190,299-320.

11. See Robertson, Early English Devotional Prose, p. 2. Robertson argues that the texts' systematic attempt to meet the needs of an audience that was newly lay, female, and partially literate, was the beginning of a widespread reorientation of Midclle English literature toward lay audiences uneducated in Latin. Robertson's work builds upon the earlier arguments of R.W. Chambers in his On the Continuity of English Prose from Alfred to More and His School, EETS O.s. 191A (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1957 ). See also Robertson's more recent essay, "This Living Hand': Thirteenth-Century Female Literacy, Materialist Immanence, and the Reader of the Ancrene Wisse," Speculum 78.1 (2003), pp. 1-36, and Bella Millet, "Women in No Man's Land: English Recluses and the Development of Vernacular Literature in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries," in Women and Literature ill Britain, 1150-1500, ed. Carol Meale (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996), pp. 86-103. On thirteenth-century literacy, see M. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066-1307, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), and M. Parkes, "The Literacy of the Laity," in Literature and Western Civilization: The Medieval World, ed. David Daiches and Anthony Thorlby (London: Aldus Books, 1973), pp. 555-577.

12. The linguistic grouping was originally made by].R.R. Tolkien, "Ancrene Wissc and Hali Meiohad," Essays and Studies 14 (1929), pp. 104-126. Anne

130 NOTES

Savage and Nicholas Watson summarize the linguistic study of the AB texts: "it is clear from the dialect of English in which they are written that they were originally copied within a few miles of one another, somewhere in the English West Midlands not far from the Welsh border" (Anchoritic Spirituality: Ancrene Wisse and Associated Works [New York: Paulist Press, 1991) p. 7).

13. Scholarship on the AB texts has been abundant since Robertson's influential book, Early English Devotional Prose. See, for example, Savage and Watson's translation of the MS Cotton Titus D .xviii, Anchoritic Spirituality; the intro­ductory material to Medieval English Prose for Women from the Katherine Group and Ancrene Wisse, ed. and trans. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne and Bella Millet (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990); Neil Cartlidge, Medieval Marriage: Literary Approaches, 1100-1300 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1997); Sarah Salih, Versions of Virginity in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2001); and Julie Hassel, Choosing Not to Marry: Women and Autonomy in the Katherine Group (New York: Roudedge, 2002). For an annotated bibliography of scholarship before 1995, see Bella Millet et al., Ancrene Wisse, the Katherine Group, and the Wooing Group (Woodbridge: D.S. Brewer, 1996).

14. The author of the Wisse remains unknown. Dobson proposed that the author was an Augustinian canon, probably a Victorine from Wigmore Abbey in northern Herefordshire. But his argument has been questioned by Millet, who acknowledges the Augustinian influences behind the Wisse but favors Dominican over Victorine authorship. See E.J. Dobson, The Origins of Ancrene Wisse (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976) and Bella Millet, "The Origins of Ancrene Wisse: New Answers, New Questions," Medium Aevum 61:2 (1992), pp. 206-228. The Wisse's deep concern with religious instruction and its effects accords with the spirituality of both canons and mendicants. The former group, like the latter, conceived of teaching as one of their primary spiritual duties, and this, as Caroline Walker Bynum argues, distinguished them to some degree from monks. See her jesus as Mother, p. 36. The three sisters are mentioned in BL, Cotton Nero A.xiv.

15. The Wisse, known also as the Ancrene Riwle, survives in seventeen manuscripts. For a manuscript history, see Roger Dahood, "Ancrene Wisse, the Katherine Group, and the Wounge Group," in Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, ed. A.S.G. Edwards (New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1984) pp. 1-5 [19-33), and Bella Millet et al., Ancrene Wisse, the Katherine Group, and the Wooing Group, pp. 49-60. The original text is thought to be BL, Cotton Cleopatra C.vi, although BL, Cotton Nero A.xiv, a thirteenth-century copy, is the only manuscript that makes men­tion of the three sisters for whom the Wisse was originally intended. MS Corpus Christi College Cambridge 402 is generally taken as a definitive version of the Wisse, and is thought to be the author's revision of the earlier version. For a sense of how the Wisse (or Riwle) itself was appropriated by other groups of readers, including Lollards in the late fourteenth century, see Vincent Gillespie, "Vernacular Books of Religion," in Book Publishing and Production in Britain, 1375-1475, ed.Jeremy Griffiths and Derek Pearsall (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989).

NOTES 131

16. By offering a reading of the Wisse as conflicted, I do not mean to characterize these conflicts as aesthetic, or even ideological, failures. There is certainly enough criticism attesting to the Wisse's status as both a finely crafted work of literature and a devotional milestone. See, for example, Linda Georgianna, The Solitary Self: Individuality in the Ancrene Wisse (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1981); Robertson, Early English Devotional Prose; Millet and Wogan-Browne's Introduction to Medieval English Prose for Women; Nicholas Watson, "The Methods and Objectives of Thirteenth-Century Anchoritic Devotion," in The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England: Exeter Symposium IV, ed. Marion Glasscoe (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1987), pp. 132-153; and Sarah Beckwith, "Passionate Regulation: Enclosure, Ascesis, and the Feminist Imaginary," South Atlantic Quarterly 93:4 (1994), pp. 801-824. I do, however, think that functionalist readings of the Wisse can be complimented by a "diagnostic" reading like the one I offer here. My chapter revisits views of anchoritic literature's purpose and uses, but then takes the approach of identifYing certain textual elements as "symp­toms" of pressures exerted by the work's social contexts. I rely here on Slavoj Zizek's definition of the symptom as "a particular element which subverts its own universal foundation, a species subverting its own genus." Thus, the diagnostic reading I propose here consists, as Zizek notes, "in detecting a point of breakdown heterogeneous to a given ideological field and at the same time necessary for that field to achieve its closure, its accom­plished form." See his "How Did Marx Invent the Symptom?" in Mapping Ideology, ed. Zizek (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 296-331. See also Strohm's discussion of psychoanalytic approaches and medieval studies in his Theory and the Premodern Text. My approach in chapter 2 differs from the more strictly functionalist one I follow in chapter 1, where the challenge is, firstly, to identifY the erotic where it has been previously ignored.

17. See Georgianna, The Solitary Self, for discussion of anchoritism in the context of the new interest in individuality and intentionality generated by the "Twelfth-Century Renaissance." The historical chronology of "the rise of the individual" has been the subject of some debate. The case for a twelfth-century discourse of individualism was most famously argued by R.W. Southern in his The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven: Yale UP, 1953; see the essay "From Epic to Romance") and has been more recently discussed by Robert Hanning, The Individual in Twelfth-Century Romance (New Haven: Yale UP, 1977) and Bynum, Jesus as Mother. For an overview and critique of the scholarship on medieval individualism, see Mary Mansfield, The Humiliation of Sinners: Public Penance in Thirteenth-Century France (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1995).

18. Perhaps the most influential monastic proponents of these values were the Cistercians (or Order of Cite au x), who came to England in the early twelfth century and proved to be immediately successful, dominating the sphere of new monastic foundation from 1131 to1152, until the Cistercian General Chapter banned further foundations. Other, smaller, twelfth-century orders, however, also embraced a more strident asceticism than was

132 NOTES

customary in older houses (Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, pp. 69-77). See also Berman, The Cistercian Evolution.

19. Warren, Anchorites and TIleir Patrons, p. 9, 29-36; and Roberta Gilchrist, Gender and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Religious Women (New York: Routledge, 1994), pp. 177-181, for discussion of the layout of anchorholds.

20. Warren, Anchorites and Their Patrons, p. 280. For discussion of monastic skepticism about the motives of anchorites, see Georges Duby, A History if Private Life, Vol. II (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1988), pp. 516-517. Both male and female anchors prompted concern about their possible heterodoxy, but, as I argue later in this chapter, the anxiety expressed by the Ancrene Wisse about anchoritic freedoms has a specifically gendered quality, in which the anxiety results partially from an imagination of anchoritic space as feminine.

21. Anselm himself wrote letters of instruction to anchorites, and the Ancrene Wisse draws heavily from his writings as well as those of Bernard. Both Bernard and Anselm, in turn, were significantly influenced by another of the Wisse's favorite sources, Augustine. Yet another important source for the Wisse is De institutione inclusarum, lElred of Rievaulx's letter to his recluse sister, which itself draws from Augustine, Jerome, and Bernard (JElred was a Cistercian abbot). The point here is that a discrete and self-ref­erential body of patristic writings make up the discursive background of medieval anchoritic texts. On the I¥isse's sources, see Millet and Wogan­Browne, Medieval English Prose for Women, p. xxxi; and Savage and Watson, Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 25-26. For a discussion of the texts read by anchors, see Gopa Roy, "Sharpen Your Mind with the Whetstone of Books: The Female Recluse as Reader in Goscelin's Liber confortatorius, lElred's of Rievaulx's De institutione inclusarum, and the Ancrene Wisse," in Women, The Book and the Godly, ed. Lesley Smith and Jane Taylor (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1995), pp. 115-117, 121. On Anselm's letters to anchors, see Warren, Anchorites and Their Patrons, p. 294.

22. For a discussion of the relationship between anchoritic rules and monastic rules and related literature, see Georgianna, The Solitary Self, chapter 1, and Millet and Wogan-Browne, Medieval English Prose, p. xxx. On the devotional ritual sketched by the Ancrene Wisse, see Bella Millet, "Ancrene Wisse and the Book of Hours," in Writing Religious Women: Female Spirituality and Textual Practices in Late Medieval England, ed. Denis Renevy and Christiania Whitehead (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2000), pp. 21-40.

23. Georgiana, The Solitary Self, p. 9; Gopa Roy similarly notes of De institutione inclusarum, lElred's influential letter to his anchorite sister, that its author "does not tell his sister what she should read, so much as describe what her reading should lead her to ("Sharpen Your Mind," p. 117).

24. This is not to say that anchors were free of the Church's jurisdiction but, rather, that they were not supervised on a daily, or even frequent, basis. As Warren documents, the legal responsibility for anchors lay with their area's bishop. The bishop's governance of anchors included: deternuning the fitness of the candidate for enclosure, perfonning the ceremony of enclosure, and

NOTES 133

moderate supervision thereafter (Anchorites and Their Patrons, 53). But communication with the bishop was infrequent, and the anchor's confessor, often chosen by the anchor him/herself, provided "the only routine contact with the outside world" (77). Though anchors were bound to obey their confessors in most things, written guides for anchorites and episcopal proscriptions of anchoritic behavior tended to stress the inviolability of the anchorhold, even to the point oflimiting the visitations of confessors.

25. Beckwith, "Passionate Regulation," p. 807. 26. Jocelyn Price (aka Jocelyn Wogan-Browne), "'Inner' and 'Outer':

Conceptualizing the Body in Ancrene Wisse and lElred's De ItlStitutione Inclusarum," in Medieval English Religious and Ethical Literature: Essays in Honor ~f G. H. Russell, ed. Gregory Kratzman and James Simpson (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1986) p. 195 [192-208].

27. Nicholas Watson argues that the anchor's devotional attachment to her material environment distinguishes thirteenth-century anchoritism, especially as it is profiled in Ancrene Wisse, from fourteenth-century mysticism, which aims for a "transcendent" spirituality. See his article, "The Methods and Objectives of Thirteenth-Century Anchoritic Devotion," in Glasscoe, The Medieval Mystical Tradition, pp. 132-153. See also Robertson, Early En,elish Devotional Prose, and her recent Speculum article, " 'This Living Hand,' " both of which address the distinctively material nature of anchoritism as it is represented in the AB texts. I address the relation of anchoritic and mystical spirituality in chapter 3.

