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MULTICULTURAL PLANNING

A S tudy of Inter-ethnic Planning in Richmond, B.C.

Lisa Kimiko Domae

A thesis submitted to the School of Urban and Regional Planning

in conformity with the requirements for

the degree of Master of Planning

Queen's University Kingston, Ontario. Canada

May. 1998

copyright O Lisa Kirniko Domae, 1998

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Abstract This thesis describes and analyses the inter-ethnic context of planning in Richmond, B.C..

a suburban city of Vancouver with a population of 150 000 residents, approximately 409 of whom

are of Chinese ethnicity . It describes how npid and intense immigration from Hong Kong resulted

in a situation of inter-ethnic tension between ment immigrants and long time residents, creating a

context of social relations that affected land use planning phenomena. By taking the position that

ethnic groups compete to express human needs and functions in cultural forms on the built

landscape, this thesis discusses the notion of "multicultunl cities" and examines how they are

negotiated by residents.

By reporting on the soçio-economic differences between this immigrant group and previous

immigrants to Canada, this thesis challenges some of the prevailing assumptions based in Human

Ecological theory that have guided our understanding of immigrants and their settlement patterns.

This thesis concludes that a new class of immigrant is choosing to intepte into their host

communities rather than to assimilate and in doing so, is changing the fon-n of the existing built

landscape. Local government land use plmners have found themselves needing to mediate between

ethnic groups by ptomoting an inclusive process of mutual accommodation in land use and other

planning situations. The thesis concludes by suggesting a mocizl of munial accornrnodarion for

situations of inter-ethnic tension.

Executive Sumrnary The arrivai of the latest wave of Chinese immigrants to British Columbia ( 1988 to present)

has chdlenged our prevailing stereotypes of irnmibgants, our understanding of where they fit in

Canada's socio-economic spectrum, and Our theories of their settlement patterns. While planners

will continue to confront the poor u h a n housing and living conditions facing many ethnic

immi,pnts, they are also increasingly king asked to mediate lmd use planning confiicts between a

socially and financially empowered imrniepnt group and long tirne residents. A "new middle

class" group of Chinese immiegants (Li. 1990) has hastened the development of Richmond, B.C.. a

formlery semi-rural, agricultural. suburb of Vancouver. and in doing so, has disrupted the existing

atmosphere and lifestyle of that city. Chief arnong the recent demoegaphic changes has k e n the

growth in absolute size and proportion of Chinese Richmond residents. A meagre 7% of the

population in 198 1, people of single Chinese origin comprised 17% of the total population in 199 1.

while the British population dropped from alrnost 50% of the population in 198 1 to under 25% in

199 1. 1998 estimates suggest that 40% of Richmond residents arcs of Chinese descent. Despite the

presence of numerous other longstanding ethnic groups in Richmond, Chinese immigration,

especially from Hong Kong, hrts potarized inter-ethnic tensions. in many ways creating a

dichotomous city .

Immigrant first settlement into suburban locales is a recent phenornenon (Lam, 1993)

which has dismpted residents* notion of suburbs as places of homogeneity and stability. Tensions

between the new Chinese immigrant community and long time residents have arisen as cornpetitions

to express human needs and functions in cultural forms subsumed the City in the early 1990s.

Residents were captured by language debates, especidly those conceming the use of non-official

hguages in public places and spaces, and stmggled over ethnicity-based community

organizations. Broad themes in inter-ethnic tension emerged, setting the context for future

relations. Many of Richmond's long time Euro-Canadian residents expressed resentment against

the Chinese imrniapnt comrnunity for rapidly urbanizing and developing the City, viewing these

efforts as attempts to "push" long time residents out of Richmond. Many also accused the

immiDgant community of creating an "ethnic subculture" in Richinond at the expense of "fitting in"

with the majority culture and traditions. In the absence of a policy protecting the traditions of long

time residents, a "backlash" against MulticulturriIism threatened the City's inter-ethnic harmony

and the local Council was chastised for appearing to gant immigrants "special faveurs". There is

a clear need for planners and policy makers to recognize the traditions of existing riesidents when

multicultud planning.

As the most visibIe symbol of the City's identity, built challenges to the City's landscape

were among the most controversiai subjects of inter-ethnic tension. Cornplaints about the Asian

face and character of an 1 1 ha. retail district and numerous mega houses dotting residential suburbs

peaked in the early to mid 1990s as immigration from Asia also crescendoed. Planning related

cornplaints veiled a "subtext" (Qadeer. 1997) of concems about social policies such as immi,gation

and Multicultut-aiism, suggesting that social phenornena have physical implications and vice versa.

On a large scale, neighbourhood level issues, such as housing, proved to have

consequences for the identity of the city. While one aberrant neighbourhood's visual identity may

not have affected citizens' perceptions of their city, the mega houses dotting neighbourhoods across

Richmond proved to seriously threaten the City's identity. The development of an Asian retail

district on Nurnber 3 Road north of Carnbie Road had a sirnilar effect. Planning concerns

expressed in style and design terrns housed residents' distress about the Pace of immigration to

Richmond and the increasingly Asim flavour of the city.

An investigation of the Asian retail and the mega house controversies also revealed that

although Human Ecological theory once captured immigrant settlement patterns and thus

encapsulated residents' assumptions of urban change, these theories require revision given the high

socio-economic status of some of Canada's recent immigrants. "Ghetto terror" and a very red fear

of the invasion-succession process comprised much of the resistance to the symbolic manifestations

of the Chinese community in Richmond. Residents' experience and observations of immigrant

seulement patterns led them to expect a "ghettoization" of the Chinese community and that an

"invasion-succession" process would occur. Neither has happened in Richmond and there is no

expectation that either will occur. This suggests a need for some revisions to Human Ecological

theory or at Ieast its application to Canadian situations.

The inter-ethnic land use planning situations in Richmond have demanded that local

government land use planners work within the social context of these controversies. "reading" the

urban planning process for the "subtext" of concerns that may drive a planning process. To do so

requires dnwing not only upon staff resources. but on those of citizens, community groups and

local businesses. Each of these groups may play a pivotal role in facilitating the process of mutual

accommodation.

Mutual accommodation involves the negotiation of community values, traditions,

behaviours, and expectations across cultures and ethnic groups. The Richmond experience

demonstrated that a common process of mutual accommodation occurred in situations of inter-

ethnic tension. Conflicting opinions on values. resources, and traditions identified in the private

sphere becmie pubk. Tensions heated up as a public discourse was created which set the stage

for a process of negotiation that informed the public about the diverse ways in which ethno-culturai

groups express common needs and functions. This public discourse created an atmosphere

conducive to compromise. Heightened tensions were followed by a calming period where inter-

ethnic differences took a background to cross-cultural similarities, and a new balance of interests

eventually emerged.

The key to mutual accommodation was the consultation and communication of al1

stakeholders under the guidance of local government. The latter's leadership in understanding

where ethnic interests coincided as well as collided, proved to be pivotal to the mutual

accommodation process. The result has been that in the last half decade inter-ethnic controversies

have seriously diminished, and although friction still exists. a balance of interests currently

prevails.

Acknowledgements The gnerous contributions of the people who shared their time, thoughts. and files with me made

this study possible. rspecially the staff at the City of Richmond who assisted me in every possible

way. 1 would also like to thank the School of Urban and Regionai Planning at Queen's University

in Kingston for their assistance and support. Special thanks must go to my advisor, Dr.

Mohammad Qadeer. who expenly and skillfully guided the research procrss.

vii

Table of Contents Abstract ..........................................................................................................................................

Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................

......................................................................................................................... Ac knowledgements

............................................................................................................................ Table of Contents

List of Figures .................................................................................................................................

.................................................................................................................................. List of Tables

Chapter One . Introduction ..................... ... ................................................................................. 1.1 Thesis Significance ...................................................................................................... 1.2 Thesis Objectives .........................................................................................................

................................................................................................................ 1.3 Methodology 1.4 Limitations of Research ............................................................................................... 1.5 Thesis Organization .................... ... ..........................................................................

Chapter Two . Reading the Cultural Landscape .............................................................................. 2.1 Immigration and Official Multiculturalism .................................................................. 2.2 Human Ecology and PIanning ......................................................................................

2.3 1 "Natura! Areas" and Classic Human Ecofogy Theory ......................................... 2.22 The Ecological Processes of Change ................................................................... 2.23 Projecting the Patterns of Urban Growth ......................................................

2.3 The Human Ecologists on Immigrant Settlement ......................................................... 2.4 Assumptions of Human EcoIogy .................................................................................. 2.5 Interpreting Communities ..................... .., ............................................................... 2.6 Cornpetitive Ethnic Relations and the Built Landscape ................................................

..................................................................................................................... 2.7 Summary

Chapter Three . Ethnic Diversity in Richmond . Immigration and Population Growth .................. 3.1 A Brief History of Ethnic Diversity in Richmond ....................... .. ............................. 3.2 Population Growth in Richmond ......................... .. .................................................... 3.3 Immigration to Richmond . 1986 to 1994 ................... .... ......................................... 3.4 The Effects of Immigration on Richmond's Ethnic Composition and Inter-ethnic

Relations .................................................................................................................... 3.5 Recent Developments to Richmond's Ciiinese Community ........................................... 3.6 Reasons for Immigration to Richmond ......................................................................... 3.7 The "New Middle Class" Chinese of Richmond ............................................................ 3.8 Summary .................................... .... ................................................. Chapter Four -The Context of Inter-ethnic Relations in Richmond ..................................... ..... 4.1 Inter-ethnic Tensions and School Based Issues .............................................................

4.1 1 The English as a Second Language (ESL) Debates ............................................. 4.12 The "Satellite Families" Issue ............................................................................ 4.13 Parent Organizations and the Richmond School Sy5icm .....................................

4.2 The Public Use of Minority Languages ........................................................................ 4.21 The Issue of Including Chinese Language Resources in the Richmond Public

Li brary ............................................................................................................... 4.22 Workplace Language Requirements ..................................................................

4.3 The Christmas Tree Incident of 1993 ...........................................................................

... V l l l

.................... 4.4 Some Broad Thernes in Richmond's Inter-erhnic Relations ....... ................ 4.5 The City of Richmond's Response to their Multicultural Population ............................ 4.6 Multicultural Initiatives of the City of Richmond ..........................................................

...................................................................................................................... 4.7 Summary

Chapter Five . Case Study: Asian Retail District ............................................................................. 5.1 The History of Aberdeen ...............................................................................................

...................................................................................... 5.2 Changing the Built Landscape 5.3 Inter-ethnic Tensions and the PLsian Retail District ....................................................... 5.4 The Evolution of Residents Concerns about the District ............ .... ...........................

....................................................................... 5.5 The Process of Mutual Accommodation ........................................................................................ .................... 5.6 Summary ....

Chapter Six . Case Study: Mega Houses in Richmond ................................................................... 6.1 A History of Residential Redevelopment in Richmond ............................. ... .............. 6.2 The Mega House Problem ............................................................................................ 6.3 invasion and Succession'? ............................................................................................. 6.4 Policy Options .............................................................................................................

........................................................................... 6.5 The Chinese Communi ty 's Response 6.6 Negotiating a Bylaw .................................................................................................... 6.7 The Process of Mutual Accommodation ....................................................................... 6.8 Summary .....................................................................................................................

Chapter Seven . Conclusions and Recommendations 7.1 Summary ..................................................................................................................... 7.2 Review of Thesis Propositions ...................................................................................... 7.3 Speculating on a Multicultural City ............................................................................. 7.4 Planning Lessons ......................................................................................................... 7.5 Recommendations for Further Research .......................................................................

Works Cited ..................................... ... ..................................... ..................................................................................................................................... Appendices

Appendix A: Sample Letters to the Editor of the Richmond Revierv Appendix B: A Chronolom of Inter-ethnic Relations in Richmond, 1989 -1997 Appendix C: AgriculturaI Land Reserve Boundary Appendix D: Multicultural Policy, City of Richmond Appendix E: Terrns of Refcrence for the Advisory Committee on Intercultural Relations Appendix G: A Chronology of Events - Richmond's Mega House Controversy Appendix H: Amendment Bylaw 5728, Proposed Changes to Floor Area Ratio Appendix 1: Single Family Housing Zone District, Bylaw 5300: Zoning and

DeveIopment Bylaw

List of Figures Map of the Lower Mainland . B.C. ................... .... .................................................

.................................................................................................................. Steveston

Number of Immigrants to Richmond by Year . 1986 - 1994 .......................................

Top Five Source Countries of Immigants to Richmond by Y e u . 199 1 - 1994 ..........

Immigration Growrh Relative to Total Population Growth . 1986 - 1997 .... .. .............

1986 City of Richmond Ccnsus Tracts ......................................................................

1986 Chinese Ethnic Origin in Richmond by Census Tracts ......................................

1986 Population of Chinese Ethnic Origin in Richmond Census Tracts as a Percentage of Census Tract Population ......................................................................

199 1 City of Richmond Census Tracts ......................................................................

199 ! Chinese Ethnic Origin in Richmond by Census Tracts ......................................

199 1 Population of Chinese Ethnic Origin in Richmond Census Tracts as a Percentage of Census Tract Population .................... ... ............................................

Richmond as a "Pearl in the Mouth of the Dragon" ................... .. ............................

The Aberdeen District ...............................................................................................

.............................................................. Xetail Developments ............................... ..

A Typical Richmond Mock "Tudor" Home ...........................................

A Richmond Mega house ........................................................................................

Median Price of a Single Family Detached House in Richmond, 1988-1997 ..............

List of Tables 3.1 Richmond Population . Population Increase . and Percentage Growth . 1976 - 1997 .... 41

3.2 Immigrants to Richmond by Country of Last Permanent Residency . 199 1 - 1994 ...... 43

3.3 Proportion of Imrnignnts to Total Population Increase By Year. 1986 - 1997 ........... 4l

3 -4 Richmond's Population by Ethnic Origin . 198 1 and 199 1 ......................................... 45

3.5 Distribution of Chinese in Richmond by Census Tract . 1986 and 1991 ...................... 49

3 -6 Percentage of Chinese in Richmond by Census Tract. 1986 and 199 1 ....................... 50

Chapter One. Introduction Multicultural planning is not a new planning pnctise but one that ment immigration

poiicies and Canada's official policy of Multicultunlism increasingly legitimizes. As a classical

country of immigation. Canadian cities always had "ethnic areas" where imrniepntsT low socio-

econornic status cornbined with real estate market forces and created "Chinatowns" and "Little

Italies". Canadians have both anecdotal and academic familiarity with these areas. Indeed. much

of Our understanding of urban residential change may be attributed to the Human Ecologists who

put order to these historical immigrant settlement patterns. Yet, while Canada has traditionally

sought immigrants to meet the labour needs of its v a t , natunl resource based economy. its current

cornmitment to increased investment and professional and technicd skills has resulted in the search

for a new c lass of immigrant . Hailing from non-traditional source countries, Canada* s newest

residents have chailenged many of our iissumptions about ethnic irnmi,grmts generally, and their

place on Canada's socio-econornic mosaic, Their amval has also significantly changed the form of

many urban built landscapes. The effect of these changes are, perhaps. most pronounced in

suburban locales. whose stereotype belies a profound diversity (Gober. 1989:3 12).

A situation of inter-ethnic tension, even conflict, has emerged over land use planning

phenomena not only for their physical implications. but also for their cultural-symbolic (Breton,

1993) implications. As culturally styled buildings become more numerous, a competition to

express human needs and functions in culturai forrns on the built landscape has ernerged between

ethnic groups. Mediating this conflict while accommodating the needs and preferences of a

culturally and ethnically diverse population, often on a case by case basis, has required creative

and innovative planning. However, these piecemeal multicultural adjustments to local government

policies and bylaws have led planners to begin answering the larger question of how competing

ethnic groups negotiate a multicultural city.

Chapter 1 - Introdrrction 2

The purpose of this research is to examine the social and physical planning implications of

concentnted and npid immimgation from Hong Kong and other parts of Asia, ta Richmond, B.C.,

a suburb of the City of Vancouver, noting areas of inter-ethnic tension and the resulting process of

mutual accommodation. This thesis focuses on the confluence of social and physical phenomena in

land use planning situations and argues that planners must understand the wider context of inter-

ethnic relations to effectively rnediate planning controversies. Case studies in land use planning

controversies demonstrate that Human Ecological theory no longer accurately describes urban

change, especially with regards to immi,mt settlement patterns. The purpose of this thesis. and

its distinguishing feature in the litenture, is to argue that rnulticultunl urban planning must give

,mater emphasis to the common needs and functions of people, rather than to the culturally

different foms in which these needs and functions are expressed. The process of mutual

accommodation between ethnically and cultunlly divergent groups necessitates this focus. The

thesis supports this argument by dnwing on the City of Richmond's recent expenences.

Z. 1 Th esis Sign ifican ce

In the 25 years that have passed since Multiculturalism became an officia1 fedeni policy.

public and academic opposition to the policy has grown. A "backiash" against Multicultunlism,

which some see as promoting the interests of Canada's ethnic groups at the expense of established

Euro-Canadian traditions, is occuning at every level of govemment. Locai govemments and their

planning departments have not been exempted from this public outrage. However, because

rnulticulturalisrn is a demognphic reality of Canadian cities, Canada needs a philosophy which

promotes inter-ethnic tolerance and understanding. For this reason, planners and other policy

makers bear the onus of ensuring that governments implement the principles of Multiculturaiism in

their daily work.

The significance of this thesis is that it atternpts to communicate what inter-ethnic tensions

arise over. how they arise, and how ethnic communities accommodate each other to resolve these

tensions. Furthemore, it illustrates the effects of demognphic changes on social structures in

Canada by noting that "minorities" are increasingly threatening the numerical "majority" of Euro-

Canadians in some urban areas. Inverted social relations create physical effects - long time

residents may not appreciate the changes that immigrants often make to the built landscape, ruid

inter-ethnic conflict may ensue. Thus. the significance of the Richmond experience with

concenuated and npid immigration is twofold. First, Richmond's experiences reveal lessons in

muIticultud planning for other communities. Second. they suggest that sorne of the major theories

of urban change, particularly as they concem immigration, need revision.

1.2 Thesis Objectives The objectives of this research are:

to record the effect of Asian, chiefly Hong Kong, immigration on Richmond's ethnic composition, noting the socio-economic differences between these immi-gants and the traditional ethnic immi,orants to Canada;

to analyse the effect of Asian immi,ontion on Richmond's buiIt and social landscapes and to note some broad themes in Richmond's inter-ethnic relations;

to note the levels on which inter-ethnic cornpetitions have emerged. and to discuss the reasons for their occurrence;

to record the process of munial accommodation between ethnic groups that resolved Richmond's socid and land use controversies;

to discuss the role that locai governments. community groups, citizens, and the market, have in facilitating mutual accommodation between ethnic groups;

to reveal planning lessons for other multicultural cities.

1.3 Methodology Research for this thesis was collected from five primary sources of data:

1. literature;

2. PCensus, and published Census Canada data for 1986 and 199 1 ;

Chaprer I - Introduction 4

3. data from various departments at Richmond City Hall;

4. interviews with Richmond residents, City of Richmond staff and administrators, and community leaders from Richmond's ethnic groups and social service organizations;

5 . locai, city, and national news reports.

Literature Review An extensive review of current, relevant, and applicable research was done, prirnarily, but

not exclusively, in the urban and regional planning, geography, and sociology disciplines. Chapter

Two presents the results of this research as an accumuIated body.

Census Canada Data A descriptive analysis of 1986 and 199 1 Canadian Census data was done using PCensus

data and published Census Canada reports. The chief rnethodological limitation in using Census

Canada data in this thesis is the absence of data from the 1996 Census year, specifically as it

pertains to ethnicity. The Census data included here only captures Richmond's ethnic composition

as it was up until 199 1, although most situations of inter-ethnic tension occurred after 199 1. The

absence of 1996 Census data is entirely due to the fact that the data was not publicly available

when this thesis was king researched. The use of BC STATS data which is collected on an

annual bais, helps partially offset this deficiency as does the use of other demognphic estimates.

including those provided by the City of Richmond.

There are three significant Iimitations with using the Census Canada definitions of ethnic

origin as a classification category. Each is noted here as a limitation to this analysis. The first is

that ethnic origin is a fluid concept (Lam, 19935) and must be treated accordingly. Ethnic origin

does not necessarily mean that the respondent hails from a particular country. That is, not ali

people who selected Chinese as their single ethnic origin are necessarily from the People's Republic

of China, Hong Kong or Taiwan. Ethnic origin also combines the notions of race, religion,

customs, and values; each of which is difficult to define (Lam, 19935). A person of single racial

origin, i.e., both parents of one particular race, may define him or herself as having another

Chapter I - Introdrrction 5

ethnicity. For example. a penon may have a single race. i.e.. Chinese. but rnay define him or her

self as of British ethnicity based on last country of permanent residency, on citizenship, andor on

culture.

Second. between 1986 and 199 1. Statistics Canada re-worded the question which asks

respondents to indicate their ethnicity on the Census. In 199 1 new classifications were added to

reflect the divenity of Canadian immigrants and ethno-cultural groups. Thus. the 1986 and 199 1

categories of ethnic origin are not directly comparable.

Third. and perhaps most relevant to this study. the "Chinese" ethnic origin category used

by Crnsus Canada in 1986 and 199 1. does not distinguish between Hong Kong. the People's

Republic of China. and Taiwan. Although these are places of residence in China nther than

ethnicities themselves. there are significant cultural and economic differences between each

location that are important to this. and any other snidy of Chinese immigrants to Canada.

Furthemore. peopie originating from these areas often see themselves as belonging to the

'Taiwanese" or "Hong Kongese" ethnicities. Thus. a limitation of Crnsus Canada data is that it

does not reveai the differences between these cultural groups.

Data from various departments of Richmond City HaU Many types of data, including published "information" and "fact" sheets, official plans.

statistics, Council minutes. staff reports. and bylaws. were obtained from various departments at

Richmond City Hall. Departments which were consulted include: the Urban Development

Division. Social Planning and Community Prognms. Permits and Licenses. Economic

Development, the City Clerk's Office. and the City Administrator's office. The primary weakness

of these data is that they were not consistently kept and were not reglady updated.

Interviews Active. informal. interviews spanning between 60 to 120 minutes were conducted with

some of the key players in Richmond's multiculturai scene. These individuals were chosen because

they are considered to be community leaders and because they head community service

Cha~ter I - Introduction 6

orgmizations and local government departments. Interviews were conducted with: Mr. Mike Kirk,

Manager. Social Planning and Programs, City of Richmond; Mr. T.N. Foo. Program Director,

SUCCESS (United Chinese Cornrnunity Enrichment Service Society); Mr. Johnny Carline, CAO.

Greater Vancouver Regional District (former City Administrator, City of Richmond). Mr. David

McLellan. Manager. Urban Development Division, City of Richmond; Mr. James Hsieh, Director,

Richmond Chinese Community Association; and Ms Saintfield Wong, Manager, Chinese Cultural

Centre. Richmond Office. Informa1 interviews and conversations with Richmond residents were

also conducted on a casual basis. Most of those participating requested that they not be named in

this thesis.

Local, city, and national news coverage A review of the local, city and national new s covenge was conducted for the 1989 to

1997 period. The primary source of news coverage was microfilm copies and online editions of the

Richmond Revimv, a bi-weekly, free newspaper with the largest circulation of Richmond's locid

newspapers. Where possible, the Richmond News. a weekly, free tabloid newspaper was also

consulted. however the absence of archival copies of this newspaper inhibited wide use of it. The

daily Vancortver Srin, and the daily Globe and Mail were also consulted as secondary sources.

1.4 Limitations of Research This thesis purports to articulate situations of inter-ethnic tension in Richmond, Such an

endeavour is more subjective than objective and thus limited on these grounds. Second, this thesis

argues that residents' expectations of urban change, especially regarding immigrant settIement

patterns, reflect principles found in Human Ecological theory. However. this supposition was not

rigourously tested and it is likely that most residents are not aware of these theones. It is an

anecdotal observation that deserves rigourous testing. Third, this thesis does not contain, or daim

to contain, the hl1 context of inter-ethnic dations in Richmond. Members of the many other

ethnic groups residing in Richmond were not consulted for this research. Rather, this thesis

Chapter 1 - Introduction 7

focuses on the broad relations between the Chinese and Euro-Canadian communities. Finally. as

section 1 il indicates, a major limitation of this research was the unavailability of 1996 Census

Canada data.

2.5 Thesis Organization This thesis consists of eight chapters which are supplemented by appendices.

Chapter One serves to intmduce the area of research. to note its significance to the

profession and to the academy. and to discuss its rnethodology.

Chapter Two contextuahes the thesis by connecting relevant theories from urban and

regional planning. cultural geognphy. and sociology into a united theoretical approach. Litenture

on: Canada's officiai policy of Multiculturalism. multicultunl planning. Human Ecological

theones of urban change, narrative interpretation. and competitive ethnic relations are reviewed.

Chapter Two concludes by asserting the thesis' propositions.

Chapter Three reviews and gnphically illustrates. the growth and diversification of

Richmond's population over the past decade and comments on the role that immigration har playrd

in changing the City's ethnic composition. Chapter Three also discusses the development of a new

Chinese community in Richmond and outlines the socio-economic charactenstics of this group.

Chapter Four sets the context for land use planning controversies in Richmond by outlining

some of the major situations of inter-ethnic tension that have occurred in Richmond's recent past

and by noting the process of mutual accommodation that led to their resolution. Chapter Four also

discusses the role that the City of Richmond has played as a facilitator of mutual accommodation

and discusses the City's multicultunl initiatives.

Chapters Five and Six are case studies in multicultural land use planning which focus on

how the Chinese community and "long time" residents accomrnodated each other over time on both

the neighbourhood and city wide levels. Chapter Five is a case snidy of Richmond's Asian RetaiI

Chapter 1 - introduction 8

District which became controversial not only for its Asian face. but for how it conflicted with

North Amencan shopping expectations. It is an important example of how local govemments,

business. comunity groups, and citizens helped resolve a situation of inter-ethnic tension

occumng at a public level. Chapter Six is a case study of mega houses in Richmond. The mega

house controversy was pethaps the epochal time of recent inter-ethnic tensions in P'chrnond. Its

importance to the planning literature lies in the City of Richmond's success in devising physical

planning reguiations that helped solve social and physicd planning problerns. The mega house

case study is also an exampIe of cornpetitive ethnic relations occurring on the neighbourhood level.

Chapter Seven concludes the thesis by summarizing the data, by reviewing the thesis

propositions. and by speculating what a mu1ticuItural city looks tike. Chapter Seven also includes

"planning lessons" for cities which increasingly need to plan for multicultunl populations. In

closing, Chapter Seven propones areas for further investigation that have emerged from this

researc h.

Chaprer Z - Reading the Culrural L a d c a p e 9

Chapter Two. Reading the Cultural Landscape Since the mid 1980s there has k e n a cornpelling rnovernent in cultural geography to

understand the built environment as the physical product of social processes (Duncan and Duncan,

1988; Lewandowski, 1984; Ley, 1987). We now perceive city landscapes not only as the outcomes

of financial competitions for land ownership, but of societal competitions for the authority to

determine how land is used. Cities, and their constituent neighbourhoods. are the physical

representations of the identity of rnany comrnunities; some reflect the dominance of one community.

Cultural geographers now view the built landscape as a symbol of the collective values, ideologies,

and cultures, of community, rather than seeing it as a benign object. Where Mies van der Roe once

said that "Architecture is the will of the age conceived in spatial terms. Living, changing. new"

(van der Roe in Frampton, 1993: 163)- cukural geographer, David Ley remarks, "... we might

identify the landscape as a text, a cultural fonn which upon interrogation reveals a hurnan drama of

ideas and ideologies, interest gc.;ips and power blocs nested within particular social and economic

products" (Ley, l987:4 1 ).

If reading the landscape as a text focuses on what has been built in the past, then reading

the city planning process focuses on how the landscape is being negotiated in the present for

outcomes which will occur in the future. Anderson notes the retuctance of socid geognphers to

link the activity of the present to its roots in the existing built landscape (Anderson, 1987:3 1).

Planners may be less guilty of this omission as heritage preservation has become a feature of the

discipline. However, planners have not well understood that the will to preserve buildings and to

foster culturai landscapes reflects a desire to preserve and maintain culturally designed ways of life.

Competition, compromise, and concession, are social processes which are manifested in the

physical products that comprise the ci ty .

Chaprrr 2 - Reading the Cultural Londscupe 10

In the context of mulitculturalism and cultural plurality, competitions between ethnic

communities to express human needs and functions in cultural forms are becoming increasingly

visible on the Canadian buiit landscape. Where skylines of modem and post modem architecture

have stood as testaments to the dominance of our European settlers and their efforts to came out

cities that carry out the functions of capitalism, of nuclear families, and of Christianity, 'built

challenges' presented by ethnic communities have begun to significantly alter the landscape of the

typical Canadian city and in doing so, are evidence of changing power structures between ethnic

communities. Roseman et al have coined the terrn "EthniCities" to describe cities where,

"...various combinations of ethnic groups often compete for housing, employment, educational

resources, and political representation" (Roseman et. al, 1996:xvii).

Strong challenges to the dominant representation of European communities in Canadian

cities are rehtively new. The physical representation of Canada's ethnic cultures has been

commensurate with these groups' minority status. Mosques, temples, and ethnic groceries have

typically k e n situated on the pet-iphery of Canadian neighbourhoods, too few and far between to

challenge the community's conception of v.kit. and for who, the city stands for. Canadians'

tolerance of these cultural symbols has been fostered by the belief that they are merely temporary

stop signs on the road to assimilation. Srnail, dishevefed ethnic suburban stores and festenng

ethnic ghettos are the price Canada pays to be a country which can daim moral superiority in its

cultural pluralisrn while fuifilling its need for immigrants and their labour. Typicaliy unthreatening

in number and in size, these and other symbols of ethnicity allow Canadians to 'claim their

acceptance of Multicultudism. Reading Canadian cities requires understanding how immigration

is linked with Multicultudism, and the impact of these social policies on our cities.

Chupter 2 - Reading the Cultural Lamiscape I I

2.1 Immigration and Officiai Multiculturalisrn Trudeau pioneered Canada's fedenl policy of Official Multiculturalism in 197 1.

Envisioning a pan-Canadian brand of federalism. Trudeau promoted a Canada whose citizens were

not only welcoming of their English and French duality, but accornrnodating of other peoples and

their cultures within this bi-lingual and bi-cultural framework. Multicultudism was an inspired

political tactic which intended to dehse the burgeoning claims of the Quebecois for sovereipty by

raising the profile of Canada's other ethnic minorities. It was to create a symbol of Canadian

national identity while promoting acceptance of Canada's less populous other ethnic minorities.

Taylor has articulated the cmx of MulticuItunlism's effect on the vitality of Canadian ethnic

cornmunities in stating,

Multiculturalism is a philosophy of govemance that takes the question of the inclusion of different communities most seriously. It assumes that the community is identified with a culture and this culture must receive recognition from the state and dominant institutions. Within a certain libenl view, the state only needs to make legal enactments to enable the "survival" of the community. Taylor. 1992

Through judicious federal grants which accompanied the official policy, Multiculturalism has

provided for the existence of tangible representations of ethnic cultures. Between 197 1 and 1987,

the Canadian federal govemrnen t spent nearly $200 million dollars:

advancing the existence and contribution of cultural diversity in Canada; removing cultural barriers to full participation in Canadian society: promoting inter-cultural sharing and understanding; improving the delivery of needed services to ethnic minorities; facilitating the acquisition of one of the two officia1 languages.

Leman, 1995

At first, multicultunlism may have seemed relatively benign to many Canadians. After dl,

the pressure for officia1 MulticuIturaiism originated with second tier European ethno-cultunl

groups like the prairie Ukrainians, Gerrnans, Italians, and Greeks, who comprised the bulk of

Canada's immigrants until the early 1970s. That the cultures and races of these groups are not that

Citaprer 2 - Reading the Culrural Landrcape 12

distant' from Canada's English and French ones iikely made the policy palatable to memben of

Canada's majority cultures. Furthexmore. the 1953 Immigration Act permined the federal

government to deny immigration on the ba is of nationdity, ethnic group, and "particular customs.

habits, modes of life, or methods of holding property." It also gave first preference to British,

French, and American citizens, and second preference to Western European citizens. Other

restrictions prevented the immigration of non Caucasian ethnic minorities (Beaujot, 199 1 : 109). For

example, the Act denied immigration to people from countries other than Western European and

Amencan unless they had close farnily willing to sponsor them. and set a 300 person ceiling on

immigration from India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Oriental immigration was also prohibited 1

between 1923 and t 947. The end result was that most Canadians were of European mcestry when

official MulticulturaIism appeared on the politicd scene in 197 1.

Revisions to Canada's immigration poIicy in 1967 which selected immigrants based on a

points system rather than based on their source country, resulied in large scale immigration from

non-tnditional countries. This third force, comprised of visible minority immi,mts (Leman,

1995:2), not only increased their representation in Canada, but began to insist that the

Multiculturalism policy address the racial and ethnic discrimination that prevents these groups from

fully panicipating in Canadian society. To this end, Bill C-93, the Carladian Muiticrcltrtralism Act.

enacted in 1988 works to:

promote race relations and cross cultural understanding; support heritage cultures and lmguages; support ethno-cultural communities and their participation in the institutions of Canadian society ; facilitate cross-govemment participation at the fedenl level.

Balakrishnan and Wu coined the concept of ethno-cultural groups' "distance" from the charter English and French groups in Canada. In a 1992 article on home ownership patterns among ethnic groups in Canada they argue that "ethnic groups farther away from the chaner groups of English and French" have a greater propensity for home ownership cornmensunte with their greater need for "social identity and financial and psychological security" (Balakrishnan and Wu. 1992392).

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Cultural Landrcape 13

The juncture of Canada's immigration policy and Multiculturaiism policy became

significant at this point in time. An immigration system based on the accumulation of points in the

context of a global economy has resulted in a new class of immigrants k ing welcomed throughout

the first world (Harrison, 1996). While Canada has always targeted business immi,gation (Naylor,

1975:40), the mid 1980s recession intensified Canada's desire to bring foreign capitai into the

country. Through the three categories of the business immiagation pro- - entrepreneurs, self-

employed, and investors - Canada has seen their number of weaithy and skilled immi,mts rise,

especially from Asian and South-Asian countries. Concem about Hong Kong's return to China in

1997. particularly, has increased the number of business immibmts from Hong Kong to British

Columbia. Business immigrants, like al1 immigrants, typicaIly settle in urban areas. They also

invest an average of O 120 000' in their local businesses. In 1994. 90% of British Columbia's 83 1

entrepreneur pro,pm immi,orants located in the Greater Vancouver Regional District, bringing

approximately $20 to $25 billion in assets (Ley, 1997) with them. Business immi,oration, combined

with family re-unification policies. has increased the number of non-traditional immigrants settling

in Canada's urban centres.

The 1988 Muiticulturalism policy has politically and socially empowered Canada's

increasing population of non-traditional immigrants. Paternalistic fostering of infant ethno-cultural

organizations has created suong political organizations capable of mobilizing citizens on the bais

of ethnicity. Pleas for cultural tolerance have k e n replaced by justifiable demands for officiai

recognition, participation, and inclusion in al1 aspects of Canadian society, particularly in

government decision-making processes. Certainly, ethnic groups are not equally empowered with

the laquage. capital, and human resource skills needed to participate in government and political

processes, however, the anival of wealthier immigrants from non-traditional source counuies

' verbai quote €rom Robert Schultz. manager of the Irnrnigrrint Entrepreneur Program for the Ministry of Multiculturaiism and Irnrnigntion.

Chaprer 2 - Reading rhe Crrltural Landrcape 14

challenges some of the prevailing assumptions about immigrants generally. It is only in very

recent times that Porter's correlation between high socio-political-economic power and European

ethnicity (Porter, 1965) cm be slightly adjusted. but certainly not abandoned. In a few cases,

weaithy and skilled immigrants from non-traditional source countnes contradict the prevailing

notion that poor. disempowered, immigrants need time and hard work at the bottom to increase

their socio-economic mobility,

Many Canadians have questioned the link between ideology and state action; that is. the

link between promoting the acceptance of cultural pludity and publicly hnding its existence

(Goar, 1989; Thorburn, 1989; Bissondath, 1994). For the combination of ideology and funding

has structured many ethnic groups from loose cultural groups into organized political interest

groups who promise to ensure cultural survival and the care of their members, in return for cultural

grants and funding to provide direct services. Sections 15' and 2y4 of the Charter and Rights and

Freedoms reflects the success of their organizationd efforts and political lobbying. The

development of these ethno-cultunl organizations has also enabled them to become active and

forceful pIayers at every level of government. including the municipal level where local land use

decisions are played out. The political influence enjoyed by ethno-cultural groups is a relativeiy

new phenomenon in Canadian history and planners Iike other bureaucnts, need to adjust to

working in this environment.

