Nigeria and its Neighbors in the Age of Climate Change: An Assessment of the Lake Chad Basin Area.

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An Introduction to Political Sciencein Nigeria

Edited byAdeoya A. Akinsanya and John A. Ayoade

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Contents

Preface IX

Acknowledgments xi

Introduction X111

Adeoye A. Akinsanya and John A. Ayoade

I: Foundation of Political Science 11 The Nature and Scope of Political Science 3

E.B.A Agbaje2 Models of Democracy 13

Adeoye A. Akinsanya3 Introduction to Political Economy 41

Adeoye A. Akinsanya, 'Gboyega Isijola, and Hussaini HassanTukur

II: Political Thought and Key Concepts 514 Political Ideas and Political Ideologies 53

E.B.A Agbaje5 The Role of the Individual in History 67

S.G.lkoku6 State, Society, and Nation 87

'Bolaji 0. Omitola7 Power, Influence, and Authority 103

Cletus Egugbo8 Political and Social Change 109

Sunday 0. Abangv

VI Contents

ill: Government, Political Systems, and the Citizen 1179 Constitutions and Constitutionalism 119

Rotimi Ajayi

10 Political Parties and Pressure Groups 137'Gbenga Lawal

11 Executive-Legislative Relations in Parliamentary andPresidential Governments 147Adeoye A. Akinsanya, 'Bolaji 0. Omitola, Sunday 0. Abang,Cletus Egugbo, 'Gboyega Isijola, and Hussaini Hassan Tukur

12 Executive-Legislative Relations in Ogun State, Nigeria duringthe Fourth Republic 189Babatunde 0. Oyekanmi

13 Bureaucracy 197Adeoye A. Akinsanya, Hussaini Hassan Tukur, and 'GboyegaIsijola

14 Public Policy Analysis 205HussainiHassan Tukur

IV: World Politics and World Order 22515 Non-Alignment as an Approach to World Peace and the Nuclear

Age: An Anthology 227Adeoye A.. Akinsanya, Sunday 0. Abang, 'Gboyega Isijola, andCletus Egugbo

16 Nigeria's Foreign Policy 245'Gbenga Lawal

17 Nigeria and Its Neighbour in the Age of Climate Change: AnAssessment of the Lake Chad Basin Area 261LereAmusan

18 The Development of the African Union 283Adeoye A. Akinsanya, 'Gboyega Isijola, and Hussaini HassanTukur

19 Exit, Voice, and the Nigerian Political System 297Billy J. Dudley

20 The Nigerian Planning Experience at the Grassroots 305Olatunde J.B. Ojo

21 Developmental Challenges and the Dilemma of DemocraticLeadership Succession in Nigeria: Beyond the Third Term Agenda 317E.B.A. Agbaje

22 The Development and Problems of Nigerian Public Services 329'Bolaji 0. Omitola

Contents Vll

- "Founding Fathers' ofthe 1979 Nigerian Constitution,b~-.rf:tmentalObjectives and Directive Principles of State Policy 349

_"eA. Akinsanya

__ " ble Tourism in Nigeria: Connecting the People and the371

Editors

---. ..•-:.:.....-.c~Contributors

385

387

Chapter Seventeen

Nigeria and Its Neighbour in the Ageof Climate Change

An Assessment of the Lake Chad Basin Area

LereAmusan

INTRODUCTION

_1geria as a State continues to see itself as primus inter pares in Africa.Possibly, because of its population that is almost double the whole of WestAfrican States or because of its potential natural resources which double the, ydrographic basin of the Lake Chad members of Algeria, Republic of

ameroun, Central African Republic (CAR), Chad, Libya, Niger, Nigeriad Sudan, Nigeria has much to lose if the regime of the Lake Chad Basin

Commission (LCBC) is inactive. Though the members of the LCBC areCameroun, Chad, Niger, Nigeria, CAR, Sudan and Libya, I the need to take

ong the Lake Basin States that have either direct or indirect impacts on theLake such as the DRC, Libya, Sudan and Congo Republic is important for

e stability of the Nigerian State. The population of the conventional basin isbout 27 million people distributed as 2,550,000 (Cameroun), 193,000 (Ni-

ger), 11,376,000 (Nigeria), 5,048,530 (Chad) and about 634,283 in CentralAfrican Republic, majority of who practise agriculture, nomadic and semi-

omadic animal husbandry and fisheries. Other activities in the region aremining, commerce and tourism. Those who engage in economic activities in

e riparian and some islands in the Basin come from different parts of Africaand settle along the fertile land, which is very close to the fresh water fordifferent reasons. It is noted that Ghanaians, Togo1ese, Malians, Libyans,Algerians and Sudanese could equally be found along the Lake. It harboursbout 176 species of fish, 65 wild animal species and over 400 birds species

261

262 Chapter 17

every year, many of which are migratory. It has a very and diverse flo _second to none in the continent. The implications of this for the stability c:Nigeria for scholarship are obvious. The continued shrinking of the fr -....water, and if eventually dry, would gear up social and economic crises as zresult of which Nigeria would play host to potential displaced persons.