28. Beckwith argues, "Interiority .. .is not so much the opposite of exteriority as its complex co-product" ("Passionate Regulation," pp. 808-809). See also Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, "Inner and Outer."

29. Ancrene Riwle, p. 5; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 47. 30. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 70. These particular descriptions are taken from BL,

Cotton Cleopatra C.vi, which Savage and Watson use in place of two missing leaves from the Corpus Christi manuscript. The Wisse, however, builds the analogy throughout its section on the "Outer Senses." This analogical figure is also central to other AB works, most notably Sawle's Ward (an allegory in which the soul is represented as a household) and Hali ;'vIeiohad, a sermon on virginity.

31. Middle English Quotations are from Hali Meiohad, ed. Bella Millet, EETS O.s. 284 (London: Oxford UP, 1982). Modern English translations of Hali Meiohad are taken from Millet and Wogan-Browne, Medieval English Prose for Women, but see also the translation in Savage and Watson, Anchoritic Spirituality.

32. Medieval English Prose, p. 3; Hali Meiohad, p. 1: "pi fole, he cleopee, Dauid, pe [g]ererunge inwip pe offleschliche ponkes, pe leaeiee pe ant dreaiee wia har[ e] procunges to flesliche fuleen, to licomliche lustes, ant eggie pe to brudlac ant to weres cluppunge ... "

33. Watson, "The Methods and Objectives," p. 141. 34. Although most forms of Christian asceticism have, historically, included the

practice of celibacy, sexual abstinence has not always been the centerpiece

134 NOTES

of ascetic devotion. Monastic rules, for example, tend to place much more emphasis on the renunciation of private property, and, the early desert fathers felt the temptations of food to be greater than those of sex. See Brown, The Body and Society.

35. Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 124,189. 36. Ancrene Riwle, p. 34; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 71. 37. The argument that virginity, and by extension chastity, should be understood

not as a rejection of sexuality, but as a particular form of sexual practice was made by Jane Tibbits Schulenberg in her 1991 study of early hagiography, "Saints and Sex, Ca.500-1100: Striding Down the Nettled Path of Life," in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book <1 Essays, ed. Joyce Salisury (New York: Garland, 1991), pp. 203-231, and also in 1993 by Jo Ann McNamara, "The Rhetoric of Orthodoxy: Clerical Authority and Female Innovation in the Struggle with Heresy," in Maps of Flesh and Light: The Religious Experience of Medieval Women Mystics, ed. Ulrike Wiethaus (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse UP, 1993), pp. 9-27. McNamara comments that, for medieval women religious, "purity was dynamic, not a pristine state but a goal never fully achieved" (14). See also Schulenberg's Forgeiful of Their Sex: Female Sanctity and Society, ca. 500-1100 (Chicago: U of Chicago P); Barbara Newman, From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1995); Salih, Versions of Virginity; and Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, "Chaste Bodies: Frames and Experiences," in Framing Medieval Bodies, ed. Sarah Kay and Miri Rubin (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1994), pp. 24-42.

38. See Georgianna, The Solitary Self, p. 79, for discussion of these responses. Similar opinions (that is, that elaborate or vivid discussion of sexual sin is not appropriate in a work intended for reading by anchors) have been voiced about HaN Meiahad, as noted by Millet and Wogan-Browne, Medieval English Prose, p. xv; and Watson, "The Methods and Objectives," pp. 138-139.

39. Ancrene Riwle, p. 99; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 119. 40. Taken from 2 Samuel 4.5-6. The parable and its explanation can be found

on Ancrene Riwle, pp. 139-142; Anchon·tic Spirituality, pp. 147-149. 41. Robertson has consistently argued that the Wisse's persistent sexualization of

anchoritic spirituality is due to its gendered expectations of its female audience as prone to sexual temptation.

42. Ancrene Riwle, pp. 106-107; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 124. The Riwle attributes that statement to Augustine, but Savage and Watson notes that the quotation has not been traced to any known text.

43. Ancrene Riwle, p. 106; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 123. 44. See the Wisse's discussion of the Outer Senses: Ancrene Riwle, pp. 29-63;

Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 66-92. 45. Ancrene Riwle, p. 34; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 72. 46. Ancrene Riwle, p. 32; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 68. I have supplied the transla­

tion of the Latin. Genesis 34, from which the Wisse draws the exemplum, narrates Dinah's rape by Shechem upon her venturing out "to visit the

NOTES 135

women of the land" (34:1). This is the outcome referred to by the Wisse in the passage quoted here. Readers would no doubt already be familiar with the story, which was often referenced in medieval religious writing. Robertson has noted the Wisse author's own partial debt to the Bernard's use of the story in De gradibus humilitatus superbiae (Early English Devotional Prose, p. 50). Mary Erler has argued that the exemplum casts suspicion on religious women's desire for female friendship: see her Women, Reading, and Piety in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002).

47. Robertson, Early English Devotional Prose, p. 48. In fact, the writings of St. Anselm, another important influence on the Wisse, stress the importance of the senses to contemplative spirituality. According to R.W. Southern, sensory apprehension, for Anselm, is the beginning point of the "mental activity which forms a bridge between knowledge of earthly objects and knowledge of the being and attributes of God," and "since the senses have this mediating role in leading the mind from earthly things to the knowledge of God, they have an eternal place in Heaven." See his Saint Anselm: A Portrait in a Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990), pp. 77-78.

48. The Rule of St. Augustine: Masculine and Feminine Versions, trans. Raymond Canning (London: Darton, 1984), pp. 30-32. On the relation of the Wisse to Augustinian legislation, see Millet, "The Origins of Ancrene Wisse."

49. Ancrene Riwle, p. 43; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 78. 50. Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 97-98, 109. The connection between "sweet"

rhetoric (the description recalls Bernard's sobriquet, "melifluous" or "honey-tongued") and sensual experience in meditation runs throughout the AB texts and also in writings by female mystics on the Continent. See my chapter 3 for further discussion of this image-complex in the Wooing Group and, for discussion of Continetal texts, see Rosalyn Voaden, "All Girls Together: Community, Gender and Vision at Helfta," in Medieval Women in Their Communities, ed. Diane Watt (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1997), pp. 72-91, and Rosemary Drage Hale, "'Taste and See, for God Is Sweet': Sensory Perception and Memory in Medieval Christian Mystical Experience," in Vox Mystica: Essays on Medieval Mysticism, ed. Anne Clark Bartlett et al. (Woodbridge, Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 1995), pp. 3-14.

51. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 79. 52. See, for example, one particularly violent shift of imagery in the section on

Temptation, where a spate of rhetorical questioning begins with "Of pi fleschcs fetles kimeo per smeal of aromaz ooer of swote basme?" (From your flesh's vessel does there come the smell of aromas or sweet balm?), and soon follows with "Nart tu icumen of ful slim? Nart tu fuloe fette" (Are you not come from foul slime? Are you not a vessel of filth?) (Ancrene Riwle, pp. 142-143; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 149).

53. See my Introduction, pp. 6-10 (and note 14), for a brief description of affective theology.

54. Bynum discusses the widespread importance of spiritual models and imitative behavior in the twelfth century and onward inJesus as Mother, pp. 82-109.

136 NOTES

She further examines the theme of the Sponsa Christi in relation to women's devotion in Fragmentation and Redemption (see especially the chapter, "Women Mystics and Eucharistic Devotion," pp. 119-150).

55. Anaene Riwle, p. 71; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 99. 56. Scholars have discussed the Wisse's usage of the Song of Songs and Sponsa

Christi and the effects of this usage, but their commentary usually frames the affective material as a given rather than a chosen source. That is, their com­mentary makes the choice of Sponsa Christi seem natural and obvious. See, for example, the introductions to: Millet and Wogan-Browne, Medieval English Prose; Salu, The Ancrene Riwle; and Savage and Watson, Anchoritic Spirituality. See also Bynum, Fragmentation and Redemption, pp. 119-150, on the widespread gain in popularity of the Sponsa Christi motif in thirteenth-century religious writing, which she links to the rise of Eucharistic devotion.

57. I do not intend, here, to assert the superiority of an intentionalist paradigm­that is, to limit what can legitimately be said about a text to the intentions of its author. Nor do I see the study of intention as contradicting the study of discourse (the object of this analysis); the author's "choice" of spiritual language was certainly produced by and limited to available cultural discourses. Rather, I turn to "choice" here as a way of depicting the Wisse as actively responsive to, rather than simply absorptive of, the devotional programs that reinvigorated the use of the Sponsa Christi metaphor.

58. Leclerq, Monks and Love, pp. 9-15. Leclercq's argument remains widely cited in studies of affective piety and its approach to the Song of Songs. See for example, Astell, The Song of Songs, p. 9; Bynum, Jesus as Mother, pp. 7, 142, 157; and Asad, GenealoRies cif Religion, pp. 141-147.

59. Asad, GenealoRies of ReliRion, p. 141. 60. Asad, Gmealogies (2f Religion, pp. 144-145. 61. Leclerq, Monks and Love, p. 105. 62. Asad claims that, in the monastic sennon, "Speech .. .is a dialogic process by

which the self makes (or fails to make) itself in a disciplined way" (Genealogies of Religion, p. 144). This is in need of some clarification. Though the sermon is "dialogic" in a Baktinian sense, since it anticipates and addresses a perceived listener (an auditor whose "voice" is thus heard in the text), it would be mistaken to view it as a dialogue between equals.

63. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 212. For the Latin text of the passages cited here (from Sermons 1 & 2), see Sancti Berardi Opera, Vol. 1, ed. Leclerq et al. (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963), pp. 5-9.

64. Evans, Bernard cifClairvaux, p. 216. 65. Millet and Wogan-Browne, Medieval English Prose, p. 25. 66. Anne Clark Bartlett, Male Authors, Female Readers: Represmtation and Subjectivity

in Middle English Devotional Literature (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1995), p. 76. 67. Saenger, "Silent Reading," p. 384 [367-414]. Saenger argues that members

of the Latin-educated world during this period, the heyday of scholasticism, were confronted by an increasing need to read reference materials and that reference reading inclined the reader toward silent reading: "Because of the greater freedom it afforded to movements of the eye, silent reading favored

NOTES 137

the perusal and reference consultation of books. Twelfth-century students were advised to read the glossae, the basic theological texts, not as narratives but as works to be read selectively and studied" (385). My citation of Saenger's arguments is not meant to imply that oral/aural modes of textual transmission were more "primitive" than these new methods, or that the shift to visual/silent reading was (or ever would be) universal. Joyce Coleman has criticized his work for these implications, which, however, I believe she overstates in order to characterize his approach as "evolutionist." See her Public Reading, p. 23. See also Saenger's more recent book, Space between Words: The Ori.l(ins of Silent Reading (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997).

68. Saenger, "Silent Reading," p. 399. Peter Biller has addressed the rise of the theme of the "literate heretic" in the thirteenth century. Before 1200, Biller notes, heretics were predominately characterized as illiterate and "outside the Latin education-world." Yet the late twelfth century witnessed a "massive growth of heresy," in which literate, sometimes university-trained, heretics were prominent. See his "Heresy and Literacy: Earlier History of the Theme," in Heresy and Literacy, lOOo-1530, ed. Peter Biller (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), pp. 4-5 [1-18].