The juncture of immigration and Multiculturalism has also profoundly changed the

Iandscape of Canada's major urban centres. Immigrants from dl source countries have shown a

marked propensity to settle in one of Canada's three major urban centres - Toronto, Vancouver,

Section 15( 1 ) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms states, "Every individual is equal before and under the law without discrimination and. in particular, without discrimination bascd on race. national or ethnic origin. colour. religion, sex. age or mental or physical disability." Section 15(2) ensures that subsectiort (1 ) does not preclude any activity that attempts to ameliorate the conditions of those individuais or groups who are disadvantage because of the af'orementioned reasons.

Section 27 states, 'This Charter shall be incerpreted in a rnanner consistent with the preservation and enhancement of the multicultunl heritage of Canada".

Chapter 2 - Reading the Culrural Loruiscape 15

and Montreal, In the context of Multiculturaiism and their increasing wealth and political power,

immigrants have k e n creating institutions indicative of their cultures. These institutions are no

longer the decrepit ethnic ghettos and immigrant colonies with which Canadians are genenlly

familiar. Ethnic homes, schools, cornmunity centres. businesses. and malls challenge the style and

wealth of the toniest of their European cornpetitors.

This change to Canadian cities has not corne without tension and conflict. Local

government planners experience first-hand the inter-ethnic and inter-community conflicts that

include. disputes over mega-houses, English as a second Ianguage instruction, and ethnic

businesses (Qadeer, 1997). These physical representations of dernognphic diversity and cultural

differences increasingly appear in Canadian cities, challenging Canada's historicd Western

European foundation, and the prevailing identity of its communities. In the context of immigration

and MulticulturaIism, local government planners find themselves in the difficult, yet pivotal

position. of "specify(ing) the expressions of empathy, or of antipathy, by which groups sort out

their spatial relations ..." (Olson and Kobayashi, 1994: 145). As civil servants, local government

planners are expected to guide the process by which cities change: upholding the principles of

Multicultunlism while respecting the values of their charter cornrnunities.

Given that non-traditional imrni,ption in the context of Multiculturalism has changed the

built landscape of rnany Canadian cities, planners have increasingly found thernselves arbitrating

inter-ethnic tensions that arise over land use planning situations. Identihing the source of these

conflicts requires that planners "read" the ptmning process in a rnanner akin to cuItural

geographers' "interrogation" of the landscape. However, reading the planning process presents

interpretive difficulties particular to the profession. While architectural building styles are cultud

objects, planning is a political process with a physical outcome - a competition to have community

Chapter Z - Reading the Cultural Ladcape 16

symbols represented in the built environment. Understanding argument and debate requires

interpreting the political strategies and community identities that precipitate buildings.

Planners have tended to view planning as a science, believing that good planning principles

rire technical quaiities devoid of cultural implications. However, planning pnncipIes regarding

privacy, setback, style. and size, often reflect the preferences of the dominant cornmunities. For

exarnple. zoning for single family housing reflects the nuclear family way of life that Euro-

Canadians generally prefer. Asians and South Asians who often prefer to live with extended family

members, have encountered difficulties obtaining permission to build houses that can accommodate

multiple families in areas zoned for single families. For exarnple. Indo-Canadian and Chinese

families have historically encountered difficulties obtaining building permits for single family

homes with two kitchens - a kitchen for everyday use, and a "dirty kitchen" where pungent smeils

and oil residue are kept away from living areas. And conversely, local governrnents have not k e n

able to collect sufficient property taxes to pay for the actual water, sewage, transponation,

recreation. and school services, consurned by the residents of these larger households.

Planning decisions are not solely technical decisions, they are cultural decisions written in

technical form. As Smith and Moore state,

Planning's central purpose is to detemine what forms are best from a technical standpoint, based on such criteria as the efficient organization of land uses and service networks, and to advise the cornmunity's representatives accordingly. The final decisions, however, are not usually made on technicai grounds alone. Planners' ideas of good form often conflict with the interests of others, and so planners cannot stand outside the political process, as disinterested experts, even when they are engaged in planning as an activity. The process subsumes the activity; that is a democratic necessity, even if, as sometimes happens, the process then falIs hostage to pressure-group politics. Smith and Moore, 1993:345

Thus, planning is a political process with a physicd outcome - where cornrnunities negotiate with

each other for resources and for recognition of their identities, within the boundaries of a city.

Chaprer 2 - Reading rhe Cultural Lariclscape 17

Understanding what cities are, how they construct themselves, and the context in which they are

constructed, is prerequisite to working with the communities who in habit them.

The principles of Nonh Arnerican planning have been based upon the accumulated

experiences, assumptions and theories of our cities. They are handy N les of thumb for planners

working in the often hectic land use planning environment (Leung, 19892). In many cases and in

many ways, these principles have successfully guided planners in their everyday work. Canadian

cities are the products of these principles. However, in the context of increasing demognphic and

cultural diversity. it may well be that some of the assumptions on which they are brtsed. merit

examination. For this reason, it is important to review the work of the Human EcoIogists whose

work has so strongly guided our understanding of North Arnerican cities.

2.2 Human Ecology and Planning Human ecology in al1 it variations, which emerged from the Chicago School of SocioIogy

in the second decade of the 1900s. has aiways inforrned the urban planning discipline. Based upon

the theories of its classical progenitors, Park. McKenzie, and Burgess, clrissic and contemporary

human ecologists posit that human lives are "interlinked and interdependent" with space they

occupy (Park, l936:2). Human ecologists seek to understand how human re1arionships are

reflected in the built environment, organizations, and institutions which comprise the geographic,

physical and social dimensions of the city. While contemporary human ecologists no longer confine

their studies to the spatial dimensions of human relationships (Hawley, 1944 and 1955), their

original understanding of humans' relationship to physical space continues to guide research into

the city. Human ecology can be undentood as a research method and a theoretical body

(Michelson, 1976: 1 I ) , but foremost as a perspective on sociological subject matter (Catton,

1994:85).

Chuper 2 - Reading ihe Cultural Landrcope 18

Human Ecology has primarily been concemed with three dimensions of human interaction

with their physical environment. (1 ) onhodox theory on the nature of human comrnunities, (2)

ecological processes of change which arrange humans spatially, and (3) projecting the patterns of

urban growth. The origin of each is associated with a theorist of the founding Chicago School of

Sociology: Park, McKenzie, and Burgess respectively. The following sections review the three

dimensions of classic human ecology and outline some of the contemponry perspectives which

have emerged from them.

2.21 "Natural Areas" and Classic Human Ecology Theory Park contributed the theory with which classic or orthodox human ecology is associated.

His "web of life theory" posited that that human communities are interdependent with each other

and with their physical environment. Biological pnnciples explain human communities in the s m e

way they explain their plant and animal counterparts. Like plants and animals, humans settle in

"natuni areas" or spatial chsters based on common characteristics and biological needs. Human

communities are comprised of people with similar ethnic, ncial, and income characteristics. Park

defined "natural areas" in the following way:

They are the products of forces that are constantly at work to effect an orderly distribution of populations and functions within the urban complex. They are *'natural" because they are not planned, and because the order that they display is not the result of design, but rather a manifestation of tendencies inherent in the urban situation ... Park, 1936: 196

As Michelson stated, "the process whereby birds of a feather flock together is neither ntionai. nor

conscious, but it happens to people and their activities just as it happens to plants" (Michelson,

197623). "Natural areas" are the products of a biotic order based on a cornpetition for resources.

Park posited that human communities engage in Darwinian "competitive CO-operation" for

the "conflicting yet correlated interests" (Park, 1936:2) or resources that sustain human life.

Human communities differ from their plant and animal counterparts by engaging in "competitive

Chapter 2 - Reading the Culrural LuncFFcape 19

co-opention" on a cultural level as well as on a biotic level. Dorninance is a natunl outcome of

competition (Park, 1967: 167). Dominance refers to the power one group has over other groups or

interests in a locality. By stabilizing the cornmunity and by rnaintaining order, the dominant group

facilitates the orderly growth of the community (Park. 1967: 167). In land use planning, the

outcome of the competition for spatial dominance is reflected in the locality's identity. For

example, Catton argues that NIMBY (not in my backyard syndrome) is a cornpetitive process to

avoid undesinble. yet necessary, land uses, within the limits of finite space (Catton. 1994:80).

While Park believed that "natuml areas" of ethnicity, race, and income were the products

of biological forces, the sociocu~tud school of human ecology has established connections between

socioculturat characteristics and the cornpetition for resources. By demonstrating how cultural

competitions between ethnic groups effect physical phenomena, these human ecoIogists have

enlarged the arena in which hurnan competition occurs. Park's argument that ethnic/cultural/ncid

areas form for "naturaï' reasons has k e n discredited with the discovery that voluntary and

involuntary social forces create ethnic enclaves. While the desire to retain ethnicity and cultural

soiidarity has been a primary factor in the formation of these "natuml areas" (Breton, 1964-65).

other factors such as socio-economic status ruid class (Darroch and Marston, 197 l), and

discriminatory acts such as restrictive legishtion (Anderson, t 987). have played equally important

roles.

Every "natunl area" or specialized Iand use in a locality, is the product of social forces

unique to that locality and time. Thus, changed residential land use patterns in a locality may be

linked to new immigration policies. Some now see inter-ethnic Iand use conflicts as being, at least

partially, the product of cultural competitions for land, space and their uses (Michelson. 1976: 10).

This contemporary perspective reflects Park's who stated that, "most if not al1 cultural changes in

society will be correlated with changes in its temtorial organization, and every change in the

Chapter t - Reading the Culrural Landrcape 20

temtorial and occupational distribution of the population will effect changes in the existing culture"

(Park. 1952: 14).

Park's observation that people of similar ethnic/culturai/racirtl characteristics tend to be

clustered into "natunl areas" of the city is in evidence in many Canadian cities. At the time of his

studies at the University of Winnipeg, European ethnic groups in McKenzie's Winnipeg occupied

different locdities of the city, for example the French in St. Boniface, and the Mennonites in North

Kildonan. The presence of ethnically residentially segregated areas in Winnipeg has ken

extensively analyzed by Darroch and Marston (Darroch and Marston. 197 1 ) and by Driedger

(Driedger, 1978, 1992). Sirnilar studies of Vancouver. Toronto, and Montreal have also been

conducted; see Balakrishnan and Sevanathan, 1990; Breton et al, 1990: and Krak 1986 for some

recent examples.

The location of Chinatowns in many major urban centres is one of the most common and

visible exmples that ethno-cultural groups seern to form "natunl areas". However, the history of

Vancouver's Chinatown, like others, indicates how social forces created this "natuml area". The

establishment and development of Vancouver's Chinatown demonstntes how immigration policies,

local politics, and prevailing attitudes towards an ethno-cultural group, c m promote the formation

of what appear to be ethnically or racially "naniml areas". For example, the 1885 head tax

imposed on Chiqese labourer immiDgants was specifically designed to prevent their permanent

settlement in Canada (Anderson, l988:3SS). The head tax, whic h reached a $500 high in 1904,

effectively excluded Chinese women and families from entry to Canada. Lacking the aid and

comfort of farnily, Chinese labourers relied upon close proximity to each other for emotional

support and for fulfilling daily needs. The 1923 lmmigmtion Act, which prohibited Asian

immigration until 1947, further exacerbated the immigrants' sense of social isolation and

dienation, contributing to their desire to be close to each other. Many of the commercial,

Chprer 2 - Reading the Culrural Lanakcape 21

community, and residential institutions that continue to characterize Chinatown today were the

result of these policies.

At the local level, a backlash against "cheap" Chinese labour contnbuted to the prevailing

anti-Oriental sentiment which culminated in the "Anti-Asiatic" riots of 1907. Estimates of damage

to personal property owned by Chinese residents range between 330 000 and % 100 000 dollars

(Walhoust. 196 1241 ). Congregation, or strength in numbers, constituted a voiuntary fom of "self

defense" (Cho and Leigh. 197258) against white hostility.

City directives also contnbuted to the formation of a segregated Chinatown. Having

conceded the housing and living needs of Chinese labourers, the City of Vancouver actively

promoted the concentnted settlement of Chinese immigrants in the area surrounding Carrall and

Dupont (now Pender East) streets in Vancouver's East End. The active promotion of this area's

"racial character' has been confirrned by city documents circa that era (Anderson, 1988:354-55).

Also of note is the fact that this area is not the original Chinese settlement in Vancouver. Two

earty Chinese settlements at Burrard InIet and at False Creek were destroyed by mon. Following

the False Creek fire, Chinese settlers moved to the area now recognized as Chinatown which was

unoccupied by whites and outside of the commercid zone, at that time (Cho and Leigh, 197 1).

The forty years since the publishing of "Human Ecology" in 1936 hm witnessed much

debate about, and discrediting of Park's emphasis on the paraliels between human, and plant and

animal comrnunities and his social commentary in this seminal work. While his "web of life"

theory drew attention to humans' relationship to their environments, particularly physical space,

classic human ecoIogy was cnticized as biological determinism. Human beings with human values

are now seen to be active agents in the formation of their communities. Libenl humanists have

also renounced Park's assenions about the "nature" of immigrant communitiesS on ethno-centrk

5 For example, Park suggested chat immigmt colonies in large cities are centres of "more or less vigorous nationalist propaganda" (Park. 196726).

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Cultural LanrLrcape 22

and paterndistic grounds. And. dthough human ecology has largely abandoned its classic focus on

the andogy between human communities and plant and animal comrnunities and the sepantion of

biology from culture6. the notion that humans compete with each other for resources within a

locality, continues to underwrite human ecologists' understanding of urban change processes.

2.22 The Ecological Processes of Change Critical of Park's biologicd determinism, McKenzie developed four ecologicaI factors of

change -- ge~~gaphical: economic: cultural and technicai; and political and administrative, to

explain human population movement and settlement patterns (McKenzie, 196823). McKenzie's

inclusion of economic, cultural and technical, and political and administrative. factors

acknowledged that social phenornena such as moral attitudes and laws affect human settlement

patterns.

McKenzie developed Park's 1936 preliminary findings on the forces of "dominance,

invasion, and succession" that occur in "natural areas" to formulate his five ecological processes of

change. McKenzie suggested that human settlement patterns are the product of the processes of:

concentntion, centralization, segregation. invasion, and succession. The movement of people

sharing similar demognphic characteristics to the s m e parts of the city (which resultingly

becomes a "natunl" or specialty area) constitutes the concentntion process. The establishment of

a centre. typically the central business district, which forms the core of the city. constirutes the

centnlization process. The segregation process describes the propensity of economic, cultural,

ethnic. and or racial groups to live together separate from other groups.

It is McKenzie's fourth and fifth processes of ecological change, invasion and succession,

that are considered to be his most important contribution to Our understanding of neighbourhood

' Classic humm ecologists distinguish between society which is based on human "'cornrnunication and consensus" and community which is based on the biological siruggle for existence (Theodorson. 19824). Thus. plant communities are logically possible whereas plant societies arc not.

Chapter 2 - Reading the Ctdrural Landrcape 23

change. Invasion and succession describe the rnovement of people within the city. Invasion refers

to the entry of new interest groups or human communities in significant numbers, to areas

previously dominated by other interests or groups. Succession is the outcome of invasion when the

entering group replaces the previously dominant one.

McKenzie's processes of ecological change derive from Park's theories of dominance,

competition, and "natutal areas". Driedger describes the role of dominance and competition in

McKenzie's model of ecological change in the following way:

People compte to get a fair share of the available space. Some gain more influence and power, and then dorninate others who are unable to hoid on to their share of the available space. It is similar to hogs at the feeding trough: the runts get crowded out and are increasingly left with less food as time passes. In addition to these changing relationships within the are& outsiders move into the space as invaders, and others, moving out of one area and invading new areas, are succeeded by others moving into their former space. Driedger, 199 i :80

One of the major assumptions of the classic invasion-succession model" is that racially

andor ethnically mixed localities are inherently unstable and unbaianced. The model posits that

segregation is certain and the nom (Wood and Lee, 199 1 :6 10). By suggesting that a new group

inevitably dominates and succeeds their predecessors. the invasion-succession model argues that

inte,pted neighbourhoods are naturally ecliptic. For example, according to Choldin, an integrated

American neighbourhood ''just exists during the time between when a place is dl white and when it

is finally al1 black" (Chotdin, 1985:253-54).

The invasion-succession model was supported by studies in the middle to later decades of

the twentieth century which suggested the inevitability of dominance and succession in northeastern

and northcentral American cities (Duncan and Duncan, 1957: Taeuber and Taeuber, 1965; Aldrich,

1975; Schwirian, 1983). These studies, which focused on white to black neighbourhood change,

associated the inevitable process of succession with inevitable neighbourhood decline (Saltman,

199 1:417). The presence of institutional racism and the histoncally low socio-economic power of

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Cultural Landrcape 24

Arnerican blacks were important reasons why Amencan scholars have associated the notion of the

inevitability of the invasion-succession model with the notion of neighbourhood degenention. The

absence of the black-white dichotomy in Canadian ethnic and racial relations susests that this

association may not necessarily be valid in Canadian cases.

Scholars have also challenged the inevitability of succession. Wood and Lee concluded

their study of five large Amencan cities by stating that "the accuncy of the succession model

depends on the temporal and spatial context within which neighbourhood change occurs" (Wood

and Lee, 199 1 :6 17). The model may accurately describe the invasion-succession process when it

occurs. however. Wood and Lee question if it occurs universally. Further research must be done to

determine why invasion-succession occurs in some ethnically mixed neighbourhoods while others

remain mixed. but stable.

Saltrnan has contributed to the invasion-succession debate by suggesting that three

perspectives on invasion-succession have emerged in the litenture (Saltman, 199 1 :4 17). The

prevailing one, the depenerative approach. is associated with classic Human Ecology and is

described above. A second, intenctionist approach, proposes that stable ethnically and racially

mixed communities are viable through the use of social support networks. Saltman cites.

Ahlbrandt and Cunningham. 1978; Fischer. 1976; Helper, 1979; and Hunter, 1975, as supporters

of the interactionist approac h.

Saltman advocates a third, interventionist, challenge to the inevitability of the invasion-

succession model and the threat of neighbourhood degeneration. She argues that "...racially diverse

neighbourhoods can stabilize if sufficient resources and institutional networks are mobilized for

collective action early enough" (Saltman, 199 t :4 18). Intervention strategies that involve the

neighbourhood, local community/movement organizations, govemments, and the larger community

and society, c m promote neighbourhood stabilization.

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Cultural Lanriscape 35

While the invasion-succession model has k e n touted as one of the two classic models of

neighbourh~od analysis (Schwirian, 1983). its applicability to Canadian neighbourhoods is

questionable. First, Canadian ethnic relations have typically not been understood as primarily

black-white relations in terms of population size or conflict situations. Where the ethnic character

of American cities has often involved a black-white dichotomy, the ethnic chancter of Canadian

cities has typically involved a greater number of srnail ethnic groups relative to Euro-Canadian

ones. Second. the mode1 has not been extensively applied to Canadian cities. Canadian scholars

have placed more emphasis on analyzing the existence, and formation processes of residentially

segregated ethncxultural cornmunities, than on the invasion-succession model of neighbourhood

change. For example. Balakrishnan and Selvanathan's (1990) and M t ' s (1986) work has shown

that the propensity for segregation varies among ethnic groups. And, while Kalbach has examined

residential mobitity in Toronto neighbourhoods, his emphasis was on relating perceptions of

neighbourhood ethnic diversity to ethnic origin, "connectedness", participation, and identity

(Kalbach, 1990: 1 IO). Thus, although the invasion-succession mode1 continues to influence Our

understanding of how Canadian cities change. research substantiating its assumptions is

conspicuously absent,

2.23 Projecting the Patterns of Urban Gro wth The third dimension of hurnan ecology, projecting patterns of urban growth, was a natunl

extension of Park's and McKenzie's work. Although not alone in this pursuit. Burgess'

concentric-zone mode1 argued that cities grow in concentric zones which radiate from the central

business district (CBD) (Burgess, 1925). Each zone is chanctenzed by a particular type of land

use. The Central Business District, the commercial, public, transportation, and cultural hem of

the city, is the nucleus from which the city grows. A zone of transition surrounding the CBD

typically contains old, detenorating housing services and commercial enterprises, less than

Chaprer 2 - Reading rhe C~tltriral OIndrcape 26

desirable entertainment services, and light manufachiring. Constantly threatened by an expanding

CBD, transition zone residents are typically lower class. new immigrants, mm1 migrants, and or

social outcasts (Driedger, 199 135). Slurns are frequently located in zones of transition.

Four zones of residential housing services ascending in social and economic class. ndiate

from the zone of transition. Upwardly mobiIe workers who have escaped the zone of transition

occupy the worker housing characteristic of zone three. Zone t h e houses are older, fairly small

dwellings on small lots which are poorly served by public utilities such as sewers and parks

(Driedger, 199 1 :86). Zone four is comprised of low and middle class, typically white collar. single

family housing. Zone five is a "commuter's zone" comprised of suburbs and satellite towns. This

commuter's zone is approximately a "30 to 60 minute ride" to the CBD (Burgess. 196750).

The Burgess mode1 is 'lot the only attempt to project urban growth patterns and the model

has k e n criticized as k i n g too simplistic and vague (AIihan, 1938225). Hoyt's sector theory of

growth (1959), Harris and Ullman's Multiple Nuclei model (1945). Shevky-Williams-Bell Social

Area Analysis (1949), and factor ecotogy, attempt to demonstnte how social. economic. and

cultural factors affect segregation. Driedger has concluded that as Canadian cities show different

growth and segregation pattems, they should be individually analyzed (Driedger, i 99 1 :93).

Burgess is, however, credited with discovering order and settlement pattems in urban

growth. Furthemore, Kalbach has argued that "since Burgess' pioneering work ( 1925) no one has

seriously argued that spatial differentiation on the basis of economic activities or the chancteristics

of residents does not occuf' (Kdbach, 1990:96). However, this phenornenon requires more

contemporary explanations, especiaily regarding the growth of immigrant ethno-cultural

cornmunities.

Chaprrr 2 - Reading the Culrural Ladcape 27

2.3 The h a n Ecologists on Immigrant Seîtlernent Park's conception of "naturd areas", McKenzie's five processes of ecological change, and

Burgess' concentnc zone mode1 of urban growth. have suongly contributed to Our understanding of

the relationship between ethnic immiOgants' mobility and their settlement patterns, Because the

zone of transition is located near jobs for unskilled labour and affordable housing services, such as

rooming houses, newly arrived irnmi,p.nts tend to ftrst settle there. The low income and soçio-

economic status of immiEpnts explains the formation and situation of ethnic enclaves on the urban

periphery or the zone of transition (Darroch and Marston, 197 1). Ethnic communities form for

cultural, emotional support. and settlement assistance, reasons at this reception area. As

imrnioorants assimilate into the receiving society. accumulate wealth. and become more upwardly

mobile, they and especially the second generation, begin to move away from the zone of transition.

Newer immigrant groups replace them. Park explains the process as follows:

One of the incidents of the growth of the community is the socid selection and segregation of the population, and the creation on the one hand, of naturd social groups. and on the other, of natural social areas. ... Such segregations of population as these take place. first, upon the bais of langage and of culture, and second, upon the b a i s of the race. Within these immigrant colonies and racial ghettos, however, other processes of selection inevitably take place which bring about segregation based upon vocational interests, upon intelligence, and persona1 ambition. The result is that the keener, the more energetic, and the more ambitious very soon emerge from their ghettos and immigrant colonies and move into an area of second immigrant settlement, or perhaps into a cosmopolitan area in which the members of several immigrant and racial groups meet and [ive side by side. More and more, as the ties of race, of language. and of culture are weakened, successful individuais move out and eventually find their places in business and in the professions, among the older population group which has ceased to be identified with any language or racial group. The point is that change of occupation, personal success or failure-changes of economic and social status, in short- tend to be registered in changes of location." Park, 1936: 170

modern terms, Kalbach States,

The more recent and often relatively disadvantaged, immigrant groups would be expected to be more heavily concentrated in areas nearer the Central Business District (CBD), while the older and more established populations would be expected to be more heavily concentrated in the suburban areas (especially the culturally dominant ethnic population and those who have achieved some degree of economic integration and acculturation). Kalbach, l99O:96

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Cultltral Landscape 28

To Human Ecologists, land values, especially rental housing rates, are the %est single

measure of (social and economic) mobility" and upward mobility is a sign of assimilation (Burgess,

1967:61). The value of the land that immigrants occupy indicates the degree to which they have

adapted into the receiving society (Breton et al, 1990: 12). Thus, immigrants who remain in their

original settlement area are assumed not to have assimilated while those that have moved to more

expensive real estate areas are assumed to be assimilating. Discrimination and the lack of upward

mobility skills are factors which inhibit assimilation. However. Canadian evidence suggests that

ethnic segregation does not entirely disappear, and assimilation does not necessarily occur. with

increased social and economic mobility (Davies and Murdie, 1993:74). While it is lower in areas

of high economic status, ethnic segregation persists in alfluent areas of Canadian cities (Taylor,

1977; Murdie, 1988). Thus, neither declining ethnic residential segregation nor increased

assimilation are necessarily correlated with increased social and economic mobility in Canada.

Classic Human EcoIogy assumes three inter-related characteristics of newly arrived ethnic

immigrant groups. The first is that ethnic immigrant groups will residential 1 y seWgate (Breton.

1990:92). The second assumption is that recently anived ethnic immigrants are typically poor and

have low economic and social mobility. The historical presence of ethnic ghettos. such as

Chinatowns, and "Little Italies" in the zone of transition is testimony to these two assurnptions.

The third assumption is that barring barriers, immigrants will become more assimilated into their

receiving societies as their social and economic mobility rises. This thesis will challenge each of

these assumptions about immigrants as part of an overall re-examination of Human Ecology's

tenets.

2.4 Assumptions of Human Ecology The three dimensions of human ecology's investigations into humans' relationship with

their environments comprise an approach to understanding cities that w hile criticized and

Chaprer Z - Reading the C~rlrural Landrcape 29

incomptete, offer a viable perspective on current investigations. And, although each has become

sepmted from classic human ecology theory, particularly the bioiogical component they have

strongly inforrned the way we view Our cities and the assumptions we have about how Our cities

change. Schwab has indicated areas of compatibiiity between humm ecology and the new urban

sociology that also support classic human ecology theory and methodology (Schwab, 1995).

Modem social scientists (Kalin and Berry, 1987: Breton et al, 1990: Driedger, 199 1) have

adapted McKenzie's ecological processes of change to explain the formation of spatial ethno-

cultural communities and the process of their adaptation and integration into the receiving society.

Perceiving human spatial arrangements or Park's "natural areas", as the product of competition for

space and its uses, echoes the pioneering work of the classic human ecologists and remains pivotal

to modem urban studies. This perspective. dong with the strength of the assumptions made by the

cIassic human ecologists will be chalIenged by this anaiysis.

The Human Ecology mode1 has become institutionalized in Our understanding of cities. and

how they change. For this reason it is important to outhe the assumptions inherent in Human

Ecology as this thesis argues that they have influenced planners' and the public's perceptions of

how cities change.

Human ecology posits that:

human spatial communities are forrned on the basis of shmd characteristics of their inhabitants, particularly their ethnic and racial identities;

voluntary and involuntary forces cause human communities to spatially segregate. especially tesidentially;

competition for resources, especially land and its uses, affects the segregation process and urban settlement patterns;

the "invasion-succession model" describes the competitive process where a human group or interest achieves dominance over others in a given space at a given time;

racially or ethnically rnixed communities are inherently unstable and exist temporarily as one group succeeds another;

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Cultural Landscape 30

6 . recently arrived immi,pnt groups are typicdly poor and have low economic and social mobility;

7. as recently arrived immigrant groups become wealthier and increase their economic and social mobiiity, they will atternpt to assimilate into their receiving societies;

8. the deFe of immigrant groups' assimilation into the receiving society can be discemed from their spatial rnobiiity and the value of the land which the group occupies.

Human Ecology has shaped the public's and planners' expectations of how cities change,

particularly with respect to immigrant settlement. These expectations have fueled some of the

tensions and negative foreshadowing associated with inter-ethnic land use planning. However,

given the changes to Canada's immigration program which focus on business immigration. and the

success of some Iess developed countries in strengthening their economies, some of the assumptions

that have traditionally guided Our understanding of cities. and how they change, require re-

examination. Discerning these public expectations and assumptions has k e n facilitated by

planning tools developed in the last decade. Narrative interpretation. has proved to be an insightful

method of interpreting community identities and goals, particularly in the context of changing

cities.

2.5 Interpreting Cornrnuniiies Communities, as opposed to loçalities. are composed of three dimensions -- geo,graphy,

social intenction, and identity. Geognphy refers to place, specifically the place where people live

together and compete for the resources needed to sustain life and for representations of their

identity (Wilkinson, 1986). That social interaction between people is organized is the second

dimension of community. Social structures, such as groups, f i n s , agencies, and facilities, enable

people to meet their daily needs and allow them to express common interests (Wilkinson, 1986).

Identity. the third dimension of community, is the intangible values and ideas that are associated

with a particular group and that are expressed in community institutions. Composed of cornmon

symbols, community identity can be discerned at its boundaries, that is, the values, ideas, and

Chuprer Z - Reading the Ciilrural Lunrlscape 3 1

history that separate communities from each other (Cohen, 1985: 12). Where community

structures, such as organizations, may be forced to confonn with the dominant form. community

symbols cannot be captured in the same way. Community constitutes a way that groups can

express, and defend difference with urban society (Cohen, 1985: 1 1 7).

The difficulty for planners has ken in undentanding the third. intangible dimension of

community and how it relates to the geognphic, and social interactional dimensions. Viewing

community as an organized entity situated in locdity, where groups of people sharing common

values compete for resources and identity, is prerequisite to interpreting public statements in the

planning process. PIanners cm read the public's narratives to discern cornmunity identity and the

stntegies they use in the planning process (Maines and Bridger. 1992). "Narratives (are) actual

pnctices used by individuals and groups to create, maintain, and change social and cultural orders"

(Maines and Bridger, l992:36S).

There are five necessary and constituents of narrative, ( 1 ) occurrence in the past, (2) story

structure, (3) time order. (4) probability, and (5) believability (Maines and Bridger. 1992:366).

M i l e the first three elements refer to how a story is remembered, constructed, and sequenced. the

latter two elements refer to its ability to persuade. Narratives can be distinguished from "ordinary

talk"; where the latter is personal, the former is both personal and public. Telling private stories

makes them part of the public domain. Stories Iinked into a common history become part of a

community's identity. in the same way that Cohen argues that communities are represented by

their symbols (Cohen, 1985). Maines and Bridger argue that communities "cannot exist without

stories" (Maines and Bridger, 1992:366). Community symbots cm be discerned from stories.

Narratives are transformed into community identity in three ways: typifications, heritage,

and ideographs. Narratives typifj community identities- Community typifications are s ymbols for

what a comrnunity represents that are understood both inside and outside of, the comrnunity.

Chapter 2 - Reading the Cdrural Lnndrcape 32

Whereas heritage represents a community's collective memory of the events that contribute to its

identity (Maines and Bridger. 1992:370), ideognphs are words and phrases that represent goals,

justify and guide action, and define community membership (Maines and Bridger, lW2:37O).

Narrative interpretation ailows pianners to understand readily available public discourse.

Local newspaper accounts, letters to the editor. political speeches, community organization

statements. and community histories, are dl valuable sources of narratives. Citizen expressions are

an especially rich source of narratives for land use planners to understand the assumptions, fears.

and objectives. that citizens hold about changing cities. For example. Maines and Bridger anaiyzed

how Manheim Township in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania ultimately accepted the imposition of

development cost charges despite developer opposition. by discerning community typifications,

heritage, and ideognphs from public statements. In this case, the comrnunity's history of being a

rural, agricultural county known for its Amish settlements contributed to the community being

typified as anti-growth and anti-uhan spnwl. Words like rural. and agncultunl became

community ideognphs. By drawing on the community's heritage and the imagery associated with

its ideognphs. citizens were able to defeat the developers' powerful lobby against deveiopment cost

charges and to slow the pace of urbanization in their town (Maines and Bridger, 1992: 176).

2.6 Competitive Ethnic Relations and the Built Lundscape The built Iandscape is only one of many arenas where inter-ethnic competitions are played

out; for example, Olzak notes that labour market competition ofien ignites inter-ethnic competitions

(Olzak, 1986). However, the notion that the built landscape serves as a community symbol or

cultural symbolic object (Breton, 1992) is relatively new-one that immigration in the context of

Canada's economic investrnent needs has illuminated. Until as recently as a decade ago, built

challenges to the Euro-Canadian dominmce of Canada's urban populations and cornmensurately,

its built landscapes, have not been threatening. However, the recent arriva1 of thousands of e t h i c

Chaprer 2 - Reading the Culritral Landicape 33

irnmiDmts to Canada's major urban centres has dtered and in some cases. inverted, the existing

inter-ethnic balance. Immigration, and particularly ethnic immigration has disrupted the position of

Euro-Canadians in the socio-political order of many urban centres (Breton. 19925). Competition

for valuable, yet scarce resources (Olzak and Nagel, 1986) such as those that represent ethnic

iden tities, has ensued between increasingl y equall y powerf'ul groups.

Viewing the built landscape as the product of inter-ethnic competitions requires

understanding the "symbolic content" (Breton. 1992) of buildings. And, it is perhaps not until new

construction disrupts the existing form that one appreciates the relationship between comrnunity

identity and the built landscape. Places of worship are perhaps the most compelling illustration of

this relationship. At one time. the situation of small town Canadian churches revealed the

relationship between competing denorninations. The larger and fancier the church. the greater the

status and wealth of the parish. Thus, buildings are tangible symbols of the meaning and position

of a community (Cohen, 1985) vis-a-vis other communities. Communities compete to have their

identities represented on the built landscape on a visuai, as a weIl as a functional. level.

Immi,gation in the context of Multiculturalism creates a number of inter-connected effects.

By changing a city's ethnic composition, immigration changes the built landscape. New

populations construct new facilities and adapt existing stnictures to meet their cultural and living

needs. The resuIt is often culturally styled buildings that Vary in form from what exists. The

greater the nurnber of these buildings and the greater their dissimilarity with what preceded them,

the ageater the intensity of the ensuing inter-ethnic tension. However, this tension is the first step in

the renegotiation of the future identity of an urban locality. The outcome of this negotiation of

identity or "symbolic order" (Breton, 1992) is a state of mutual accommodation where ethnic

groups have adjusted to each other's differences in time. Compromise is one of the key ingredients

of mutua1 accommodation, however, as Breton notes, "...conceiving the symbolic order as

Chaprer L - Reading rhe Culriira1 Landscape 34

negotiated does not imply that the compromises made by various segments are equal; they usually

are not, since groups differ in the extent to which they control the means of culturai production and

diffusion" (Breton, 1992: 14).

The process of mutual accommodation is ongoing; demographic and cultural changes

require the constant negotiation of "currently accepted principles" (Breton, 1992: 1 1 ). In the field

of inter-ethnic relations. the "integration" concept reflects a renegotiation of the relationship

between ethnic communities. Integration combines the principles of assimilation to satisfy

assimilationists, and the principles of cultural and ethnic identity retention to satisfy

preservationists (Breton, 1992: 15). Because integration is a fluid concept capturing the

relationship between ethnic groups, it is negotiated on neighbourhood. local, national and

intemationai levels.

Inter-ethnic negotiations on the built Iandscape occur at two of these levels yet ultimately

affect al1 four. The first is the neighbourhood level where the form and function of housing,

landscaping, etc.. is immediate and personal to its inhabitants. Because private space is so

important to notions of family, inter-ethnic competition on the neighbourhood level may be smdl in

scale but cm arouse high levels of emotion. This can dso be m e of inter-ethnic competitions on a

city wide scale, where competitions to dominate the landscape affect the public identity of the city.