69. Saenger, "Silent Reading," p. 399. 70. Saenger, "Silent Reading," pp. 412-413. On the question of why such

"graphic representations" would permeate religious literature, Saenger is not quite convincing. He notes: "The freedom of expression which private silent reading gave to hitherto suppressed sexual fantasies also, paradoxically, intensified the depth oflay religious experience" (413). This supposes that "sexual fantasies" remain constant throughout histOlY and simply wait for the right time to be "expressed." It seems to me highly unlikely that an individual would respond erotically to images that were entirely alien to him/her because of their previous suppression. Carlo Ginzburg addresses the question more successfully in his discussion of erotic illustration and religious "propaganda" in the sixteenth century, in Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method. Ginzburg argues that already-familiar erotic and sacred images were perceived (by theologians, among others) as sharing in efficacy and were thus regarded as useful in reestablishing "weakened links with the faithful" (79).

71. Boyarin, "Placing Reading," pp. 20-21[10-37]. 72. Boyarin, "Placing Reading," p. 23. I mean "perverse" in the sense of the

Latin, perversus, denoting something turned away from its rightful or original course. See Jonathan Dollimore, Sexual Dissidence: Augustine to Wilde, Freud to Foucault (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), pp. 103-104, on Christian theolog­ical definition of the perverse, especially Augustine's.

73. See Gilchrist, Gender and Material Culture, p. 178, and Warren, Anchorites and Their Patrons, p. 33.

74. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 204. Though the Wisse does not cite I Timothy, it clearly has the gender-conscious arguments of that widely referenced Biblical text in mind, since it compares the teaching anchoress to "cackling Eve, who "held a long discussion with the serpent" (73). The Wisse further

138 NOTES

contrasts the "cackling" anchor to Mary, who "did not discuss anything with the angel" upon hearing the Annunciation (73),

75. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 55. 76. The sections are usually marked in manuscript versions of the Wisse by

enlarged, colored capitals. See, for example, Tolkien's edition of the Corpus Christi manuscript, The English Text of the Ancrene Riwle: Ancrene Wisse, and Frances Mack's edition of the Titus manuscript, The English Text of the Ancrene Riwle: Editedfrom MS Cotton Titus D.xviii, together with the Lanhydrock Fragment, Bodleian MS. Eng. th.c. 70, EETS O.s. 252 (London: Oxford UP, 1963).

77. I do not agree with Gopa Roy's argument (in "Sharpen Your Mind") that this passage on reading aloud to servants is indicative of the anchors' usual manner of reading. In another passage regarding servants, the Wisse anticipates that they are likely to be illiterate, in the sense of not being able to read at all: "gefheo ne con 0 boke" (Ancrene Riwle, p. 218).

78. Ancrene Riwle, p. 221; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 207. 79. G.R. Evans, Bernard the of Clairvaux, p. 48 (Evans's italics). Evans is here

paraphrasing Bernard's student, William de St. Thierry, from his Golden Epistle, but monastic leeriness of mental "wandering" (curiositas) is long­standing, as I discuss in chapter 4. See also Mary Carruthers, "Reading with Attitude, Remembering the Book," in The Book and the Body, ed. Dolores Warwick Frese and Katherine O'Brien O'Keefe (South Bend, IN: U of Notre Dame P, 1997), pp. 11-17 [1-33). Monastic reading, or lectio, as Jean LeClercq argues, was ideally to be inseparable from meditatio, an "exercise in total meditation." See his Love of Learning and the Desirefor God: A Study of Monastic Culture, trans. Catharine Misrahi (New York: Fordham UP, 1961), p. 73. See also Carruthers's The Book of Memory for further discussion of monastic practices of textual memorization for meditation.

80. Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 96-97. 81. Perhaps only one: the description of scripture as epistles oflove, intended to

seduce the human soul, in the parable of Christ as knightly lover (Ancrene Riwle p. 198; Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 190-191). I discuss this description in chapter 3.

82. Ancrene Riwle, p. 33; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 71. Savage and Watson translate "gal" as "foolish," but "lecherous" or "unclean" is more appropriate considering the Wisse's use of the term elsewhere.

83. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 123. This professed reticence on the subject oflust parallels that advocated by contemporary confessors' manuals when discussing the confession of female penitents. See Murray, "The Absent Penitent," pp. 19-20 [13-25), on the "oblique interrogation" offemale penitents with regard to their sexual behavior.

84. See, for example, the conclusion of the section on pride: "the lion of pride has many more cubs than I have named; but study these very carefully, for I pass lightly over them ... wherever I go quickly over them, you should pause there the longest, for there I weigh down one word with ten or twelve other words" (Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 121).

85. Ancrene Riwle, p. 44; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 78.

NOTES 139

86. Ancrene Riwle, pp. 38-39; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 75. 87. There is, however, evidence suggesting that the relationship between priests

and female penitents was the cause of some anxiety, especially after the Fourth Lateran Council (in 1215) made regular confession-and thus regular, personal interaction between confessor and penitent-mandatory. Mansfield notes, for example, that thirteenth-century English diocesan legislation stip­ulates that women should give confession in a public, visible place to avert scandal (The Humiliation of Sinners, p. 79). Remarkably, she also finds that contemporary Northern French texts were not as explicitly concerned with this issue (79-80). See also Murray, "The Absent Penitent," pp. 18-20, on fears expressed in thirteenth-century confessors' manuals about the temptations posed by female penitents.

88. Millet and Wogan-Browne have hypothesized that the Wisse was intended, from the start, "for more than its immediate audience" (Medieval English Prose, p. xii).

89. Anne Savage, "The Translation of the Feminine: Untranslatable Dimesions of the Anchoritic Works," in The Medieval Translator 4, ed. Roger Ellis and Ruth Evans (Binghamton, NY: MRTS, 1994), pp. 182-183 [181-199].

90. Michael Holquist, "Corrupt Originals: The Paradox of Censorship," PMLA 109:1 (1994), p. 14 [14-25].

3 Mystical Desire, Erotic Economy, and the Wooing Group

1. Besides my second chapter, see also Watson, "The Methods and Objectives," and Robertson, "'This Living Hand,' " pp. 32-35 [1-36]. Robertson sees anchoritic practice as "materially immanent," which is "a 'radically metaphorical' reading practice, one designed to inspire the reader to 'think with created things" (34). Here she is furthering arguments about the "quotidian psychology" of the AB texts made in her earlier book, Early English Devotional Prose.

2. Julian of Norwich, Revelations of Divine Love, trans. Clifton Wolters (New York: Penguin, 1966), p. 68.

3. Talbot, The Life of Christina of Markyate. Through meditation Christina is able to ignore and transcend even extreme conditions in her cell, such as its invasion of by demonic toads (98-99). Among her visions are one in which she ascends with Mary, so that she may look down upon the world (110-111), and one in which Christ gives her a cross that she must "hold straight, pointing upwards" (106-107). Rolle employs the metaphor of ascendance in his Form of Living, which can be found in English Writings of Richard Rolle, Hermit of Hampale, ed. Hope Emily Allen (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963). For a translation into Modern English, see Richard Rolle: The English Writings, ed. Rosamund Allen (New York: Paulist Press, 1988). Written for the anchoress Margaret Kirby, the Form of Living exhorts her to be "constantly climbing toward Jesus" (163). Nicholas Watson has argued that the concept of mystical ascent is "mostly absent" from texts associated with Ancrene Wisse and that the anchoritic material "clearly lies

140 NOTES

outside the main development of late-medieval mysticism" though he admits that his agenda in stating this is to "bring out the alien quality of the anchoritic" in an attempt to encourage precision ("The Methods and Objectives," p. 134).

4. Discussed in the last chapter, the AB texts include the Ancrene Wisse (or Ancrene Riwle) in all its Middle English versions, the texts of the "Katherine Group" (the Lives of St. Katherine, St. Margaret, and St. Juliana, together with Sawles Warde and Hali Meidhad), and the texts of the Wooing Group.

5. Christ's Body: Identity, Culture, and Society in Late Medieval Writings (New York: Routledge, 1996), p. 12.

6. Portrayed in The Book of Margery Kempe, EETS 212, ed. Sanford Brown Meech (London: Oxford UP, 1940), p. 42.

7. See New Trends in Feminine Spirituality: The Holy Women of Liege and Their Impact, ed. Juliette Dor et al. (Tubingen: Brepols, 1999); Voaden, "All Girls Together," pp. 72-91; and her "God's Almighty Hand: Women Co-Writing the Book," in Smith and Taylor, Women, The Book, and the Godly, pp. 55-66.

8. Voaden, "All Girls Together," p. 79. 9. See Chewning, "The Paradox of Virginity within the Anchoritic

Tradition," in Constructions of Widowhood and Virginity in the Middle Ages, ed. Cindy Carlson and Angela Jane Weisl (New York: St. Martin's, 1999), pp. 113-134; and Innes-Parker, "Ancrene Wisse and pe Wohunge of Ure Lauerd: The Thirteenth-Century Female Reader and the Lover-Knight," in Smith and Taylor, Women, The Book, and the Godly, pp. 137-147.

10. Other scholars who approach the Wooing Group's texts as an integral part of the AB texts as a whole include: Cartlidge, 1'v[edieval Marriage; Savage and Watson, Anchoritic Spirituality; and Elizabeth Robertson, Early English Devotional Prose. In doing so, they follow Watson's early lead in 'The Methods and Objectives." Millet and Wogan-Browne discuss the Wooing group in their introduction to Medieval English Prose for Women, but they do not include its texts in the collection.

11. Chewning's article, "Mysticism and the Anchoritic Community: A Time ... of Veiled Infinity" (in Medieval Women and TIleir Communities) takes a psychoanalytic approach to one of the Wooing texts, pe Wohunge of Ure Laured. The article links mystical experience to Kristeva's chora, a "pre-linguistic, pre-nominal location of a child who has not yet learned to differentiate itselffrom its mother's body" (116), and the Wohunge to a kind of "ecriture feminine," or eruption of the chora into language. However, Chewning's "Paradox of Virginity" while maintaining some of "Mysticism" 's arguments about gender, is less expressly psychoanalytic.

12. Beckwith, "Passionate Regulation," pp. 817-818 [803-824]. 13. This critical division recalls that between "base" (the material means of

economic production) and "superstructure" (ideology) in classic Marxist thought. For a neo-Marxist critique of this division, see Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" in Zizek, Mapping Ideology, pp.100-140.

NOTES 141

14. All four may be found in pe Wohunge oj Ure Lauerd, EETS O.s. 241, ed. Meredith Thompson (London: Oxford UP, 1958). Thompson's edition also includes On Ureisun oJUre Louerde, an incomplete version of On Ureisun oj God Almihti from London, Lambeth Palace 487, a manuscript not associated with other AB texts. See Savage and Watson's Atlchoritic Spirituality for translations into Modern English.

15. Wohunge, p. 13. Quotation of the Wooing texts is from Thompson's edition. Thompson chooses to present the texts in columns, as they are written in manuscripts. I have chosen not to reproduce the breaks he assigns to lines (made to achieve the column layout). Translations are from Savage and Watson's Anchoritic Spirituality.

16. Chewning, "Paradox ofViginity" p. 114. 17. Wohunge, p. 35; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 255. 18. Wohunge, p. 38; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 257. 19. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 246. 20. Although Thompson saw the Wooing prayers as having "the stamp of

originality" (xix), most recent critics do not agree with the claim for authorial originality, although a few, such as Innes-Parker, argue for the Wohunge's uniqueness within the AB texts ("Ancrene Wisse," p. 138). See Cartlidge, Medieval Marriage, p. 131, for a critique of Thompson's argument.

21. I discuss the thematic intersections below. The daily devotional regimen outlined in Part I of the Wisse includes prayer to the crucifix in the anchoresses' cell and, as Millet has noted, the "Little Office of the Virgin," which are the hours that the anchoresses are said to have written out them­selves ("Book of Hours," 26). Millet argues that Part I's devotional routine indicates a well-educated audience but not one "necessarily equipped to handle the full linguistic and liturgical demands of the breviary" (28).

22. Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 29. 23. Millet, revising Dobson's earlier work on the date and provenance of

Atlcrene Wisse, puts the Wisse's composition later than do Savage and Watson. She believes the original version to have been written after the arrival of the friars in 1221 and the revisions to have been produced after 1236. See her article, "The Origins of Ancrene Wisse," p. 219 [206-228].

24. See A Talkyng oJthe Love oJ God, editedJrom the Vernon MS (Bodleian 3938) and collated with MS Simeon (BM Add. 22283), ed. M. Salvina Westra (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1950), pp. xiii-xvi, for discussion of the Talkyng's manuscript history. See also Denis Renevy, "The Choice of the Compiler: Vernacular Hermeneutics in A Talkyng of the Love of God" (citation) for discussion of the later work's handling of the Wooing Group material.

25. Rolle's Meditations on the Passion can be found in Hope Emily Allen's edition, English Writings oj Richard Rolle. See Rosamund Allen's Richard Rolle: The English Writings, for a Modern English translation.

26. Watson notes that the Bohun family arms on the manuscript may indicate such a history ("The Methods and Objectives," p. 137), but, admittedly, the Vernon manuscript's initial provenance remains obscure. The size, weight, and ornamentation of the manuscript suggest that it was both highly expensive

142 NOTES

to manufacture and intended for display; see Studies in the Vernon Manuscript, ed. Derek Pearsall (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1990, especially A.I. Doyle's "The Shaping of the Vernon and Simeon Manuscripts," pp. 1-13, and N.F. Blake, "Vernon Manuscript: Contents and Organisation," pp. 45-59, for description of the manuscript. Though this suggests ownership by a monastic house and group recitation, Doyle notes that, "provision for inspection and meditation by an individual or instruction of a small circle did not necessarily contradict more public exposition and exhortation from the same book (4); S. Hussey, "Implications of Choice and Arrangement of Texts in Part 4," in Studies in the Vernon Manuscript, pp. 61-74, argues that the mansucripts' contents anticipate the needs of the laity and that its" compiler(s) frequently seems drawn toward the idea of the mixed life, whether acknowledged by name or not" (74). Felicity Riddy considers a female readership for the manuscript likely; see her, "'Women Talking about the Things of God': A Late Medieval Subculture," in Meale, Women and Literature in Britain, pp. 106-108 [104-127].

27. Watson, "The Methods and Objectives," p. 137. I rely on Rosamund Allen's edition for the date and provenance of the Form of Living. Watson draws from Hope Emily Allen's descriptions of the manuscripts in her Writings Ascribed to Richard Rolle, MLA Monograph Series 3 (New York: D. Heath and Co., 1927), pp. 257-263.

28. Watson, "The Methods and Objectives,'· p. 136. 29. A Talkyng, p. 2. Westra feels that the punctuation of the text most probably

indicates the "cadence" mentioned in the introduction but finds its marking inconsistent and the marks' relative values unclear (xiv).

30. Benedicta Ward, Signs and Wonders: Saints, lvliracles, and Prayers from the Fourth Century to the Fourteenth (Brookfield, VT: Variorium, 1992), p. 181.

31. Ward, Signs and Wonders, pp. 181-182. The Talkyng, pp. 20-21, refers to "Anselmus" as a source. For a translation of the Orationes sive Meditationes, see Benedicta Ward, The Prayers and Meditations of Saint Anselm (London: Penguin, 1973).

32. Wohunge, p. 35; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 256. 33. Chewning, "Paradox of Virginity, " p. 117. 34. See chapter 2, pp. 48-52. 35. Seinte Katherine, ed. S.R.T.O. d'Ardenne and E.J. Dobson, EETS s.s. 7

(Oxford: Oxford UP, 1981), pp. 33-34; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 267. I quote from the Titus MS portion of d'Ardenne and Dobson's edition.

36. Seinte Katherine, p. 83; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 276. 37. Wohunge, p. 5; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 322. 38. Wohunge, p. 35; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 255. 39. WohunRe, pp. 20, 6; Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 248, 322. The Ureisun reads

"Nis no blisse soi'les ipinge i'let is wtewii'l; i'let ne beo to bitter abowt. i'let tet uni i'ler inne. <ne> beo ilicked of pornes." In "All Girls Together," Voaden discusses the Helfta nun's visionary experience of "sweetness" in connection with the cult of the Sacred Heart and Wounded Side there. The imagery in the nun's visions displays numerous similarities with that in the

NOTES 143

Wooing Croup, including the depiction of the Sacred Heart as a house. Voaden notes, "There is something particularly female in their use of this image, in their focus on the space within, their sense of love of being enclosed within, of union and creation occurring inside" (83). See also Hale, "'Taste and See," pp. 3-14.

40. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, ed. D.W. Robertson (New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1958), p. 123. For the Latin text, see De Doctrina Christiana 4.5.8

(PL 34). 41. Alain of Lille, The Art of Preaching, trans. C.R. Evans (Kalamazoo: 1981),

p. 18. The Latin text reads: "Praedicatio enim in se, non debet habere ... vel rhythmorum melodias et consonantias metrorum, que potius £lunt ad aures demulcendas, quam ad aninmum instruendum" (Summa de Arte Praedicatoria, PL 210, col. 112).

42. Rita Copeland, "Why Women Can't Read: Medieval Hernleneutics, Statutory Law, and the Lollard Heresy Trials," in Representing Women: Law, Literature, and Feminism, ed. Susan Sage (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1994), pp. 256-257 [253-286]. See also Carolyn Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics (Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1989), pp. 21-22.

43. Claire Waters, "Dangerous Beauty, Beautiful Speech: Cendered Eloquence in Medieval Preaching," Essays in Medieval Studies 14 (1998), pp. 51-63.

44. Waters, "Dangerous Beauty." 45. Wohunge, pp. 22-23; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 249. 46. Wohunge, pp. 20-21; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 248. 47. Wohunge, p. 22; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 248. 48. Wohunge, p. 2: Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 322. 49. Rosemary Woolf, Art and Doctrine: Essays on Medieval Literature (London:

Hambledon, 1986), pp. 108, 103. By "literary" here, Woolf seems to have romance in particular in mind, for she adds, "the subject of the husband with an unfaithful wife belonged only to satire and fabliau burlesque" (103).

50. Wohunge, p. 12; Anchoritic Spirituality, pp. 251, 326. Thompson indicates erasures and corrections in these lines, with part of the text written in the margin.

51. Luce Irigaray, This Sex Which Is Not One, trans. Catherine Porter (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1985), p. 172. Irigaray here is partially rewriting the anthro­pologist Claude Levi-Stauss's Elementary Structures of Kinship. Another highly influential feminist revision of Levi-Stauss's paradigm is Gayle Rubin, "The Traffic in Women: Notes on the Political Economy of Sex," in Toward an Anthropology of Women, ed. Rayna Reiter (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973).

52. Judith Weiss, "The Power and Weakness of Women in Anglo-Norman Romance," in Women and Literature in Britain, p. 11 [7-23]. See also Laurie Finke, "Sexuality in Medieval French Literature," in Handbook of Medieval Sexuality, ed. Vern Bullough and James Brundage (New York: Garland, 1996), pp. 345-368; and her "Towards a Cultural Poetics of the Romance," Gertre 22 (1989), pp. 109-127. There are, of course, exceptions to the typical structuring of gender; for discussion of some of these, see

144 NOTES

Roberta Krueger, "Questions of Gender in Old French Courtly Romance," in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance, ed. Roberta Krueger (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000), pp. 132-149; and "Transforming Maidens: Singlewomen's Stories in Marie de France's Lais and Later French Courtly Narratives," in Singlewomerz in the European Past, 125(}-1800, ed. Judith Bennett and Amy Froide (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1999), pp. 146-191.

53. On La Vie Sainte Audree, see Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, "Rerouting the Dower: The Anglo-Norman Life of St. Audrey by Marie (of Chatter is?)," in Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval ~Vomen, ed. Jennifer Carpenter and Sally-Beth MacLean (Urbana: U of Illinois P, 1995), pp. 27-56.

54. Wohunge, p. 32; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 254. 55. Wohunge, p. 27; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 251. 56. Innes-Parker, "Ancrene Wisse," p. 141; Chewning, "Paradox of Virginity,"

pp. 122-123; and Patrocino Schweickart, "Reading Ourselves: Toward a Feminist Theory of Reading," in Gender and Reading: Essays on Readers, Texts, and Contexts, ed. Patrocino Schweickart and Elizabeth Flynn (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1986), p. 41.

57. See Newman, From Virile Woman to WomanChrist; Jo Ann McNamara, "Sexual Equality and the Cult of Virginity in Early Christian Thought," Feminist Studies 3:4 (1976), pp. 145-158; and Elizabeth Castelli, "'I Will Make Mary Male: Pieties of the Body and Gender Transformation of Christian Women in Late Antiquity," in Body Guards: The Cultural Politics of Gender Ambiguity, ed. Julian Epstein and Kristina Straub (New York: Routledge, 1991), pp. 29-49. See also Elizabeth Psakis Armstrong, "Womanly Men and Manly Women in Thomas a Kempis and St Teresa of Avila," in Vox Mystiea, for discussion of the virago figure in these later writers. On La Vie de Saint Euphrosine, see Simon Gaunt, "Straight Minds/'Queer' Wishes in Old French Hagiography," Premodern Sexualities, ed. Fradenberg and Freccero, pp. 153-174.

58. Another possible model for Christina here is Saint Eugenia, whose Life is included in Ae!fric's Lives of SailllS, EETS O.s. 76/82, ed. Walter Skeat (London: Oxford UP, 1999 rpt.), pp. 24-49. See Shari Homer, The Discourse of Enclosure: Representing Women in Old English Literature (Albany: State U of New York P, 2001), pp. 176-179.

59. See Gilchrist, Gender and Material Culture, pp. 179-181. At Tarrant Crawford, where a group anchorage was established, thirteen panels depict the life of St. Margaret, whose career was often interchanged with that of Pelagia, a desert recluse who adopted men's clothing. At Faversham, one of three tiers of paintings depicts the Crucifixion and the Marys at the Tomb; Gilchrist believes the position of the Marys has associations with cross-dressing (Gender and Material Culture, pp. 181, 139).

60. Karma Lochrie, "Mystical Acts, Queer Tendencies," in Constructing Medieval Sexuality, ed. Karma Lochrie et al. (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997), pp. 186, 184 [180-200]. On visual representations of Christ's

NOTES 145

Wound, see also Flora Lewis, "The Wound in Christ's Side and the Instruments of the Passion: Gendered Experience and Response," in Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, ed. Jane Taylor and Lesley Smith (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1997), pp. 204-229. The Ureisun briefly makes use of maternal imagery to describe Christ as well: "hwi ne wrope ich me bi tweonen peolike ermes so swioe wioe to spredde. & openeo so pe moder deo hire ermes" (Why do I not throw myself between those arms spread so very wide, and opened like a mother does her a=s to enfold her darling child?) (Wohunge, p. 6; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 323). On Christ as a maternal figure, see Bynum, Fragmentation and Redemption, pp. 79-117.

61. See also Judith Butler, Bodies that Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex" (New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 50-51, for discussion of the historical equation of masculinity with impenetrability; and Horner, The Discourse of Enclosure, pp. 131-172, on this equation in late-tenth-century Anglo-Saxon lives of female saints. See also Sarah Salih's recent study of the martyred heroines of the AB saints' lives, "Performing Virginity: Sex and Violence in the Katherine Group," in Carlson and Weisl, Constructions of Widowhood and Virginity, pp. 95-112. Arguing that the saints' bodies are perceived as "neither accessible nor permeable," because sealed by the practice of chastity (and here we might see the touching of Katherine's wounded body that I refer to above as a dramatization of that sealing), Salih views the saintly women as crucially different than the "feminine" bodies defined by these two qualities. They fall into a "third gender": figures who were once women, but are no longer.