This is particularly true of suburbs, places of residence chosen for their stereotypical connotations.

As Evenden and Walker note, suburbs are places suitable for the expression of individual identity

and for an understanding of social identity within a larger context (Evenden and Waiker,

1993: 235).

2.7 Summary By uniting the literature on cultural geography, multicultunlism and immigration, urban

and regional planning, Human Ecoiogy, and competitive ethnic relations into a theoretical body,

Chapier 2 - Reading rite Culfural Landrcape 35

this thesis attempts to view Richmond's built landscape as the product of inter-ethnic competitions

to express human needs and hnctions in cultural forms. Like many Canadian urban landscapes,

Multicultunlism, a policy reflecting Canada's ethnic composition in the 1970s. has changed to

meet the needs of Canada's most ment wave of immigrants, some of whom contradict the

prevailing stereotype of immieorants having poor socio-economic status upon Ianding. The

increasing social. political. and economic power of some of Canada's recent irnmiemts. as

indicated by changes to the federal Multicultunl policy. further suggests that changes need to be

made to our theories of immigrant settlernent patterns. Where Human Ecological theories

developed in the 1930s and 40s once quite aptly described the urban settlement patterns of

immigrants. Canadian immigrant settlement patterns of the last decade question the suitability of

these Amencan theories in Canadian situations and suggest a need for their revision given the latest

demographic data on Canadian immigrants.

This literature review also suggests that research on muiticultural planning should focus on

Human Ecological notions of ethnicity based "natunl areas" and the invasion-succession process.

These concepts in competitive ethnic relations must be understood in the context of Canada's

official policy of Multiculturalism which promotes the participation of minority ethnic and cultural

groups in al1 aspects of Canadian society and politics. Thus. three propositions emerge from the

literature review.

First, this thesis assens that planners must approach the built landscape as the outcome of

a competition between its residents to express human needs and functions in cuIturaI forms,

(Cohen, 1985; Breton, l992), that is, to express their ethnic identities- Thus, rather than viewing

physical phenomena, such as buildings, as separate from social phenomena, such as who uses

them, how they are used, and what they mean to their community, this thesis argues that social and

physical phenomena are intertwined and mutuaily effectatious. Acknowledging this confluence of

Chaprer 2 - Reading rfre Culrural Landcape 36

social and physical phenomena requires that planners, as the administrative arms of local

governments, learn to read the subtext of physical planning controversies to determine the heart of

the perceived problem. Technicd arguments often veil concerns about social phenomena.

Second. this thesis assens that a process of mutual accommodation occurs in situations of

inter-ethnic. and other kinds of inter-community, tension in most Canadian situations. Mutual

accommodation is a negotiation process between communities that results in a mutually acceptable

outcorne, often a compromise (Breton, 1992). As the danger is that high levels of conflict may

ensue from inter-ethnic tensions, this thesis argues that local governments and their planners must

use their mord authonty to prornote a multicultural philosophy when mediating situations of inter-

ethnic tension. The major distinction of this thesis lies in its attempt to c q the discourse on

relations among mutticultud communities beyond the point of identiQing their differences and

divergent needs. It probes the process of accommodation in the local. public realm, among

different ethno-cultural groups.

Finally, this thesis asserts that assumptions found in Human Ecological theories on

irnrni,pnt settlement patterns, have guided our understanding of urban change. The expectation

that immigrants will congregate in "ghettos" and will force a degenentive invasion-succession

process cm fuel residents' anxiety about ethnic immigration. This thesis argues. however. that we

lack recent Canadian evidence of the inevitabitity of an "invasion-succession process", and that

Human Ecological theories on immigrant settlement patterns require some revision given the high

socio-economic mobility of sorne of Canada's recent imrni,gants.

Chapter Three sets the context for inter-ethnic relations in Richmond by discussing how

immigration fuefed a population explosion and diversification. Chapter Three also sets the context

for "reading" the planning process as a competition between the Chinese and "long time residents"

communities.

Chaprer 3 - Ethnic Diversin. in Richmond - Immigrarion and Pupularion Growrh 37

Chapter Three. Ethnic Diversity in Richmond - Immigration and Population Growth

Understanding city planning as a process through which individuals and communities vie to

have their identities, needs. and functions, reflected in the built landscape requires understanding

the actors, and the context in which this process takes place. In Richmond, recent changes to the

built landscape that reflect the cultural and aesthetic needs of the new rnembers of its Chinese

community have k e n resisted by some rnembers of the Euro-Canadian community. Richmond is a

primary example of an "EthniCity" which has undergone drarnatic changes as a result of a new.

rapidly expanding ethnic community formed by immigration (Roseman et al, 1996:xxii). whose

socio-economic characteristics differ markedly from their forebarers.

Understanding the inter-ethnic tensions that have emerged in Richmond requires an

emdition of the demographic changes that have occurred in Richmond since the late 1980s. Thus.

the purpose of this chapter is to provide the reader with an appreciation, first, of the demognphic

changes to Richmond's population experienced over the past decade -- specificaliy, the role that

immigration has played in the City's tremendous population growth and ethnic diversification. The

second purpose of this chapter is to discuss the recent developments to Richmond's Chinese

community, particularly outlining how cultural and economic differences between the Chinese and

Caucasian populations have contnbuted to inter-ethnic tensions.

Richmond, "Child of the Fraser'', is a delta of twenty-four small islands surrounding Lulu

Isiand at the mouth of the Fraser River. See Figure 3.1. Once unsettled Coast Salish fishing

grounds, Richmond emerged from its agricultural and fishing roots as a bedroom community to

Vancouver in the 1960s. Population increases and intense buiIding deveiopment have recently

transformed it into a small city ( 150 000) in its own right. Yet agriculture and fishing have not

entirely disappeared from Richmond; the City maintains many working vegetable f m s , as well as

Cl~apfcr 3 - Erhnic Diversin. in Richmond - Immigration and Population Growrh 38

its histonc fishing village in Steveston, although the agicultural land reserve (ALR) and the fishing

industry have diminished in size. and in economic significance. Given its close proximity to

Vancouver, British Columbia's strong economic links to the Pacific Rim and the increasing

popularity of the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) to both imrnimgant and interna1

rni=pnts. it was perhaps inevitable that Richmond would emerge from its nird roots to becoming a

city diverse in its population and its economic activities. However. many long time Richmond

residents larnent this transition and to them the amval of thousands of Asian immi,gants has

become a questionable symbol of the changing city.

Figure 3.1. Map of the Lower Mainland, B.C.

Source: Statistics Canada

Chaprer 3 - Erhnic Diwrsiry in Richmond - immigration and Population Growrh 39

3.1 A Brief History of Ethnic Diversity in Richmond Commensurate with the labour needs of the farming and fishing industries, Richmond has

always been a culturally diverse city. Immigrants from Japan arrived to fish the salmon of the

Fraser River and senled near the wharves of Steveston as early as the late 1800s (Adachi.

1976:33). See Figure 3.2 to identify Steveston on a map of Richmond. Chinese contract labourers

joined <hem in the canneries after the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) railroad;

by 1877 it is estimated that 708 of the Fraser River cannery workers were Chinese (Chinese

CuItural Association. undated). Immigrants have also contributed to Richmond's farming

industry: many local vegetable f a m are now Asian or Southasian owned andor operated. And,

the Lower Mainland's cranbeny, blueberry, strawberry. and raspbeny farms would be insolvent

without a ready supply of Southasian farm workers.

Figure 32, Steveston

m

Source: City of Richmond Officia1 Plan

Yet, despite their long history of settlement, until recently, the Asian presence in Richmond

has k e n marginal relative to the number and geographic spread of European settlers. Legal,

employment and movement restrictions, and the physicai segregation that forced Asian fishery

workers into separate bunkers, created Asian "linguistic and cultural ghettos" on the periphery of

Cbprer 3 - Erhnic Diversity in Richmond - Immîgrarion and Popdafion Growth 40

Steveston in the late 1800's and the early l9OOs (Ross, 1979: 1 17). The 1 885 head tax on Chinese

immigrants, the Immigrarion Acr of 1923 - 1947 which virtudly eliminated Oriental immigration.

the 1927 federai Fisheries Commission restriction of the Japanese from al1 aspects of the fishing

industry. and the internment of Japanese-Canadians d u h g WorId War iI. al1 seriously stunted the

growth of Asian cornmunities in Richmond. as in the rest of Canada, until well after the end of the

Second World War. Even thirty years after the war. and a decade after new immigration laws that

repeated preferred countries from the immigrant selection process. people of British ethnic origin

continued to comprise at least half of Richmond's population in 198 1.

3.2 Population Growth in Richmond Until the mid- 1980s Richmond's population growth continued to strengthen the already

dominant Euro-Canadian community. Natunl population increases. intemal migration and

immiaption from predominantly European countries. were the prirnary sources of this growth.

With the exception of an anomalous rate of 5.47% in 1980, annual growth in Richmond h a

remained at a fairly steady rate of between two and four percent since 1976. See Table 3.1.

Although Richmond's average annual rate of population growth may not appear to be

extraordinary, three characteristics of it are important to the current discussion.

First. the effect of compounded annuaI growth rates avenging between two and four

percent is that in less than a twenty year period. Richmond's population increased by 50% percent

from approximately 100 000 in 198 1 to close to 150 000 in 1997. This has required: intense

building construction to accommodate the housing needs of these new residents, an expansion of the

road. bridge and highway system, and an expansion of the social and public service infrastructure.

Second, this accumulated growth has occurred within the naninl life span of individual

residents. The speed of change would likely have been a major cause for concern among these

residents, even if ethnic immigration was not the primary force behind it.

Chaprer 3 - Ethnic Diversi- in Richmond - Inunigrarion and Popularion Growrh 41

Table 3.1. Richmond Population, Population Increase, and Percentage Growth, 19761997

II ----

Y ear I Population I Population Increase I Percentaee Growth II

1 Average growth rate - 2.88% 1 Source: adapted from BC STATS

Third, Richmond is an island cornmunity - 47 square miles of land bounded on al1 sides by

water. Island Living has made Richmondites very aware of their community. Development to

accommodate growth within the confines of these islands is necessarily concentnted, and highly

visible. This is a major reason why Richmondites are highly participative in public affairs. As

Eleanor Atienza, former planner with the City of Richmond has stated, "(Richmond) is a definable

island community made up of people who have traditiondly been part of the planning process'."

3.3 Immigration to Richmond, 1986 Co 1994 The most striking challenge to the dominance of the Euro-Canadian cornmunity has been

the increasing ethnic diversity of Richmond's population in the context of increasing immigration.

l Atienza as quoted in the Richmond Review. 3 October 19935.

Chaprer 3 - Ethnic Diversity in Richmond - Immigrarion and Poputarion Growrh 42

Since 1986 when Richmond received only 28 immigrants, immigration to Richmond has steadiiy

grown, reaching a 1 0 in 1991 and a peak of 2355 in 1994. See Figure 3.3 below.

Figure 33. Number of Immigrants to Richmond by Year, 1986 - 1994

ImmigrantsTo Richmond by Year

Source: Richmond Planning Department

The source countnes of its recent immigrants has also changed. Until the early 1980s,

imrni,mts to Richmond had largely corne from Britain, Germany, Holland, and the Scandinavian

countries. In contrast, the top five source countries of immigrants to Richmond are now, Hong

Kong, the Philippines, India, Taiwan. and the People's Republic of China. See Figure 3.4 for a

breakdown of immigration to Richmond by source country.

Figure 3.4. Top Five Source Countries of Immigrants to Richmond By Year, 1991 -1994

Top Five Source Countries of immigrants to Richmond B y Year

Hong Kong Mainland Chino Phillipines ln dia Taiwan

Source: adapted from Richmond Planning Department, Hot Facts! 3(12), undated

Chapter 3 - Ethnic Diversiry in Richmond - Immigration and Population Crowth 43

In recent years. immigrants from Hong Kong have far outnumbered immigrants from any

other source country. They have cornprised just under half of al1 immiegants to Richmond who

arrived between 199 1 and 1994. 307 1 immi,mts of the total 7056 who arrived between 199 1 and

1994 were from Hong Kong. See Table 3.2 for a breakdown of immigrants to Richmond Sy

country of last permanent residency. The implications of this concentnted immigration from Hong

Kong will be discussed in section 3.5.

Table 3.2 Immigrants to Richmond by Country of Last Permanent Residency, 1991 - 1994

Country 1991 1992 19 Immigrants Percentage Immigrants Percentage immigrants

of Toial of Totai Immigrants Immigrants

Hong Kong 418 41.80% 747 46.14% 829 Mainland 63 6.29% 69 4.26% 8 1

Taiwan 1 481 4.80%1 861 5.3 1 d 177

Great Britain Iran Eastern 43 Eurorx Other 1 124: Total Source: adapted fiom R

- -.

iOOc/,l 1619 chmond Planning Depar

7 5 6 3 6 1 . - z8; 100%

ment. Hot Facts, 3( 12:

1 ~ e k e n t r i ~ e Immigranrs Percentage of Total of Total

Immigrants Immigrants

39.84% 1077 45.73% 3.89% 109 4.63%

13.088 250 10.62% 100% 23551 100%

, undated

The proportion of immigrants to the total population growth has had dnmatic effects on

the City's ethnic composition. Immigration was responsible for approximately 60% to 70% of the

City's population growth in the early 1990s. More importantly. the peak of immigration as a

proportion of overd1 growth did not occur when the City was growing at its fastest rate in recent

history between 1989 and 199 1. See Table 3.3. Rather, immigration as a proportion of overall

growth continued to rîse after this penod when the overall population growth rate had fallen to

Chaprer 3 - Erhnic Diversity in Richmond - Immigrafion and Popularion Grotvfh 44

ktween two and four percent. Thus, immigration has increased in importance to Richmond's

overall population growth while the importance of natunl population increases and intemal

migration has declined. See Figure 3.5.

Table 3.3. Proportion of Immigrants to Total Population Increase By Year, 1986-1997

Il l Immigrants Toîai Population IGmwth Increment

1986 1987

source: Richmond Planning ~ e ~ a r t r n & t

Figure 3.5. immigration Growth Relative to Total Population Growth, 1986-1997

To ta1 Population Gmwth Raie

1

Immigrant Growth Relative to Total Population Growth

Proportion of Immigrants to Total 11

477 3758 2.37% 17.30%

28 364

Total Popdation Growth lncrement

1996 1997

2889 2656

I

2.60% 2.33%

Population lncrease 0.97%

13.70%

- nia nia

3800 3579

Chaprer 3 - Erhnic Diversi- in Richmond - Immigrarion and Poptilarion Crotvrh 45

3.4 The Effects of Immigration on Richmond's Ethnic Composition and Inter-ethnic Relations

Immigration has dnmatically altered the Richmond's ethnic composition. Where one of

two Richmond residents was of British ethnic origin in 198 1. this proportion had dropped to less

than one in four by 1991. In conuast. people of Chinese ethnic origin =gew frorn seven percent of

the population in 198 1 to 16.5% in 1991. This change can be attributed to the increasing

importance of immiamtion from non-European countnes to Richmond's population growth.

Ovenil, the twenty year period between 1971 and 1991 saw the following changes to Richmond's

population:

decreases in the proportions and numbers of British, German, Dutch, and Ukrainian origin residents;

decreases in the proportion, and marginal gains in the number, of Japanese origin residents;

increases in the proportions and numbers of Chinese and Indo-Pakistani origin residents;

increases in the proportions and numbers of residents with multiple ethnic origins. (City of Richmond Planning Department, 1994)

A cornparison of the ethnic origins of Richmond's population between 198 1 and 199 1 reflects these

changes. See Table 3.4.

Table 3.4. Richmond's Population by Ethnic Origin, 1981 and 1991

1981 Rank % Ethnicity 1 47.6 British

3 1 7.0 Chinese 1' 4 1 4.6 Indo-Pakistani 2.9 Dutch

Il 1 1

1 25.8 1 Other

-

1991 Rank 1 %

British II Chinese Il

Other II Source: adapted frorn City of Richmond Planning Deparment, 1992

Chuprer 3 - Erlrnic Diversiry in Richmond - /nimigration and Population Grotvrh 46

There are three striking characteristics of the changes to Richmond's ethnic composition

that occurred between 198 1 and 1991. The first, which has previously been mentioned, is the

decline in the proportion and absolute size of the Richmond's British population. Representing

47.6% of the population in 198 1, people of British ethnic origin dropped to 2 1.6% of the

population in 199 1. The absolute size of this group also dropped: where there were approximately

47 457 people of single British origin in 198 1. this group had only approximately 28 146 members

in 199 1. This constitutes a drop of approximately 19 3 1 1 people. While the most important factor

contnbuting to the decline of this population was a Iack of sipificmt immigration from British

countries and a declining birth rate, it is important to note that many people of British ethnic origin

left Richmond in the early 1990s due to the increasingly Asian flavour of the City and increased

real esrate values. This exodus will be discussed in later chapters. In contrast, the Chinese ethnic

origin population grew from 7.1 % of the population in 198 1 (approximately 7 079 people) to

16.5% in 1991 (approximately 21 500 people). Thus, while Richmond's British population

declined in size by approximately 19 3 1 1 people. the Chinese population grew by approximatel y 14

421 people.

The second important characteristic to note is that where the British population (47.6%)

was more than 40% larger than the second largest ethnic group (the Gerrnans representing 7.1 % of

the population) in 1 98 1, this had dropped dramatically in 199 1. Representing 2 1.6% of the

population in 199 1, the British population was only 5.1 % larger than the second largest ethnic

group (the Chinese representing 16.5% of the population) in 199 1. Thus, the visual face of

Richmond residents has changed; there were almost as many Asian faces in Richmond as there

were Caucasian ones in 199 1. Third, at 2 1.6% and 16.5% of the population, the British and

Chinese ethnic groups respectively, were by f a , the two Iargest size ethnic groups in 199 1. The

third largest group, the Indo-Pakistani group, was almost 1 1 % smaller than the Chinese, the second

Chapter 3 - Ethic Diversic in Richmond - Immigration and Popirlation Growtli 47

largest ethnic group in 199 1.

The combined effect of these changes to Richmond's population has changed the nature of

inter-ethnic relations in Richmond in the Iast fifteen years. The overwhelming absolute size and

proponional representation of the British population placed the other ethnic groups on the

periphery of inter-ethnic relations until the late 1980s. Tangible representations of ethnic cultures

such as temples, mosques, retail stores, schools, houses, etc.. were few as late a decade ago.

Furthemore. the physicd location of ethnic residents in pockets across the City minimized their

visuaI presence. However, given the current absolute and relative sizes of the British and Chinese

populations. it is not surprising that many residents see the inter-ethnic debate in Richmond as a

Chinese - Caucasian dichotomy.

And, although Richmond enjoys the presence of other ethnic groups of considenble size,

they are either concentrated in peripheral locations in the City, or culturally and visually blend in

with the British population. For exarnple, there were approximately 7 100 people of Indo-Pakistani

ethnicity in 199 1 and this group continues to grow as India continues to be an important source

country of immigrants to Richmond. However, this group has concentrated their activities in small

area of East Richmond whose distance frorn the City Centre appears to have minimized inter-ethnic

tensions. Furthermore, this group has not achieved the same degree of institutional compieteness

(Breton, 1960) in Richmond as the Chinese and Japanese ethnic groups. Tbere are few Richmond

retailers targeting this market and Richmond currently has only one mosque. Gurdwaras, mosques,

and stores serving this community are concentrated in the Scott Road and 78 Ave m a which

crosses the North Delta - Surrey border. Thus, although there is a sizable Indo-Pakistani

community in Richmond, they are not seen as seriously threatening the City's built identity.

As previously indicated, Richmond's Japanese cornmunity has had a long presence in

Steveston. Numbering approximately 2800 people in 199 1, their presence has not been a

Cftaprer 3 - Edmic Diversin, in Richmond - lmmigrarion and Popdarion Growrh 48

significant factor in current tensions between ethnic groups. This is iikely due ro their small size.

long presence in Richmond and residential location on the periphery of Richmond in Steveston.

And. although Richmond's German population numbers approximately 5000. they are residentially

Iocated throughout the city and are considered part of Richmond's Euro-Canadian population.

Asian immibgation to Richmond in the last decade has dnmaticdly changed the City's

ethnic composition. The result has been the development of some tensions between the Chinese and

Caucasian ethnic groups. the details of which will be discussed in Chapters Four. Five, and Six.

The next section of this chapter examines the recent development of Richmond's Chinese

population. including Chinese immigrants' continued attraction to Richmond as a place to settle.

3.5 Recent Developments to Richmond's Chinese Comrnunity Extensive immigration to Richmond from Hong Kong, and to a rnuch lesser extent, from

Taiwan. and the People's Republic of China. has created a Chinese community whose size

challenges that of the long time Euro-Canadian community. In the six year period between 1986

and 199 1, the Chinese population more than doubled. Comprising almost 17% of Richmond's

population in I99l. it is estimated that the Chinese community in 1997 has surpassed the size of

the previous majority ethnic group. the British. No other ethnic group nears the absolute size of

these two communities. Furthemore, unlike previous Asian settlers in Richmond, the Chinese

community is not isolated to a single area on the City's periphery. Richmond's Chinese community

resides across al1 tracts of the city. This tenitorial spread has not only increased their visibility,

but poses a challenge to the life style and built landscape that have tnditionally k e n dominant in

Richmond. See Table 3.5 for the distribution of Chinese in Richmond by census tract. 1986 and

199 1. and Table 3.6 for the percentage of Chinese in Richmond by census tract, 1986 and 199 1.

Figures 3.6 to 3.1 1 graphically map the distribution of the single origin Chinese population

across Richmond census tracts. Figures 3.6 and 3.9 serve as guides to the census tracts which

Chaprer 3 - E t h i c Diversin. in Richmond - Immigration and Popdarion Go\v~~J 49 -. - - -

comprise the City of Richmond. Two types of mapping are included. Figures 3.7 and 3-10 are dot

density maps of the Chinese ethnic origin population in Richmond by census tracts for 1986 and

199 1 respectively. Each dot represents 50 people who indicated on the Census that they are of

single Chinese origin. Figures 3.8 and 3.1 1 are density maps representing the population of

Chinese ethnic origin in Richmond census tracts as a percentage of the total census tract

population. Thus. Figures 3.8 and 3.1 1 graphically represent the data presented in Table 3.6.

Table 3.5. Distribution of Chinese in Richmond by Census Tract, 1986 and 1991

Tract Number of Chinese Percentage of Number of Chinese (Singte origin) Total Chinese in (Single origin)

Richmond

~ e m e n t a ~ e o f Total Chinese in Richmond

15 1 .02 470 5 . 2 ~ 1 7:; Total 8965 100.0%

Source: PC Census Data, 1986, 1991. Note: Census Tracts: 140.02, 147.02, and 147103 did not exist in the 1986 census. Census tract 140.02 was included in census tract 140.00 in 1986. Census tracts 147.02 and 147.03 were included in census tract 147.0 in 1986.

Cliaprer 3 - Erhnic Diversiry in Richmond - Immigrarion and Population Growrh 50

Table 3.6. Percentage of Chinese in Richmond by Census Tract, 1986 and 1991

Source: PC Census Data, 1986. 199 1 *Note: Census Tracts: 140.02, 147.02, and 147.03 did not exist in the 1986 census. Census tract 140.02 was included in census imct 140.00 in 1986. Census tracts 147.02 and 147.03 were includcd in census tract 147.0 in 1986.

The dot density maps, Figures 3.7 and 3.10 demonstrate that people of single Chinese

ethnic origin were located across Richmond. especially in the urban census tracts, in both 1986 and

Chaprer 3 - Ethnic Diversi- in Richmond - Immigration and Population Growth 5 1

199 1. However, it shouId be noted that the placement of dots on the islands south of the main,

Lulu island is misleading in Figure 3.7. As these islands have k e n generally unpopulated, it is

likely that these people resided on the main island area of census tract 140.0 in 1986.

A cornparison of Figure 3.7 with Figure 3.10 demonstrates the increase in the number of

Chinese people residing across the City since 1986. It also demonstrates that the overall

geoPphic dispersion pattern has smyed much the s m e since 1986.

Figures 3.8 and 3.1 1 illustrate the Chinese population as a percentage of each census tnct

population. Figure 3.8, which indicates the 1986 census data, shows that the highest percentage of

Chinese ethnic origin persons in any single census tnct was 15.7%. People of single Chinese

ethnic origin comprised 10.6% to 15.7% of the census tract population in only five ( 142.0 1.

142.02, 143.01. 143.04, and 146.00) of the 2 1 census tracts which existed in 1986. There were

aiso only four census tracts ( 14 1.00, l5O.Oû, 147.00, 15 1.01 ) where the single Chinese ethnic

origin population comprised 5.1 Cï'c or less of the population of that tract. This statistic

demonstrates that there was a Chinese presence in every Richmond census tract, except census tract

150.00, in 1986.

Figure 3.9 demonstrates that the population increase of over 18 000 people between 1986

( 108 492) and 199 1 ( 126 624) necessitated the creation of three new census tracts on 199 1. Figure

3.1 1 illustrates the effect that the growth of Richmond's Chinese community has had on individual

census tracts. Whereas 15.7% was the highest percentage of Chinese people in any census tnct in

1986, the percentage of Chinese persons was between 33.8% to 34.0% of the total in four census

tracts in 199 1. Furtherrnore, the Chinese population was between 13.0% and 34.0% in 13 census

tracts in 199 1. It is interesting to note that Census tract 15 1 .O1 was 2.6% Chinese in 1986,

Chaprer 3 - Efhnic Diversi- in Riciimond - /mmigraiion and Popdafion Growrh 52

however, by 199 1 it was 2 1.98 Chinese. which represents a 20% increase. For the most part. the

Chinese ethnic origin population as a percentage of the total census tract populations continued to

grow across Richmond in 1991. However, census tracts 143.01 and 143.04 housed the highest

percentage of Chinese residents in both 1986 and 199 1. Section 3.6 outlines some of the major

reasons why Richmond has proved attractive to Chinese immigrants.

The cumulative story told by the dot density and density maps is that Richmond's Chinese

population is not ethnically segregated in one are* or ghetto. of Richmond. Rather. people of

single Chinrse origin represent between 6 8 to 3 4 8 of the population of al1 Richmond census

tracts, with an average representation of approximately 12%. nie census tracts with the highest

proportions of Chinese residents usually contain Richmond's newest and deluxe housing

devclopments. There are severd reasons for the wide geognphic spread of Richmond's Chinese

population. Foremost is the fact that recent immiegûnts are not severely financiaily constrained in

their mal estate choices. Rather than congregating in lower price real estate area. recrnt Chinese

immigrants have the financial ability to buy the housedIots of their choice. Second. greater

tolerance for ethnic diversity has reduced the need for recent immiagants to Iive in one

neighbourhood as a protective mechanism. Sirnilarly. governments no longer interfere in the

residential location of ethnic immigrants as they have in the past. Third. David ~ c ~ e l l a n ' .

Manager. Urban Development Division. City of Richmond. suggests that the mix of housing stock

in each subdivision area has reduced ethnic segregation. A wide range of housing service prices in

each area has reduced ethnic segregation. Mike Kirk. Manager, Social Planning and Programs.

has also reponed that the wide availability of English as a Second Language instruction and school

enrollment policies that permit cross boundary registration. have prevented immigrant families from

interview with David McLellan. 21 August 1997.

Chaprer 3 - Erhnic Diversin, in Richmond - Immigrarion and Popdarion Growzh 53

Figure 3.6. 1986 City of Richmond Census Tracts

Chaprer 3 - E h i c Diversic in Ricltrnond - Immigrarion and Popidarion Growrh 54

Figure 3.7. 1986 Chinese Ethnic Origin in Richmond by Census Tracts

Chnprer 3 - Erlinic Diversi5 in Richmond - Itntnigrarion and Popirkrrion Gruwrh 55

Figure 3.8. 1986 Population of Chinese Ethnic Orïgin in Richmond Census Tracîs as a Percentage of Census Tract Population

Chapter 3 - Ethnic Diversin. in Richmond - immigrarion and Population Growth 56

Figure 39. 1991 City of Richmond Census Tracts

Chaprer 3 - Ethic Diversint in Riciuttond - immigration and Popdarion Growih 57

Figure 3.10. 1991 Chinese Ethnic Ongin in Richmond by Census Tracts

Chaprer 3 - Erhntc Diversin. in Richmond - immigrarion and Poptilnrion Growth 58

Figure 3.11. 1991 Population of Chinese Ethnic Ongin in Richmond Census Tracts as a Percentage of Census Tract Population

Chaprer 3 - Ethnic Diversi5 in Richmond - Immigration and Popula~ion Growth 59

settling in one area to be close to "a good school". In addition, leaders in the Chinese community

have commented on the desire of recent immiomts to integrate into their comrnunities by choosiog

to live amongst long time residents3. n ie success of cornmunity organizations such as SUCCESS.

the Richmond Chinese Community Society, and the Chinese Cultural Centre in promoting

immigrant integration dso indirectly contributes to the absence of ethnic seWgation.

3.6 Reasons for Immigration tu Richmond The major pull to immipte to Canada for those from Hong Kong, has k e n concern about

the July. 1997 handover of Hong Kong to China and concems arising from the 1989 Tiananmen

Square massacre. However. a mixture of cultural, pnctical, and econornic reasons has been

posited for Chinese immigrants' steady attraction to Richmond. Available land, a development

fnendly city council, and lower housing prices and looser building restrictions than Vancouver,

have been cited as chief reasons for Richmond's popularity among immigrants. Business people

have also expressed a preference for Richmond based on its proximity to the international airpon

and Vancouver's central business district.

The existence of a present Asian community. institutionally complete with four medium

size Asian malls and many more stripmalls, ESL fnendly schools, and ample cultural service

organizations. has also been a centrifugd force. That Richmond is entirely flat has proven to be

attractive both to prospective builders and to new drivers from bustling Asian metropolises. The

role of real estate agents with connections in both Hong Kong and Canada has also contributed to

Chinese immigration to Richmond. The extent of their role in Richmond and throughout Canada,

however, is not well understood and deserves further examination elsewhere (Lam, 1993:37).

Richmond also has excellent fung shui. Meaning "wind and water", fung shui is an ancient

Chinese science of aligning ying (negative) and yang (positive) energies to create harmony and

-

interviews with: T.N. Foo. 10 September 1997: James Hsieh. 20 August 1997: Saintfield Wong. 1 I Seplember 1997.

Chaprer 3 - E~hnic Diversiiy in Richmond - Ifmigrarion und Popularion Growth 60

balance. Both are necessary for success. From a bird's eye view, Richmond's situation as a delta

between the north and south arms of the Fraser River, looks like a pearl in the mouth of a dragon

(Dolphin. 1994:3 1). See Figure 3.12. A pearl is one of the signs of prospenty. The "rich" in

Richmond and the "mond translated from French into "world" also supgests that this "rich world"

is blessed with wealth generating charms.

Figure 3.12. Richmond as a 'Tearl in the Mouth of the Dragon

Thus, Richmond has gained a reputation amongst would

place amenable to Asian styles of living (Li, 1992).

3.7 The "New Middle Closs Chinese of Richmond" The wealth and lifestyle of many Asian immigrants has attracted the public's attention.

The disparity between this and the relaxed, suburban lifestyle enjoyed by many other Richmond

residenü has contributed to inter-ethnic tensions in the City. Richmond has proved especially

attractive to Asian business immigrants with the penchant for dining out regularly, shopping at

exclusive stores, driving expensive c m , and residing in new and large homes. These tastes sharply

contrast with those of the Richmondite living in a 20 year old bungalow, driving an ol&r car, and

Chpter 3 - EIitnic Divers@ in Richmond - Immigrarion and Population Growh 61

dining out only on specid occasions. These anecdotal impressions have been borne out by

tesearch which concluded that "Chinese imrni,orants to Canada are younger, better educated and

financially better off than the average Canadian" (DJC Research, 1995). The contmt between the

wealth of sorne of the new Chinese immi,pnts to Richmond, and the lifestyle accompanying it. and

those of the average Richrnondite, has been disconcerting to some of the existing residents. Letters

to the editor of the Richmond Review (see Appendix A), have publicly expressed these sentiments.

Although the census does not provide information about the wealth that immigrants bring

with them to Canada, sorne information can be derived from immigration statistics. 6 1% of new

imrni,pnts to Richmond entered under the family or assisted relatives classes, and 13% entered

under the business class. in 1994. OF the 83 1 business class immigrants who entered British

Columbia in 1994, immigration officials estimate that approxirnately 90% percent of this group

settled in the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD). Of them, 45% or 374, set up

businesses in Richmond. This means that Richmond received approximately 40% percent of ail

business immigrant ventures in British Columbia, and that the remaining 50% percent were spread

among the 17 other localities that comprise the GVRD~.

Immi,ption officials also estimate that each business program immigrant invests an

average of $120 000 in their Richmond business. A rough measure of accumulated weaith, this

amount may be only a fraction of the total accumulated wedth. Harvey Lowe, public relations

director of Aberdeen Centre, reports that some immigrants from Hong Kong have established

businesses in Richmond only to meet immigration requirements. The success of these businesses

has been of secondary importance to immigrants who derive their weaith in ~s i a ' . Yet, estimating

the offshore wealth of immigrants has k e n extremely difficult to do. Until A p d 1997, there has

The Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) is composed of: Abbotsford, Anmore, B e l c m Burnaby. Coquitlam, Port Coquitlarn, Delta, Langley, Lions Bay. New Westminster. North Vancouver, Pitt Meadows. Port Moody. MapIe Ridge, Richmond, Surrey, Vancouver. and West Vancouver.

verbal interview with Harvey Lowe, Public Relations Director for Aberdeen Centre. and Asia West, 16 August 1997.

Chaprer 3 - Erltnic Diversin) in Richmond - Immigrarion and Poptilarion Grorvrlt 62

been no federal requirement that immigrants declare foreign assets for taxation purposes6. Thus. it

has been difficult to venfy the exact amount of wealth that immigrants bnng with them when they

settle in Canada.

Conservative estimates of the selfdeclared weaith that business immigrants brought to the

GVRD between the 1990 to 1996 penod. range between $20 and $25 billion (Ley, 19975). If it is

true that Richmond received 45% of this immigration. then the wealth of business immi,gants to

Richmond alone. is estimated to range between nine and twelve million dollars in that seven year

period. The fact that immigrants from Asia continue to fùel Richmond's pricey housing market.

suggests that the wealth immigrants bnng to Richmond is significant, not only for the City's

economic development, but for how host citizens have corne to perceive these new immigrants. The

recent prolifention of upscale retail and auto enterprises targeted to a Chinese clientele in

Richmond has k e n difficult for tesidents to ignore.

The growth of what Li terrns the "new middle class Chinese of Richmond", has resulted in

the development of rptnil, restaurant, medical. professional, and housing services catenng to the

preferences of this clientele (Li, 1992: 133). This group, composed of professional and technical

immigrants, and second-generation Chinese-Canadians working in managerial and professional

occupations, has fueted the demand for high end retail and restaurant services (Li, 1990) that

paraIlel those available in Hong Kong. The success of Asia West, a shopping mal1 consortium

comprised of six Asian therne mails, is visible testimony to the disposable income of Richmond's

Chinese population.

For the average Richmondite, as well as the average Canadian, the middle class or wealthy

immigrant is a new phenornenon. WhiIe the traditional Canadian immigrant has usually found him

"n A p d 1997, Revenue Canada adopted a tax rule requinng chat immigrants declare foreign assets worth more than $100 000. Although, the rule is currenrly k i n g contested, sorne believe that its imposition is responsibte for the return of many immigrants to Hong Kong (DaSilva. 16 July 1997).

Chopter 3 - Ethnic Diversi- in Richmond - Immigration and Poprdarion Growrh 63

or her self at the bottom of Canada's economic hierarchy. the new Chinese irnmipnt to Richmond

arrives somewhere between the middle to top. Forced to assimilate into the dominant culture as a

prerequisite of upward mobility, the traditional ethnic imrniCgant had neither the means nor the time

to assert themselves politically and cultunlly in their host communities. The new immigrants to

Richmond. especially those from Hong Kong. have no such daunting pressures to assimilate. The

most visible immiapnts to Richmond seem to be those that outclass the average citizen. They,

"quite simply, have the means to mate and maintain a substantial, highly visible subculture" (Li.

1 99457).

3.8 Summary By fueling a compeiling poputation expansion, immi,mtion from Hong Kong has

dichotomized Richmond's population dong ethnic lines, setting the stage for inter-ethnic

cornpetitions in social and land use planning situations. Mostly of European heritage, long time

Richmond residents have witnessed the rapid urbanization of their once agricultunl suburb by an

urban immigrant group with substantial financial and political clout and for whom this island city

has ken especially attractive.

Of particular interest to this thesis is that the settlement patterns of Richmond's recent

Chinese immigrant comrnunity contradict the assumptions of Human Ecological theory in three

significant ways. First, 1986 and 199 1 Census data suggests that Richmond's Chinese comrnunity

has not segregated into a "natural m a " based on ethnic and racial identity. Where Human Ecology

predicts that immigrants have low socio-economic standing and will congregate in ethnic ghettos,

the data indicate that the Chinese community constituted between 6% and 34% of every Richmond

census tnct in 199 1. This settlement pattern is similar to that found in 1986. The absence of a

Chinese "naturd area" or ghetto in Richmond is a major contradiction of Human Ecology.

The financial ability of Richmond's recent Chinese immigrant comrnunity is a major

Chaprer 3 - EIilnic Diversity in Richmond - Immigrarion and Popdarion Growth 64

explanation of this phenomena. Where Human Ecology theorizes that recently anived immigrants

are typicdly poor and have low economic and social mobility, this research suggests that m e n t

Chinese immigrants comprise a "new middle class" (Li. 1990: 1992). Furthermore. this group has

changed Richmond's built landscape to meet the needs and functions of their urban community. As

reflected in the built landscape, the wealth and culninlly based preferences of this community has

proved to be disconcerting to long time residents. setting the stage for inter-ethnic competition over

the cultural expression of human needs and functions. The distribution of resources amongst ethnic

groups is a complex social process which requires the recognition of the rights of both the incoming

and receiving cornmunities.

Third, the settlement pattern of Richmond's recent Chinese cornmunity suggests that a

complete invasion-succession process has not occurred either on a neighbourhood or on a city wide

basis. While anecdotal evidence suggests that Richmond's newest subdivisions house a majority of

Chinese residents, an analysis indicates that the highest proportion of Chinese residents in any

Richmond census tract was 34% in 199 1. Having passed the peak period of immigration frorn

Hong Kong. there is no ba is upon which to predict that the Chinese community will completely

succeed the long time residents in any neighbourhood. This is also true on the city wide levet where

estimates suggest that up to 40% of Richmondites are now of Chinese ancestry.

The arriva1 of the most m e n t wave of financidIy able, Chinese immigrants to Richmond

h a set the stage for inter-ethnic tension on two, mutually effectatious. levels. The first is the rapid

urbanization of the city that has been fueled by the Chinese immigrant community. The second is

the contrast in the wealth of this community vis a vis the long time residents. Chapter Four

discusses the context of inter-ethnic tension in Richmond that has esuIted from these changes to

Richmond's demographic composition and focuses on the process of mutual accommodation that

occurred in each situation.

Chaprer 4 - The Context of Inter-ethic Relations in Richmond 65

Chapter Four. The Context of Inter-ethnic Relations in Richmond The demognphic changes to the population and the recent arriva1 of thousands of

imrniegants from Asia, and from Hong Kong particularly, have created inter-ethnic tensions arnong

Richmond residents. The major concems that have dominatcd residents' attention have been the

development of an Asian retail district and Asian styled "mega houses". As these culturally styled

buildings have drarnatically changed Richmond's built landscape. it is not surprising that they were

among the first subjects of public concern. Mega houses and Asian retail have also k e n sources of

ethnic tension for other Canadian cities (Qadeer, 1997) and Chapten Five and Six will examine

them as case studies.

In addition to these two high profile land use planning issues, other inter-ethnic issues have

developed in Richmond that affect the public identity of the city. Their derivation, and public

reactions to them. provides the context in which the "mega house" and "Asian retail" phenomena

must be understood. Each situation of inter-ethnic tension provoked a different level of reaction

among residents. Some situations were met with publicly expressed outrage, while others were met

with only a srnall deFe of concern. And, although their outcomes differed, a level of mutual

accommodation was reached in every situation. However, when considered together, they revealed

some broad themes of concern that many long time Richmond residents have had about Asian

immigration to Richmond. These thernes created a context which has affected inter-ethnic

cornpetitions on both neighbourhood and city wide leveis.

The purpose of this chapter is threefold. First, to introduce some of the situations of inter-

ethnic tension that have arisen in Richmond's recent past and to note the process by which mutual

accommodation was achieved. Second, to outline some broad themes which continually asserted

thernselves in situations of inter-ethnic tension in Richmond. Broad themes are those that residents

often echoed in letters to the editor of the local newspapers and to City officials. Third, to outline

Chapfer 4 - The Conrexr of Inter-erhnic Relafions in Richmond 66

the role that the City of Richmond has played in the realm of multicultunlism. especially the role

they have taken as a faciiitator of inter-ethnic accommodation.

While the "Asian retail" and the "rnega houses" case studies to be exmined in Chapters

Five and Six are land use planning situations, none of the examples included in this chapter directly

concern land use planning issues. The point of including them is to show how inter-ethnic conflict

in the social realm affects physical planning issues. and vice versa. Thus. competitions between

ethnic groups over the public identity of the city affect land use planning situations occumng on

both the neighbourhood and city wide Ievels. Whereas the urban and regional planning discipline

has traditionally distinguished between its social and physical offspring, this thesis contends that

the two are inseparable. The context in which issues of the former are set, is often the sarne for the

latter. As Qadeer articulates it, "There are thorny social and moral issues involved in balancing

culture, class and community interests. These are areas where Iand use planning and social

planning converge" (Qadeer, 1994: 193). Thus, broad themes characterising inter-ethnic relations

in Richmond form a context which applies to both social and physical planning situations.

Furthemore, strategies used successfully to achieve mutual accommodation in social planning

situations often have the potential to be successfülly replicated in Iand use planning situations, and

vice-versa.

The chronology of events 1989- i 997 found in Appendix B lists the major events and

sources of tension that have accompanied the recent development of the Chinese community in

Richmond. The information contained in this chronology is derived primarily from the Richmond

Review. from City of Richmond documentation, and from interviews with selected city officiais and

community mernbers'. Although each situation bas k e n much more complex than the outline

' Interviews were conducted with: MT. Mike Kirk. Manager, Social Planning and Prograrns, City o f Richmond; Mr. T.N. Foo. Prognm Director. SUCCESS; Mr. Johnny Carline, CAO, GVRD (former City Administntor. City of Richmond). Mr. David McLellan, Urban DeveIopment Division Manager. City of Richmond; Mr. James Hsieh, Director RCCA: and Ms Saintfield Wong, Manager, Chinese Cultural Centre Richmond Office.

Chopter 4 - The Contesr of Inrer-erimic Relations in Riclrmorul 67

provides for here, the genenl ovenriew of events indicates the major sources of tension, their

outcome. and the process of mutual accommodation that led to their resolution.

Since 1990 tensions between the Chinese and Caucasian communities in Richmond have

dominated the media's and the public's attention. Those receiving the most attention in recent

history include: English as a Second Language (ESL) instruction; "satellite families" leaving

children home alone while parents work overseas; ethnicity based school parent organisations; the

public use of minority languages, specifcally Chinese; the inclusion of Chinese language material

in the public library; workplace Chinese language requirements; and the "Christmas Tree Incident"

of 1993. Although each situation has unique charactenstics, ovenll they demonstnte public

concem about the displacement of traditional Canadian values, the existence of a parailel Chinese

economy and society in Richmond, and the perceived exclusion of non-Asians from participation in

Richmond's community life.

4.1 Inter-ethnic Tensions and School Based Issues As Canadian society's primary mechanisrn for the education and socialisation of its youth.

it is not surprising that three major inter-ethnic issues in Richmond have involved its schools.

4.11 The English as a Second Language (ESL) Debates Debate about English as a Second Language (ESL) instruction occurs throughout the

country wherever there are students requiring this leaming resource. ESL first attracted media

attention in Richmond in 199 1 with three issues dominating this debate. The first concemed

whether the large numbers of ESL students in Richmond were inhibiting the leaming progress of

non-ESL students. The second concerned whether ESL instruction should be funded by taxpayers

at the expense of public funding for non-ESL students. The third involved the ability of Richmond

schools to provide enough ESL classes for its students. Each highlights the growing need for

public resources, Le., teaching time and financial resources, in the context of govemments'

Chaprer 4 - The Conrext of Inter-erhnic Relations in Richmond 68

declining ability to fund education. Each issue also had the potential to divide the student and

parent bodies dong ethnic lines. This did not happen. However, the ESL issue did highlight public

awareness of the growing number of Chinese students in Richmond and of the institutional

adjustments that have needed to occur as a result. Thus, the ESL situation in Richmond serves as

an important exarnple of a government body's ability to successfully accommodate the needs of an

increasingly multicuitunl population.

Although the ESL debate has captured residents' attention in Richmond, it is genenlly

agreed that the Richmond School Board has alleviated many parent fears of a decIining quality of

education due to large numbers of ESL students, and of inter-ethnic conflict in the schools. Social

integration pro,pms such as the Mandarin clubs (which are held in many elementary schools to

introduce children to Chinese culture), public education proews, and parent nights. have provided

forums for bi-cultural communication of concerns. Parents and comrnunity groups such as

SUCCESS. have also contributed to the process of acquainting the two cultures to each other by

helping schools form "Multicultunl Friendship Clubs". with memberships comprised equally of

ESL and non-ESL students. "Multicultunl Friends hi p Clubs" give students who might nomall y

be segregated by language and culture. the opponunity to intenct outside the classroom. This and

other similar initiatives have helped offset the potential for inter-ethnic conflict among studen ts in

the schools. As police and school administrators report few inter-ethnic conflicts between students

in the schools, this seems to be an appropriate preventative measure.

For many parents. the major source of tension in Richmond surrounding ESL has been the

pedagogical implications of having so many new students who require this instruction. Parents

have expressed a concern that by requinng more instmctional time in English, ESL students inhibit

the learning Pace of non-ESL students. Some parents have advocated for a lower number of ESL

students in Richmond schools for this reason. A minority of other parents have advocated the

Chapter 3 - The Conte-rt of lnter-erhnic Relurions in Richmond 69

elimination of free ESL instruction from the public system- WhiIe pedagogic concems about ESL

students persist. they are partially defused by the omnipresent stereotype that Asian students work

harder at school and are better math and science students. With no dmtic reduction in school

performance of Richmond students as a result of increasing ESL enrolment. parents have little

ammunition with which to press their daims.

Although the issue of the Iarge number of ESL students in Richmond classrooms is never

far from any discussion of inter-ethnic relations in Richmond. it appears that the Richmond School

Board has successfully diverted the spotlight away from ethnicity. and toward funding and

pedagogical issues. By focusing their attention on the learning needs of the increasing numbers of

ESL students who are entering the system, and Iobbying the Ministry of Education for additional

funding, the Richmond School Board has demonstrated to parents that they have the best interests

of al1 students in mind. The success of the Richmond School Board in defusing the inclination that

some parents may have had to blame Asian students for the issues associated with the growing

number of ESL students is noteworthy. In this situation, a public body has taken on a leadership

role in focusing attention on their prionties, Le., ensuring that they were adequately funded to meet

the learning needs of their increasing student body. Although they have acknowledged that the

learning needs of ESL snidents differ from non-ESL students, the schooi board's ernphasis has

never veered from their responsibility to educate each and every student. To this end, they have

channelled parent energies from both cultures in this direction and parents are accommodating the

needs of others.

4.12 The "Satellite Families" Issue While the ESL debate concerns the distribution of public resources, the issue of "sateilite

families" concerns conflicting culturally based parenting styles. In Iate 1993, the Richmond School

Board announced that at least twenty adolescent children who were enrolled in Richmond schools

Chaprer 4 - The Cunrexf of lnrer-etltnic Relurions in Richmond 70

were king Ieft "home aione" by parents who maintained their primmy residence in Hong Kong for

employment and business reasons. For many Richmond parents and the school board. this

constinites neglect, despite the affluence that many of these children enjoy. "Astronaut parents"

have k e n charged with king more concerned about making money than the well-king of their

children. In response. these Asian parents argue that their children ar? expected to be independent

at a young age, and are fully capable of ensuring their own well-being. These parents aiso poiat to

the rote that extended family members, such as aunts, uncles. and ,pndparents, often play as

informai guardians of their children.

After making the rounds of the local newspapers, the "satellite families" issue attncted

national attention approximately a year after it first surfaced in 1 993. Recognising the concerns of

the Richmond School Board, Penny Priddy, then Minister of Children and Families, announced the

formation of a local advisory group to advise the Ministry on this issue in February of 1997.

Although Priddy stated "My family is more important than anything else"' when making her

announcement, she indicated the Ministry's hesitancy to take action against "astronaut" parents in

this culturally sensitive area. Instead. the Ministry chose to seek direction from a local advisory

group as to the actions it should take. Although some residents have criticised the Ministry for

failing to take more direct action in this matter, the decision to seek advice at the local level was

wise, especially in the sensitive area of inter-ethnic relations. With a number of inter-ethnic issues

and tensions overlapping at any given time, expedient action in one area may have a deleterious

affect on the overall level of inter-ethnic harmony.

The realities of "sateHite" living have, however, created business opportunities for local

family service agencies who have established in response to this need. Fulfilling the role typically

associated with Western nannies, these agencies assist absent parents with their child rearing

' Richmond Review Onfine, 12 February 1997.

Chapter 4 - The Conrext of lnter-erhnic Relations in Richmond 71

responsibilities (Richmond Review Online, September 1996). The duties of these '*counsellors"

v q : some do as little as a weekly phone cal1 check up, others help with housekeeping, gocery

shopping, and homework. Ultimately. however, counsellors serve as emergency contacts and

people to cal1 when youths are feeling low.

The "satel t ite farnilies" issue demonstrates that child rearing is one of many ways that

cultural values may conflict. However, after a communication process was established in this

situation, many "satellite parents" realised that they were expected to be actively involved in their

children's lives. Many did this by hiring a private family services agency with the ability to

understand both the expectations of the Chinese farniiies and the expectations of the public school

system. Although it is Iikely that this solution neither completely satisfies the school board nor the

complaining parents, a minimum Ievel of consensus has k e n achieved between two cultures about

chi Id care responsibilities. Many Chinese parents have accepted the fact that leaving teenage

children unsupervised is not tolented in Canadian society and have enlisted the help of extended

fmily members and private family services agencies in response. Conversely, Euro-Canadian

farnilies now recognise the legitimacy of the role that extended families play in the lives of many

Asian youth.

The process by which mutual accommodation between the Chinese and Euro-Canadian

cultures occurred in the "satellite families" issue is unusual, and thus noteworthy. in this particular

case, the market created a solution to the perceived problem. Acknowledging their lirnited ability to

bbdiscourage parents from leaving their teenage children unattended" (Richmond Review OnlNle, 12

February 1997). the provincial government's role in this situation was to provide mechanisms for

citizen input through an advisory cornmittee and a regionai contact person associated with the

Ministry. The main function of these two initiatives is that they give citizens bodies to direct their

concerns. This is a potentially effective way for governments to address essentially private issues.

Chaprer 4 - The Conrem of Inter-erhnic Relurions in Richmond 72

And. although market driven solutions are somewhat rare in situations of inter-ethnic conflict, this

does not preclude the possibility of their success elsewhere.

4.13 Parent Organizations and the Richmond School System The third school based issue concerned the creation of a panllel Chinese parents'

association in Richmond schools. In 1992, the Richmond Chinese Parents' Association for Better

Education (RCAPBE) fonned as an offshoot of SUCCESS (the United Chinese Community

Enrichment Services Society) to address the circumstances faced by their children in Richmond

schools. particularly, ESL instruction, and racism in the schools. SUCCESS believed that ;nmy

Chinese parents were more cornfortable discussing school issues, especially those facing Chinese

students. in their own language. Furthermore, a Chinese parents' group wouId increase parent

participation in school issues where it might otherwise be limited, or non-existent (Balcolm. 1994).

However the Richmond District Parents' Association (RDPA), previously the soie parent

body in the school system, pubiicly raised their objections to this initiative. Karen McNulty. then

president of the RDPA. gave interviews to print and broadcasting media stating that the existence

of a separate parents' organisation based on ethnicity was divisive and unnecessarily wasted

resources through duplication. She argued that if Chinese parents had langage difficulties which

inhibited their participation with the RDPA, then the RDPA would provide translation services.

The issue which received national media attention, eventually settled down after extensive and at

times acrimonious, discussions between both groups. Both organisations continue to exist.

The issue was one of the first high profile examples which suggested that Richmond's

population was dividing dong ethnic lines. For many Richmondites, the existence of the RCAPBE

provided evidence of the Chinese community's resistance to integrating into Canadian society. For

many members of Richmond's Chinese community, the RDPA was king too dictatorial in telling

Choper 3 - The Conrexr of Inter-erhnic Relarions in Richmond 73

Chinese parents how they should represent their issues3.

In this case, rnutual accommodation meant the RDPA's ,pdging acceptance of the

RCPABE1s legitimacy and its nght to exist. In tum. the RCPABE agreed in principle to co-

ordinate activities with the RDPA and to co-host specific events. Like the satellite families issue.

this case demonstrates the important role that governments or govemment agencies. such as the

Richmond SchooI Board. may have in facilitating dialogue between two conflicting groups.

Although the RDPA did not agree on the necessity of an ethnically based parents' group. they

acknowledged the right of these parents to organise. The latter is the underlyinp Canadian value

which both groups ultimately respected.

4.2 The Public Use of Minority Languages Another ongoing inter-ethnic debate has Richmondites questioning the role that non-officia1

languages, specifically the Chinese languages, should play in the public sphere. The issue was first

brought to public attention in early iMmh of 1992 when Richmond City Council decided to provide

key services, signage and documents, in several minority langages. The decision was part of a

strate= to rnake City services more accessible by, and more reflective of. its rnulticultural

population. The leadership of City Council members, particularly former City Councillor Ron

Dickson. was instrumental in this case. His initiative, supported by five other Council members,

has k e n acknowledged as pararnount4 in directing City Council towards attending to this, and other

mult icultunl matters.

Although sorne residents expressed concern about the use of pubIic resources for this

purpose, and the Iack of English Iiteracy among some immigrants, most residents accepted this

initiative as necessary given the number of Richmond residents whose mother tongue is not English.

Furthemore, the City clearly stated that language services would be limited to "key city services"

-- -

' verbal quote from Mr. T.N. Foo, R o g m Director. SUCCESS. 10 Seprember 1997. '' verbal quote from Mr. Johnny Csline. former City Administntor, City of Richmond, 19 August 1997.

Choprer 4 - Tire Conrexl of Inter-erhnic Reloriom in Richnmnd 74

and only "to the extent that this is feasible and c m be achieved within the financial constraints of

the city."' This statement heiped allay public concems that Council was catering to the needs of a

"special interest group" at a time when resources were already constrained.

The issue of the public use of non-official languages blossomed in 1994 when

Richmond RtYiew readers questioned the appropriateness of speaking minonty Ianguages in public

places in several letters to the editor. Mmy readers supported a 9 Febmary 1994 letter which

suggested that speaking Chinese in public. even arnongst family and friends, is mde6. Others

responded by stating that conversations, whether in public or not, were private and that language in

which they were spoken should not concern outsiders. Al1 Canadians should enjoy freedom of

speech .

Cornfort levels with the use of ethnic languages for private conversations held in public

clearly varied in Richmond. However. given Canada's official policy of Multiculturaiism, there is

little governments can or should, do to regulate this. Although some residents continued to be

uncornfortable with ethnic languages spoken in public, ri level of tolerance has k e n achieved in this

area.

The key to mutual accommodation in this scenario was residents' ability to publicly

express their opinions. As wnting letters to the editor of local newspapers permits a back and

forth dialogue, both camps had the opportunity to publicly defend themselves in this situation. This

is another example of a how a market mechanism (a privately owned local newspaper) opened

diaIogue. sparking the process of mutual understanding. The positive role of the media in

Richmond's inter-ethnic relations should not be overstated in this case, or in others. Time to adjust

to other lanpages was an equally, if not more, important factor in this process of mutual

accommodation. While the local media's ability to provide a forum for citizen concems h a had an

Johnson, Ricltrnond Review. 13 March i992:A3. Tmutrnan. Riclunond Rrview: 9 Febniyy 19949.

Chaprer 4 - The Contest of lnrer-eihnic Relations in Richmond 75

important function in opening the lines of communication between cultures, rnembers of the public

and the City believe that the local media has very much aggravated inter-ethnic tensions though

sensationalistic reponing7. The City of Richmond. has in fact. soundly criticised the Richmond

Revint* for the ir report ing on in ter-ethnic issues.

An important outcome of this debate is that it articulated resident concerns that Richmond

was becoming increasingly Chinese to the exclusion of othels. This sentiment was echoed in the

issue of Chinese language reading materials in the Richmond Public library .

4.21 The Issue of Including Chinese Language Resources in the Richmond Public Library In early t 994 rnembers of the Chinese cornmunity expressed concern that the Richmond

Public Library did not include enough Chinese language reading materials. James Hsieh. Director

of the Richmond Chinese Community Society. stated to the Richmond Revimv, chat the Iibrary was

unwilling to use eannarked cash and book donations to provide Chinese Ianguage reading rnaterials

to its patronsJ. Greg Buss. the chief librarian responded by stating that acquiring Chinese language

reading materials was not the only issue; having staff to process and shelve the books, designating

Iimited Iibrary space, and representing al1 minority langages. were other factors requiring

considention. Public sentiment was mixed. Many believed that the Chinese community was

demanding "special favours " and that including Chinese Ianguage resources in the Iibrary

discouraged immigrants from learning English. Others argued that the Chinese community had a

right to see their culture represented in a public institution. With the help of SUCCESS. the library

eventually resoived the issue. The two groups CO-sponsored a development campais which saw

the library match the 1800 Chinese Ianguage reading materials which the Chinese community

donated to the library.

-- - -

' verbal quote from Mr. Mike Kirk. Manager. Social Planning and Programs. City of Richmond. 6 Augusr 1997; and Mr. Johnny Carline. former City Administntor. City of Richmond. 19 August 1997.

Johnson. Richmond Review. 19 Jyiuuy 1994:3.

Chaprer 3 - The Conre-rr of fnrer-erhnic Relurions in Richmond 76

In this case, a public and community body worked together to accommodate the needs of

the Chinese community. The library recognised that an ethnic community as large as the Chinese

community in Richmond deserved to have their culture represented in a public institution. The

Chinese cornmunity recognised that they must be willing to contribute to fulfilling the needs of their

community. The key to mutual accommodation in this case was the wiilingness to collabonte.

Collaboration to solve inter-ethnic tensions. however, is dificult when one p u p feels excluded

from participation, as was evident in the workplace language requirements issue.

4.22 Workplace Language Requirements Questioning the appropriate place for ethnic lanpages in Richmond did not end with the

library situation of 1994. In January of 1996 a distraught woman wrote to the Richmond Revierv

expressing hostiiity about her daughter's inability to secure a job in Richmond, citing the number of

job advertisements in the local paper which require applicants to be fluent Chinese speakers. Many

readers responded by noting that the ability to speak an Asian Ianguage was a reality of the global

econorny and that people must adapt to prosper in Richmond's business environment. Others

opined that a Chinese language workplace requirement was another exarnple of the Chinese

community 's arrogant intention to create an exclusionary subculture in Richmond. They believed

that the growth of this subcuItute would eventually force non-Chinese residents out of Richmond

due to a lack of jobs, high real estate prices, and cultural discomfortg. This. and similar statements.

demonstrated some residents' fear of invasion by another ethnic group and the possibiIity of k ing

succeeded by them. Funhermore, residents also viewed the Chinese language requirement as an

illegal attempt to displace Canada's official languages in the workplace.

kba t e in the Richmond Review did not achieve inter-ethnic accommodation per se.

Rather, vigourous debate and emotion letting, eventually exhausted the subject leaving most

Richmond Review, 1 3 ianuary 1996.

Chapter J - The Conrexr of Inter-erhnic Relarionr in Richmond 77

residents with a heightened awareness chat fluency in Chinese is a market driven job skill. The

planning lesson in this situation is that people hold contradictory opinions about social issues.

While many people appreciate the economic development in Richmond that has occurred as a result

of Asian immigration, they do not necessarily like the form in which it has anived. For example,

the angry writer of the Ietter to the Richmond Review needed job opportunities in Richmond yet

despite this, did not feel that her daughter should be expected to comply with the job requirements

that were posted.

The underlying sentiment of the language debate is that many Richmond residents believe

that the Chinese community is not assimilating to Canadian society. Yet while they believe that the

Chinese community should make ,pater efforts to assimilate, many residents oppose public

hmding of English as Second Language (ESL) instruction, and lack tolerance for the use of non-

official languages in public, and their representation in public institutions as transition measures

Many Richmondites have felt threatened by the use of the Chinese language in public, and

especially in the workplace. There is a real ongoing fear that the Chinese Ianguage and culture will

become dominant in Richmond. That residents fear the replacement of their culture by the Chinese

Imguage and traditions was never more apparent than in the "Christmas Tree Incident" of 1993.

A3 The Christmas Tree Incident of 1993 Every holiday season, Richmond residents have corne to expect and enjoy what they

believed was a Christmas tree on top of City Hall. The figure is actually a metal pole with white

lights radiatint from it, topped by lights twisted into the shape of a star. When Richmond's Jewish

community approached Council about also placing a menonh on top of City hall in 1993, Council

decided that rather than representing just two groups' religious beliefs at City Hall, the Mayor

would dedicate park space across the Street for al1 groups to erect symbols of their faith. The

mayor's decision to embnce multicultudism was met with an unexpected amount of derision from

Chaprer 4 - The Contest of Inter-erhnic Relations in Richmond 78

members of the community who believed that the action was disrespecthl to Richmond traditions

and long time residents. Letten to the editor of the Richmond Review indicated that many (falsely)

believed that the Mayor and Council had made the decision not to erect the "Christmas tree" due to

pressure from the Chinese community, who were seen as 'Wting over" Richmond. Members of

the Chinese community responded to these allegations by noting that many Chinese are pnctising

Christians who vigourously celebrate Christmas, and that the local Asian malls were resplendently

decorated for Christmas. Stili, many residents felt that Council's decision to remove the

"Christmas tree" proved that Council was too accommodating of ethnic minonties. For others. the

"Christmas tree" incident was another exarnple of the ease with which residents blame immigrants

for changes occumng in the City. After a three month flurry of letters to the editor of the

Richmond Reviav, Council decided to retum the "Christmas tree" to the top of City Hall the

following year. Park space for community groups across the Street continues to be provided.

In this case. the process of munial accommodation did not result in a compromise between

the Chinese and Euro-Canadian communities as there was no conflict of values, but rather a

perceived conflict of values. This was due to a lack of inter-culturai understanding that members

of the media exacerbated through sensational reporting. While the local media allowed the Chinese

community to de fend themselves against the false accusations, other members of the media made

erroneous reports about the situation. For exarnple, a reporter for BCTV claimed that the reason

that the "tree " was decorated with white lights is because the Chinese cornmunity does not like

colour redlO. Not only is red a good luck colour in Chinese culture, but this community did not

have any part in selecting the colour of the lights. Mutual accommodation was achieved when the

Chinese community made their position on Christmas clear and when the Euro-Canadian

community insisted that Council recognise their traditions by continuing to place the 'Christmas

'O verbal puote from Mr. Jotinny Carline. former City Administrator, City of Richmond, 19 August 1997.

Chapter 4 - The Conrex~ of Inter-etf~nic Relarions in Richmond 79

tree" atop City Hall. The "Christmas tree" was returned in time for the 1994 holiday season.

The "Christmas tree incident" illustrates the difficult position which elected officials often

find themselves in when the ethnic composition of a city changes drarnatically. The public. often

aggravated by the media, feels divided dong ethnic lines. City Councillors are then asked to protect

the traditions of the long tirne residents while supporting those of the newcomers. Issues become

battles of who has more nghts in the community, long time residents, or newcomers. And. in the

context of multiculturaiism, long time residents sometimes feel that the policy protects the cultural

values of immimoy;ults and ethnic rninorities at the expense of their own. The lesson for local

governments is that residents may not tolerate multicultural initiatives that come at the expense of

long time traditions. In the words of Johnny Carline, "(you} don2 go about achieving

accommodation by removing things."I1

4.4 Some Broad Themes in Richmond's Inter-ethnic Relations Both the Euro-Canadian and the Chinese community have expressed sentiments which are

comrnon across these situations of inter-ethnic tension. These broad themes in inter-ethnic reIations

have been interpreted from letters to the editor of the local newspapers, from citizen interviews.

from interviews with community leaders, and from interviews with City officials. They are

sentiments that those interviewed commonly raised and that regularly appeared in discussions about

inter-ethnic tensions. They forrn the context in which inter-ethnic tensions in Richmond have been

posed.

It is important to note that these broad themes are not heId by every member of the

comrnunities to which they have k e n attributed. That is, not al1 Euro-Canadians believe that their

language and culture are king invaded by the Chinese comrnunity and not al1 Chinese Canadians

think they are scapegoats for Euro-Canadian resentment. The danger of introducing these themes in

'' ibid.

Chaprer 4 - The Conrext of Inter-erhnic Relurions in Richmond 80

this analysis is the potential to stereotype people based on their ethnicity. However, not introducing

them fails to recognise that these beliefs have had real effects on inter-ethnic relations in Richmond.

Failing to acknowledge them also prevents action that could address their negative effects.

The first theme is not necessarïly exclusively directed at Richmond's Chinese community.

It is that residential and commercial development in Richmond should be severely curtailed. if not

stopped, due to increased traffic congestion, reduced availability of community services, the falling

of the urban forest. and less green space. However. because Richmond's growth and urbanisation

mes are so often directly linked to Asian immigration. this theme also contributes to the context of

inter-ethnic relations in Richmond. It has k e n included for this reason. For many membets of the

Chinese community, development is a good thing. Resisting it is akin to resisting progress.

The presence of working farms and an active fishing industry, has traditionally made

Richmond attractive to residents who prefer a semi-rural way of life. Preserving Richmond's

agncultural land reserve (ALR)" has always been a strong community prionty. See Appendix C.

The Cornucopia. Richmond's logo, reflects Richmondites' pride in the fertility of the delta and has

been a symbol of a suburban way living rooted in prirnary economic activities. For many residents,

the intense population growth in Richmond has disturbed a way of life to which they have become

accustomed.

Halseth, arnong others, has noted the connotations that suburbs have in the minds of their

inhabitants. He notes that although change is a recurrent phenomenon in cities, suburbs are prized

for their stability (Halseth. 1996: 137). For many, suburbs are pockets of homogeneity, in terms of

house types, architectural styles, and the social, economic, and racial characteristics of the residents

(Jackson, 1985). There is an expectation that suburbs are peripherally located, have low density

--

'' The BC Agricultunl Land Commission's "Preserving Our Foodlands" report defines agricul~unl land reserve as "a provincial land use zone in favour of agriculture in which non-agricultunl uses are regulated and farm activities are encouraged. Bill 42. the Land Commission Act of 1973 created the ALR and the province continues to regulate use of ALR lands. Applicants must obtain the permission of the provincial govemment to use the land for non- agricultural purposes and Ieaves are vety rarely granted (Ranu, t 995).

Cliapter 4 - The Conte-rt of Inter-ethnie Relations in Richmond 8 1

development, and that homeownership is easily accessible. Although these notions are perhaps

more imaginary than real (Gober, 1989). the arrivai of a large and ethnically different population in

Richmond has challenged many residents' understanding of what a suburb is. and more

importantly. has also threatened their lifestyle. Growth and urbanization, especially when

development involves the destruction of familiar landmarks". can be threatening, more so when

increasingly congested traffic. constant building construction. and reduced green space are the

result.

The second theme reflects some residents' belief that the Chinese community is unwilling to

assimilate into Canadian society and there is an ovenvhelming belief that immigrants should do so.

In its defence. Richmond's Chinese community has stated that they are trying to integrate into

Canadian society, however. integration is different from assimilation. Integnting into Canadian

society allows the Chinese comrnunity to leam English and Canadian culture without abandoning

the Chinese langage and culture. However. the process of integntion may span over two

pnentions and Richmondites must be understanding and accommodating of the effort involved in

this process.

The third theme reflects residents' opinion that the Chinese community is demanding

special favours from Candian society which our govemments are too ready to accommodate. In

response. the Chinese community has argued that at 40% of Richmond's population. they are not a

"special interest group" but the mainstrearn population in Richmond. Govemments must provide

resources. recognition, and services to this community as it does the Euro-Canadian one'".

The foutth theme is a strong belief that the Chinese community is creating an ethnic

subculture in Richmond that threatens to dominate the economy as well as Richmond's social life.

Within this sentiment is an increasingly apparent envy of the wealth that the Chinese comrnunity

l3 verbal quote from Mr. Johnny Carline. former City Adminisuator, the City of Richmond, 19 August 1997. verbal quote, Mr. T.N. Foo, Prognm Director. SUCCESS. IO September 1997

Chupter 4 - The Conte-rt of Inter-erhnic Relations in Richmond 82

appears to have. The Chinese community has pointed out in response that they have strengthened

Richmond's econorny and social life and boosted its tax base by having created new service, retail

and social opportunities in Richmond. Many argue that the Chinese community has turned a poky

suburb into a city infused with a cosmopolitan flavour. The Chinese community is not a

"subculture" in Richmond, but a Iegitimate and mainstream culture. Furthemore, not al1 Chinese

people in Richmond are wealthy and those that are have worked very hard to achieve their weaith.

For this they have no reason to be contrite.

The fifth theme, is that Euro-Canadians will be pushed out of their homes by a dominating

and inhospitable Asian community who have made house prices in Richmond and property tax

assessments, unaffordable. The Chinese community has responded to this by stating that no one is

pushing anybody out of Richmond. Richmond home owners have willingly soId their propenies

under no duress. If people have been uncomfortable with the number of Chinese neighbours on

their block and have sold their homes for this reason, this is more offensive to the Chinese

community than to the Euro-Canadian one. Furthermore, they have pointed out that many

Richmondites have benefited extremely well from the upturn in Richmond's housing market.

Section 4.5 will examine how the City of Richmond has responded to inter-ethnic tensions.

and to these themes.

4.5 The City of Richmond's Response to their Multicultural Populatioo The City of Richmond needed to work to ensure that mutual adaptation between its

immigrants and its host citizens, occurs. For policy makers, this is a new phenomenon in inter-

cultural relations. The histoncal process of assimilation is no longer forced upon immigrants who

have not had any other choice. The new immigrants to Richmond have challenged the assumption

that assimilation will occur in time. In fact, scholars have suggested that the Asian economy in

Richmond will drive non-Asians to assimilate to it, rather thm the other way around (Gutstein in

Chapcer 4 - The Conce.rr of inter-ethnic Reta~ions in Richmond 83

Col lins, 1994:4 1 ). Initiatives to attract Asian business by the Vancouver Sun, Orca Bay

Entertainment (owners of the Vancouver Cmucks NHL hockey team, and the Vancouver Grizziies

NBA basketball tearn). Richmond's Gateway Theatre, as well as most cultural and retail services

in the Lower Mainland, suggests that businesses must accommodate the consumer preferences of

Asian residents to survive, much less fiourish. Residents, however, feel threatened by these

marketing initiatives and feel vulnenble to changes seemingly out of their control.