62. Sarah Stanbury, "Feminist Masterplots: The Gaze on the Body of Pearl's Dead Girl," in Feminist Approaches to the Body in Medieval Literature, ed. Linda Lomperis and Sarah Stanbury (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1993), p. 105 [96-115).

63. Lochrie, "Mystical Acts," p. 181. 64. Despite the Church's late-twelfth-century acceptance of canon law requiring

marriage to be consensual (most influentially expressed in Gratian's 1141 Decretum), coercion of various kinds was frequently exercised in marriage arrangements, as the Life of Christina ofMarkyate demonstrates (even allowing for its hagiographic fictions). Robert Bartlett notes that "although the ecclesiastical authorities had determined that free consent between the parties was the essence of marriage, canon law certainly did not allow unlimited choice of a marriage partner" and that family members and feudal lords continued to exercise a great deal of control over the marriages of female relatives and tenants. See his England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 1075-1225 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), p. 551 [547-558). See also, Cecily Clark, "After 1066: The Factual Evidence," in Fell, Women in Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 148-171. For overviews of marriage in twelfth- and thir­teenth-century Europe, see Georges Duby, Medieval Marriage: Two Models from Twelfth-Century France, trans. Elborg Forster (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1978); Herlihy, Medieval Households, pp. 79-111; and Cartlidge,

146 NOTES

Medieval Marriage, pp. 5-32. Regarding England, Herlihy argues that "there are many indications that the treatment of women in marriage was deterio­rating from the late twelfth century" (p. 100).

65. See, for example, Laurie Finke, Feminist Theory, Women's Writing (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1992); and Sarah Kay, The Chansons de Geste in the Age of Romance (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995), for discussion of the way in which women circulated as symbolic capital in twelfth-century feudal society.

66. MED, pp. 940-941. 67. Marc Bloch, "Economie nature ou economie argent," Annales d'histoire

sociale 5 (1933), pp. 7-16, discussed in Marc Shell, Money, Language and Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1993), pp. 39-40. See also Howard Bloch, Etymologies and Genealogies: A Literary Anthropology of the French Middle Ages (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1983). For discussion of commercial developments in medieval Britain and an overview of scholarly debates about their significance, see John Hatcher and Mark Bailey, Modelling the Middle Ages: The History & Theory of England's Economic Development (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2001).

68. Diana Wood, Medieval Economic 17lOught (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), pp. 113, 148. The term "turpe lucrum" is from Gratian's Decretum. See Decretum Gratiani, ed. A. Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici 2 (Leipzig, 1879), C.14.4.9, col. 737.

69. Andrew Cowell, "The Fall of the Oral Economy: Writings Economics on the Dead Body," Exemplaria 8:1 (1996), p. 149 [145-167].

70. Jacques LeGoff, Your Money or Your Life: Iiconomy and Religion in the Middle Ages, trans. Patricia Ranum (New York: Zone Books, 1990), p. 10). Looking at confessor's manuals and sermon exempla, LeGoff documents the "fierce daily struggle" of medieval writers grappling with the issue of usury and related practices. See also Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1978).

71. LeGofI, Your Money or Your Life, pp. 29-32. 72. Peter Abelard, Theologia, PL 178: 97-102. Discussed in Shell, Money,

Language and 17wught, pp. 42-43. 73. Wood, Medieval Economic 17wught, pp. 150-151. 74. LeGoff, Your Money or Your Life, pp. 78-79. The exemplum is from Caesarius

of Heisterbach's Dialogus miraculoYUm, Vol 2, ed. J. Strange (Cologne, 1851), pp. 335-336, available in translation as The Dialogue on Miracles, Vol. 2, trans. H. von Scott and C. Bland (London, 1929), pp. 313-314.

75. Warren, Anchorites and Their Patrons, p. 41. Wealthy anchors could endow themselves or receive support from their families, but others needed promises of support from outside sources. Anchors received both endowments and alms from parishioners, and some also worked while enclosed, doing needlework or copying of texts, for example. See Warren, Anchorites and Their Patrons, pp. 41-52, for an overview of financial support, and the Ancrene Wisse, pp. 213-216, for advice to anchors about business and craftwork. On the public roles of anchors in their communities, which

NOTES 147

include the frequent use of anchorholds as "primitive banks," in which community members could store precious goods, money, and papers, see Warren, Anchorites and Their Patrons, pp. 110-113.

76. Shell, Money, Language, and Thought, pp. 34-36. 77. Wohunge, pp. 37-38; Ancrene Wisse, ed. Tolkien, pp. 221-222. Written after

the Explicit of the Ancrene Wisse in the Corpus Christi manuscript is "Ipench 0 pi writere i pine beoden sumchearre; ne beo hit ne se lutel. hit turneo Pe to gode; p tu bidest for opre" (Remember the scribe in your prayers sometimes; what you pray for others, be it ever so little, it turns to good for you).

78. The quotation is taken from The Idea of the Vernacular: An Anthology of Middle English Literary Theory, 1280-1520, ed. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne et aJ. (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP, 1999), p. 22. This translation is mine. One of the earliest texts selected by the volume's editors, the Chronicle was, in their opinion, intended for a mixed audience of clerics and laypeople.

79. Kay, The Chansons de Geste, p. 39 (her italics). Kay's thinking is here influenced by the work of anthropologist Marilyn Strathern in The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia (Berkeley: U of California P, 1988).

80. Ancrene Wisse, ed. Tolkien, p. 198; Anchoritic Spirituality, p. 190. See also Ancrene Wisse, p. 200, for a description of Christ's open side that parallels the Wohunge's.

81. Shell, Money, Language, and Thought, pp. 34-35. 82. See, Shell, Money, Language and Thought; Bloch, Etymologies and Genealogies;

Kay, The Chansons de Geste; and also Judith Kellogg, Medieval Artistry and Exchange: Economic Institutions, Society and Literary Form in Old French Narrative (New York: Peter Lang, 1989); and Eugene Vance, "Chretien's Yvain and the Ideologies of Change and Exchange," Yale French Studies 70 (1986), pp. 42-62.

83. Kay, The Chansons de Geste, pp. 45, 36, 44.

4 The "Popularization" of the Affective?: Friar Thotnas of Hales and His Audience

1. I discuss the "Franciscan aesthetic" in the first section of this chapter. But for general studies of Franciscan piety and its literary and artistic expression, see John Moorman, History ~f the Franciscan Order: From its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968); John Fleming, An Introduction to the Franciscan Literature of the Middle Ages (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1977); David Jeffrey, The Early English Lyric and Franciscan Spirituality (Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1975); and Denise Despres, Ghostly Sights: Visual Meditation in Late Medieval Literature (Norman, OK: Pilgrim Books, 1989), on the influence of Franciscan devotion.

2. Eric Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature, trans. Willard Trask (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1953), p. 170.

148 NOTES

3. The lyric is included in An Old English Miscellany, ed. Richard Morris, EETS o.s. 49 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1969), English Lyrics of the XnIth Century, ed. Carleton Brown (Oxford: Clarendon, 1932), and the following general anthologies: Middle English Literature, ed. Charles Dunn and Edward Byrnes (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973); Early Middle English Texts, ed. Bruce Dickins and R. Wilson (Cambridge: Bowes & Bowes, 1951); and Middle English Verse and Prose, ed. Roger Sherman Loomis and Rudolph Willard (New York: Appleton Century Croft, 1948). It also receives brief mention in The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. David Wallace (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1999); Michael Swanton, English Literature Bifore Chaucer (London: Longman, 1987); J. Bennett, Middle English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986); Douglas Gray, Themes and Images in the Medieval English Religious Lyric (London: Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1972); and Rosemary Woolf, An Introduction to the Religious Lyric in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1968).

4. Two studies, in particular, attempt a reassessment of the poem: William Rogers, Imaj(e and Abstraction: Six j\l{edieval Relij(ious Lyrics (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde & Bagger, 1972); and James Earl, "The 'Luue-Ron' of Thomas de Hales," in Magister Regis: Studies in Honor of Robert Earl Kaske, ed. Arthur Groos et al. (New York: Fordham UP, 1986).

5. For discussion of Franciscan transmission of affective devotion and meditative technique via works such as the Meditationes viter Christi, James of Milan's Stimulus amoris, and Bonaventure's Lignum viter, see: Michael Sargent's introduction to Nicholas Love's Mirror of the Blessed Life of jesu Christ, ed. Michael Sargent (New York: Garland, 1992), pp. ix-xx; Elizabeth Salter, Nicholas Love's Mirror of the Blessed Life of jesu Christ (Salzburg: Institut fur Englische Sprache und Literatur, 1974), chapter 5; and Despres, Ghostly Sights, pp. 19-56.

6. Translated into vernacular languages, Franciscan prose works such as those mentioned above (in note 5) would be among the most widely read texts in the late medieval period. Carthusian Nicholas Love's early fifteenth-century translation of the Meditationes, The Mirror of the Blessed Life of jesus Christ, for example, survives in 56 complete manuscripts (Sargent, Nicholas Love, p.lxiii). See Salter, Nicholas Love, and Sargent, Nicholas Love, pp. lviii-lxxii on the circulation of these texts; and Carol Meale's recent article, "oft sipis with grete deuotion I pought what I migt do plesyng to god: The Early Ownership and Readership of Love's Mirror, with Special Reference to its Female Audience," in Nicholas Love: Waseda, 1995, ed. Shoichi Oguro et al. (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1997) on the readership of Love's Mirror. Nicholas Watson's "Censorship and Cultural Change in Late Medieval England: Vernacular Theology, the Oxford Translation Debate, and Arundel's Constitutions of1409," Speculum 70:4 (1995), pp. 822-864, provides an important analysis of the politics of the "vernacular theology" embodied in these works. For a sense of the Franciscan influence on vernacular lyric production (in Italy and England), see Jeffrey, The Early English Lyric.

NOTES 149

7. Bernard, De diligendo Deo, from Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 192; see also Sancti Bernardi Opera Vol. III, Tractatus et Opuscula, ed. Jean Leclerq et al. (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963) p. 138.

8. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, pp. 195-197; Sancti Bernardi Opera Vol. III, pp. 142-144.

9. The Latin text is from Leclerq et aI., Sancti Bernardi Opera, Vol. I, Sermones super Cantica Canticorum , p. 118. The English translation is from The Works ~f Bernard of Clairvaux, Vol. 2, trans. Kilian Walsh, (Spencer, MA: Cistercian Publications, 1971), p. 152.

10. Bernard, Serrmonse super Cantica Canticorum, from Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, p 271. The Latin reads: "Talis conformitas maritat animam Verbo" (from Sancti Bernardi Opera, Vol. II, p. 299).

11. Salter, following Etienne Gilson, argnes that the Franciscans' great devotional contribution was "not so much to create anew, but to enliven and popularize" (Nicholas Love, p. 129). On the Franciscans' theological debts to earlier monastic writings, see Salter, pp. 126-129, 134-146, and Sargent, Nicholas Love, pp. ix-xv. On the difference between monastic and mendicant reformism, see Chenu, Nature, Man and Society, pp. 239-269.