Part of the policy problem is that where MulticulturaIism seeks to offset the assimilation

process by providing mechanisms for ethnic cultures to survive. no policy exists that Fromotes the

way of life to which most Richmondites are accustomed. This has proved to be a major challenge

to policy-makers dealing with inter-cultural tension within the context of Multicultudism. As

stated by Richmond's Co-ordinating Committee on Ethnic Relations:

In the field of multiculturalism, not just in Richmond but across Canada, there is a problem with the perception of a balanced approach, or rather the lack of it. Rightly or wrongly, many people have drawn the inference that a policy on multiculturalism means that traditiona1 Canadian values and behaviour (however defined) must be compromised or even sacrificed to accommodate 'newcomers', while there is no corresponding obligation on the Iatter to modify their cultural values and behaviour to adapt to the existing way of life. Multicultural policies, therefore, may have inadvertently stimulated a 'backlash' of resentment among people who may not have had any inherent racist attitudes in the first place. Repon of the Co-ordinaring Cornmittee on Ethnic Relations, 22 April 1994: 1

The backlash against multicultunlisrn in Richmond was strongest in 1994 when

immigration from Hong Kong was at its peak point. This suggests that a causal relationship

between increased immigration and resistance to Multiculturalism may exist. However. one of the

policy challenges is interpreting the foms that a "backlash" against Multiculturalism take. For

example, a 1994 City report stated, 'There is no doubt that there is unrest, fmstration and anxiety

in our community, but we do not know how widespread it is, what the teal reasons are, or how to

properly address the perceived problems" (Carline, 22 April 1994: 1). Yet, there are strong

arguments that local govemments should not remove themselves from inter-ethnic policy making.

Chapter 4 - The Contexr of Inter-cthnic Relations in Richmond 84

Inter-ethnic tensions may festet in the absence of govemment's moni authority. A second report

recommended that City not withdraw from their commitment to multiculturalism. but to work

carefully to "get it right" for the consequences may be "ethnic divide". The key is to "give

appropriate emphasis. and to be seen to give appropriate emphasis, to both accommodation of

minonty cultures by the majority. and adaptation to the majority culture by rninorities" (Carline.

Staff Report to Committee of the Whole, 15 August 1994:3). Policies which address inter-ethnic

relations must be sensitive to their context by "reading" the body of issues that have emerged.

Concerns that appear rninor on the surface, for example. a Christmas m e atop City HaIl. may be

symbols of Iarger concerns about identity, rights, stanis, and position. No gains in

Multicultunlism or inter-ethnic relations are likely to be made if local governments do not respect

the traditions of the host population. Section 4.6 which follows, outlines the multicultunl

initiatives taken by the City of Richmond in ment years to this end.

4.6 MulticuItural Initiatives of the City of Richmond The City of Richmond's multiculturai initiatives have stemmed from two main bodies

external to City Council, the Advisory Committee on Inter-cultural Relations and the Social

Planning and Progams department at City Hall. Mike Kirk. Manager of Social Planning and

Pro,orarns CO-ordinates the activities of both bodies.

City Council spearheaded the major policy that umbrellas the City's multicultunl

initiatives, the City of Richmond Multicultunl Policy developed in 199 1 (see Appendix D) and the

accompanying declaration of Richmond as a Multiculturai City in 1992. Three council members

and the ~ a ~ o r " have ken credited as the forces behind these multicultural initiatives. Johnny

Carline, former City Administrator, has noted that the City of Richmond's success in avoiding

- -- -

15 Johnny Carline. former City Administrator, City of Richmond. has cited former Councitors, Vaupotic, Dickson. McMath and current Mayor Halsey-Brandt as k i n g instrumental in Richmond's rnulticultunl initiatives (Carline, verbal interview. 19 August 1997).

Chaprer 3 - The Contest of fnrer-erhnic Relurions in Richmond 85

rthnic xhisms was partially due to a lack of "hot-headed politicians" found elsewhere in anad da'^.

The Advisory Committee on Intercultural Relations (formerly known as the Co-ordinating

Committee on Ethnic Relations) is the outcorne of two 1 990 initiatives by City Council. The first,

the Ethnic Relations Task Force, was designed to provide community leadership and to advise

Council on et hnic relations matters. The purpose of the second initiative, the Co-ordinating

Committee on Ethnic ReIations. was to develop policies on ethnic issues, to promote equal

opportunity and participation of all citizens. and to promote public education through citizen

awareness. Created in September of 1995, the Advisory Committee on Intercultural ReIations

currently has the responsibilities of both groups. See Appendix E for their terms of reference.

Composed of 13 members, including one Council member and eight members of the gerierai public,

the committee CO-ordinates multicultunl events. and discusses mu1 ticulturai issues that the Mayor,

Council, and citizens, have forwarded. They advise Council with the goal of promoting face to face

didogue. As Mike Kirk has stated, 'There's only so much institutions can do, and the media can

do. ... It h a to happen person to person" (Richmond Review Onli~te. 30 March 1996).

The Committee has not enjoyed as high of a profile as they perhaps would wish" as their

function as a sounding board for inter-ethnic issues in Richmond is under appreciated. Although

the Committee is hesitant to interfere with matters occumng outside of the City's authority, their

awareness of the positions taken by Richmond's ethno-cultural communities on these issues, and

how they impact inter-ethnic relations in Richmond, is extremeIy beneficial to their role as an

advisory committee to Council. The rthno-culturai diversity of the Committee's membership is

perhaps key to their ability to do so. And, despite their reluctance to directly involve themselves in

private matters, the Committee's wiilingness to hear complaints and concems does much to assuage

residents' tensions. Having an outlet for resident feedback is extremely important for a city, like

'"bid. 17 verbal quote from Mike Kirk. Manager, Social Planning and Programs. City of Richmond. 6 August 1997.

Chaptcr J - The Camesr of lnrer-erhrtîc Relurions in Riclrmand 86

Richmond. whose ethnic composition is changing dnmatically.

The Social Planning and Programs department of City Council, chiefly Manager Mike

Kirk, is responsible for CO-ordinating the City's multicultunl initiatives (see Appendix F). Kirk

liaises with other City department, affiliated social service agencies, and the Advisory Committee

on Intercultunl Relations. Categorised into ten overlapping areas, the City's main initiatives

address its: policy. cornmitment to community involvement, staff training and employment equity

programs, translation and interpretation services, and information dissemination. Through

affiliated community social service bodies, multicultural initiatives are also incorporated into:

business developrnent services, social and community development services, educational and

cultunl services. recreational. special events and community development prognms, health

services and programs, safety and protection programs (RCMP), and the provision of physical

facilities.

4.7 Summary In less than a ten year period, Richmondites have had to adjust to living with growing

numkrs of immi,mts, many of whorn defy Canadians' understanding of where immigrants fit on

the socio-economic spectrum. The sheer number of immigrants has also exacerbated tensions

associated with cultural differences in lifestyle. The result has k e n the "ethnic backlash" reponed

by City administrators and the school, iibrary, cultural, and langage based tensions that were

outlined in this chapter. Broad themes ernerging from specific situations have created a context

that affects inter-ethnic relations on the neighbourhood as well as the city wide, level. The City of

Richmond responded to these themes by creating intemal and extemal bodies that address

multicultunlism through policy and initiatives.

One of the key lessons emergent from Richmond's experiences irnplementing multicultunl

policies and initiatives is that in the absence of policy protecting the traditions of long time

Chaprer 4 - The Conrexr of Inter-erhnic Relations in Richmond 87

residents, Multiculturafism may be seen as propagating ethnic nghts at the expense of traditional

Canadian values. Richmond's expenences suggest a clear need to promote two way

accommodation; if long time residents are king asked to accept ethnic traditions and values, then

immigrants must be asked to accept long time traditions. No gains in Multiculturalisrn will be

made if local govemments and planners agitate long time residents by encroaching on their values

and tnditions. Instead. poiicy makers must focus on the needs and tnditions that residents,

irrespective of ethnicity and or culture, hold in common. This is the key to promoting mutual

accommodation.

Despite the range in the type of tensions that emerged in Richmond as a result of Asian

immigration, a level of mutual accommodation was achieved in every situation. Furthemore. the

process by which this was achieved was remarkably similar in each situation. When a cornpetition

for resources, traditions, values, and symbols. between the Chinese cornmunity and the long time

residents became evident. inter-ethnic tension percolated within the City. However, before

significruit ievels of inter-ethnic conflict ensued, a process of mutuai accommodation began.

Through private dialogue ktween ethnic groups. eg.. gossip between neighbours and epss roots

level conversations, an inter-ethnic conflict becarne manifest. Tensions were exacerbated as private

accusations became public in ietters to edit~rs of the local newspapers and at community meetings,

creating a public discourse about the situation. This public discourse allowed residents to

acknowledge that people share common interests and needs, which are often expressed in a cultural

form. Whether in the schoois or in the workplace, or involving public resources or public symbols,

public awareness of people's common needs becarne apparent dunng this public discourse, and set

the stage for the negotiation of values, behaviours. and resources.

The creation of a public discourse serves three important functions to the process of mutual

accommodation. First. it gives the conflicting parties time to move beyond emotional responses to

Citaprer 4 - The Contesr of Inter-ethnic Relaiionr in Richmond 88

situations of inter-ethnic tension and some clxity of the issues involved cmerges with the reflection

time allows. Second, the creation of a public discourse brings issues of ethnic and cultunl

diversity to the public's attention. It is at this stage that government and cornrnunity bodies should

promote awareness of the fact that people, irrespective of their ethnicity, share comrnon needs.

Multiculniralism promotes the cultural expression of these human needs. Third, public discourse

sets the stage for achieving compromise amongst divergent groups and interests.

In Richmond, the public negotiation of a level of munid accommodation, often involving a

compromise, usually proceeded from this public dialogue. At this point. however, usually a local

govemment or community body such as Council itself or an offshoot cornmittee. used their mon1

authonty to guide the dialogue process. These bodies often occupy the best position to promote

Multiculturalism. However, the success of market driven solutions to some situations of inter-

ethnic tensions is particularly noteworthy to the process of mutuai accommodation. Both privately

owned newspapers and service organizations facilitated bridges between cultunl traditions and

values in Richmond.

The process of mutual accommodation concluded with the calming of tensions and the

balancing of interests. Through an informa1 negotiation process conducted on a public level. ethnic

groups brought their public behaviours and practises closer together, creating a new set of cross

cultunl public expectations. Two of the more significant issues of inter-ethnic tension have k e n

the development of a large and concentrated Asian retail district in central Richmond and the

building of many "mega houses" in Richmond neighbourhoods. Both developments challenged the

style of the existing built landscape and have required the public negotiation of divergent building

styles and cultural expectations through a process of mutual accommodation similar to that

demonstrated hem. The following two chapters will present each of these issues as case studies in

inter-ethnic land use and mutual accommodation.

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Reraii District 89

Chapter Five. Case Study: Asian Retail District The development of a specidty Asian Recail District in Richmond. beginning in 1990 with

Thomas Fung's $200 million Aberdeen Centre, is perhaps the most dramatic representation of

Chinese culture on Richmond's built landscape. With 1998 marking the grand opening of the

seventh Asian theme mal1 in the planning area now officially known as "Aberdeen" after iü Hong

Kong namesake. there is linle doubt that these symbols of wealth. power. and modernity have

replaced the stereotype that "Asian business" means a "Mom and Pop" Street corner operation in

Richmond. Moreover, some have suggested that the "Aberdeen district" complexes represent more

than just a cosmopolitan retail experience. With a bowling alley. a cinema. numerous large

restaurants, professional and health services, grocery supermarkets. banks, and a four star

Radisson President hotel. to many the 1 lha. tract surrounding No. 3 and Carnbie Roads comprises

a little city unto its own.

From a planning perspective, the development of an Asian retail district in Richmond

provides an opportunity to demonstrate how physical phenornena create social effects. thus

supporting the daim of this thesis that socid and physical planning are inter-related. For in the

Richmond expenence, unlike other areas, resident Figure 5.1. The Aberdeen District

opposition did not corne at the approval stage of these

developrnents. The land where most of "Aberdeen" is

located was vacant pRor to the development. Being

directly on the flight path of the nearby Vancouver

International Airport, the City had deemed the land largely

unsuitable for residential development. With only a few

decrepit houses sitting on large, wildly overgrown fields. - .

many residents saw the piecemeal developrnents as sL: Richmond Officiai Plan

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail District 90

opportunities to get rid of an eyesore that had plagued Richmond's main d n g for decades. As

Number 3 Road north of Alderbridge Way had k e n commercially developed in the early 1970's,

there was little opposition to the sarne type of development on the east side of the road. And, the

relative absence of single family housing nearby, also Iikely contributed to smooth sailing for the

developers.

The development of the Aberdeen district in Richmond also demonstrates that physical

structures can be opposed, not only for their visual, architectural, and physical presence, but for

who and what they represent. In the same way that "strip clubs" and adult entertainment stores

often confl ict with the values and ideals held by community memkrs. Asian theme malk have

elicited opposition because they challenge. albeit for different reasons, the mental construct that

residents* have about their city. Opposition of planning phenomena may have less to do with

technical arguments about: view obstruction, building shadow, traffic congestion, parking facilities.

etc., and more to do with socid concems about how the community is defined and who is defining

it. Wi th suburbs particularly , atypical buildings c m alter the mythical landscape that residents

visualize of their community. Furthemore. culturaliy styled buildings c m jar residents' "sense of

who belongs (in the community) and who does not" (Halseth, 1996: 138). especially when they

appear to threaten the dominance of the "majority" culture.

Opinions on social policies, such immigration and Multicultudism, cm also converge on

a planning situation. This often places local govemment land use pIanners in the difficult position

of having to wade through sensitive opinions about race, ethnicity. culture, and rights, that affect

physical planning situations but are often outside of planners' control. In this case, grassroots

opinions about federal policies were expressed as opposition to physical planning phenomena,

perhaps because local govemments are purportedly the most accessible level of govemment.

Sensitivity to the perceptions and issues of the communities involved is mandatory for planners

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asiun Retail District 91

who attempt to defuse furor over iand use planning situations. Planners may find that arguments

based on technical merits and jurisdictional boundaries do little to alleviate inter-ethnic tensions

which have converged on land use planning situations. Extra-govemment forums and mechanisms

may be needed to resolve these inter-ethnic tensions.

This case study provides an opportunity to articulate how social values were expressed in

a land use planning situation, to outline the forrns in which they appeared, and to illustrate how a

collaborative effort by business, citizens. and local government successfully alleviated inter-ethnic

tensions. Of particular interest in this case study is the process of mutual accommodation that took

place between the Caucasian and Chinese communities regarding the Asian retail district. As

social tensions dissipated over time. so too did ethnicity based complaints about this land use

planning situation.

Richmond's Asian retaiI experience also provides an opportunity to demonstrate how

assumptions found in classic Human Ecology resonate with many residents' fem about their

changing city. This under recognized aspect of resident perceptions about urban change. especially

when it involves the "invasion" of new ethnic groups and cultures, has promising possibilities. If

planners cm identify common fears about urban change, then strategies can be developed to pre-

empt escalating inter-ethnic tensions.

5.1 The History of Aberdeen The Asian retail story in Richmond begins with Thomas Fung, scion of Fairchild Holdings

Ltd., a Canadian Company with multinational holdings in the entertainment. real estate, and

communications industries. Having acquired a tract of land south of Cambie Road between

Hazelbridge Way and Brown Road, Fairchild Holdings constructed Fairchild Square, a

commercial-retaiI cornplex comprised of eight, two storey buildings surrounding a central

courtyard, in the summer of 1989. Featuring retail and professional services, Fairchild Square

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail District 92

emerged on Richmond's retail scene with little fanfare. despite its Asian theme. The presence of

other Asian retailers in Richmond, particularly at the juncture east of Number 3 Road and

Westminster Hwy., where a "New Chinatown" (Lai. 1988: 163) had ernerged as a result of infill

development, is one of the likely reasons for its quiet reception.

Richrnondites' perceptions of Asian mail changed dramatically, however, a year later

when Fairchild HoIdings built Aberdeen Centre at the corner of Number 3 and Cambie Roads.

When discussions with the Bay and Eaton's to build a typical North Amencan mail failed, Fung

sought investors in Vancouver's Chinatown who speculated that Richmond was an untapped

market comprised of recently arrivinged Chinese immigrants. Aberdeen Centre resulted from their

sharp investment. The glass facade of three storeyed building and costing $30 million, featuring 60

retail stores, a bowling alley, and a cinema contrasted dramatically with the disjointed Asian food

stores found elsewhere in Richmond. North America's largest Asian mal1 at the time was

somewhat of a novelty in 1990, although many Richmond residents found its Asian flavour and

visual presence disconcerting. However, with the City's urban development division encouraging

land assembly for single major projects' in the area, and its econornic development office actively

seeking to make Richmond "a new central focus for new Asian investment in B.c."'. a clear path

was set for other sirnilady styled retail developments in the area,

Five other commercial-retail complexes, Parker Place, Yaohan Centre, President Plaza,

Central Square, and Continental Square, were built between 199 1 and 1997. See Figure 5.2 for a

map of the retail area. Parker Place, noted for k ing the first strata titled mal1 in B.C., opened with

106 merchant owned retai1 units housed in a $30 million development in March, 1993. Phase 2,

which added another 55 units to the retail complernent, opened for business in September of that

year. Another Fairchild Holdings Development, Parker Place's lease to own financing plan proved

' Colin Schuss quoted in Harvie, l99O:A 1 . ' Lino Sincusa quoted in MacDiarmid, 199 1 :A 1.

Chapter 5 - Case Sr&: Asian Rerail District 93

attractive to business and investor i m m i ~ ~ t s , pnmarily from Hong Kong. Their investment in

Parker Place created another predominantly Asian shopping expenence in Richmond* despite the

developer's intention to have a general mix-

Three months Iater. President Shopping Centre and Hotel Plaza. which had nsen up two

blocks nonh of Parker Place, held its grand opening on a Figure 5.2 Retail Developments

3.77 acre site at the juncnire of Cambie and Number 3

Roads. The complex houses a 183 room hotel, a large

supermarket. retail outlets, professional services. and a

health club. The parent company of the project. President

Enterprises Corp.. is a multi-national food retailer and

manufacturer based in Taiwan with sales of $7 12.7 million

in 199 1. President Canada Syndicates Inc., an offspring

company, fonned as an immigrant investor fund3 to Source: Richmond Planning Dept.

develop the Richmond project.

Japanese interests joined the Asian retaiI scene in Richmond in 1993 with the grand

opening of Yaohan Centre, a 27 000ft.' food based depanment store flanked by two floon of retail

space. Like President Enterprises Corp. of Taiwan. Yaohan International is a multinational

corporation with department store. hotel, restaurant. and developrnent holdings in 10 countries that

together yielded $2.8 billion (US) of profit in 1992. However, after three years of operation.

Yaohan International soId their 50% stake in Yaohan Centre (Richmond) to the neighbounng

President Canada Syndicates Inc. in 1997. President Canada Syndicates Inc. has stated their

intentions to maintain. and if possible expand, the site. President Plaza and Yaohan Centre differ

from the Fairchild developments (Aberdeen Centre and Parker Place) in that they sel1 pan-Asian

Qualifying as an "immigrant invcstor" undcr Canada's lnvestment Immigration Fund, requircs a minimum of a S 350 000 investment in a Canadian business.

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail Districr 94

retail products from Japan, Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand, as well as China, Taiwan, and Hong

Kong.

Central Square. an "L" shaped. $9 million strip mal1 built in 1996 between neighbounng

Parker PIace and Aberdeen Centre. dso caters to an Asian market. As does Continental Square,

the seventh, and newest player on Richmond's Asian retail scene. Built on a six acre. foimer

school site, Continental Square is another strata titled office and retail development. Westin

Developments of Richmond, the builders of the Fairchild Holdings malls, developed this project.

With the current exception of the latest addition to Richmond's Asian retail scene.

Continental Square, the six other malls are allied in the "Asia West" marketing consortium.

Headed by public relations director. Harvey Lowe, Asia West's primary objective is to jointly

market the complexes as a complete shopping and entertainment expenence locally, to tourists

from growing Asian populations elsewhere in Canada, to neighbounng Washington state, and to

overseas visitors. They are also working to solve common problems that have aisen with parking,

traffic congestion, and perhaps, most importantly, with public relations with the local non-Asian

market .

The Asia West group are demonstrably sophisticated and wealthy players in Richmond's

retail scene. Financing for their ventures originates with large multi-national corporations with the

savvy to design structures which cater to the tastes of the Asian shopper in the Lower Mainland. A

"new middle class" Chinese shopper composed of professional and technical immigrants, and

second generation Chinese-Canadians working in managerial and professional occupations, has

fueled the development of these 'upscale' Chinese malls (Li, 1992). For many long time residents,

the arrivai of Asian money in Richmond is perhaps as disconcerting as the arriva1 of the people

themselves.

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Rerail District 95

5.2 Changing the Built Londscape The malls comprising the Asian retail district in Richmond have a very conspicuous

presence in the city's built landscape. Architectural style, building design. building materials.

signage style and language, dl differ from the typical boxed shape North Amencan mdl. The

sleek gIass and chrome facade of Aberdeen Centre. is a prime example of these culturally based

differences. Built to follow the basic outline of a dragonfly. a fung shui symbol of success, the

maIl (dragonfly) appears to "drink" from the fountain near the mall's entrante. This pool of water

collects good luck (Chow, 1995:3). Water, one of the five elements of fung shui symbolizing the

arts, movement and communication. and commerce arnong superstitious Chinese, is plentihl in the

district (Dolphin, 1994:3 1 ). In addition to Aberdeen's fountains, President Plaza boasts a carp

shooting water in the mouth of dolphin. That the carp. another Chinese symboI of good luck.

"feeds" the dolphin, a symbot of North America, has k e n noted by keen observers of inter-ethnic

relations in Richmond (Dolphin. 1994:3 1). A four faced Buddha =pces the front of the pink

coloured Parker Place development. It was bIessed by Buddhist monks chanting pnyers, ringing

bells, and burning incense to celebrate Parker Place's grand opening.

The stores inside the Asian malls differ from the typical North American mal1 too. Many

stores have Street and maIl entrantes which contrast with the insular quality of many North

American malls. Street facing and interior signage often have large Chinese characters alongside,

or often overshadowing, small English letters. The stores themselves seIl products and services

that many local customers find unusud; herbal medicines, Japanese cartoon pop culture,

unidentifiable (and often pungent) food products, and designer cosmetics. Taken singty the

products can be overwhelming. more so when they are sold together, which often happens in the

malls. The interior design of the stores vary according to the owner; no corponte intenor design

regulates the placing of furnishings, style, and store design as is usual in North American malls.

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail District 96

Store personnel are virtually 100% Chinese, some are farnilies. and many are first time retailers.

For most. English is a second or third language, and North Amencan style customer service with

cheery entrance "greetings" is not yet ingrained. Perhaps the City's mayor, Gres Halsey Brandt.

best expressed the total effect of the malls when he stated. 'This section of Richmond is really

taking off ... it's hard to believe we're part of the same country" (Sobrino, I992:AI ).

5.3 Inter-ethnic Tension and the Asian Retail Disfrict Complainants noting the cultural differences between the malls. and their sheer number,

have directed their concerns to the City's planning department and Mayor. The first were reactions

to the number of Asian rnalls in Richmond and their distinct presence in the built landscape. As

one resident expressed it,

1 just wanted to say that if the Chinese community truly wants to become part of the Canadian mosaic they should try to inteagate their businesses and large projects into the community and not create another Chinatown, later to becorne a ghetto. ... When 1 drive dong No. 3 Road now I do not feel that 1 am in Canada mymore and 1 wonder if in their haste to get the investment dollars our city planners have not thought about what they are doing to the comrnunity of people who were boni and raised hem. Diane Rindt. Letter. Richmond Review, 3 1 March 1993:4

This excerpt illustrates that this writer's assumptions about urban change reflect those found in

Human Ecology. the theoretical body most aptly fitting the historical immiomt settlement

patterns. For example. the wnter's belief that the Chinese community is trying to "create another

Chinatown" reflects an awareness of what Park termed "naturat areas". Her statement. "1 do not

feel that I am in Canada anymore" reveals the writer's perceptions that the Chinese comrnunity is

"dominating" parts of Richmond. She also fears the invasion-succession process: her phrase "later

to become a ghetto" reflects her belief that it will be degenerative.

An editorial. backed by many supponing letten, broadcasted the sentiment that Richmond

had become a "Chinese ghetto" across the city (McCullough, 1995a, 1995b). On the first of two

occasions, the publisher of the Richmond Review, Dave McCullough wrote an editoriai titled,

Chaprer 5 - Case Sr+.- Asian Rerail Disrricr 97

"Welcome to the Ghetto of Richmond" (McCullough, 1995b). In the face of enormous

controversy, he attempted to clarify his position by stating, 'The first possibility - that a cultural

ghetto has sprouted within Richmond - seems so transparentty to be a reality that one wonders how

anyone could take exception to it" (McCullough, 1995b). Despite McCullough's argument that the

term 'ghetto' is not emotive. the controversy surrounding his editorial suggests that he

underestimated the strength of its connotations.

Fear of ethnic ghettoization is a serious policy issue currently facing planners working with

muIticultunl populations. The historic physical segregation of low socio-economic. ethnic

imrnibgants has created a strong stereotype of the ghetto replete with very negative connotations of

crime. poverty, and substance abuse. Yet, despite the affluence of it's newest immigrants, some

residents continue to fear that Richmond's Asian retail district will eventually become a festering

ethnic ghetto. The strength of the mental association between 'ethnic' and 'ghetto' suggests that

xenophobia exists among some Richmond residents. While the stereotype is erroneous in this case,

nonetheless. "ghetto terror" has forrned in the minds of some residents (Boal, 1996:297). This

strong sense of "urban unease" is a fear of inter-ethnic conflict and uhan squalor which residents

believe results from ethnic segegation (Boal. 1996997). The tendency to inflate both the intensity

of ethnic segregation and the number of ethoics present in a city, compounds feelings of "ghetto

terror" (Boal. 1996296). The best way for planners and other policy maicers to alleviate "ghetto

terror" is to understand the forrns in which it may be expressed.

Reaction to fears of "ghetto terror" in Richmond took several different forrns in the months

following the opening of the malls. Customer cornplaints about the absence of English and French

Iabeling on food products sold by the Asian retailen first surfaced in the summer of 1993".

Although Canada's Food and Drug Act and Consumer Packaging and Labeling Act, require

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail District 98

English and French product labeling. Foods imported from Asia occasionally do not comply with

these regulations. Customer complaints. public outcry, and extensive local media covenge. drove

many merchants to demand that their suppliers include this information on these imported products.

For Caucasian shoppers to the Asian malls. the absence of English and French on the

products was disconcerting less for the illegality of the situation. and more for the unwelcoming

face that Chinese characters and unidentifiable food products presented. As Ken Gallagher,

regional food specialist of consumer products. stated in an interview on this situation, "It (faulty

labeling) happens. You cm go to any store in the Lower Mainland and find a product that does not

have a proper label" (DaSilva. 1993:3). That the situation became an issue for the Asian

merchants, and not others, is evidence of some residents unease with the changes brought to

Richmond by its new Chinese cornmunity. Legitimate cornplaints about faulty labeling allowed

residents to express this unease.

Larger concems about inter-ethnic relations in Richmond emerged when observers began

complaining about the absence of English on the interior and to a much lesser extent. exterior.

signs of retail stores in the Asian therne malls. The City and the local media recrived numerous

letters of complaint about this omission. Many of these letten addressed the heart of concerns

about the Chinese cornrnunity using the sipage issue as a symbol of the city's changing identity.

For exarnple, one letter to the Mayor read:

As a resident of Richmond for seven years 1 have k e n witness to the ever-increasing dominance of Chinese chancters. sometimes exclusively in Chinese, in Richmond's business sipage. 1 understand that replacement of Richmond's businesses by Chinese is partly responsible for this trend. However, it appears that what is preventing a more inclusive style of signage is the absence of a bylaw which enforces clearlv English simage was well as Chinese.

... This trend has reached unacceptable proportions. The signs are blatantly exclusionary since they are intended to attract a specific clientele. It is absolutely irresponsible for the City of Richmond CO ignore the needs of the community as a whole while they appear to sheepishly cater to an immigrant business group for fear of being branded as racist.

As exclusively Chinese mails continue to take over Richmond's landscape at an alarming

Chaprer 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail District 99

rate. the lest the City can do is enforce English signage. Marlowe, Monika. Letter to the Mayor of Richmond, 16 March 1997

Letters such as one above, reflect the perception that the Chinese community threatened to

'bdominate" the city. As the above wnter expressed it, "exclusively Chinese malls continue to take

over Richmond's landscape at an alarming rate." The author clearly resents the City for appearing

to cater to the Chinese community. Thus, this one letter contained three concerns about inter-

ethnic relations in Richmond which were encapsulated into a cornplaint about signage. The first

concerned the Ianpage rights of English speakers and the perceived need for replation to ensure

that English rernains dominant in Richmond. Alan Clark. Supervisor for Zoning and Signs,

reported in 1997 that there was considerable pressure on City to enact a bylaw requiring the

inclusion of English on sipageS. At present. local junsdiction is limited to the placement, size,

and construction materiais of outdoor signage in B.C.

City officiais also becarne aware that the sigage issue was a harbinger that the growing

inter-ethnic tensions required their attention. Letters to the mayor, and public outrage expressed in

the newspapers. demanded that the City take action. To address the sipnrige issue, city

representatives met with administntors of the Asian malls who agreed that the inclusion of English

on signage was important for community hmony as well as for business reasons. Furthemore,

the City's Advisory Committee on Intercultural Relations stmck a sub-cornmittee to examine the

issue and advise Council on the matter. The Advisory Committee met with retailers, mal1

administntors, the Chamber of Commerce, and the Asian Business Association to inform the

businesses of the complaints and to seek voluntary cornpliance with English language signage

requests.

Letters also expressed the perception that the City was catering to the desires of a "special

population". Although the above writer did not specifically refer to Canada's policy of officia1

Advisory Committee on Intercultural Relations, Minutes. 27 March 1997:4.

Chaprer 5 - Case Srudy: Asian Retail District 1 0 0

Multicultudism, her letter indirectly criticized the poiicy which legitimizes the cultural claims of

ethnic groups, in the absence of protection for 'traditional' rights. Other writers were more oven in

their criticisms of Multiculturalism in this case:

... Immigrants must bear the burden of learning the customs and mores of the chosen land. including in this case. the retailer's axiom that "the customer is always right". Lazatin, C. Letter. Richmond Review, 5 August t 995:9

Re: Publisher Dave McCullough's column, "East seeks West at Asian Malls". July 29: ... We al1 know the "M Word (rnulticultudism) by now - the catch-phrase of the nineties. but that's al1 it is. People don't want it. Too many letters in it for one. Why do you think there was a mass exodus of Richmondites? Craig, M. Letter. Richmond Review, 30 August 1995:9

PIanners must be attentive of the fact that some residents perceive multicultural initiatives

as "bending over backwards" for ethnic groups. There is a real need to be attentive to, and respect

the concems of "non-ethnic" Richmond residents when working in the area of inter-ethnic relations.

This is an important lesson for govemments who impiement MulticulturaIism policies.

WhiIe many retailers quickly remedied the deficit of English, others resisted the additional

effort and expense required to change their signage. With little authority over retailers who own

their store through strata title arrangements, mal1 administrators had difficulties persuading some

retailers to include English on signage. Finding business sufficient, these retailers lacked the

incentive to install measures designed to attract Caucasian customers. For others, the success of

their business was not a major concern, operating a store merely fulfilled the requirements of

Canada's business investor program6. Mal1 administrators reponed that it was a struggle to

persuade these merchants to change their signage, effort Fairchild Holdings Ltd. and other

developers eliminated by requiring the inclusion of English at least as large a Chinese on signage

in al1 new development contracts.

While the signage issue remained prominent in citizen concerns, they increasingly forrned a

- -

"interview with Harvey Lowe, Public Relations Director. Aberdeen Centre. 26 August 1997.

Chapter 5 - Care Studv: Asian Retail Disfricr 101

backdrop for a host of cornplaints about the malls' unwelcoming atmosphere. Caucasian visitors

spread widely rumours of rude and non-English speaking shopkeepers, "being stared at as though

we had two heads,"' k ing told "they have no nghts there (at the malls) as they weren't chinesen,''

and king denied service based on their ethnicity. The Iack of clothing sizes frequently worn by

Caucasian women also became a comrnon cornpiaint to retailers who stocked only the diminutive

sizes wom by petite Asian women9. Residents also became increasingly agitated about rising

tnffic congestion on the adjacent streets and the 'claim jumping' of parking spaces from patiently

waiting dnvers. Uniikely Caucasian shoppers becarne less likely to visit the Asian r n d s which

continued to be predominantly frequented by Asian shoppers.

Aberdeen Centre's Public Relations Director, Harvey Lowe, has quite candidly

acknowledged the reluctance of non-Asian shoppers to frequent the rnalls and has initiated many

programs to remedy this deticit. Mal1 administrators have requested that merchants display

English language signage throughout the store and employ at least one English speaking salesclerk.

Retailers are also encounged to attend customer service seminars sponsored by the mal1 to leam

North Amencan customer service expectations. On-site public relations people ensure that

Caucasian visitors receive cheery hellos and thank yous when they visit. Clothing retailers have

also been encouraged to stock one or two larger sized items on the belief that a little business will

attract more.

As part of Aberdeen Centre's desire to encourage greater visitation by Caucasians and to

improve their reputation in this community, Lowe has ako engaged in a number of community

service programs. The atrium of Aberdeen Centre is open for free use by non-profit groups, and

mal1 administration actively supports fund-raisers for the Heart and Stroke Foundation, the United

7 Morgan. S. Letter. Richmond Review, 5 January 1 994:9. ibid.

'interview with Harvey Lowe. Public Relations Director, Aberdeen Centre, 26 August 1997.

Chaprer 5 - Case Study: Asian Rerail Disrrict 102

Way. and the RCMP mobile unit. As a gesture to the community, Fairchild Holdings volunteered

to translate RCMP information brochures into Chinese and paid the $25 000 production and

printing c o ~ t s ' ~ . Despite these efforts. however, visitors to the mal1 continue to be at least 90%

Asian which suggests that the vast rnajority of Caucasians prefer to shop elsewhere.

However, Fairchild Holdings, and Asia West by association, made large gains in public

approvai when their public relations initiatives becarne well known. Although letters to the editor

of the Richmond Review continued to express the themes that have chancterised inter-ethnic

relations in Richmond - that the Chinese community is unwilling to assimilate, is demanding

"special faveurs", and is creating an ethnic subculture. and that ethnic succession is inevitable -

many residents, some gmdgingly, accepted the goodwill gestures. The public relations efforts of

Asia West may not have sigificantly increased the number of non-Asian shoppers to the mails,

however, these efforts were important first steps toward mutual accommodation between cultures.

5.4 The Evolution of Residents Concerns about the District Although pro,g-ess has been made in inter-ethnic relations, cornplaints about traffic

congestion continue to piague the district despite the addition of two tnffic lights and restricted

curbside parking. As pan of their proposal to expand Aberdeen Centre, the City requested that

Fairchild Holdings conduct a traffic and parking study. Aberdeen Centre Phase 2 seeks to rectify

tnffic congestion problems by rerouting an existing road and extending another to join with a

major artery. Fairchild Holdings has also shed 1600 parking spaces to accommodate the addition

of 22 230m' of leaseable space that Phase 2 will offer. However. fears that Phase 2 will

exacerbate traffic and parking problems have led to resident objections to the proposal.

Anticipating objection to their plans, Fairchild Holdings took an unusual first step of

holding an information session to gauge resident opinion on the project pnor to it being considered

Chaprer 5 - Case Study: Asian Rerail Disfrict 1 O3

by the City. The City encourages developers to hold these voluntary public information sessions to

address concerns and correct potential problems. However, they are usuaily held during. not

before. the development application process. Fairchild Holdings' strategy of voluntarïly seeking

public opinion about the project had mixed results. While their vice-president of marketing, Gene

Cheung reponed to the Richmond ~evie i r *" that no one objected to their proposal at the meeting,

many residents viewed this as a presumptuous move. Approximately 100 residents attended the

session.

To many residents. this meeting and the purchasing and demolition of sevenl houses in the

Brown Road area. were s i s a l s that Council had pre-approved the project and that the formal

application process was merely a rubber stamping exercise. Although the 1995 Officiai Plan for

the City Centre designated the area as "long-tenn transition", working toward becoming non-

residential, and included this proposal to realign roadways, residents were anDv about the

perceived lack of consultation by the City.