12. See Moorman, History if the Franciscan Order, for a profile of Francis's career and its institutional interpretation. Gray also notes that "Francis was generally regarded [by medieval people 1 as the man who had most successfully imitated Christ" and gives this charming anecdote, in which an early follower, Pier Pettinagno: "had a vision in which he saw a procession of apostles, saints and martyrs led by the Virgin Mary 'all walking carefully, scrutinizing the ground with much earnestness, that they might tread as nearly as possible in the very footsteps of Christ.' At the end of the procession, however, came St. Francis, barefoot and in his brown robe; he alone walked easily and steadily in the actual footsteps of Christ" (Themes and Images, p. 21).

13. Moorman, History if the Franciscan Order, pp. 256-257. See also Sargent, Nicholas Love, p. xii.

14. Chenu, Nature, Man and Society, pp. 247-248. 15. See Moorman, History if the Franciscan Order; and Fleming, Introduction to the

Franciscan Literature, on Franciscan reading and meditation. 16. Quoted from Moorman, History of the Franciscan Order, p. 261. 17. As I have discussed in chapter 3, anchoritic texts also make use of the image

of "entering" Christ's wounds in their scripting of the reading process. 18. Chenu, Nature, Man and Society, p. 247. 19. Moorman, HistOlY of the Franciscan Order, pp. 273-274. 20. Beckwith, Christ's Body, p. 53. 21. See: Salter, Nicholas Love, chapter 5; Despres, Ghostly Sights, pp. 5-56; and

Sargent, Nicholas Love, pp. ix-xx, for discussion of these, some of which are listed here in note 1.

22. Despres discusses these aspects of the gospel harmonies in chapters 1 and 2 of Ghostly Sights, her book on the influence of Franciscan "visual meditation" on later (fourteenth- and fifteenth-century) Middle English literature. See

150 NOTES

especially: pp. 8-9, 32-33 on the "experiential" quality of Franciscan devotional writing; p. 51 on the visual directions used in gospel harmonies; and pp. 14-16, 20, 26, and 47 on their encouragement of readers to inteJject themselves into gospel narrative and compare their own histories to

Christ's. 23. Despres, Ghostly Sights, p. 51. See, for example, the oft-cited poems of

Jacopone da Todi (ca. 1230-13(6). Auerbach notes the "freedom with which the Biblical episode is rendered" (Mimesis, p. 172) in Jacopone's dramatized Passion poem, which takes the form of a dialogue between Christ, Mary, and the crowd at the scene of the Crucifixion.

24. Moorman, History of the Franciscan Order, p. 261. 25. Gray, Themes and Images, p. 25. 26. A tradition dating back to Francis's own composition of the "Canticle of

the Sun," a hymn in French, and to his exhortation to his followers to be "minstrels of the Lord" Qouculatores Dei) (from Francis's Speculum Peifectionis , ed. P. Sabatier [Manchester: Manchester UP, 1928], p. 290). On Franciscan use oflyrics in sermons, generally, see: Moorman, History of the Franscican Order, pp. 266-272; Fleming, Introduction to the Franciscan Literature, pp. 176-189; and Jeffrey, The Early English Lyric, pp. 12-42. On vernacular verses found in Franciscan sermon collections, see Siegfried Wenzel, Verses in Sermons: Fasciculus Marum and its Middle English Poems (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1978), pp. 68-86, who argues that these had a variety of preaching functions, including summarizing, highlighting, structural division, antithesis, etc.

27. Fleming, Introduction to the Franciscan Literature, p. 261. 28. Despres, Ghostly Sights, p. 10. 29. This is due to the very large claims made, first by Robbins and Brown, but

later adopted by Woolf, and extended by Jeffrey, for Franciscan authorship of thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century Middle English lyrics. See English Lyrics, ed. Brown pp. xx-xlii; Secular Lyrics of the XIVth and XVth Centuries, ed. Russell Robbins (Oxford: Clarendon, 1952), pp. xvii-viii; Robbins's "The Authors of Middle English Religious Lyrics," JEGP 39 (1940), pp. 230-238; Woolf, An Introduction to the Religious Lyric, p. 377; and Jeffrey, The Early English Lyric, p. 214. The "Franciscan hypothesis," as these arguments about authorship are often tenned, is now regarded somewhat more skeptically. Frankis, for example, has pointed out that some of Brown's and Robbins's identifications of manuscripts as Franciscan were based on slim and tenuous evidence. See John Frankis, "The Social Context of Vernacular Writing in Thirteenth-Century England: The Evidence of the Manuscripts," in Thirteenth Century England, Vol. I, ed. P.R. Cross and S.D. Lloyd (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1985), pp. 175-184. Also see my note below regarding the attribution of Oxford, Jesus College 29, for example.

30. Woolf, for example. noted the courtly characteristics of the lyrics from the early-fourteenth-century (ca. 1314-25) Harley 2253 manuscript, which Robbins had earlier suggested contained a substantial amount of poems by

NOTES 151

friars (even though the manuscript was compiled by monks at Leominster, Robbins argued that half of its lyrics were duplicated in manuscripts belonging to friars and were friar compositions. See his Secular Lyrics, pp. xvii-viii. Woolf, who accepts Robbins's conclusions about friar authorship, notes that "the authors of the Harley lyrics imitated some of the less extravagant trouvere forms," and she classes the poems as among those thirteenth- and fourteenth-century lyrics that are "literary and sophisticated ... designed to please with a literary taste formed by the style and artificial conventions of romances" (An Introduction to the Religious Lyric, p. 57).

31. Jeffrey, The Early English Lyric, pp. 170, 17. 32. Reflecting on such difficulties in matching style to audience, Fleming, too,

admits-toward the end of his survey of Franciscan literature-that "Franciscan style" (as I've outlined it here) "has connections with broad social and economic developments which seem clear enough at a distance and opaque up close" (Introduction to the Franciscan Literature, p. 238).

33. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, "'Clerc u lai, muine u dame': Women and Anglo-Norman Hagiography in the Thirteenth and Twelfth Centuries," in Meale, Women and Literature in Britain, pp. 61-63 [61-85].

34. A. Little, Studies in English Franciscan History (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1917), pp. 118-119. He notes that the secular clergy, at this time, had acquired a reputation for lasciviousness, one that the friars did not share. For this reason, many thirteenth-century bishops directed nuns seeking confession to Franciscans. Early revisions to the Ancrene Wisse, too, commend the friars (both Franciscan and Dominican) to the text's female readers (see Ancrene Riwle, ed. Tolkien, pp. 36, 213). The references are contained in the Corpus and Vitellius manuscripts of the Wisse; see Millet, "The Origins of Ancrene Wisse, p. 218 [206-228]. Roger Dahood dates the manuscripts to ca. 1230 and early fourteenth century, respectively ("Ancrene Wisse, the Katherine Group, and the Wooing Group," pp. 3, 5).

35. The phrase is Moorman's and is used to describe the primary audience for Franciscan vernacular poetry (History if the Franciscan Order, p. 272).

36. Betty Hill, "The 'Luue-Ron' and Thomas de Hales," Modem Language Review 59 (1964), p. 329 [321-330].

37. Marsh was a lector in Theology to the Oxford Franciscans from 1247 to 1250 and from 1252 to 1259. See Hill, "The Luue-Ron," p. 326.

38. Hill believes "A. de Lexinton" to be Andrew of Lexington, vicar to English Minister General, William of Nottingham ("The Luue-Ron," p. 326).

39. Hill, "The Luue-Ron," p. 327. 40. Hill, "The Luue-Ron," p. 327. Sarah HorraH also notes that some of the

Latin manuscripts of Thomas's VitaSancte Marie (see below) offer further evidence of his association with Marsh. These attribute a passage in chapter 13 of the Vita, labeled "Opinio" in other manuscripts, to "Frater Adam de Marisco." See her "Thomas of Hales, O.F.M.: His Life and Works," Traditio 42 (1986), pp. 288 [287-298].

41. Sarah HorraH, Introduction to Lyf if Oure Lady: The ME translation of Thomas of Hales' Vita Sancte Marie, ed. HorraH (Heidelberg: Carl Winter

152 NOTES

Universitatsverlag, 1985), p. 8. See Southern, Robert Grosseteste: The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986) for a profile of Grosseteste's career, especially pp. 70-75, on his years at Oxford.

42. Horral! notes that it compiles passages from forty-seven different works by twenty-eight different writers ("Thomas," p. 295).

43. See M. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066--1307 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), pp. 179-82, on the development of new indexing systems by the English Franciscans and also the Oxford Franciscans' Registrum Anglie de Libris Doctonlm et Auctorum Vetenlm, ed. Richard Rouse and Mary Rouses (London: British Library, 1991), a massive survey of book-holdings in English monastic and cathedral libraries. See Horrall, Lyf of Oure Lady, pp. 11-12, on Thomas's probable knowledge of such indexes.

44. Horrall states that Thomas "was clearly a popularizer" (Lyf of Oure Lady, p. 9). 45. Both the Latin text and Midclle English translation are from Horral!'s edition

of the ME translation, The Lyf of Oure Lady, p. 108. The translation is late fourteenth or early fifteenth century (p. 25) and exists in two fifteenth-century manuscripts: Windsor, St. George's Chapel, E.LL and Oxford, Bodleian, Laud Mise. 174. Horrall describes the Latin and English MSS on pp. 12-20 of her edition. Angus McIntosh's Linguistic Atlas of Later Middle English, Vol. I (Aberdeen: Aberdeen UP, 1986) traces Oxford, Boclleain, Laud Mise. 174 to Hertfordshire (p. 149).

46. M. Legge, who edited the sermon for the Modem Language Review, dates the manuscript's production at ca. 1270 and notes that it was donated to Westminster before 1283. See "The Anglo-Norman Sermon of Thomas of Hales," ed. Legge, Modem Language Review 30 (1935), pp. 213-214 [212-218].

47. The sermon's manuscript context, as Horral! has argued, links it further with female piety. Oxford, St. John's College 190 contains Latin and Anglo-Norman texts, including St. Edmund's Menlre de Seinte Eglise, which is designated a "sermun a dames religioses" in the manuscript ("Thomas," p. 297). (See also Legge, "The Anglo-Norman Sermon," p. 213.)

48. All quotes are taken from Brown's edition of the poem in English Lyrics of the XIIIth Century.

49. Dated between 1225 and 1275 (Hill, "The Luue-Ron,"p. 325), and linguis­tically traced to Herefordshire (Mcintosh, Linguistic Atlas, p. 153), Oxford, Jesus College 29 contains an assortment of religious poetry in English, together with the (not obviously religious) debate poem, The Owl and the Nightingale (see Brown, English Lyrics, pp. xxiii-iv for a full list of the MS contents). Robbins thought the manuscript to be a "friar miscellany" ("Authors," pp. 234-235) but as Frankis has pointed out, this judgment was made solely on the basis ofits containing the Love Ron ("Social Context," pp. 179-180). As Frankis argues, even Thomas's own sermon, which appears in a manuscript of Benedictine affiliation, demonstrates that Franciscan writings could appear in manuscripts possessed and/or produced by other orders (180). Wenzel, also, considers the attribution of Jesus 29 to friars problematic

NOTES 153

and prefers to categorize the manuscript as a "poetic anthology" rather than as a preacher's miscellany (Verses in Sermons, pp. 7-8).

50. Woolf compares the Love Ron with Ancyene Wisse and pe Wohunge oj Ure Lauerd on this point, also noting the thematic similarity to yet another work, the Anglo-Norman poem, "Mon queor me dist que doi amer," in which Christ woos the human soul via a first-person monologue (An Introduction to the Religious Lyric, pp. 61-62). John Wells has pointed out the even closer similarity of the Ron to a later poem, OJ Clene Maydenhod (from the fourteenth-century "Vernon Manuscript"), but stops short of asserting a positive relation between the two; see his "A 'Luue Ron' and 'Of Clene Maydenhood,' "Modern Language Review 9 (1914), pp. 236-237.

51. Hill, "The Luue-Ron," pp. 322-323. 52. The wealth and power of Christ are twice compared (favorably) with that

of Henry III (II. 81-82, 101). Although Christ is shown to be the superla­tive figure, the portrait of royalty is nonetheless an admiring one.

53. She was probably not a Minoress (the female order of Franciscans in England), since the composition of the Love Ron (ca. 1225-72) well antedates the establishment of the first Minoress houses at Aldgate and Waterbeach in 1293-94. Though a few references to unauthorized "Sorores Minores" survive from before these establishments (A. Bourdillon, The Order oj Minoresses in England [Manchester: Manchester UP, 1926], pp. 10-13), Hill believes that the reader of the Lave Ron "probably belonged to an order well established in England," though she does not give her reasons for thinking so ("The Luue-Ron," p. 321).

54. There is some flexibility in the designation "puelle Deo dicate," such that it may conceivably be used for a non-monastic religious woman. Burton and Thompson both note that the term "puellx" was also used in twelfth-century England to describe anchoresses, and Payer discusses an earlier, Continental source (the Burgundian PellitentiaD, which distinguishes vowed women "Deo dicata" from nuns "sanctimonialis." See Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, p. 90; Thompson, Women Religious, p. 21; and Payer, Sex alld the Penitentials, pp. 38-39. Interestingly, one such vowess, Eleanor de Montfort, sister of Henry III (vowed 1231-38), was a contemporary of Thomas's, and in fact corresponded with Adam Marsh. Ward gives the text of an advisory letter (in Latin) from Marsh to Eleanor, written after she had ceased to live as a vowess, having married Simon de Montfort in 1238. The letter is striking as evidence of both Franciscan ministration to devout women who were not nuns and Franciscan connections with nobles of the highest status (that is, royal relatives). On Eleanor, see Mary Erler, "English Vowed Women at the End of the Middle Ages," Mediaeval Studies 57 (1995), pp. 155-203. For the text of Marsh's letter, see Jennifer Ward, Women of the English Nobility and Gmtry: 1066-1500 (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1995).

55. Love ROil, II. 1-8. 56. Middle En<~lish Literature, ed. Dunn and Burns, p. 156. Though unlikely, this

scenario is not entirely out of the question. Douglas Gray reminds us that

154 NOTES

"genuine Middle English charms (like many of their predecessors in Old English) use much religious imagery" and that "devotional images and prayers were sometimes virtually used as charms," suggesting that some readers, at least, would have turned to religious poems when looking for a magic efficacy of some sort. Gray attributes this mixing of "religion" and "magic" to the variegated nature ofthe audience oflate medieval devotional literature, equating the "magic" end of the spectrum with the expectations and needs of readers more steeped in popular forms of belief than in theo­logical orthodoxy (Themes and Images, p. 34).

57. See Rogers, Image and Abstraction, pp. 28-40, and Earl, "The Luue-Ron," two studies that attempt to make up for the paucity of literary-critical attention to the Ron. Although Rogers argues for Thomas's "serious intellectual involvement" with the poem, pointing to its imagery's success at integrating "various exegetical connotations" (p. 39), and Earl builds upon Rogers's work to claim that the poem is an "extended allusion to the Apocalypse" (p. 201), neither alters the predominant interpretation of the poem's recipient. Rogers doesn't consider the poem's readership, and Earl reiterates the pedagogical portrait offered in previous readings, concluding, "The poet addresses an innocent girl with the sternest possible teaching­think on your mortality-but with a fatherly understanding of her adolescent desires .... [He] teases her out of her childhood innocence into the inno­cence of Christian womanhood" (p. 205).

58. Wogan-Browne, "Clerc u lai," p. 63. Wogan-Browne is, however, careful to add that this institutional lack is "not incompatible with a high level of learning on the part of particular women."

59. Swanton, English Literature B~fore Chaucer, p. 248. 60. Love Ron, 11. 193-200. 61. See Carruthers, "Reading with Attitude," p. 7. 62. Love Ron, 11.185-187. 63. See my chapters 2 and 3. 64. Rogers proposes that both these images are part of a "ready-made thought­

cluster," forged by exegetical commentaries discussing the Heavenly City (Image and Abstraction, p. 31). Earl, following Rogers's argument, proposes that they are part of an extended allusion to the Apocalypse, the means by which Thomas "explores simultaneously the literal, allegorical, and anagogical meanings of virginity and the love of Christ" ("The Luue-Ron," p. 202).

65. Salter, Nicholas Love, pp. 134-146. 66. Love Ron, 11. 17-20, 25-28. 67. See Middle English Lyrics, ed. Maxwell Luria and Richard Hoffman (New

York: W.W. Norton, 1974) pp. 1-3, 181-183, for the texts of these poems. 68. Love Ron, 11. 10, 14. 69. Love Ron, 11. 33-40. 70. The Anglo-Norman Chasteau d'Amour (alternately Chateau d'Amour) has

been edited by J. Murray, Le Chateau d'Amour (Paris: Librairie Champion, 1918), and by M. Cooke, Robert Grosseteste's Chasteau d'Amour (New York: Burt Franklin, 1967 rpt.). See also Kari Sajavaara, The Middle EnRlish

NOTES 155

Translations of Robert Grosseteste's Chateau d'Amour (Helsinki: Societe Neophilologique, 1967) for a diplomatic edition of The Castle <1 Love, a fourteenth-century Middle English translation of the Chasteau. The portrait of Mary's virgin body as a castle/tower recalls Christ's fs visualization of her womb as a temple guarded by golden gates, though Grosseteste's image is significantly more detailed and includes representation of an interior. For discussion of the architectural imagery of the Chasteau, see Christiana Whitehead, "A Fortress and a Shield: The Representation of the Virgin in the Chateau d'amour of Robert Grosseteste," in Writing Religious Women: Female Spirituality and Textual Practices in Late Medieval England, ed. Denis Renevey and Christiania Whitehead (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2000), pp. 109-132. Whitehead argues, "Up until the twelfth century, architec­turalized reference to the Virgin seems to have been limited to liturgical and homiletic utterances. However, from that period onwards, more imaginative, more literary patterns begin to appear in the assorted vernaculars" (110). See also, Roberta Cornelius's broader study, The Figurative Castle: A Study in the Medieval Allegory <1 the Edifice with Especial Riference to Religious Writings, Diss., Bryn Mawr, 1930, pp. 44-46.

71. Love Ron, 11.129-132,137-140. 72. Carruthers, "Reading with Attitude," pp. 8-9. 73. Carruthers, "Reading with Attitude," p. 11. Cassian is an especially important

figure, since he was one of the very few authors recommended for monk's reading by the Benedictine Rule.

74. From Cassian's Institutiones 10:13-14. The translation I quote here is from Carruthers's "Reading with Attitude," p. 11. For the Latin text, see Cassiodorus Senator, Institutiones, ed. R.A.B. Mynors (London: Oxford UP, 1937). For an English translation, see Cassian, The Conferences, ed. Ramsay (New York: Paulist Press, 1997).

75. Carruthers, "Reading with Attitude," p. 20. 76. Carruthers, "Reading with Attitude," p. 7. 77. Love Ron, 11.196,204. 78. Again, the "stages" of devotion (emotional, moral, and contemplative) I'm

referring to are those systematized by Bonaventure and others. 79. Despres, Ghostly Sights, p. 25. 80. Thomas writes, "Denique sic omnia implebat uirtutis officia, ut non tam

disceret quam doceret. Talis enim fuit Maria, ut eius unius uita omnium disciplina sit" (Forsothe she fillede so aile officis of vertu, that not oonly she lernede but taugte. Forwhi Marie was sich, that the lyf of hir oon is the teching of aile) (Lyf of Oure Lady, p. 84).

81. Lyf of Oure Lady, p. 29. 82. Or, alternatively, Thomas may have anticipated a wider audience in future.

His rhetoric, however, with its appeals to secular experience, is reminiscent of Bernard's when the latter addressed the adult recruits of Clairvaux (see my Introduction, pp. 6-10, and chapter 2, pp. 50-52). Thomas appears to be simply following Bernard's precedent when writing for previously secular religious.

156 NOTES

83. Such an audience would be entirely consistent, of course, with that of Thomas's other works. My goal here, however, is to assess the texts independently of one another, and then discuss how each contributes to our general understanding of Thomas's readership.

84. On Fontevrault and its approach to female piety see Penny Gold, "Male/Female Cooperation: The Example of Fontevrault," in Medieval Religious Women, Vol. I: Distant Echoes, ed. John Nichols and Lillian Shank (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publication, 1984) and Gold's The Lady and the Virgin: Image, Attitude, and Experience in Twelfth-Century France (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1985), pp. 93-113.

85. Knowles notes that "it has been presumed that the brothers, like the nuns were Benedictines" but that, in 1459, the abbess of Fontevrault wrote that the men were under the rule of St. Augustine: see David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: England and Wales (New York: St. Martin's, 1972). p. 104. At the English priories, the cenobitic status of the men appears even more flexible; at Nuneaton, the male community was composed of secular chaplains, not monks (Knowles, The 1W'onastic Order, p. 105); at Amesbury, the presence of chaplains, a clerk, and lay brothers was recorded in 1256 (Thompson, Women Religious, p. 128). On the divi­sion oflabor between the sexes, see Gold, "Cooperation" pp. 19, 158-160.

86. The tendency is to treat Fontevrault as an unusual order for women, rather than a "double monastery" in the sryle of those common in the early Middle Ages. Fontevrault was established, as Gold argues, to accommodate Robert of Arbrissel's female followers ("Cooperation," p. 157), and the male members of the community were always in a subservient role, being under the authority of the order's abbess. Nonetheless, she concedes that men were an essential part of Fontevraultine houses and that Fontevrault itself had an exceptionally large number of them (an account of pensions from 1228 lists 120) (p. 160). Burton, also, treats Fontevrault as an order for women, though she notes that, at the motherhouse, the community "was evidently regarded, jurisdictionally, as a single one for both sexes" (Monastic and Religious Orders, p. 97).

87. Lyf of Oure Lady, p. 86. 88. One other religious house. a Benedictine abbey of nuns dedicated to St.

Anne, located near Jerusalem is mentioned in the Vita. The reference is an exotic and scene-setting one, providing an image of piety in the Holy Land, where the Vita's narrative is set. It is of interest for its description of the abbey as a "swete smelling spicerie" (cella aromatica) (39), a metaphor also used by the Ancrene Wisse to extol the spiritual pleasures of an enclosed life and in the description of Katherine's prison cell in the AB text Lije of Saint Katherine. Though the passage contributes to our understanding of Thomas's audience as a vowed one, it does not have the significance of the reference to Fontevrault, which is a more pointed, less descriptive citation.

89. Thomas interprets the childless marriage of Anne and Ioachim not as a result of the couple's age or sterility but of their deliberate practice of conjugal chastity: "Ita iusti Deo, hominibus pii, per annos circiter uiginti castum

NOTES 157

domi coniugium sine liberorum procreacione excercebant" (Thus pei werin rigtful to God & pitous to men, and vseden chaast wedlock at home wipoute gendringe of childrin bi aboute twenti yeer) (34).

90. PL 162: 1063. Andrea's citation is a crucial moment in one of the order's most important texts, establishing, as it does, a Scriptural precedent for the institution's unusual features, within the context of an authoritative account of the intentions of its founder.

91. The three English piories of Fontevrault, Amesbury, Nuneaton, and Westwood, were all dedicated to Mary, in keeping with Thomas's account of the order. Further, all are in the southwest (Wiltshire, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire, respectively), close to Thomas's possible birthplaces.