300 merchants from the Asian retnil district have aIso resisted the expansion of Aberdeen

Centre, fearing that market saturation, the inconveniences of building construction. and the out-of-

scale design, will seriously jeopardize their businesses. Working as the Richmond Asian

Merchants Committee, this group is lobbying the City and Fairchild Holdings against the

expansion. As with the complaints about traffic congestion, and the lack of public consultation,

these complaints about market saturation have less to do with the fact that the malls have an Asian

theme, and more to do with whether Richmond needs. and can handle, more development.

5.5 The Process of Mutual Accommodation Whereas the cultural disparïty between the Asian theme malls and Richmond's traditional

buik landscape was the primary objection to the district when the malls first appeared, time and

" DaSilva and van den Hemel. 1997:A6.

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Rerail District 104

customer relations initiatives by the malls themselves, have helped dissipate this concern. As

mentioned in Chapter Four, resident fears of "Chinese domination" of Richmond were common in

early complaints about the cultunl1y sty led buildings that now gnce Richmond's landscape. The

fear and expecmtion of "domination", ethnic segregation. and ghettoization. was often stated as the

main reason for many residents opposition to the Asian malls- These emotional feelings of

displacement, uncertainty about change, and cultural unfamiliarity, drove complaints about

signage, product labeling, clothing sizes, etc. As the recipients of these complaints, City officiais

needed to recognize the highly charged emotions expressed in physical planning concems.

Directing concerns about ethnic relations to a consultative body and about product labeling to the

appropriate authorities, allowed planners to focus on the physical planning issues. This case study

is illustntive because it demonstrates that emotional reactions to Chinese immigration and

Multiculturalism may have very real effects which are expressed in a multitude of forms. In this

case, uncertainty about Chinese immigration was expressed in the form of complaints about

physical planning phenornena -- shopping mdls.

Eight years after Aberdeen Centre opened in Richmond, the nature of complaints about the

retaiI district had changed. CultunI and ethnicity based concems dissipated as Phase 2

cornplainants focused on the City's failure to notify residents about the proposal, and the fear that

the proposa1 would exacerbate already problematic traffic conditions. Objection also came from

some members of the Chinese community itself, those merchants who opposed Phase 2 for its

potentially deleterious effect on their businesses.

Mutual accommodation in this case has k e n slowly achieved over a Five year period.

Resistance by Caucasian residents to the malIs based on cultural disparity have decreased with

time and efforts by the Asian merchants Although some disgruntlement still exists about the

Chinese character of the rnalIs, many residents who seriousiy objected to them and to the overail

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Rerail District 105

changes to the City, left for lower price real estate areas like Ladner. Tswwassen, and South Delta.

Remaining Caucasian residents have with time. accepted the presence of these malls. although they

still may not frequent them. Complaints which peaked in number in 1993-1994 about the absence

of EngIish language signage and unwelcoming merchants, had largely dissipated by 1997. Non-

ethnic issues like traffic and parking remain major concerns for many residents.

5.6 Summary The Asian retail case study illustrates the social meaning of Richmond's built landscape to

its residents. When the development of an Asian retail district in Richmond created a highly

visible, upscale Asian presence. on the built landscape, many residents feared that the new Chinese

community was threatening to "dominate" the City. Objections to the malls expressed as technical

arguments, reflected a concern with Canadian immigration and Multiculturalisrn policies. Planners

were in the difficult position of needing to navigate through technical planning and social issues to

calm burgeoning inter-ethnic tensions. Contributions by the Asian businesses. govemment bodies,

and citizens, facilitated the process of mutual accommodation which occurred over a five year

period. This suggests that although povernments clearly have a role to play in facilitating mutual

accommodation, they alone cannot resoive inter-ethnic tensions in many situations.

The process of mutual accommodation in the Asian retail situation took the fom in

evidence elsewhere in situations of inter-ethnic conflict in Richmond. Inter-ethnic tensions heated

over the Ianguage of food products and signage, and customer service expectations. Private debate

created a public discourse conceming the symbolic and physical accessibiiity of the Asian theme

malls and the Advisory Cornmittee on Intercultural Relations quickly stepped in to work with the

mal1 administration to improve public relations and to improve accessibility. Despite some

resistance by the existing merchants, new standards for signage, language and customer services,

were set that refiected a balance of community interests.

Chapter 5 - Case Study: Asian Retail District 1 06

The Asian RetaiI District case study dso demonstntes that Hurnan EcologicaI theones on

immigrant settlement patterns no longer hold tme yet some residents expect that they wiIl come to

fruition. Reading the narratives of resident complaints, particularly those in the fom of letters to

the editor of the local newspapers and to Council, reveals that many residents expected that the

processes of "domination", "ghettoizrition". and invasion-succession would occur when a

community's ethnic composition changes as dramatically as has Richmond's. As previously

mentioned in the case study, awareness of this can be a powerful tool to alleviate concerns and to

diffuse expectations. For example, governments have an important role to play in assuring

residents that there is room for everyone in their cities. This may require publicly supporting both

"traditional" and "ethnic" rights. The Richmond expenence also suggests that govemments must

be carefui not to appear to favour one ethnic community over another. Charter cultures may resist

multicultural initiatives that appear to require accommodation on their part only .

The development of the Asian retail district is one of the major milestones marking

Richmond's transition from its rural agricuItural base to a semi-mature city. The establishment of

non-ethnic big box retailers such as Home Depot and Costco have also elicited resident concems,

albeit in much fewer number and intensity. While issues of ethnicity, race, and culture have been

important factors contributing to planning tensions in the City and cannot be discounted, it is also

important to stress that concern about urban development generaily has accornpanied inter-ethnic

tensions. The former may have exacerbated the latter. And. although Richmond has experienced

furious building activity in the last decade, many tracts of developable land remain available,

suggesting that more development is to come.

Chaprer 6 - Case Stcidy: Mega houses in Richmond 1 07

Chapter Six. Case Study: Mega houses in Richmond In recrnt years, immigrants to Canada have been bypassing detenonting city cores,

prefemng to settle directly in suburban locales (Lam. 1993). This suburban residential settlement

pattern is new to both history and to the prevailing theories of urban change. Sevent reasons have

been posited for this phenornenon; however, a combination of the financial ability and Iifestyle

choices of Canada's newest immigrants. is perhaps the potent explanation. In Richmond, the

products of this settlement pattern, changing housing stock and changing neighbours, have proved

to be unsettling CO existing residents, many who strongly associate suburban living with stability in

al1 of its forms ( Halseth, 1996: 137).

Until recently, the history of urbanization in Richmond has borne out their connotations.

The majority of Richmond's suburbs were built in the 1950s and 1960s to accommodate the needs

of baby boom families. Typically, whole subdivisions were developed at once, usually by a single

developer offering a standard interior floor plan with a few different exterior facades. These single

family houses. constructed on lots avenging between 6000ft.' and 8000ft.'. usually had no more

than 1200ft.' to 1400ft.' of finished living space. Grassy front and rear yards were ample, and two

car garages were considered a luxury. These houses were also affordable--a brand new 1200ft.'

house on a 6000ft.' lot located in the hem of central Richmond could be purchased for 525.000 in

1967. Moreover, 25-year mortgages at a interest rate fixed a 3% made the housing market

extremely accessible to first time buyers. Thus, many of these starter homes were sold to Young,

nuclear families seeking a semi-rural lifestyle near enough to downtown Vancouver to commute to

work. In keeping with British Columbia's demographics at the time, most of these new residents to

Richmond were of European ancestry.

For the next twenty years development continued in this fashion with suburbs springing up

Chaprer 6 - Case Srudy: Mega houses in Richmond 1 08

on former f m l a n d . As improved and more accessible uansportation technology. especially

economical cars. reduced commuting times to Vancouver, land values in Richmond increased. New

houses became larger to maximize potentid resale profitability. Single family detached houses

built in the late 1970s and 1980s averaged about 2500ft.'. approximately double the size of the

homes built two decades earlier. Greater numbers of high density developments were also built in

Richmond to provide affordable housing as red estate prices began to be outside of a young

family's financial reach. Despite intense construction of townhouses and apartments on land

rezoned as multifamily in the early 1990s. single family detached houses continue to comprise over

50% of Richmond's housing stock (City of Richmond. 1997').

This maturation of Richmond's housing stock continued at a normal pace until large

numbers of new immigrants. predominantly Chinese. began presenting a different kind of housing

demand in the early 1990s. While many residents viewed the construction of new residential

suburbs comprised of homes with a minimum of 4000ft.' of living space with some dismay, it

wasn't until these "mega houses" anived as infill developments in existing neighbourhoods that

they were sparked into action. Some seeing the City's escalating real estate prices as a

blandishment, left Richmond for less pricey, more peripheral, and more ethnically homogenous

locales such as White Rock. Tswwassen, Ladner, and Delta. Others, who resisted the temptation to

join the "white flightV', began lobbying Council against these large. and seemingly ugly homes.

One of the purposes of this case study is to record their carnpaign to stop mega houses and the

counter carnpaign waged by members of Richmond's ethnic community and the development

industry .

In the seven year period between 1989 and 1995. eight arnendment bylaws to Bylaw 5300.

the City's Zoning and Development Bylaw, were passed to regulate mega houses. Three other

I City of Richmond, Hot Facts: Richmond Dwelling Units, by Housing Type, as of Mid-1996:4 June 1997. ' Cemetig. 1995:D 1 +.

Chaprer 6 - Case Study: Mega houres in Richmond 1 09

bylaws with similar intentions were aiso proposed during this process. This flurry of Iegislative

activity, which pitted the development industry and the "ethnic community" against long time

tesidents is remarkable because of the number of social issues that were raised during this land use

planning issue.

Mega houses have presented a host of irritants to many Richmond residents, chief arnong

those concerning physical planning issues are size, scale, design, setback, green space, and the pace

of development. However, opinions about social planning issues such as extended families. ethnic

segregation. immigration. house prices, property taxes, supplementary suites. the environment,

trees, rental housing, offshore owners, and speculative buying, were intertwined with physical

planning issues. This confluence of social and physical planning issues in the mega house situation

presented planners with an extremely chdlenging policy problem. Where the goodwill and efforts

of community groups helped promote mutud accommodation between ethnic groups in the Asian

retail district situation, Council relied upon the physical planning process to achieve mutual

accommodation in the mega house situation. This case study dernonstrates that the public

consultation process and physical planning solutions. can help aileviate sociaI tensions.

Thus, this mega house case study provides an oppomnity to examine the policy options

available to local govemrnents facing a multicultural land use planning challenge. Unlike the Asian

retail situation where Council was stymied in its ability to enforce language requirements on

signage, and to ensure that North Arnerican styles of customer service were provided, local

govemments in British Columbia have the authority to regulate most aspects of housing

development. This legislative ability indudes: setback from the Street, size, lot coverage, building

envelope, and as will be seen, to a certain extent, design. This case study will outline how

Richmond Council incorporated the conflicting dernands of their communities through legisiation in

the mega house controversy.

Chprer 6 - Case Srudy: Mega horises in Richmond 110

The relationship between the built landscape and community identity is strongest and elicits

the ,matest reaction from residents when it concems homeownership issues. Homes are not only

usually the largest single family expenditure (Miron, 1993). they are a symbolic expression of self

(Cooper, 197 1 ; Cooper Marcus, 1995) . While the mega house problern occurred at the

neighbourhood level. the mega house debate was waged on a city wide level. Many residents feIt

that mega houses were anomaious with the existing built landscape and the vdues and traditions it

represents. Yet many of these residents were also caught between defending their own pnvate

property interests, and defending the group housing traditions of iong time residents. This case

study provides an opportunity to demonstnte how these two interests were reconciled on a city

wide scale. The role that real estate appreciation played in promoting mutual accommodation

between ethnic groups on the mega house issue will also be noted, as financial interests crossed

cultural boundaries.

Finally, this mega house case study observes that many residents viewed the arriva1 of

mega homes in Richmond as part of the invasion-succession process outlined by the Human

Ecologists. Many Richmondites, who relocated elsewhere in the Lower Mainland, felt thrit the

physicall y intrusive mega houses and the dominating Asian presence in their neighbourhoods,

forced them into selling their homes. While scholars have elsewhere reported the existence of the

invasion-succession phenornenon, this case study provides an opportunity to record how the process

occurred on an individual level. dbeit on a small and incomplete scaie. That is, this case study

examines the forces behind what has k e n called the "white flight" out of Richmond and notes the

differences between prevailing views of the invasion-succession process and what occurred in

Richmond.

A comprehensive chronology of the seven year p e t i d comprising Richmond's mega house

controversy has k e n included as Appendix G. The chronology outlines the actions taken by

Chaprer 6 - Case Srudy: Mega irouses in Richmond 1 1 1

Richmond City Council and their staff to rectify the mega house problem. records the outcome of

these acticns, and summarizes staff reports on the mega house issue. Its chief purpose is to record

the legislatjve process, noting the policy alternatives that were considered as well as those taken. It

provides detailed information about events referred to throughout this chapter.

6.1 A History of Residential Development in Richmond As was typical of suburban developments at the time, housing in Richmond was primarily

planned for single families in the 1950s and 1960s when the City blossomed after the end of the

Second World War. Technologicd feats in bridge and tunnel building which connected Richmond

to the City of Vancouver, low price real estate, and spacious parcels of flat, vacant land. made

Richmond attractive to housing developers.

The original plan for the City combined elements of Howard's Garden City and the

scientific planning principles prevailing in the 1950's. A grid of arterial roads formed the

frarnework for al1 development, with Richmond's major north-south traffic arteries situated one

mile apart as their numerical naming sequence suggests. Le., Number 1, 2, 3,4.5.6.7. 8, and 9

Roads. Each square mile of land was originally zoned with a single permissible land use to

separate industrial, commercial, and residential uses from each other'. Half mile, nonh-south and

east-west, secondary roads enclosed haif mile square blocks of developable land.

It was in these half mile square blocks that over 35 housing subdivisions took shape during

the 1950s and 1960s (Halseth, 1996: 138). They were often named for a former title holder,

creating, for exarnple, Brighouse, Broadmoor, GiImore, Thompson, and Edgemere Estates. These

subdivisions were primarily composed of between 300 to 800 single farnily detached homes,

however, most also included severai bIocks of low rise apartments, usually located near an

elementary school. In the Garden City tradition, curvilinear interna1 road systems were built to

Richmond Town Planning Commission, 1947.

infuse the developrnents with a m q u i l counuy style Figure 6.1. Mock Tudor Home

setting. Houses in these fmt developments mocked

the Tudor style favoured by English estate owners.

These well landscaped bungalows and split levels

proved to be popular and affordable housing designs.

See Figure 6.1 for a typical exarnple. They are now

best known in Richmond's real estate business as

"knock downers". Source: Halseth, 1996: 140

However until the early 1990s these houses remained fairly unchanged (Halseth 1996)

although their occupants changed as the housing cycle predicts. When Richmond's most recent

wave of Asian imrnibgrants began landing in impressive numbers, intense pressure was placed on a

relatively immature housing stock. Speculative buyers eageriy sought available tracts of vacant

land as well as existing homes. driving up housing prices tremendously and dirninishing the

agicultural [and reserve. This dual effect proved unsettling to many residents who were

cornfortable with Richmond's semi-rural environment and enjoyed its affordability. The most

protested development in Richmond's recent history was the Terra Nova Developments situated at

the corner of Number One Road and Westminister Highway. Touted as some of Canada's best

agricultural land, the farms of Tem Nova were razed to build a subdivision of predorninantly large

single family homes after a long protest carnpaign failed. The fact chat many of these deluxe

homes were quickly acquired by immiepnt buyers did not go unnoticed by long time residents.

Numerous Richmond homes and vacant lots were snapped up by speculators forecasting

that increasing numbers of immigrants would seek Canadian citizenship due to the impending

return of Hong Kong to China in 1997. Those who predicted chat Richmond would be a preferred

place for irnmiprant sedement were proved correct. As immigration papen were processed. lots

Chapfer 6 - Case Srudy: Mego hotcses in Richmond 113

were purchased throughout the city. Some homes were rented out in the interim until a decision to

relocate wciilld be made. This caused no small amount of resentment arnong existing owner-

occupiers who publicly deplored the Iack of family values and poor home maintenance that renters

apparently brought. Their purveyors, offshore speculators, proved to be another affront to

neighbourhood values. So too were the building plans were prepared for other lots. Many of the

20 to 30 year old homes purchased by immigrant buyers were slated for dernolition in favour of

new, larger homes.

6.2 The Mega House Problem Distinctive in both size and design, mega houses were introduced in existing subdivisions

beginning approximately in 1989. Large houses were not uncommon in Richmond prior to this

date, however, most were situated in new housing subdivisions or on the urban periphery on

agicultural lands. Relaxed bylaw restrictions for homes on agiiculturai lands allowed owners to

build these modem mansions on hobby f m s . Mega houses differ from these merely large houses

in three highly visible ways: extensive lot coverage, high floor area ratio, and distinctive design.

Although prior to 1989 it was possible to build a 7200ft.' house on a 60ft. by 120ft. lot. few. if

any, owners chose to do so, prefening to situate large houses on large lots in m a s with houses of

similar scale.

However. in the early 1990s many immigrant owners built homes in excess of 4000ft.'on

60ft. by 120ft. lots, maximizing the setback provisions and ailowable floor m a ratio contained in

Bylaw 5300. the Zoning and Developrnent Bylaw of the Corporation of the City of ~ichrnond".

Prefemng to Iive close to the City centre and to the connecting bridges. new immi,orants chose to

build large houses as infill developments in existing subdivisions. In the context of escalating

house prices and resentment of offshore owners of rentai housing, mega houses became part of the

' Bylaw 5300 wris enacted on 3 April 1989.

Chaprer 6 - Case Smdy: Mega houses in Richmond 114

larger 'bbacklash" against Chinese immigration and the changes to the City which resulted.

Many neighbounng residents of these homes Figure 62 A Richmond Mega House

objected not only to the loss of Sun light. privacy.

green spaces. and view that mega houses brought, but

to the design of these houses. A distinctive presence

on the built landscape, especially when situated

adjacent to small Tudor houses, a typical Richmond

mega house has a salmon pink extenor. a box or

bunker like shape, pillars supporting a cathedra1 style, Source: Halselth. 1996: 140

front entrante. gated driveways. a double or triple artached garage. and a fully paved front yard.

See Figure 6.2 for an example.

Il1 conceived city policies had contributed to two of the more offensive design

characteristics that these mega homes featured. For example, the city once encouraged

homeowners to build on site car turn-arounds to ease the difficulty of backing out ont0 streets with

poor visibility and busy traffic. This set a precedent for paving over grassy front yards in favour of

concrete driveways and side-opening garages. And. in its original form, Bylaw 5300. the Zoning

and Development Bylaw of the Corporation of the City of Richmond. contained no provisions that

encouraged the building of covered outdoor space for aesthetic reasons. Given that the bylaw

included porches and baiconies in floor area ratio calculations. builden were maximizing the

allowable floor area for intenor living space at the expense of visually interesting. extenor front

facadrs. Furthemore. as the islands of Richmond sit below sea level, there are no in-ground

basements in the City. This fiat of nature forces al1 building above ground, making the entire

square footage of a Richmond house visible fkom the Street.

As residents watched the remains of habitable housing being carted away, concern about

Chaprer 6 - Case Sti&: Mega houses in Richmond 115

the natural environment and building waste --W. As one resident expressed it.

After seeing the mountains of rubble that used to be my neighbour's house carted away to the dump. 1 feel nther stupid washing out my tin crins trying to help Save the environment. de Haas. C. Letter. Richmond Revierv. 1 5 June 1994:9

Pressure was placed on Council to stop the destruction of trees. shrubbery, and flowers that often

took place to accommodate large houses. For followers of the Chinese philosophy of fung shui, the

positioning of trees is an important considention when building a new home. As the philosop iy

rejects large trees which block doors because they block wealth and health, many new owners

removed mature trees from their front yards. much to the ire of neighbouring residents. While

Council had passed a bylaw protecting trees in environmentally sensitive areas in 199 1, a

preference not to encroach on private property rights had prevented them from passing a similar

bylaw protecting trees on private property. When public demands that Councii act on the City's

growing lack of greenery problem grew intense by the Spring of 1992, Council began lobbying the

provincial govemment to obtain the authority to protect trees on private property. Although Bill 77

gave local govemments the authority to pus a tree protection byiaw later that year, Council

ultimately elected to pursue educational. rather than legislative, solutions to this problem.

However, objections to the absence of =menery became an in tep l part of the mega house

controversy.

Residents expressed displeasure with virtually every aspect of Richmond's mega houses.

Criticisms of their shape, size and colour were constantly featured in the local weekly newspapers

and often contained pointed reproaches of Richmond's Asian community. Asian immigrants found

themselves being accused of landlord negligence, destroy ing trees, and building ugl y, out of scale

homes. Many long time residents publicly denounced mega house owners for jettisoning the

traditional built landscape with these urban monstrosities. One resident read an open letter to his

new neighbours at a Council meeting which stated,

"1 haven't met you and already 1 resent what you and your family are doing. . . .Your house

Citaprer 6 - Case Stnuly: Mega hoirses in Riciunorui 116

is an invasion and assault on our values and lifestyle and 1 resent you for it." Dyson, S. Letter. Richmond News, 4 October 1992

Newspaper articles, such as "Ugly Building Built in ~ichmond'." which quoted City staff as

attributing a plethora of ugly buildings to Richmond's large cultural mix and differing tastes, fueled

the propensity to blame Asian immigrants for the changes to the built landscape.

However. complaints about the size and design of rnega houses were at least partially

attributable to residents discornfort with rising house prices in Richmond and the commensunte

increases in property tax assessments. Although house prices in Richmond had been steadily

rising. a drarnatic price increase occurred after 1989 when Richmond began receiving Asian

immigration numbering in the thousands. Halseth reports that a 40 year old house located in

Richmond's Broadmoor estates sold for S 170,ûûû in 1990, $330,000 in 1992. and $350.000 in

1993 (Halseth, 1996: 138). These are 35% and 52% increases in a two and a one year period.

respectively. See Figure 6.3 for a gnphical representation of the median price of singe family

detached houses in Richmond from 1988 to 1993. Although some analysts disagree as to the extent

of their influence (Hamilson, and HeikkiIa, 1996), the prevailing assumption was that immigrants

were fully responsible for driving up Richmond's housing prices..

Figure 63. Median Price of a Single Family Detached House in Richmond, 1988-1997 1

Median Rice of a Single Family Detached House in Richmond, 1988-1997

Source: Greater Vancouver Real Estate Board, 19%

Richmond News. 7 Augus t 1 99 1 .

Chapter 6 - Case Srudy: Mega hoirses in Richmond 117

6.3 Itzvasion and Succession ?

Many residents expressed the opinion that by escalating house prices. recent Asian

immitmts were making Richmond inaccessible to the kind of people who had made Richmond

their home over the past thiny years. Envy and resentment of affluent Asian immigrants was

expressed in statements such as. "You don't move into a neighbourhood and build the Vancouver

~ o t e l . ~ ' Stronger chastisements suggested that Richmond's new Chinese community was not

compiying with the understanding that immi,acants bear the onus of fitting in with the existing

community. Demands that immigrants intepte, meaning assirnilate, were a constant refrain in

letters to the editor of the local newspapers. As the mega house issue overlapped with severai other

inter-ethnic tensions at the time, relations between the Chinese and Caucasian communities were

stretched thin.

Many residents expressed the belief that the new Chinese community was "invading"

Richmond and forcing a "succession" process by raising real estate pnces so that property tax

assessments became unaffordable. As one resident stated.

Our fear now is that even if we do nothing, our taxes wiH become so high one day that we'll have to move. After 34 years here, 1 feei it's sad that my family and 1 may be forced out of our neighbourhoods. de Haas, C. Letter. Richmond Revieir., 15 June 1994:9

Another stated.

Yes, we need immigrants and welcome them, but not to the detriment of our way of living. There must be more integntion. In 1990 we were "pushed out". . .. Al1 the houses in our block were sold and rented out to undesinbles. Ieaving us on the corner. We were hounded to sell; under the circumstances we sold. Begg, P. Letter. Richmond Revieic*, 9 July 1994:9

There is only speculation as to the number of residents who felt "forced to leave Richmond and

did so. City officiais acknowledge that a small minority of the population left Richmond in a

"white flight" to suburbs like White Rock, Delta Ladner, and Tsawwassen otherwise known as

- - - - - - - . -

' Lee Jensen as quoted in Yandle. 1993: 1.

Chaprer 6 - Case Stltdy: Megu houses in Richmond 118

"Little ~hodesia*". Most analysts. however. attrîbute this move to the financial incentives of

escdating real estate prices as much as to the desire to leave an increasingiy Chinese Richmond.

However. the perception that Chinese immigrants were "invading" Richmond and "forcing an

ethnic succession" had perhaps. the Fatest effect on inter-ethnic relations in Richmond by

polarizing ethnic groups on the mega house issue. For rnany residents, lobbying against mega

houses was akin to defending the right of white residents to continue to live in Richmond.

The "white flight" out of Richmond is noteworthy chiefly because a degenerative outcome

is expected when an ethnic Croup supplants a Caucasian community (Saltman, 199 1 :4 17).

American evidence suggests that white residents fiee neighbourhoods that they believe will become

increasingly ethnic on the assumption that their neighbourhoods will decline in real market values

as well as in social quality with a succession. And while many would argue that Richmond's social

character has diminished with the arrival of Asian immigration, by socio-economic indicators,

recent Chinese immigrants have bettered the City's social character and real estate values have

risen. That is, the new Chinese residents, are on the whole. better educated and wealthier than

those who left (Skeldon, 1 994). Thus, anecdotal evidence in Richmond suggests that although

many residents believe in the notions of ghettoization and the invasion-succession process, there is

considenble evidence suggesting that a succession process will be minor or partial, rather than

complete, and that the process may not be degenentive. As previously mentioned, recent evidence

suggests that further research on Canadian patterns of urban residential change is required both to

establish the legitimacy of Human ecological theories in Canadian situations, and to examine their

validity in light of the high socic+economic mobility of some of Canada's recent immigrants,

particularly those from Hong Kong.

verbal interview with David McLelIan, Manager, Urban Development Division, City of Richmond. 21 August 1997.

Chaprer 6 - Case Study: Mega hotues in Richmond 119

6.4 Policy Options By 1989 it was evident that residents perceived a serious problem with the existing

building regdations which pennitted these mega houses, Uncertain at the time of the n a m of the

problem, Council opted to examine legislative alternatives to solve the physical aspects of the mega

house problem. chiefly the design of large. box shaped houses with unrelieved flat fronts.

Amendment Bylaw 5438. sought to relieve this problem by exciuding up to 30m.' of roofed area

open on one or more sides. e-g.. balconies, and accessory buildings. from floor m a ratio

calculations. This change would ostensibly have allowed architects to include porches and attached

carports in house designs without reducing interior living space. However, as the exclusion of

accessory buildings from floor area ratio calculations seemed to invite abuse, Amendment Bylaw

5438 was abandoned.

The alternative of specifying that 0.05 of the maximum 0.55 floor area ratio could be used

for exterior covered space, e.g., porches and balconies, and reserving up to 18m.' for detached

accessory buildings, appeared to overly constnct the development industry. If enacted. Amendment

Byiaw 55 15, would have effectively reduced the intenor floor space on the average new subdivision

lot by 48m2. The building industry considered this to be an excessive reduction. Due to their

opposition. Council eventually withdrew Amendment Bylaw 55 f 5. The building industry also

jettisoned a third legislative solution to the mega house problem. Council defeated Amendment

ByIaw 5693 which was to increase the minimum depth of lots from 24m. to 28m. in six types of

subdivisions, after its first reading. The development industry criticized the bylaw for inhibiting

cul-de-sacs and other innovative Street patterns, and increasing house prices through the Iarger lot

requirement.

Council was clearly aware by 199 1 that an ad hoc approach to solving the mega house

problem would continue to be unsuccessfiiL A January 199 1 report by Planning Director, Ron

Chapter 6 - Case Study: Mega houses in Richmond 120

Mann on mega houses stated that, "...the perceived problem with (mega houses) is that they destroy

the visual and aesthetic harmony of neighbourhoods and have an adverse physical impact on their

immediate neighbours because of the overpowenng bulk and shadows they create." He concluded

that "tinkering with existing controls" would create undesinble results without fufly addressing the

problem. Given this. and an Advisory Planning Commission report which stated that, "rnega

houses are a social and cultural problem - an emorional nther than a physical issue". Council

created a mega house task force. In keeping with its membership, which was comprised of two

Councilors and staff from the Planning and Development Services Committee. the task force's

mandate was to isolate the problem with mega houses. The task force found two offending

physical characteristics of these houses:

1. "an unrelieved flat front to the dwelling which tends to create the impression of a large bunker or pillbox", and

2. "large houses that dominate srna11 lots" (Mega House Task force. Report to Committee, 4 May 1993)

By the Spring of i99 1, Amendment Bylaw 5728 had been proposed to address these two

problems. Although the planning department considered severely restricting house sizes only in

older subdivisions to allow developers greater latitude in new subdivisions where cornplaints were

few, Council elected to impose one set of regulations for the entire R1 (single farnily housing

district zone). Staff planners argued that creating multiple zones would make the building process

excessively confusing, consequently increasing staff workloads. Thus, Amendment Bylaw 5728

should affect the residential verticai envelope and the maximum allowable floor m a ratio for the

entire R 1 zone. As originaliy proposed, Amendment Bylaw 5728 confined the area of a singie

f'ily lot p a t e r than 4000ft.' to a 0.30 floor area ntio. while the existing 0.55 maximum floor

area ntio would continue to apply to areas less than 1000ft.'.

Initial public consuitation on the bytaw indicated that the mega house issue was divided

Chapter 6 - Care Study: Mega houses in Richmond 121

dong ethnic lines. The majority of those in favour of the bylaw were long time Richmond residents

of Euro-Canadian ancestry, while those opposed were primarily Chinese. The development

industry joined the opposition camp, arguing that the restrictions proposed by Bylaw 5728 would

increase building costs. thus reducing affordable housing in Richmond.

6.5 The Chinese Community 's Response Faced with an impending bylaw that would restrict the ability to build Iarge houses and a

fairly virulent public attack against them at Council meetings and in the local media, the Chinese

community in Richmond presented the case for mega houses. Two main arguments were made

against the bylaw. Their first argument was that many ethnic families need living space tbat c m

accommodate extended family members. As Canada seeks permanent settlers to offset low

domestic binh rates and ernigration losses, family reunification policies allow immi30rants to

sponsor extended family members. Family reunification immieption accounts for the greatest

number of immiepnts to Canada and many buyers seek large homes in the expectation that

extended family members will eventualIy join them. Combining the resources of extended family

rnembers may also permit home ownership for families who cannot afford to do so on their own.

It is not unusual for three genentions of an Asian family to share one roof in Nonh

America. Aging Asian parents often expect to join their adult children in their children's homes.

This pnctice serves two important social functions, elderly parents are kept out of long term care

facilities and Dpndchildren are provided with in-house childcarers. There are strong cultural

prohibitions against sending grandparents to old age homes and sending young children to daycare

in many Asian cultures. However, meeting the living requirements of three generations of people,

especidly if a separate suite with kitchen and bathroom facilities is needed for grandparents.

requires a living space cornmensurate with the nurnber of inhabitants.

The second force behind the construction of mega houses is financiai. Many immigrant

Chaprer 6 - Case Study: Mega houses in Richmond 122

buyers seek to maximize the potential profitability of their home for resale purposes. This means

building to the maximum allowable lot covenge and to the greatest allowable floor space ratio.

Furthemiore, as homes are status symbols to many immi,orants, the larger the home, the more

affluent the farnily is presented to be. Due to extremely expensive real estate prices in Hong Kong,

many immigrants can build a 4500ft.' house in Richmond from the profits of the sale of their three

bedroom apartment in Hong Kong. A luxury in Hong Kong, immiamts desire the generous living

space that they c m afford in Canada.

By November, 1992 revisions to Amendment Bylaw 5728 had increascd the 0.30 floor area

ratio maximum to thosr areas of the lot mgeater than 5000ft.'. nther than 4000ft.' as onginally

proposed. See Appendix H for a table indicating the effects of the change on houses by lot size.

The City's mayor, Hâlsey-Brandt, had proposed these revisions as a compromise between the

developrnent industry/ethnic community and the anti mega house group. It was argued that

increasing the 0.55 floor area ratio maximum 1000ft.' would ailow ample space for extended

family members while acknowledging that many residents opposed excessively large houses,

particularly due to the propensity for them to contain illegal suites. The implications of illegal

ground floor suites, particularly the presence of tenants in owner occupied, single family home

neighbourhoods, emerged as another problem with mega houses.

Further revisions to the definition of the residential verticai envelope ensured that second

floors of houses on lots p a t e r than 13.5m. were stepped back from the front and side property

lines, helped re1ieve the secondq suite problem. It also atIowed three storey Victorian buildings to

continue to be built on lots less than 13.5m. And finally, a 45% maximum lot coverage was set for

buildings, and a 85% maximum lot coverage was set for buildings and non-porous surfaces or

structures, with the proviso that the rernaining areas be landscaped with live plant material. This

was intended to placate residents concerned with the loss of green space that extensive lot coverage

Chaprer 6 - Case Srudy: Mega houses in Richmond 123

creates. Furthemore, Council sought to impose a 30 day moratorium on building permits until a

mega house bylaw was passed.

When given the opportunity to present their case to Council during an early November

1992 public hearing for Amendrnent Bylaw 5728, the ethnic community responded furiously.

Aided by the development industry, which cited the importance of mega house construction to BC's

economy. a petition was circulated throughout Richmond. One version of it stated,

... the new proposal seems to be discriminating against certain minority groups. An example of this is the labeling of mega homes as "MONSTER houses. DO MONSTERS LIVE M THESE HOUSES?

Another version read,

... the new proposa1 seems to be discriminating against certain minority groups. This is definitely not in the best interest of promoting muiticulturaiism.

Over 2500 residents signed this petition, the majority of them Chinese. Both versions of the

petition asked Council to create a citizen task force to examine the mega house issue.

6.6 Negotiuting a Bylaw Given the intrnsity of public outcry both for and against Amendment Bylaw 5728, Council

exarnined several alternatives to introducing more restrictive floor area ratios. including placing a

maximum allowable square footage on homes, exempting neighbourhoods from restrictions.

averaging house sizes by ara, and positioning building envelopes relative to adjacent properties.

After intense opposition from the building industry, Council abandoned the idea of setting a

maximum allowable square footage on homes. SimiIarly, suggestions to exempt neighbourhoods

from restrictions, to average house sites by area, and to position building envelopes relative to

adjacent properties were also passed over. This was primarily due to Council's recognition that

neighbourhoods inevitabIy change despite regulations that atternpt to freeze the built landscape in

time. Furthemore, Council understood that unwieIdy ~gulations would increase staff workloads

tremendously without achieving mutual accommodation between Richmond's "ethnic" and "long

Chaprer 6 - Case Sf~rdy: Mega houses in Richmoncl 124

t h e " communities on the mega house issue.

However, Richmond residents had many opportunities to propose these and other

alternatives to Council. Over 560 people attended a five hour special council meeting devoted to

discussing the proposed Bylaw 5728 in November. 1992. Interpretation services were provided for

Cantonese and Mandarin speakers at the standing room onty Gateway Theatre. And a November

19. 1992 public hearing on Bylaw 5728 was carried over to November 24 to consider new

submissions and to hear al1 delegations from the floor. However, despite considerable objection, on

December 14. 1992 Council passed Amendment Bylaw 5728 with eight for and one opposed. An

eleven member citizen task force was created at the same tirne to "fine tune" the new bytaw and to

fix other perceived design problems with mega houses.

After ten meetings in the Spring of 1993, the citizen task force's final report addressed:

covered outdoor spaces, front yard projections. front, side. and rear setbacks, and several other

issues relating to the impact of mega houses on their neighbours. As a result of their delibentions.

Council passed 7 additional amendment bylaws between November 8, 1993 and June 13, 1995.

Their effects were:

to redefine "maximum setback (Amendment Bylaw 6095);

to increase the live landscaping requirement from 15% to 20% of a lot (Amendment ByIaw 61 13);

to retum a single standard residential building envelope for ail lots in the single family housing district zone (Amendment Bylaw 6 1 16);

to set a maximum height for buildings at z!'" storeys (Amendment Bylaw 61 16);

to set gnduated side yard setbacks (Amendment Bylaw 61 15);

to ensure that 10% of the total floor area ratio be exclusively used for covered areas of the principle building which are open on one ore more sides, Le., porches, and balconies (Amendment By Iaw 6 1 12);

to double count the floor area of al1 areas that exceed Sm. in height (Amendment Bylaw 6 1 12);

Chaprer 6 - C m S~udy: Mega houses in Richmond 135

to allow up to 10m.' of fioor m a to be used as staiwells or entrances without k ing double counted (Amendment Bylaw 6229);

to remove one accessory building per dwelling unit which does not exceed 1h-n.' in area from fIoor area ratio calculations (Amendment Bylaw 6447).

The cumuhtive effect of these bylaws was to limit the size of mega houses by ensuring that

they were adequately setback from property Iines and were no more than 2% storeys in height.

Amendment Bylaws 6 1 12 (floor area ratio) and 6229 (stairwells) addressed the problems with

mega house design that had emerged in 199 1. B y double counting the floor m a of al1 indoor open

covered areas that exceed 5m. in height, Amendment Bylaw 61 12 discounged owners from

building the vaulted cathedra1 style ceilings that so many long time residents found objectionable

because they create bulky houses. However as a conciiiatory gesture, if used as stairwell or

entrance space. then Amendment Bylaw 6229 permits up to l h . ' of floor area to be exempted

from the double counting provision. Bylaw 61 13 also addressed the bulk problem by ensuring that

10% of the alIowable floor area ratio to be used for covered. outdoor areas, such as porches and

balconies. And by increasing the live landscaping requirement from 1 5 8 to 208 of the lot through

Amendment Bylaw 6 1 13, Council expressed a cornmitment to green space. See Appendix I for a

consolidation of these amendment bylaws to Bylaw 5300 as it pertains to houses in the singie

family zone district.

The passage of these eight bylaws was not without opposition, however the relative speed

of their passage, considering that the first bylaw took over 3% years to pas, suggests that the

passage of Amendment Bylaw 5728 was the watershed moment in the mega house controversy. It

was during the passage of this byIaw that tensions peaked between the new Chinese community and

many members of Richmond's long time Euro-Canadian community. The compromise, which

limited maximum fioor area to 0.30 for al1 areas of the lot over 5000ft.'. while satisfying neither

community, proved to be acceptable to both.

Chapfrr 4 - Case Snidy: Mega houses in Richmond 126

6. 7 The Process of Mutual Accommodation While Richmond's ethnic community had to be content with smdler, less obtmsive,

houses. albeit large enough to accommodate extended farnily members, that were setback from

property lines, long time residents who were opposed to mega houses had to concede that their

neighbourhoods would inevitably change. Although many residents had expressed a lack of

concem with the financial impkations of a mega house bylaw, it became clear that others did not

share their sentiment. One of the strongest arguments that the developrnent industry and the ethnic

community made against Bylaw 5278 was that property values in Richmond would decline should

a bylaw that severely limited house sizes be passed. A drop in imrniOpnt demand for residential

land in Richmond was cited as the chief reason for a potentiaI decline in property values.

While many residents opposed the tremendous immigration that had purportedly nised real

estate prices and property tax assessments, and decried the growing lack of affordable housing in

Richmond. the role of housing as an investment. especially for retirement savings, undermined

many of these objections. There was a dear contradiction among some Richmond residents who

disliked mega houses and their residents and resented the accompanying rise in property tax

assessments, yet enjoyed the fact their capital was appreciating in unforeseen magnitudes. While

many residents claimed to have k e n pushed out of Richmond by Chinese immigrants and the

changes to the city which resulted, capital appreciation in real estate proved to be as great of a

motivator of "white flight" as their Chinese neighbours.

The Maple Lane situation8 was one of the most sviking illustntions of this contradiction.

In April, 1993,70 of 78 homeowners in the Maple Lane subdivision of Richmond signed a petition

requesting that the City of Richmond prepare a bylaw that would ensure that new housing

conformed in size and design with the existing homes. Complying with their request, planners

consulted with the residents, prepared several alternatives. and prepared a bylaw encompassing the

' verbal interview with David McLellan, Manager, Urban Development Division, City of Richmond, 21 August 1997.

Chaprer 6 - Case Srudy: Mega ltoicres in Richmond 127

choice for the area. However. when many of MapIe Lane residents learned during a meeting with

Council that their property values would appreciably drop with the passage of the bylaw, a vote to

pass the bylaw failed. Despite declantions stating that, "there is no place in MapIe Lane for

cernent lions and red tile roof decorations9." clearly there was also no room for declining real estate

values either.

In the two years since Council passed the last mega house bylaw, the pace of infiIl

residentid development in Richmond has decreased. Whether this is due to the mega house bylaws

or to renewed confidence in China's intentions for Hong Kong and a stagnating BC economy, is

unknown at this time. However, residents have corne to terrns with mega houses in their

neighbourhoods and as protracted as the debate was. the passage of the bylaws allowed residents to

express their resentments and hostilities and to lament a Richmond that had not existed for over a

decade, if ever.

6.8 Summary Like the Asian retail district situation in Richmond, the mega house controversy is another

example of a cornpetition between ethnic groups to express a hurnan function in a cultural form on

the built landscape. Long time residents cIearly felt that mega houses were threatening their

dominant position in residential neighbourhoods and in the city. While there was considerable

concern about the physical obtrusiveness of the mega houses and the resulting loss of privacy,

green space, and light, there was. perhaps, more concern that mega houses were threatening the

City's traditional values and ways of life. The City of Richmond's ability to acknowledge the inter-

ethnic tensions in this land use planning situation, while focusing their actions on the physical

aspects of the problem, proved to successfully aileviate the mega house problem. Council used

neutrd planning legislation to achieve an outcome that was a compromise between the Chinese and

Chaprer 6 - Case Sr*: Mega houes in Richmond 128

Euro-Canadian communities' housing desires- And as the process spanned over seven years. no

resident could legitimately complain that there were insufficient opportunities for public input.

Although there is a real danger that any planning process may threaten to subsume the product,

public consultation. however painful, cm yield intangible social gains. In this case. Councii

channeted inter-ethnic tensions into a forma1 legislative process and used their moral authonty to

legitimize the outcome during this protncted seven year period. Greater inter-ethnic conflict may

have resulted otherwise.

Again. the mega house case study demonstrates the now familiar pattern of mutual

accommodation. Tensions heated over apparently conflictinp values and traditions in housing. a

resource replete with strong symbolic connotations of farnily and place. A public discourse on the

functions and design of housing was created and a negotiation process between ethnic groups

ensued. Council and the local planning department. guided by a series of public consultations and

hearings, and a citizens' advisory cornmittee, created physical solutions to concerns about the

design of these homes, acknowledging, but not including the raft of social concems about

immigration and Multiculturalism that had converged on this physical planning phenomenon.

Argument and discussion led to a clarification of the issues involved, which in turn, set the stage for

the achievement of compromise. The legislative process with its provisions for public consultation.

was instrumental in both creating a public discourse of issues and in calming inter-ethnic tensions.

After a long period of public negotiation through the bylaw creation process, a balance of interests

between the housing desires of the Chinese community and long time residents was achieved. Real

estate values proved to be the common interest bridging ethnic groups, and the identification of this

value was pivotal to process of mutual accommodation. The mega house issue no longer occupies

the public agenda.

The mega house case study also indicates that a natunl settlement process will occur in

Chapter 6 - Care Stridy: Mega houes in Richmond 129

many situations of heightened inter-ethnic relations. While the "white flight" out of Richmond has

been extensively commented upon. the nurnber of Chinese residents who elected to settle elsewhere

due to inter-ethnic tensions is unknown. Both phenornena are minor, perhaps inevitable, reactions

to a situation of conflict. Any dramatic change to the built Iandscape will result in some peopIe

choosing to leave a city, however. this is does not substantiate the inevitability of a degenerative

invasion-succession process. Although sensationaiized by terms such as "white flight", population

rnovement is a naturai part of uhan life.

Despite concem about mega houses, the majonty of residents chose to remain in Richmond

and with time and the oppominity to express their concerns they came to accept their new Chinese

neighbours. The legislative process, fortuitously aided by a cross cultud interest in real estate

appreciation. facilitated the process of mutual accommodation between ethnic groups. In this case,

Richmond Council chose not to ignore the inter-ethnic implications of this land use planning

situation. but to focus on neutnl planning soiutions to these tensions. Because physicat planning

complaints often conceal an social, and in this case ethnicity based, subtext (Qadeer, 1997), one of

the primary lcssons to be leamed from the mega house controversy in Richmond is the importance

of isolating the problem pnor to taking remedial action. Local governments and planners must

recognize the inter-ethnic subtext when if fùels concems about physical planning situations. In this

case, planners acknowledged the housing needs of the Chinese comrnunity whiie simultaneously

respecting the traditions and values of long time residents.

Chaprer 7 - Concltuions and Recomrnendafiom 130

Chapter Seven. Conclusions and Recommendations

7.2 Surnmary The arriva1 of the latest wave of Chinese immi,mts to British Columbia ( 1988 to present)

has challenged our prevailing stereotypes of immigrants. our understanding of where they fit on

Canada's socio-economic spectnim. and our theories of their settlement patterns. While planners

will continue to confront the poor urban housing and living conditions facing many ethnic

irnmiepnts. they are also increasingly k ing asked to mediate land use planning conflicts between a

socially and financially empowered immigrant group and long time residents. A "new middle

class" group of Chinese immigrants (Li. 1990) has hastened the development of Richmond, B.C.. a

once semi-rural, agricultural. suburb of Vancouver. and in doing so. has dismpted the existing

atrnosphere and lifestyle of that city. Chief among the recent dern~~mphic changes has been the

growth in absolute size and proportion of Chinese Richmond residents. A meagre 7% of the

population in 198 1. people of single Chinese origin comprised 17% of the total population in 199 1,

while the British population dropped from alrnost 50% of the population in 198 1 to under 25% in

199 1. Estimates suggest that 40% of Richmond residents are of Chinese descent. Despite the

presence of numerous other longstanding ethnic groups in Richmond. Chinese imrni,oration.

especially from Hong Kong. has polarized inter-ethnic tensions. in many ways creating a

dichotomous city .

Immigrant first settlement into suburban locales is a recent phenomenon (Lam, 1993)

which has dismpted residents' notion of suburbs as places of homogeneity and stabiIity. Tensions

between the new Chinese immigrant community and long time residents have arisen as cornpetitions

for the cultural expresssions of human needs and functions on neighbourhood and city wide levels

subsumed the City in the early 1 990s. Residents were captured by language debates, especially

those conceming the use of non-official Ianguages in public places and spaces, and struggled over

Chaprer 7 - Conclwions and Recornmendarions 131

ethnicity based cornmunity organizations. Broad themes in inter-ethnic tension emerged, setting the

context for future relations. Many of Richmond's long time Euro-Canadian residents expressed

resentment against the Chinese imrniOmt community for npidly urbanizing and developing the

City, viewing these efforts a s attempts to "push" long time residents out of Richmond. Many also

accused the immigrant community of creating an "ethnic subculture" in Richmond at the expense of

"fitting in" with the majotity culture and traditions. Demands that immigrants assimilate were

constant refrains at public meetings and in letters to the editor of local newspapers. In the absence

of a policy protecting the traditions of long time residents, a "backlash" against Multiculturalism

threatened the City's inter-ethnic harrnony and the local Council was chastised for appearing to

-gant immigrants "special faveurs". There is a clear need for planners and policy makers to

recognize the traditions of existing residents when muIticuItural planning.

As the most visible symbol of the City's identity, built challenges to the City's landscape

were arnong the most controversial subjects of inter-ethnic tension. Complaints about the Asian

face and chancter of an 1 lha. retail district and numerous mega houses dotting residential suburbs

peaked in the early to mid 1990s as immigration from Asia also crescendoed. Planning related

cornplaints veiled a "subtext" (Qadeer, 1997) of concerns about social policies such as immigration

and MulticulturaIism. suggesting that social phenomena have physical implications and vice versa.

The reiationship between social and physical phenomena is demonstnted at the simplest level by

the relationship between immigration policy and housing stock. For example, a policy that

encourages family reunification will likely create a demand for larger sized housing.

On a large scale, neighbourhood Ievei issues, such as housing, proved to have

consequences for the identity of the city. While one aberrant neighbourhood's visual identity may

not have affected citizens' perceptions of their city, the mega houses dotting neighbourhoods across

Richmond proved to seriously threaten the City's identity. The development of an Asian retail

Citaprer 7 - Conclrrsiom and Recommendariom 132

district on Number 3 Road north of Carnbie Road had a similar effect. Planning concerns

expressed in style and design terms housed residents' distress about the pace of immigration to

Richmond and the increasingly Asian flavour of the city .

An investigation of the Asian mail and the mega house controversies also revealed that

Human Ecologicaf theory regarding immiboy;ults tequires revision given the high socio-economic

status of some recent immimpnts. "Ghetto terror" and a very real fear of the invasion-succession

process comprised much of the resistance to the symbolic manifestations of the Chinese community

in Richmond. Although the vast majority of residents were not theoretically inforrned on the works

of Park. McKenzie, Burgess et al, residents* experience and observations of immigrant settlement

patterns led them to expect a bbghettoization" of the Chinese comrnunity and an "invasion-

succession" process. Neither has happened in Richmond and there is no expectation that either wili

occur. This suggests a need for some revisions to Human Ecological theory or at least its

application to Canadian situations.

The inter-ethnic land use planning situations in Richmond have demanded that local

government land use pianners work within the social context of these controversies, "reading" the

urban planning process for the "subtext" of concerns that may drive a planning process. To do so

requires dnwing not only upon staff resources, but on those of citizens, community groups and

local businesses. Each of these groups may play a pivotal role in facilitating the process of mutual

accommodation.

Mutual accommodation involves the negotiation of community values, traditions,

behaviours, and expectations across cultures and ethnic groups. The Richmond experience

demonstnted that a cornmon process of mutual accommodation occurred in situations of inter-

ethnic tension. Conflicting opinions on values, resources, and traditions identified in the private

sphere becrime public. Tensions heated up as a public discourse was created which set the stage

Chapter 7 - Conclusions and Recontmendarions 133

for a process of negotiation that informed the public about the diverse ways in which ethno-cultunl

groups express common needs and functions. This public discourse created an atmosphere

conducive to compromise. Heightened tensions were followed by a calming penod where inter-

ethnic differences took a background to cross-cultural similarities, and a new balance of interests

eventually emerged.

The key to mutual accommodation was the consultation and communication of al1

stakeholders under the guidance of local government. The latter's leadership in understanding

where ethnic interests coincided as weIl as collided, proved to be pivotal to the mutual

accommodation process. The result has been that in the last half decade inter-ethnic controversies

have seriously diminished. Ethnic communities have adjusted to each other's presence and

although friction still exists, a balance of interests currently prevails.

7.2 Review of Th esis Propositions Three propositions were asserted at the outset of this thesis. The first proposition was that

ethnic groups compete to express human needs and functions in cultural fonns on the built

landscape which serves as a cultural-symbolic object (Breton. 1992). The discomfort with the

language of signage and food products on and in Richmond's Asian mail district supports this

proposition, as does the furor over "ugly" mega homes. The "Christmas Tree Incident" of 1993

was perhaps the most compelling evidence of the competition between ethnic groups for the

representation of their identities on the buiIt landscape. The three months of controversy about a

metal pole with lights radiating from it atop City Hall is evidence that competitions for ethnic

identity often involve high levels of emotion.

Second, this thesis asserted that a process of mutual accommodation between groups

occurs in simations of inter-ethnic tension. The research supports this assertion in planning

situations by noting the ovenll decline in tension as reported by community and City officiais and

Chapter 7 - Conclusions and Recommendntions 1 34

by recording how ethnicity based complaints about the Asim retail district diminished with time

and effort. Furthemore. the revisions to Bylaw 5300, the Zoning and Development Bylaw of the

Corporation of the City of Richmond, are an example of a similar process of muhiai

accommodation occumng within the legislative process.

Thus, the Richmond experiences suggest that there is a structure to the process of mutual

accommodation in the local, public realm. Expressed generically, the process of mode1

accommodation appears to take the following four stages:

1. A inter-ethnic competition for resources. symbols. images, values. and traditions occurs in the private domain. Ethnicity and culturaily based factions in the community develop;

3. Tensions percolate as a public discourse emerges on the issue which creates an atmosphere conducive to negotiation and compromise. Cross-ethnic/cuIturaI, common interests begin to be identified;

3. An intervening body, ofien a local govemment or community body, uses their "moral authority" to mediate the public discourse and to guide the accommodation process.

4. Tensions calm as a new balance of interests and expectations is created.

The creation of a public discourse or conversation, on the issue. serves three important

functions to the process of mutuai accommodation. A public conversation gives people the

opportunity to express their opinions on an issue. With time. emotional responses dissipate as

issues are clarified and the common needs and interests of people irrespective of their ethnicity

become evident. Public awareness of the differences in the cultural expressions of human needs

and functions becomes heightened. It is at this point that iocal government and community bodies

bea. the onus of promoting Multicultunlism as a policy promoting the cultural diversity in the

public redm. Once engaged in a public discourse, stakeholders become willing to negotiate.

However, the process by which a balance of interests is achieved is fluid. There is no

recipe that will calm tensions in every occasion, each situation demands an in-depth analysis of the

context in which it occurs and the "subtext" of concerns. An analysis of some of the situations of

Chaprer 7 - Conclusions and Recotnmendations 135

inter-ethnic tension in Richmond suggests that a collabontion between comrnunity stakeholders and

local governments is required to ensure that mutual accommodation occurs with the minimum

disruption of community hmony and inter-ethnic conflict. However, there should be no

expectation that a new order of public expectations and behaviours will emerge without some

deFe of tension. Change is the necessary instigator of the process of mutual accommodation.

Third, this thesis assened that assumptions found in Human Ecological theories have

guided pianners' and the public's perceptions of immigrants and their settlement patterns.

Anecdotal evidence in the form of letters to the editor of the local newspaper and to Council. and in

other public statement suggests that "ghetto terrer" and the fear of the Chinese community invading

and succeeding long time residents in Richmond fueled inter-ethnic tensions. However, the current

residential settlement pattern of C hinese residents in Richmond does not support the contention that

this cornmunity is ghettoizing spatially. Furthermore. Richmond's growing Chinese community

does not exhibit the characteristics that are typically associated with a stereotypical ghetto. In fact.

the Chinese community's weaith and lifestyle has proved disconcerting to many existing residents.

These observations contradict several key tenets of Human Ecological Theory on patterns

of urban change. especially as it penains to immigrant settlement. The first is that although

immigrants' choice of Richmond as preferred place to settle support Park's observation that

"natural areas" form on ethnic and racial bases, there is no evidence, in the absence of involuntary

forces, that a concentnted, spatially segregated residential area will inevitably f o m within a city.

That is, the Richmond experience suggests that recent Chinese immigrants have not fomed a

residential "ghetto" within the city, instead choosing to reside across the city. Furthermore, the

Richmond experience also suggests that inter-ethnic cornpetitions for the culturai expression of

human needs and fùnctions on the built landscape does not necessarily mean that one ethnic gmup

will eventually dominate. There is no evidence that the City is undergoing a complete invasion-

CItaprer 7 - Conclusions and Recornmendations 136

succession process. Contrary to classic Human Ecological theory, this suggests that racially and

ethnicdly mixed communities may not be inherently unstable.

Lastly. the Richmond experience contradicts the assumption that dl immigrants have low

socio-economic status and thus have only very constnined housing choices. Furthemore, in light

of Multicultunlism and the high socio-economic power of some immigrant groups, planners and

policy makers can reasonably expect that many immigrants will choose to intepte rather than

assimilate into the host societies. lntegration mems that imrni,orants keep some aspects of their

ethnic and cultural identity while simultaneously adopting charactenstics of their host society.

Thus, the assumption that as immigrants' sociwconomic status rises, they will assimilate into the

host society is based on false premises. This is also tme of the assumption that the degree to which

immigrants have assimilated can be measured by their spatial mobility and value of the land they

occupy.

7.3 Speculating on o MulCicuItural City One of the original intentions of this thesis was to speculate on what a multicultunl city

looks l ike in Canada. The Richmond experience suggests that multicultural cities are constantly

changing as new populations and move in and others move out. This dynamic is natunl and should

be expected by planners. Given this, multicultural cities are also always king negotiated as new

demands challenge the existing thresholds upon which planning replations are based. Officia1

plans for multicultunl cities should be flexible and focus on how built space meets the universal

needs of people rather than on cultural expressions of this need. That is, al1 people need food,

housing, schooling, recreation space, community space, and religious space, irrespective of

ethnicity and culture. Thus, nther than creating a bylaw for churches and pre pIanning parks,

official plans should designate places for worship and let residents determine how green space is

used.

Chaprer 7 - Concluriom and Recomrnendarions 137

A tmly multicultural city allows for the building of "cultural symbolic objects" (Breton,

1992) that represent the identities of al1 ethnic groups. As the danger of multicultunlism is

divisiveness. the key to community harmony and mutuai accommodation is to ensure that

accessibility for everyone exists alongside diversity. For example. stores in a multiculturai city

rnight display sigage written in English as well as in Chinese. Italian, and Punjabi, at least in those

provinces outside Quebec. There is a tendency arnongst those working in the mu lticulturalism

industry to focus on difference nther than sameness which appears to be an off balance approach.

Cuttures who exist alongside one another bear the onus of deterrnining a common level of

understanding which is rnutually acceptable to everyone. As the administrative amis of local

government. plamers need to guide the process by which this ever changing framework is

negotiated.

7.4 Planning Lessons This research has revealed sevenl planning lessons for other communities that experience

the inter-ethnic tension that may accompany intense immigration from non-tnditional countries.

Planning controversies often contain a sociai "subtext" and complaints about physical planning phenomena often veil ethnicity and culture based concerns. Thus, nther than taking a piecemeal approach to rectify a physical planning problem. planners should become aware of the context of the problem and the forces motivating it.

Multicultunl planning and policy making requires enorrnous sensitivity which must be equally distributed to the Euro-Canadian population as to other ethnic groups. The Richmond situation provides evidence that local governments which are seen to be promoting the interests of eîhnic groups at the expense of protecting the traditions of existing residents and cultures, rnay experience a "backlash" against Multiculturalism.

Local governments cannot single handedly stem a process of mutual accommodation in situations of inter ethnic tension but should use their "moral authority" (Carline, 1 994) to guide the efforts of community groups, citizens, and local businesses in areas under their jurisdiction, such as the urban planning process. The contributions of the latter groups should be actively solicited and encouraged as part of a community wide effort at problem solving.

Local governments should not underestimate the potential of market dnven solutions to situations of inter-ethnic tension. In some scenarios private business can fiIl a market niche by providing a service that helps bridge cultural differences as in Richmond's satellite families

Chaprer 7 - Conchsions and Recornmendatiom 138

situation. Furtherrnore, the market cm be an area where culturai differences coincide as in the mega house controversy where both ethnic groups shared a strong interest in the value of their reai estate.

Citizen's advisory groups cm play important rofes in achieving accommodation and compromise in situations of inter-ethnic conflict. Not only do citizens who represent differing sides of an argument bring first hand experience to the table, their outcomes are vested with the legitimacy of having been determined at the -pss roots level. Furthemore, citizens are more likely to accept policy outcornes on which they have b e n consulted.

Community advisory groups can play an important role in k ing a "sounding board for citizen concerns and compiaints. The insights brought to such a group by community representatives are invaluable in helping planners read the policy problem and give citizens a body to which to direct their concems. The latter appears to be integraI to preventing undesinble levels of conflict.

MuIticultunlism and increased socio-economic circumstances have reduced pressures on immigrant groups to assimilate into their host societies. Many are instead choosing to integrate into Canadian society, retaining some cultural characteristics of their ethnicity whiIe adopting aspects of their host country's culture that they find amenable. This situation, while providing enormous culturai and linguistic benefits also requires that communities work together to accommodate differences. Local govemments often occupy the best position to foster good relations and rnuIticultural initiatives that bridge cultures should be encouraged.

The Richmond experience suggests that some residents expect that ethnic immigrants will "ghenoize" their cities and force existing residents out in an "invasion-succession" process. Planners muse work to offset these expectations. One way is to ensure that the symbols and traditions of long time residents are accorded the same respect as the newcomers.

7.5 Recommendu~ons for Further Research Sevenl recommendations for fiirther research have emerged from this research.

1. The data provided by this thesis suggests a need to test Human Ecological models of urban

change, especially regarding immigrant settlement patterns. in Canadian situations. There is an

additional need to examine the notion of mixed, stable ethnic communities in Canada and to

detennine the factors which contribute to their success.

2. Red estate agents with connections both abroad and in the country of immigration have

contributed to concentnted immigrant settlement in certain areas. However, this roie is not well

understood and deserves further research.

3. Much of Richmond's success in avoiding high levels of ethnic conflict has ken accorded to the

Chapter 7 - Conclirsions and Recornmendationr 139

sensitivity of mmy of its councilors. A systematic study of their role in rnediating physical

planning controversies in cornparison to other situations, such as the one experienced in

Markham. Ontario at approximateIy the same time period, would be a valuable avenue for

further research.

4. As previously mentioned, a limitation of this thesis is that it approached Richmond's recent

Chinese immiDorants as a unified whole nther than exploring the differences in the Hong Kong.

Taiwmese and the People's Republic of China communities. These differences, particularly in

socio-economic status. should be explored, especidly with reference to their stances on the mega

house controversy .

5 . Richmond has enjoyed the presence of a Iong standing Chinese cornrnunity and this thesis

attempts to differentiate between these third, fourth, and fifth genention Canadians and the

recent immigrants ( 1988 to present) to Richmond. However, the attitudes of this Iong standing

Chinese cornmunity and their relationship to the new Chinese imrni,pnts, should be explored in

another study.

6 . As previously mentioned, there are a number of ethnic comrnunities in Richmond although

conflicts between the new Chinese cornmunity and Euro-Canadians have received the most

attention. The relationships of these comrnunities deserves hrther study, especidly the attitudes

of the growing Zndo-Canadian population in East Richmond.

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Qadeer, Mohammad. "Urban Planning and Multiculturalism in Ontario, Canada." Race Euuitv and Plannina: Policies and Procedures. Ed. Huw Thomas and Vijay Krishnarayan. Hunts: Avebury Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1994. 187-200.

-, "Pluralistic Planning for Multicultural Cities." Journal of the Amencan Planning Association 63.4 ( 1997): 48 1-494.

Ranu, G.K. "AgricuItural Land Reserve and Environmenüùl y Sensitive Areas." City of Richmond. Hot Facts ! III.9 (undated).

Richmond Review. "No More Big Houses, CounciI." 15 JuIy 1990: 8.

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Wood. Peter B. and Barrett A. Lee. "1s Neighborhood Racial Succession Inevitable? Forty Year of Evidence." Urban Affairs Ouarterly 26.4 ( 199 1 ): 6 10-620.

Yandle, Carlyn. "Residents Demand Council Pass Megahouse Bylaw." Richmond Review. 22 September 1993: 1.

Appendices

December 20, 1 992 Community The Richmond Asiün Pacific Business Association forins üs u network for area businesses to organizat ion increase trüde with Asia and to increase Asian investment in Richmond.

I 1993 I January 20, 1993 Event Two einployees of Richmond's Motor Vrhicle Bnnch are charpd witli üccrpting bribes in

exchünge for driver's licenses from new imniigrmts who either hüd not tüken the rrquired driving test or hud failed their driving tests. Donald Lincoln, fornier driver examiner, ünd Wendy Gee, Cuntoncse inkrpreter, wen fined $10 000 eüch for accepting $550 for issuiiig ü driver's license to an undercover police officer who deliberütely hiled his exuiii. It is csiiiiiated thut between 2 000 and IO 000 drivers' licenses were issued in this scilin.

March 28, 1993

June 30, 1993

July, 1993

July 27, 1993

August, 1993

Asiün retüil

Asian retuil

Asian retail

Parker Place, 104 000 ft', 100+ unit, sister developinent to Aberdeeii Centre opens ut the corner of No. 3 and Hüzelbridgr Wüy. It is the first sirata title tiiall hi the Greüter Vancouver Regionül District (GVRD).

The Hic-lwwtid Kevitw reports that food products withoui English ündlor French Iübeling are being sold at Yaohun Centre. This contrüdicts the Food and Drug Act and the Packngirig üiid Labeling Act, both of which rcquirt: Eiiglish üiid French Iübeling on food products.

Yuohaii Centre holds its grind opening on 2.2 hu betwean Cainbie Roüd and Northgate Wüy. The two storey. 120 000 ft' building hüs a 27 000 ft2 Japüiirse departinent store aiid a food court on the first floor, und retail stores oii the second tloor.

Asiün retüil China Cün Enterprises Ltd. holds its grind opening. China-Cüii departiiieiit stores specialise in selliiig Chiriese groccries.

Satellite Fimilies The Kicliiiiond News reports thüt young children are beirig left "hoinc ülone" iii Richinorid homes issue while iheir parents work in Hong Kong. The Richmond School Board reports thüi thcsr childreii

are not receiving adcquate care.

Appcndix B. A Chronology of Iiiicr-erlinic Rclatiuiis iii Ricliiiioiid, 19x9- 1997

August 23, 1993 Mega house issue

September, 1993

October 25, 1993

Noveinber 8, 1993

Novetnber, 1993

Deceinber 6, 1993

Asian retail

Politics

Megü house issue

Asian retail

City initiative

Decembcr 15, 1993 Event

Dcbate about "mega houses*' rrsuines in Council. Amendment Byluws thut would aiiiend the City's main zoning by law, were given first rrading in Council. Two of the ninr Councilors opposed thein. The bylaws would;

inodify the iriaxirnum floor area regulütion raise the Iandscapiiig requireinent for "livr plant iiiattxiul" froin 158 to 20% of the loi. establish one set of regulüiions for sideyards. permit one-siorey portions of the principal building 10 project 1.2 ni iiiio ihe requirrd side- yard for 40% of the length of the building.

Phase 2 of the President Plau complex opens with 55 strata titlrd rrtail and service units.

Raymond Chan, Liberal M.P. Richmond, becomrs the first Chinese-Canadian to be electrd to the House of Coninions. He is named Secretary of State, Asiü-Pacifie.

Council passes "iiiega house" bylaw amendiiieiits.

t?rrsideiit Enterprises Corp. (Taiwan) holds the grand opeiiing of Phase 1 of Presidciit Shopping Centre and Plaza. Situiited on a 3.77 ucre site between Y aohuii Ceniri: üiid Purkcr Place, the cornplex includes a 183 rooai Sherüton hotrl, a T & T Superiiiürke~ ( 19 000 ft2), a Buddhist temple, rive levels of retaillitiedicül and professionul offices, and a düy cure.

In his inaugural üddress as recently rlrcted second terni müyor, Muyor Halsry-Brandt siates thüt he plcdges to îind new ways of alleviüting ethiiic tensions in Richmond, and io recruit city stuff thüt are inore reflective of the ethnically diverse populution.

Rblic outrage ensues ovrr a City Hall drcision no1 to erect ü pole with lighis rüdioing down froin the top (siinulating u Christinus tree) to celabriitr Christiiias. The City's decision to drdicüie spacr ücross the stmet froin City Hall ut Brighouse Park so thai al1 religious groups can ercct syiiibols, wüs met with an unünticipated ainount of derision. Many residents blamt: new

Appcndix B. A Chro~iology of Inicr-citinic Rclüiions iii Ricliriitrticl, 1989- 1997 8

5. a public education prograin on irre reteniion and maintenance.

January 14-2 1, 1995

Februüry, 1995

February 24 -25, 1995

July 3, 1995

July 25, 1995

Media eveiit The Hichero~id Kcvioil publishes a four part, covrr page, story on the Hon îüiiiily's experience i~iimigriting to Richitioiid froin Hong Kong, io divided reviews. The paper mceived thank-yous and coiiipliinents froni other iininigrünt fümilirs whi le sottie müders were "li vid thut ' iheir' faces werr on the front of the paper for four consecutive issues" (Hiclw~otrd Hrview: Jünuüry 28, 199.55).

Media event CTV's W5 devotes a show to the effects of immigration on Richmond feuturing Dr. Yuen, head of the Kichinond Chinese Parents' Associatioii for Better Education. Dr.Y uen claiiiis that therr are "no Cünadiün values". The Hic*liniorid Keview receives inany ürigry letiers in response.

City initiative The theitie for Richinond's annuül "Ptiririers in Coiiiinunity" conference is "Exploring Our Coniniuiiity Vülues" und includes ü 'Culturül Divrrsity iil Our Coininunity: An Open Discussion" workshop.

Tree protection Council rejects a fïve point greening stmtegy which includrd ü "neighbourwood" concept wliere issue 66% rrsidriits could have prevented trres froin being renioved on dl private property in the

neighbourhood ünd ü bylüw proteçting desigiiated heritügc irees aiid trees in eiwiroiimentully sensitive areüs. Offenders who hüd not obtained u perinit to cut down these trecs would have been subjeci to a $ 2 0 0 fine or six months in jail. Council stütcd that the strütegy infringed too much on private proprrty rights. Council ülso rejecied a bylüw tliat would hüve requirrd proprrty owiiers to have üt leüst two trees on resideiitial, coiriniercial, and industriül lots. Couticil passed paris of the strütegy which asked for voluntary trre protection. city protection and planting of irees on public grounds, and P comniunity eduçation progriin on [me plünting and protection.

Asiün retail Asiü West, a iiiarketing alliüiice coiiiposed of Aberdeen Müll, Yaohün Centrc, Presidenl Plüza, Pdrker Place, üiid Fuirchild Squiiïe, foriiis to inarket as a tourist dcstinatioii, and to irnprove

Appcndix B. A Chroriology ol' Inicr-cihnic Rcliiiioiis in Rictiiiiund, I9H9- 1997

'P. 2d '3 s -

April 2, 1997

June, 1997

June 2, 1997

July 16, 1997

August 19, 1997

Septeniber, 1997

the legislütivc üuthority to enforce u languüge requirenient on signs, howevcr, they have met with retailers to encourage English sigiiage.

Asian retail Non Asiaii tenants of the Richniond Public Mürket conipluiii thüt the iiuiiiber of Asiün retüilers gives people the iinpression thüi it is ün exclusively Asiüii iiiarket. Asiüii retailers are ülso chiirged wiih not opeiiing their businesses on lime, selling restricted producis, and instülling their own pluiiibiiig io suve inoney. (The Hiclinwtrd Heview, April 2, 1997: internet editioii)

Asiün retail

Polit ics

Even t

Asian reiail

Asiün retuil

Yaohan Iiitemationül Ltd, 50% owner of Yaohüii Centre, sells its siuke to the Presideiit Group, owner of Presideni PIüzü. The Presideni Group ünriounces plüiis to chüiigç the naine of the centre.

Raymond Chuii, Liberül M.P. for Richmond i s re-elected to pürliüiiient. The media contents thüt his victory wüs bused on capturiiig the Chiriese vote in Richiiioiid.

Asiün reiailers report a drop iii busitiess due to the reium of iiiüny iiiiiiiigrünis bück to Hong Kong. The retuni is attributed to Cünüda's econoiiiy, optiinisiri about the haiidover of Hong Kong to China, und upsct over u federal tux rule requiriiig foreign assets over a $100 000 bc reported.

Fairchild Developinents (Caiiada) hold a public rneeiiiig IO giiuge ciiizeii iiipui aboui plans to expand Aberdeen Centre which were üniiounced iii Deceiiiber, 1996. Fairchild Developineriis report thüt citizen feedback hüs been moslly positive or non comriiiital.

Asiü West retailers foriii a group callcd the Richiiiond Asian Merchütits Corrimittee io oppose the proposed expansion of Aberdeen Centre. Thry feür iliüt inürkrt oversupply, iiisufficient irüftïc and pürkiiig coiisidctrütions, aiid thrrte of construciion will baiikrupt iheir businesses.