92. In Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Mus., McClean 123. A thirteenth- or fourteenth­century inscription states that the manuscript belonged to one Alice Sheyton. See David Bell, What Nuns Read: Books and Libraries in Middle English Nunneries (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1995), p. 158, for a description of its contents. A fourteenth-century MS from Amesbury (Cambridge, UL., Ee.6.16) also contains a hymn to St. Francis (Bell, What Nuns Read, p. 103).

93. Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, p. 97. 94. Amesbury, refounded in 1177, had earlier been an abbey of Benedictine

nuns, and scholars continue to speculate about the possible political motives behind its refoundation. On Henry's interest in other houses linked with Fontevrault, see Sharon Elkins, Holy Women of Twelfth-Century England (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1988), pp. 146-148; Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, p. 97; and Thompson, Women Religious, pp. 122-123.

95. Thompson has suggested that Nuneaton and Westwood both may have been encouraged and planned by Henry II's aunt, Matlida, abbess of Fontevrault (Women Religious, pp. 123-124, 173). On their founders, see below.

96. Thompson, Women Religious, pp. 121-122. Speaking of a group of thirty Nuneaton charters, Thompson remarks, "there are only isolated examples of names of donors which do not suggest an aristocratic pedigree" (p. 121, n. 63). The entrants into Amesbury were especially high ranking; in the thirteenth century, these included Mary, daughter of Edward I (entered 1285), and Edward's mother, Eleanor of Provence (Women Religious, p. 122).

97. Both Nuneaton and Westwood were founded ca. 1155. Of Eustacia de Say, Thompson notes, "Her parentage is not known but the fact that her children adopted her name suggests that she was of high rank" (Women Religious, p. 121). Elkins concurs, noting that the de Says were a family of wealth and influence, "not earls themselves but frequently the spouses and heirs of earls" (Holy Women, p. 57).

98. Lyf of Oure Lady, pp. 96, 95. 99. Bell, What Nuns Read, p. 61. On the aristocratic status of post-conquest

Barking, see Elkins, Holy Women, pp. 148-150. Several of Barking's twelfth-century abbesses, all, of course, aristocratic and with connections to the royal court, were Latinate (Wogan-Brown, "Clerc," p. 67), and an anonymous nun of the house translated JElred's Vita of Edward the

158 NOTES

Confessor into Anglo-Norman (pp. 68-69). Wogan-Browne agrees with Bell in viewing Latin literacy at Barking as substantial, rare among women's houses, and the result of the high rank of the Barking's entrants.

100. Wogan-Browne, also, argues that, for this period, a woman's status as reli­gious or lay was a less important factor in her education and literacy than her social rank ("Clerc," pp. 62-63).

101. MS Douai, Bibl. mun., 887, a thirteenth- or fourteenth-century manuscript from Nuneaton, contains two Latin sermons by Alan of Tewkesbury and Gerald of Wales's Topographia Hibernia:. See Bell, What Nuns Read, p. 158, for a description of the manuscript). The Nuneaton manuscript containing Grosseteste's work (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Mus., McClean 123), in con­trast, appears to have been compiled for a reader uncomfortable with Latin. It is primarily in Anglo-Norman, and where Latin texts appear, they are accompanied by Anglo-Norman rubrics. The earliest surviving manuscript from Amesbury is fourteenth-century (MS Cambridge, U.L., Ee.6.16), and though it contains Latin texts, they are liturgical. See Bell, What Nuns Read, p. 103, for descriptions.

102. The manuscript, London, B.L., Cotton Cleopatra C. vi, is a significant one, since it contains an early version of the Ancrene Wisse. See The English Text of the Ancrene Riwle. Editedfrom B.M. Cotton MS. Cleopatra C.vi, ed. EJ Dobson, EETS 0.s.267 (London: Oxford UP, 1972), pp. xx-xxv, for description of the manuscript, and Roger Dahood, "Ancrene Wisse, the Katherine Group, and the Wohunge Group," pp. 3-4, for discussion of its relation to the other manuscripts of Ancrene Wissel. See Thompson, Women Religious, pp. 171-172, for the details of Matilda's refounding of Canonsleigh.

103. Also suggestive is the case of Eleanor de Montfort, countess of Leicester, and sister of Henry III (previously mentioned here in note 40). Both her connection with Thomas's circle of Franciscans and her probable Latinity are revealed by a letter in Latin addressed to her from Adam Marsh, ca. 1250. (See Ward, pp. 53-55, for a translation.) The letter is advisory, yet personal in character. Eleanor had been a vowess from 1231 to 1238, after the death of her husband, William, earl of Pembroke, but in 1238 she married Simon de Montfort (Erler, "English Vowed Women," p. 186).

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INDEX

AB texts, 12,36-37,40-41,50,52, 64-67, 70-71, 73, 79, 86, 88, 107,130,133,135,139,140-41

see also Ancrene Wisse, Hali Meiohad, Katherine Group, Sawles Warde, Wooing Group

Abelard, Peter, 80 Advent liturgy, 21 Advent Lyrics, see Christ I JElred ofRievaulx, 67 affective theology, 3, 6-12, 48, 89-93,

95, 98 and anchoritism, 46, 48 and mendicant orders, 87, 89-93 and monastic reform, 7-8, 50-51 and popular devotion, 89-93,

98-111 see also Bernard of Clairvaux, Hugh

of St. Victor Alain de Lille,

Summa de arte praedicatoria, 72 anchoritism, 36-50, 63, 65-66

economy of, 66, 81-86 letters of direction for, 36, 38-39 on the Continent, 38 spaces of, 38-52, 55, 71, 77 see also reading-anchoritic, Ancrene

Wisse, Wooing Group Ancrene Wisse, 12-13,35-61,63,67,

72, 74-75, 81-83, 85-86, 95, 99 authorship and audience of, 37

Andrea of Fontevrault, 108 Anselm of Canterbury, 98

Orationes sive meditationes, 69-70

Asad, Talal, 8-10, 22, 50 asceticism, 41-46, 49, 52, 60, 70 Augustine of Hippo, 72

see also Rule if St. Augustine

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 5 Barthes, Roland, 15-16,21,31 Bartlett, Anne Clark, 52 Beckwith, Sarah, 39, 64-66, 92 Bell, David, 110 Bernard of Clairvaux, 6-11, 46, 50-52,

72, 89-90, 98, 111 De diligendo dea, 9 Sennones super Cantica Canticorum,

6-11,51,89 Bible,

Old Testament, 30, 42-43, 45 New Testament, 79, 108

Bloch, Howard, 85 Bloch, Marc, 80 body imagery, 19-20, 23-33, 39-50,

57-60, 71 Bonaventure ofBagnoregio, 80, 99

Letter to a Poor Clare, 90 Bourdieu, Pierre, 22 Boyarin, Daniel, 19,54-55,57,59 Burlin, Robert, 23-24, 29 Butler, Judith, 18

Carruthers, Mary, 101-104 Carter, Angela, 63 Cassian, John, 102-103 censorship, 59-61 chanson de geste, 84-86

178

Chewning, Susannah, 65-66, 77 Christ,

body of, 23-25, 49, 66, 71, 83 imitation of, 49, 73, 90 marriage to, see Sponsa Christi Passion of, 64, 66, 77-78, 83,

90-91,99, 105

INDEX

Howe, Nicholas, 20 Hugh of St. Victor, 17

Innes-Parker, Catherine, 65, 77 Irigaray, Luce, 76, 78

Christ 1,11-12,15-33,35-37,60-61, Jeffrey, David, 92 Johnson, William, 24 Julian of Norwich, 63-65 63, 87

Christina ofMarkyate, 64, 76-77 Clayton, Mary, 21, 25 Copeland, Rita, 72

Despres, Denise, 92, 105 discourse, 4-6

economy, 76-81 and women, 76-78

Exeter Book, 20, 21, 23

Fontevrault, Order of, 107-110 Foucault, Michel, 4-6 Fradenberg, Louise, 3, 4 Franciscan order, 87-93

aesthetics of, 87-89 Frantzen, Allen, 15-16,31-32 Freccero, Carla, 3-4

Gatch, Milton, 21 gender,

and exchange, 76-78, 85-86 queer, 77-78 see also reading and gender

Georgiana, Linda, 39 Ginzburg, Carlo, 18 gospel harmonies, 91, 94, 105 Grosseteste, Robert, 94

Chasteau d'Amour, 101, 108

Hali Meiohad, 40-41, 51-52, 64, 70, 86

Helfta, see wOluen's communities Hill, Betty, 93-94 Holquist, Michael, 61 Horral!, Sarah, 94

"Katherine Group," 67 Life of St. Katherine, 70-71, 86 Life of St. Margaret, 70, 86

Kay, Sarah, 82-85 Kempe, Margery, 63-65

Leclerq, Jean, 50-51 Lees, Clare, 30, 32 LeGoff, Jacques, 80-81 Liege, see women's communities Lochrie, Karma, 5, 35, 77

Mannyng, Robert, Chronicle, 82

Mary, Virgin, 25-31, 66-67, 101, 105-109

Matilda de Clare, 110 monasticism, 15,46,50-51,89,

101-104 Moorman, John, 91 mysticism, 63-66

Payer, Pierre, 5 poetry,

Franciscan, 91 Middle English lyric, 100 Old English, 19-20, 28 Poem of the Coin, 80 see also: Thomas of Hales-Love Ron

Rankin, Susan, 21 Raw, Barbara, 21 reading,

anchoritic, 36-39,54-60, 71-72 and gender, 35-37, 60-61,72-78

INDEX 179

and memory, 97, 101-104 Anglo-Saxon, 17-21,35-36 erotic, 2-3, 9-10, 16-21, 54, 78 Franciscan, 90-92 Latinate, 105-111 lay, 21, 36-7, 50, 52, 54-55, 68, 93,

95,109-110 ludic, 54 monastic, 35-36, 50-51, 53 private, 17-21, 53-57, 61 tropology, 17 women's, 36-37, 96-111

Robert of Arbisse!, 108 Rolle, Richard, 64, 68 romance

Anglo-Norman, 76 influence on devotional literature,

52, 74-76, 95 Rule if St. Augustine, 46

Saenger, Paul, 11, 53-56 Saint's lives,

La Vie de Sainte Euphrosine, 77 La Vie Sainte Audree, 76 Vita Sancte ,Warie, 13, 89, 94,

105-111 see also Katherine Group

Salter, Elizabeth, 99 Savage, Anne, 60, 67 Sawles Warde, 67 Schweickart, Patrocino, 77 "Secrets literature," 35 sexuality,

and chastity, 42-46 and privacy,S and the senses, 43-50, 71-72

Anglo-Saxon, 16 sin oflechery, 42-43, 58-59 study of, 3-6

Shell, Marc, 81, 84-85 Song of Songs, 7, 48

see also Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones sliper Cmltica Canticorum

Sponsa Christi, 48-52, 63, 70, 73, 87, 98-99, 106

see also Song of Songs Stanbury, Sarah, 78 Swanton, Michael, 97

A Talkyng of the Love of God, 68-70 Thomas of Hales, 13, 88-89,

93-111 Anglo-Norman sermon, 94 Love Ron, 13-14,88-89,93-105,

110-111 Vita Sanctc ]'vfaric, 13, 89, 94,

105-111

Voaden, Rosalyn, 65

Ward, Benedicta, 70 Warren, Ann, 38, 81 Waters, Claire, 72 Watson, Nicholas. 41, 67 Wogan-Browne, Joce!yn, 39, 93 women's comlllunities,

Liege and Helfta, 65 Wooing Group, 13,64-86,95

audience for, 67-T!. texts and manuscripts, 66-68

Woolf, Rosemary, 75