October 27, 1997 Ciiy iiiitiative Couiicil unveils tlie design for Richmond's iiew $39 iiiillioii dollar city hall. Projeçt ürchiiecis, Hotson BükkerIKuwabürü Puyne McKeiinu Bluiiiberg Associüted Archiiects, unnouiice thül they coiisulted Richniond Feng Shui expert, Sheriiiaii Tdi, rcgardiiig the project. Meiiibers of the

Appendix B. A Chronology of Inicr-cihnic Rcliitioiis iii Ricliriit)~iJ, 1989- 1W7 16

Chinese community indicüte thut thry did not ask for this "special fuvour" aiid that many Chinesc-Canadiuns do not believe in Feng Shui principles,

November 12, 1997 Asian retail Approxiinately ien stores in Continental Square, a iwo building, 100 000 fi', shopping centre wiih ovcr 80 retail and office units on a six acre site, open ücross the sireet froni Aberdeen Centre. Coiitiiieiitül Squure has not offïçinlly hzld its grüiid opening.

Appcndix B. A Chronology ol' Inier-cilinic Rcluiiotis iii Richiiioiid, I9X0- 1007

Appendix A

:Immigration policies need re-examining- W u t vil1 t k ncu immigrarion

palicrcr do fur ihe Gnrdians9 Tht ofdinu) uorkmg people

w h w w n i s and pefhaps p n d - vrnts s@nr whdc iifcrimts paying &d. supfmning Ih. aon6rn~. and building this aÿ inm wJI find I)iernselves out of - o i t ;ilid home= Jew. i v h i l t m i g n n a m i r e prcf- acni id Vcaimenr in cmp1o)rnent plxcmcni

Fificm ycan ago Muip6uer pro- v i d d SuJinrng progrun\ for Lid- ofr Canadians-and anempitd IO find &ern suiiablc ernptoymeni Then..

rn ysunousl y. "Can~da Muipoucr" k a m c " C ~ r d i Emplayrnm and Immigration Afi« ihu. ihcrr wcrc no m n i n g of upgrading pmgnms for Canadian citircru uid no assis- uncc gtvcn in job plrameni. We YC told ihm 1s no moncy for th& Bmnnffnmsofdothmartamyco- k spcfit ln lrnguagt training for itu ihousands of ncu immigrantr Uu gotekment plans io impan

If ihr povanmeni &es mi c a q * through on ihc luiguage uuning but tniead. provida a hugc cherplabor tc<nurcc for big bueness. II will k dotng cvdyone r d ~ s - m i c e . Cana- dan and tmrnignni alike. A feu

Immigraiion h l d k r pui of gommen i pluiaing md II ir mrc ihis is a hugc cainuy.~buc 7fpcr ceni of rhis land mas 1% hosuie in icmpraiurc and underdcvtlopd Pau cxpnence p r o v a ihc immi. g m i *III fighi io rcrnun in thc

Source: Russell, B. Letter. Richmond Review. 25 N o v e m k 1990

-'L . ---A-- . - Z

Source: Flynn. Helen. Letter. Richmond Review.

kwêr rouihem region. swcîîing ihc r l r r d y o v a e m d c i u a ud will ewniiully p s h ihe p-ni ciituns norih 4

O i m t y bcgins ri hoin&-Y!'n~ don't invirc ihe w o i U f a dinncr and serve thcm T-bonc ucaks whilt yrwr childm trr eninp m s t z <)ur chil- drcn hrwc ihc nght IO inhcrit a fair s h r t o f ihe knefi is o l Our labor hep nunimeni. f v ta l ten%ions and prgudiccs arc bound Io exalrie if Mme cyuiiy is not inucûuctd inio ik governrneni's immigraiion polt- CY B R u ~ u l I

534701) Francis R J Richmond. BC

Appendix B

Appendix C

L ' mi ' -7 J n ~ t 1 nmn-

Source: City of Richmond, undated

Appendix D

English

City of Richmond MULTICULTURAL POLICY

How to get Involved

Richmond City Council has established a Co-ordinating Commi ttee on Ethnic Relations to promott and co-ordinate the ckvtlopmcnt of policies thai will:

Promore p u b k oworewss tlirough pub& &&n

me foiiowing agcncies arc rcprrsenttd on tbt Wrdinating Cornmittee: Richmond City Councii, Ricbmonc! SchwI Board, Richmond Hospital, Kwantlcn Coiiege, RCMP, Richmond Information and Volimteer Caiot. Richmond Public Library, Richmond aiamkt of Commerce, Richmond Murticultwal Concems Society. SUCCESS, MOSAIC. OASIS, Richmond Community Services Ctmnd, Council of Community Associa- tions.

For more information, contact: CoUllCjUor RA. McMath, Chahun Cwrdinating Coumittee on Ethnic Relations do City of Richmond 6911 No. 3 Road Richmond, B.C. V6Y 2C1 (600) 2764271

MulcplySM.4/DOC3

Appendix E

cm- Ihc Cornmince will ba mule up of eigtit mcmbcrm of I)ie public appointai by Council, id one mtmber of the Yourh Advisory Commicic+, plw one C d l l o r , one School Tmstœ, ud oria mmkr of h o Chunbcr of Commerce. Condace membtn apQoinkd from tbc pubiic wil l ôe Richmond r d & w or in cxccptiod utet, mn-residcnir wiih r rignificrnt ud long sunâing inliermi in the couununity.

T m The initial krm for one lhird of appoinicd rnembcrs will bc unul Dectmber 19%. One drird of ihe mcmbtrs will be until Dcccmbcr 1997 and one rhird will bc until Dccembcr 1W8. Ihe ierms, akr ücccrnbcr 1996, will on a îhm yur appointment. The Council, School Bolrd anâ Chamber of Commrce appoinkcs wwld be appoinitd on an innuai brais.

Resairrcr Staff support and liaison w i l l bc providcd rhrough ihe Communhy Services Division. Additional rcqucai Cor reswrccs will bc submiiicd through ihc budgei proccss and will be ticd io ihc ami work program.

Govcnunrc Thc Cornmincc will .sckcl irs own chairperson on an annual basis. A CO-chair w i l ilso be selechi io act in rhc chair's k n c c , Mcctings will bc hcld on a monrhly basis and dl mcclings will bc open to ihe public.

Ric Cornmilice will appoint sub-commi~iccs as is necenury. Mcmbership'in the sub- commitites i s noi rcsirickd ul appoinctd mcmbcrs. The wb-commiikcs wi l l repori to ihe Advisory Cornmiifce.

The Advisory Commiikc will rnakc rccommc~~ans and report IO Council rhtough ihe Community Services Commiirtc

On March 25, 1991 the Richmond Ciry Council approvcd the

follo wing Multicultu~al Policy:

Richmond City Councit:

o Values both cultural diverrity and a multiculiural community as a source of enrichmeni and strengih.

P Supports the right of al1 penons io freedom from culiural/racial discrimination.

o Supports the rights of al1 perrons to equal opporiunity and pariicipation in community affairs.

o Is cornmitied to ensuring ihat municipal bylaws, policier and programs, service delivcry, and employment practices address these principles.

o Ir cornmitted to implemtnting thir policy and directs municipal staff, boards, commissionr, and cornmitices IO mect these principtes in carrying out their dulies,

O Encourager all communiiy groups io adopt rimilar policier for their organizations.

Appendix F

SUMMARY OF MULTJCULTURAL INITIATIVES OF THE C I N OF RlCHMOND

4. Tr;riislation and kiterpretation Servias 4.1. Ciry Telephone Rcferencc Guide in 10 IIngruges (Intudeparanend

working group. =CC) 4.2. Provision of oa~rlation and interprctation senties for nlecred criticil

civic cvenu such L( electiom and od fime (Tnrcrdcpubncnlal working group. Clerks. Tmuury)

4.3. List of naff with abiliv CO intcrprrr and aa~clau la~guager ochcr rhui English Qtcrdcpurmcntal working gmup)

4.4. Hiriog of staff with capabiiiry o f c&&uring in several ltnguages (Pcrmiu and Liccoxs)

4.5. Advcnising in ~ v e n l fanguages for nominatiopr to wrnmunicy acivïmry c o r n r n i ~ (Clerks)

4.6. Faciiicariag translatioa/'mtcrprct;ition for major planning procersu I i k Ci~y Cairn. Hamilton (ERCC. Planning)

4.7. Providing ~ïation/maiprrorion semies for Commdty mû odm evenu l h Intomarion f&. Cnnberry Fcnivd. CCE.(ERCC. NanmPuk Association. Culturai Centrr. Lbny. Gaewry)

4.8. Richmond brochure in Englisb. Cbinew and odapanese (Econ Dev)

5. Information Dissemination on hluitlcultud h a S. 1. Various publiutions on Multialainl Tm& anci ndtisucs (Plinning) 5.2. ntunrationr <O variou Codercoses rcgarding Richmo~~¶'s approach to

mulcicuiainlism (Inerdepmcnul w o r b g p u p . ERCc)

Bush- Derdopmtot S d m (Eao Dd) 6.1. R e p l u liaison wiih ethnic busincsvs anci gmups 6.2. &muai pnsentatiom to immignnt investon 6.3. Liaiscm with foonip agenciu 6.4. Honing of forcigo delegations 6.5. Coordinruon of Sister City Pmgnm 6.6. Tndc Mission to Asia 6.7. Inclusion of ethnie evcnts into Vîsitor Prognm (explontory k g c ) 6.8. Pamerships with various groups. inctuding erhoic grwps o pmvide

cnaeprrneuid vaining program at Kwanticn (explontory stage)

Socid and Community Development Semica 7.1. MuldcuI~rai Worbhop and Guide on how to mrkc services

multiculNnlly sensitive (Planning, ERCC) 7.2. - Services Accessibility Workshop and Chccklist to kaer ruch crhnic

midents (Planning. ERCC) 7.3. - Prof+sionai mff suppon to the ERCC and Workhg Cornmi= to

coordiaatc muluculairal iaitiaüvs amongn et6nic swing rocid r m c e agencies (PlanWg. H d t h . Libny. P ~ k r and Lc in i~ )

7.4. Provision of local resouru/advise on multicultunl issues to othcr agcncies mcc1

7.5. Provision of Multicul~ral Themcs in' annud Community Confcrencx (Communicy Division. Corponte Mfün)

7.6. Inclusion of e W c a i l n i d groups in community leadership, eduution (Communicy Division, Corponte M'airs)

7.7. Promotiop and hvolvlvement of ethpic cultual p u p s in policies and programs likc Emcrgcncy Servicu Pro- (Community Division of Corparc Anain ) and Task Foru ou Community S a f ' (various

8. Educational and Culturd Services (Lbny. CulNnl Cenm. Gauway Tbuae) 8.1. L i b w Mdüingual Collection Dcvel~pment - Chinese language matcriais in V~I~OUS Vear of b w l c d g t

Chinest pcnodiu~ncwspapus ESL matcriab for Cantoocsc rpalrcrr Driver Education M d s , h d t h videos in ChiDae (rrçtipt of) Chinese book donations or fur& for rheir p u r r b - Inwliak acc+rs O multilingual coUations in othcr libnria Laan prognm for National Libm Bibliorervicc mulrilingull collection Libny Spccial Rognms and Servicts Tour, pvenr taik. tutorids for Cbinerc pmnU Libnry welcwie bmchurc in Chincv . Libnry display Wth rt Chinest New Yeu Fair Inrcrpretation orvife for Noôody's P e r f a pucnfing pro- Multiculntnl display in Richmond C h i l d e Coderc~ce Bibli~gnphic assistance oa rnulticulainlism for Rjchmond Tuchen

F- gmup .for ïnâecaudian 6 m m u t Y Tour mû od pmgnm for MKamdirn pucm Storytimc program on Chinese New Ycu HanukW storytime session 'Ibcam perfomiaacc to audi- with ESL mideou Puriciparion in Newcomen' Day Lamy On-going Prognmd Sem*ces ESL toun Tutorirlc for use of uirnputtrized W o p for ESL c l w e r Inv~*gation of ESL software developmcnt program Citiztnship bookicts BookJisu on multicu1tuni thcmcr Job A'Fair assishg new immignnu. a scminar in Cantona Participation in Intematiod Day for Elimination of Racial dixrimination On-gohg muitilinguat displays Library New Initiatives Sutinid adysis of multilinguai services to aiâ id pro- devclopmecu ~ i v e ~ i t y training for aii libnry staff Rcview of signagc. b r o c h u ~ ~ . ctE t~ when ûuulation is approp~re Collection planning & develapmem for =ch languagc AN Centre Multiculaxnl Workshops ad ClPsses Richmond Chioest Folk Danccn Richmond Chinetc Cailigraphy Chigi& (Japanese Papr Turing) - G o y t h (Japanex Fish Painting) J a p a n c ~ Woodblock Workthop - Prinmulrtrs Bdincx danu class An of Bonsai Workshop Ikebana - Sogctso Style Oriental Bmsh Painting Rako workshop ï'haidycing - Tagor - Japuiese Block Painhg on Fabric Workshop Nonbwen Coast indian Carving (Cuver's Society) Multidrual Evcnu md Perfonnu~cs at tbt Culnval Centre Philippk Fiesta - Chksc Mid-Autumn Fcstival Qiu Xia He PIays Chincse Lute Juxtdpositiom. R a m e ~ o dUKC and music with v inu l images nom Spain Art Exhiibits, Tours and k t u i s on Variou Cul- For Our Childrcn (with Richmond Ulrninlln Association) Sujce Quong. photognphy of China kwkh Spicc Boxes (wirh Jcwish Fenivaî AJsociation) S a d Worlds, frtscocs and icons h-Mid-eart Art and Spirit 1 and I! (Canadian and M a i c m art works) b i t Azt Work

DispIay and Auction Celebndg Yar of the Dog Amy Karliatky on Inuit An Tour of Arctic Spirit. Canadian Inuit An in Suale Fye An Museum Chan Ky Yut. traditional Chinev Bru& painting .

TO Baîi and rdyond. workr by Richrd Temult about Moncsia Richmond Aninr' Display in Tokyo for T w h h g Citics Symposnim Third World Amcriw, works by Ken brcnr Riaulr of the Rainy Suson. Nigiu's woodn>u form South kir Ihe Colon of Pakistan. Crcra's aaylics h m Pakhtan Ihe Bixmtnt. Gu Xiong's works on îhe immigrant uperieoce Canadian Chintse Artists Fedcntion Audon Chkcse Painting and Calligraphy Club Exhibition Works by Chan Ky Yut. paintbgs linking East d West Svler Multiple hpmsiom. fonccmpony hpaneft pMts by Be& Poultcr Spirimi Legacy of Ukaine. prinrings of s a c d Ubainlln Buildings . Museum Exhiiits on Various CuItuhs Richmond's Excellent Advcnturt wiih the Coast S a Pcoph Japancsc Col ldon Culture Club, wukIy program for chiidrtn about muhinilninlism Gatcway Thcarre Multicuinial Programs Multiculairal Coordinator promocing th- to multiculainl p u p s Lectures in diffcrcnt languagcs to explain productions . Chinex sign program Rcfrcshments to appul to Asian Culture

-

Reueaîional, Special Events and Comrnunity Derclopment P r o p m ~ 9.1. Newcomm information Day (ERCC.other depumienu) 9.2. Intexnational Day for Elimination of Racial Discrimination (same as

above) 9.3. Nanrre Park Programs

O Lntcrpretation service for che Crankrq Fescivd - Educrtional Prognms for recoDduy agc ESL on w b t ic otûm in Cana& -

9.4. Multiculttirai Programs at South Arm Communiy Ccnm (examples ody) - Friciay Night Socul with Chinex Senior Women's Group wirh Punjabi Wornen

O Parent and Tot, Intm for New Camciians O Trinidad and Tobago Group. social evcnts -

Kamgen Undo, Sapanese excrcisc for womcn O Cariibean Dance

9.5. Mulriculninl Propqs at W. Richmond Community Cenm (exuoples only

O Chinese Language Schml, open to di O Japancsc Fiowtr Amnging - Chinest Dance - Cbinest FIowcr Arranging

Multiculauzl Prognmc Stcvaton CommuDiry Ce- (-ples ody) Japmoe hguage School Cathay Club Inuduction CO EPgIish Maniai Anr Cenm Pragra0s MuiticulNnl Pmgxatns at E. Richmond Community Cenm (examples ody) Multifest Event (wicb ERCC. orber City depurmenti) ' Bcptr English S W for Tou kn Indian Senior Men's Gmup

10. Eealtb Sericas and Programs (Health Depmezzt) 10.1. Commuaity H a l & Nursing S e ~ c c s - Participation in Newcomen Orienution Prognm - Participation in hnjabi Seniors Women's Group - Provision of prenalal c l w in Cantoeerc md Puojabi

- - Roduction of various hcaitb promotion infiormation in Erhnic liu~guager: sucb as 'Guide to Prcnaul Servises'. brochure for parents wirh newbom - Parcnting services to multicultural co111l11unitits - Bi-lingui (Cbinesc/English) staff at the clinic appoincment telephone h c - Rcvicw of immunization of New Canadian Chi1drcn - Putacring with mulcicu1Nnl groups h pmviding hcdth infomtion sessions for parents - htcrpmation services for brrsn ulf examination clinic - Liaison wirh Finc Nations Putnt Suppon Group

10.2. Prcventive Mental Hcaith Services - Suppon groups for immigrant mrdenu at junior high nhook - Annual conferencc for Chipcse parrats and follow-up workshops - Muliiculninl parent worlrrhops a[ Wowk Eltmentary Scbool - Rcsouw to Chinese Parents Cornmincc for a conferencc for profersionals workbg wirh Chiocse Chinese phondine - Semimu on menul hcaith anci menul illness for ibe Chinese commvDiry - H d t b Series for senion witb the CbiDcse radio sulion

10.3 1 S v b and HuMg Clinic - Sign Laquage cnining for SM - Tnnslations and htcrpretation seniicc at the chic - - Provision of services by professional suir in Fmch and Germa 10.4. Coa~unity Nutrition - Nuukion assessrnent . a d cou~vlling in differcnt languages - Eduutiod and information marerials on nutrition in many Imguaga 10.5. Commuity-wide HeaIth Promotion . - Funding of a Chinese Hulth Fair put on by Richmond Hartwi~se - Facilitation of a survey of h d t b cuc pmviden u pm of a communiiy

pmjcct idearifying Barrien CO hul th Cue for Multiculnurl Gmups

s d e t y a n d R o t a ! i o ~ ~ R o ~ ( R C M P ) . 11.1. Romotion of Police hgrams to muiticuIturai communily through

Summcrtirne RCMP Multidtunl L*wn Unit (DOW on iu four& yur) 1 1.2. Trurrhtion of bmhuhs in various Ianguages i i .3. Hiring of-visible mioority in the unifomcd poüce forcc 11.4. Consultation with rbc business commhty, including cet businesxs on

how police can bcntr serve them 11 .S. Diversiv Training program for dl rm~lgvs

Provision of Physicaf Facilities 12.1. Subsiditcd Land Luse <O Cuing Place whkh houes m u l t i d m sming

agcncics 12.2. Policy designahg #S Corridor k t w a n B l d c l l and Stcvenon for

InnitutionaI Uses bas Ied to oppominities for culturai communiry uncrcs

Appendix G

Liccnccs ihui ttic d ~ i i ~ i d t'or iiicgii houscs i s piittiiilly twiiig liiclcd by ilic tlcsirc for illcgiil sccoiidiiry .siiitcs. Hc rccotiiiiiciids sciiiiig il li t i i i i i i t i o i i oii iipper Iloor s i x as i t

woiild likcly rctlucc tlic tlciiiiiiid hi iiic'gii Iiciiiscs. (Switwr, iiiciiii, io Ilavid McLellan, Aiigiist 4, 1992)

August 10, 1992 Report to Coiincil Sliiff conclusions the following froiii thcir invesiigiitions: (staff) 1 . The miissive flüt froiit fiiciides of siiigle hiiiily rcsidçnces miphi be relieved

by the imposition of building eiivclopcs uffecting ihc froiit iiid side elevation of homes. This worild rcdiice thc Iolul floor iircii riitio iind hy doing so, miiy cricourüge t hc rcnuviii ion uf cx isiiiig hnrncs.

2. There are legal aspçcts to the prcfemd approiich (of exempting lots less han 1 3m. froin the iihuvc restrictions) which require resolii tion.

(Miilin, Rcport IO Coiiitriiticc, Augiisi 10, 1992)

August 26, 1992 PDSC To expedite Ihc process of exumining thc megii house issue. thc YDSC directs staff to investigaie iind report biick üs IO:

il method thüt would continue to pcrmii threc-storey Victoriiiii style homes; the ptential for opening the h i i~k limes i i~ ihc Stevcston Townsite on a lane- by-lane büsis; und the possibility of placing a miiximiiin iillowüble sqiiare fontagc on houses.

Septernber, 1992 Trw protection The BC govemment enücts Bill 77 which allows muniçipalities IO protect trees issue on private property. Council directs the planning depürtrnent to hegin drafting a

lrcc protection byliiw.

September 14. 1992 Petit ion 46 residcnts submit a petition IO Council asking for a developrnciit momtorium on pliins for a 4,500ft.' Iiouse on Cliiipinond Crescciit iintil Coiii~cil rnacts a iiicgii house by liiw.

September 17, 1992 Report to Council In rrsponse to thc PDSC's direction, stiit'f report thet:

Appcndix G. Chronology of Evenis - Richmond's Mega house Controvcrsy

(Hcgdiir Coiiiicil Mcciing Miiiutcs, Ociohcr 20, I Y W ) .

November 2, 1992 Commitlce of the Council rittify the ilctioiis ol' the Coiiiiiiittec of thc W holc which directed staff to Whole prepüre üinendinciits to By lüw 5300 which:

3 reduce from 0.55 io 0.30 ihc floor arca ratio for portions al' ii lot the area of which is iii cxçess of the si72 spccificd in ihe hylüw; itnd io restructure the dcfiriition of residtmtiiil vertical cnvclope to ensurc that dwellings constructcd on lots of' iiiorc thim 13.5 m in width will bc stepped back from front and side property h i e s üt the second floor levcl

a rcfcr to Council üny building pcrniii iippliciiiion rcceiviid oii or üfter November 12, 1992 which coiiiriivciirs ihe proposed ümendmenis.

Council proposes thnt Section 3 of Ainei~dmcnt Byliiw 5728 bc rntirely deleted itnd that the following bc suhsiitiitcd: 3 Maximum floor iircii ratio:

0.55 applied to il iniixinium of 464.~1n.' (5000ft.') of the lot iireii; together with 0.3 iipplied io ihe hiiliiiic~ of the lot iireii in excess of 464.~m.~ (~000f't.~); provided thüt iin additional 50ni.' inay be used for ircessory buildings and off-street parking.

Council proposes thüi ü Section 4 hc üdded to By-lüw 5300 and ihiit Subsection 202.3 be dcleied und Ihat thc following be substitutcd: * Maxiniuin Loi Coverage:

45% for buildings only; 8.5% for buildings and üny non-porous surfaces or s~ructu~s inclusive; üiid the reiiiiiindcr of the lot iireii restrictcd to

liindsciiping wii h livt: plant i i i i t t ~ i i i i l .

Noveniber 2, 1992 Amendment Over 560 people attend a fivc hour public nireting devotrd to disciissing Bylüw 5728 Richmoiid's proposed incgii-hoiise tiy-liiw (5728) i i t the Giit~wiiy Theatre.

Iiitcrpretution is provided for Chitirsc iii,d Mündiirin spciikers. Coiincil hears

Amendmeni Bylüw 5728 is iniroduced and given first wding.

Staff instructed to have building prniits reviewcd hy Council i f iii non-conformiince with proposed bylaw.

A public Iieliring on Ainendnient Byluw 5728 i s set for

Appcndix G. Chronology or Events - Richmond's Mcga house Conrroversy

Pi- -

Cc, Q\ m

Februiiry 7, 1994 Amendment Tlic Minister ol' Municipiil Al'îirirs, Rccrci~tion iiiitl Housirig iipprovcs By liiw 6229 Aiiiendmerit Byliiw 0220.

Februriry 14, 1994 Anicindment Council gives ii fourili iiiid fiiiiil rciidiiig ta Anieridriient Byhw 6095. Byliiw 6W5

Amendmeiit Bylaw 6229

Amendment Bylaw 6229

Public Forum on Tree protection.

Public Forum Tree protection.

The Minisiry of Triinsportii~ioii i~ i id Hiphwiiys ilpproves Anicndiiicnt Byliiw 6229.

Council gives foiirih iind final reüdirips io Amendmeni Byliiw 6229.

Council's plüiining coinmittee holds ii public forum und conducis il public survey, io gauge piihlic opinion on whcihcr a by law reguliit ing ircc rernoval in puhlic property is ncedcd. The foniin iind stirvcy werc prcçipiiiiied by increasing public concern about the liirgc nunibcr of iiiütun: irces k i n g desiroyed during infill developmeiit.

Council reports that 85% of 186 siirvcycd citizens believe ihat Richmond needs a bylaw IO regulate the removal of çertiiin sims and species of irces on private property. Council's planning coiiimiticc responds hy outlining ii five part tree preserva~ion and enhaiiccmcnt sirïiicgy : 1. i~ tree protection hyliiw enforccd hy ii professional iirborist i~nd/or lnndscape

iirchiteci. 2. il building permit requirenient t l i i i t iicw honie devclopmenis tiiive ni leasi one

front yard ircc. 3. ii sirwniliiicd developincni irppliriit ion proccss to cnsiirc irec iiivcntorics,

;in J protucîioii riiciisiiics w d iiispcct iciris.

Amendmeni Rylaw 6095 passcd id üdopicd.

Amendment Byluws 6065 iind 0229 pussed iind üdopt~d.

Appcndix G. Chronvlogy of Evcnis - Richmond's Mega house Controversy

P R ~ ~ O U S 1 CHANGE 1 %

Source: Richmond Planning Departincrit, 1992

Appendix I

CITY OF RICEMOND

ZONING & DEVELOPMENT

BYLAW NO. 5300

AND AMENDMENTS

OFFICE CONSOLIDATION February 17, 1998

ION 200: ZONING DISWCI' S C g E D a

The lin of uses d a the hcading 'Pemined Uses' in each of the zoning dimin schedula set out in this Division shail k inicrpmcd to mean rhat the uses l W in a puiicuiar schedule and no othcrs shall bc pamittcd in the a r a s designated on the Zoning Map of the Ciry of Richmond as king rcgulated by that scheduk.

Where a zoning district schcdule includes under the hcading "Prrmittcd Density a regulation entitled 'Maximum Numkr of Dwcllings", such rcgulation shall be interpretd as meaning that a lot which is designatcd on the ZDning Map of the City of Richmond as k ing rcgulatcd by that xhcdule shall w t k occupied by a grcater number of dweiiings than the number specified, exccpt as may othenuise be provided for in the regdation.

Whcrc a zoning district chedule includes under the heading "Permitttd Densiry " a regularion entiticd "Maximum Floor Ana Ratio", such rcgulation shall bc interprctcd as meaning that a lot which is designatcd on the Zoning'~ap of the City of Richmond as being regulated by that xhcdule shall not be ocnipied by buildings the floor a m ratio of which excecds the amount specified, except as may be othcnvisc provided for in rh regulation.

Where a zoning district schedule includes undrr the heading "Permittcd Densiry' a regulation entitled 'Extent of Building". nich regdation shall k intcrprctcd as meaning that the total aggrcgatc floor area of al1 buildings, mcasurcd to the outer lirnits of the buildings, within the total arca daignated on the Zoning Map of rhe City of Richmond as king rcgulatcd by that schcdule. shall w t uceed the amount specificd in the rcgulation.

-03 MAXrPvIUM LOT COVERAGE

Whut a zoning district schcdule kludes a rrgulation entitied "Maximum Lot .Covcrage", nich ngulation SM k intcxprcted as mcaning that a lot which is designatcd on the Zoning Map of the City of Richmond as king rcgulatcd by that schcdule may not have a lot covcragc. as defiird in this bylaw. which cxceeds thc pmcntage specifcd.

-04 MINïMüM & MAXIMLM SETBACKS FROM PROPERTY UNES

The specifikation of meanircmcna for front yard. side yard and rcar yard under the gencral hcading of "Minimum Setbacks from Propcrty Liocs' in a zoning district schedulc shall bc intcrprettd as dcfinbg the minimum distance permiatd berween the front, side or rcar propcrcy linc and the appropriate sctback line on a lot which is designacd on the Zoning Map of tht City of Richmond as king rcgulatEd by that schedulc; such sctback arcas constituting the front yard, sidc yard and rmr yard rcspectivcly .

Wherc a use or smienirr is specificaiiy rcfexenced with a following rneasurcment, it shall inurpretcd as m d g that thc minunum sctback from a property line for that use shall be the measnement specified.

- Wherc a zoning district schedule includes the u m "Maximm Sctback", the meamrcmcnt which foUows shalt be imerprctcd as king the maximum distance which any part of a dwelling may be siuü h m a public road on a lot which is designami on thc Zaning Map of the City of Richmond as king regulatcd by that schedule: and it defms arcas ouuidc which the crcction of a dwelling is not pemiaed.

-05 MAXIMUM HEIGHTS

The specification of meanirrmcnrs for buildings. muctures or accessory buildings under the general heading of 'Maximum Heights" in a zoning district schcdulc shall be Uirerpretcd as meaning the p t e s t hcight. as height is def& in rhis bylaw. to which a building. m u c m or accusory building may be consuucted on a lot wwhich is designatecl on the Zoning Map of the City of Richmond as king regulated by that schcdulc. Wherc rtfcrencc is made to a rcsidential verticai envelope. the intcnt of the regdation is to prohibit a building from promding above the envelope as it is defined in this bylaw.

Where the spcification of a mcasurcmcnt for 'Maximum Hcight" rcfers to a panicular type of building nich as a dweiiing, the rcgulation shaii k lqplied to that type of building only .

Appu~tmces . as defincd in this bylaw. may k consûucted on a building CO

the lirnits defncd in th+ bylaw.

.û6 MiNIMUM LOT SIZE

When a zoning district schcdult indudes a regdation entitIcd "Minimum Lot Sizc", thc dimensions which follow arc to be intcrprcttd as the minimum dimensions permissible for a lot which is to be us& as the site of buildings for the usc spccified therein; such regulation king applicable to lots designatcd on thc Zoning Map of the City of Richmond as king rcgulated by that schcdule.

-07 MAXIMUM SIZE OF UMTS, SEATING AND SIZE OF COMMERCIAL AREA

The spccification of a mcasufcmcnt under the hcading 'Maximum Total Commercial Arta" in a zoning district schedulc shall bc inttrprcted as mcaning

- that on a lot which is dcsignated on thc Zoning Map of the City of Richmond as king rcgulazal by thar schtdule. a commercial a m shail not bc pcrmined a total gross Ieasable floor am in cxccss of the mtasurrment spccified.

The specification of a number under the hcading "Maximum Number of Sears for Food Catcring Establishmentsn in a zoning district schedule shall be inurprcted as mcaning that on a lot which is designated on the 2oning Map of the City of Richmond as being rcgulatcd by that schedule. a food catering establishment Ml not be pcrmitted scats in excess of the number specifkd.

The specification of a mcasuremcnt undcr the hcading "Maximum. S i z t of Individual Commercial Units" in a zoning district schcdule shall be h r p m c d as meaning that on a lot which is designated on the Zoning Map of <he City of Richmond as king hgulatcd by that schedul e , an individual commercial unit shall not uceed in gros leasable floor area the meanirement specified.

.O8 MINIMUM BUILDING SEPARATION SPACE

Where a zoning district schcdulc includcs the terni "Minimum Building Separation Spacew. the measuhmcnt which follows shall be interprrted as thc minimum permissible distance ktween a principal building and an accessory building on a lot which is dcsignated on the Zonhg Map of the City of Richmond as king rcgulated by that schcduIc.

The inunt of this zoning Met is to accommodate single-family housing .

RESIDENTIAL. limitai to OneFnmily helling; BOARDING & LODGING. limitcd to two penons pcr dwclling unit; HOME OCCUPATION; AGRICULTUIUE; ACCESSORY USES, but cxcluding sccondary suites.

.O1 Maximum Number of Dwellings: One.

.O2 Maximum Floor Area Ratio:

0.55 applicd to a maximum of 464.5 square meûts (5.000 square fa t ) of the lot area, togcther with 0.30 applied to the balance of the lot area in cxcess of 464.5 square mttres (5,000 square ftct); plus

10% of the floor arca total calculatcd above for the lot in question. which area must bc used cxclusivcly for covered arcas of the principai building which arc open on one or mon sides; togethcr with

50 square mmes (538.21 square fcet) which may k used only for acwsory buildings and off-street parking;

PROVIDED l'HAT any portion of floor arca which exceeds 5 metres (16.404 feet) in height. save and excep< an ares of up to 10 square metrcs (107.64 square feet) uscd exdusivcly for cnuy and staircasc purposts, shall be considercd to comprise two floon and sha.il be mcasurtd as such;

AND FURTHER PROVIDES THAT flwr ara ratio Iimitations . . shaü not k deemcd to k applicable to one ~ecarory building which

does mt excecd 10 square rnem (107.64 square fœt) in am.

202.3 MAXIMUM LOT CO-: 45% for buildings only; 80% for buildings and any non-porous surfaces or stntcturcs inclusive; and the remainder of the lot a m restricted to 1aadKIping wirh Iive plant matcrial.

202.4 iLinmfüM & MAXIMUM SETBACKS FROM PROPERTY L I E S

.O1 Front Yard: 6 rneucs (19.685 fet);

EXCEPT THAT on a lot which is indicated on che Zoning Map of the City of Richmond as being Iocaud in subdivision areas 'C' or 'J' and which is intended m be scrviced by a driveway accessing a section liae road. the minimum front yard setback shall be 9 mares (29.528 feet) in ordtr to make adequatt provision for a driveway with tumaround capability.

.OIA Notwithstanding the limitations imposed abovc, the minimum front yard setback in the area bounded by Suvenon Highway, No. 1 Road, Chatham Street and 7th Avenue shall be as shown in D i a m 1. Section 202.4.05.

(i) for lots of less than 18 metres (59.055 feet) in width: 1.2 metres (3 -937 feet);

(ii) for lots of 18 metres (59.055 feet) or more but less than 20 metres (65.617 feet) in width: 1.8 meues (5.905 feet).

(iii) for Iots of 20 meues (65.6 17 feet) or more in width: 2.0 metres (6.562 feet).

PROVIDED THAT where a lot has a width of 18 metres (59.055 feet) or more, portions of the principal building which do not exceed 5 menes (16.404 k t ) in height (chimneys cxccpted) may project into the required ride yard. but in no event doser to a side property line than 1.2 meues (3.937 feet);

AND FURTHER PROVIDED ?HAT where a side property line abus a public road. the minimum side yard to that propeny line shall be 3 meues (9.833 feet).

.OZA Notwithstanding the limitations imposed above. the minimum side yard setback from a public road in the area bounded by Steveston Highway. No. 1 Road. Chatham Street and 7th Avenue shall be as s b w n in Diagram 1. Section 202.4.05.

.O3 Rear Yard: 6 metres (19.685 feet); or in the case of a corner lot on which the side yard setback abuning a public road is maintaincd at a minimum of 6 menes (19.685 feet): I .2 meues (3.937 feet).

Portions of the principal bdding which arc less than 2 mevcs (6.562 feet) in hcight, and aPrLISSdry buildings of more îhan 10 square mctres (107.64 square ftet) in arca may be located within the rear yard sctback arca but no closer than:

(i) 3 .0 rneaes (9.843 fcet) to a propew line which abuu a public road, or

(ii) 1.2 metrcs (3.937 fcet) to any otbcr properry linc. T k r c is no propercy line sctback rrquirtmcnt for an arcesulry building which has an a r a of 10 square mems (107.64 square fcet) or Iew.

-04 Maximum Setback: 50 rnetres (164.042 fkct). (See Interpretation Section 201 .O4 for cxplanation)

U G m R - 1 2 mem setback - 3.0 mc&c setback - 1.8 meat sctback - - - 6.0 metre setback

.O1 Buiïdings: 2 1/2 storeys, but in no case above the rddenüai vertical envelope flot width) or the residential v e r t i d uivdope (Iot depth);

.O2 Structures: 20 mctrcs (65.61 7 feet).

.O3 Accessory Buildings: 5 mctrcs (16.404 fect).

202.6 LOT STZE

.O1 A dwellhg shall not be consuucted on a lot of less than 270 square metres - (2,906.35 square fctt) in area.

.O2 Regulations which detennine the minimum dimensions and arca of a lot which rnay be crcated by subdivision will be found in Division 600 of this bylaw.

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