From the colonial era, different governments in Nigeria realized the enor-mity and animosity the geographical position and potential population of eState can cause. As a panacea to this problem every government tends ~adopt some constructive relationship with the neighbouring States irrespec-tive of their geographical size, population, both actual and potential --sources. This is displayed on the basic principles of the Nigerian foreigzpolicy of legal equality, non- interference in the internal affairs of othStates and multilateralism. 2 Effects of climate change, which have no resp -for territorial integrity, make it more pressing for the Nigerian State to acdress the negative impacts of greenhouse g<}sses and its implications on ~survival of the LCBC members-States. Environmental degradation, resourcescarcities, transnational criminal activities, human migrations, and pubi :health concerns are some of the effects of climate changes which the Africancontinent will contend with in the foreseeable future as it hinges on "securi _of communities and individuals.t'? Though it is argued that Africa contribut sabout 3.8 percent of the greenhouse emission, the issue of common trage .:makes it apropos for the continent to contribute to the solution of the same."

Political instability caused by resource curse and ethnic manipulation G::.the Niger Republic between the Touaregs and other tribes; 5 the Libyangovernment's adventurous ideological and political ambition on the Africancontinent; the Algerian fundamentalist (international jihadists) movements:the Sudan ravaged civil war based on ethnic and resources control crises arsome of the potential sources of instability that need some examinatioanalysis which Nigeria cannot fold its arms while the perceived neighbouringStates are in flames. This paper argues that although some of the afore-mentioned States are not directly affected and involved in the LCBC, theiractions and inactions can spell doom for the realization of sustainable devel-opment of the Commission with Nigeria at the receiving end. The shrinkingnature of the Lake Chad aids the movement of peoples from the member-States into Nigeria where the remnant of the fresh water still exists. Suchmovement has some negative implications for the stability of the NigerianState, and the economic development of the northeastern part of the country.The migration crisis, though a new phenomenon at the international system.thanks to a la globalization; the negative effects of migration this on thlimited resources of Nigeria, its security implications in form of the prolifera-tion of small arms and recruitment ground for terrorists are issues that occu-py the attention of the Nigerian Government. The need for Nigeria to accom-modate the member-States as an Inkatha and the urge to serve as a benig •

•Nigeria and Its Neighbour 263

hegemon in the age of climate change is long overdue. This will take variousforms such as economic cooperation in agricultural sector, fishing, and ani-mal husbandry, cooperation in the policing of the member-States' commonborders by a joint task force of the military, police, custom and immigrationofficers who are knowledgeable in the dynamic nature and the shortcomingsof globalization. The envisaged disappearance of the Lake Chad is going tobe a monumental crisis for the five States and the adjourning ones such asLibya, Algeria and the Sudan.

This paper is broadly divided into six sections. While Section 1 is theintroduction, Section II examines. the theoretical framework underpinningclimate change and situates the same in the African context in general andspecifically the LCBC. Section III examines the historical development ofthe LCBC and Nigeria's contribution to the formation and activities of theinternational regime in the context of achieving itsLsecuriry objectives. Sec-tion IV discusses the security challenges and threats in the Basin through aholistic approach while Section V examines various attempts by the NigerianState to avert the negative effects of contiguity politics while Section VI isgeneral conclusion.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Like other disciplines in the social sciences, the study of concept of climatechange cannot have a uni-linear approach. This brings about the need to lookinto more than a theory in analysing the problem. This study employs bothneo-realist and institutionalist approaches in looking into what appears to bea global crisis. Despite the popular tenet of state as the only unit of analysisin international relations, we would examine the attributes of power politicsof the neo-realist school and marry the same with the institutionalist schoolwhich calls for a partial surrender of a State power in order to achieve a freeride (where non-participant States will equally enjoy the same advantages)and global common advantages. Before examining the theory of climatechange, some fundamental features of international environment are worthexamining. This will take us to the positions of Neil Carter as our point ofdeparture: 6

1. It does not respect national boundaries;2. Other problems which were once predominantly regional or local in

cause and effect, such as deforestation, desertification and water scar-city, now have international dimensions;

3. A new range of issues, including climate change, ozone depletion andbiodiversity loss, are truly global in that they affect everyone;

264 Chapter 17

4. All States contribute to problems of the global common and all sufferthe consequences;

5. The extent to which each country is culpable for causing a particularproblem and vulnerable to its effects varies enormously;

6. International environmental problems require international solutions;they cannot be solved by nation states acting alone.

A juxtaposition of the positions of neo-realists and institutionalists will helpcontribute to the solution of climate change. The theory of neo-realist takesus to the Hans Morgenthau's theory of power politics that sees the State asthe last resort in decision making where the activities of the non-State actorsare subject to the dictates oftheir host-States. Also paramount in this theoryis the use of coercive force by a State to achieve its national interest such asterritorial integrity. Sovereign equality of States is anarchical in nature basedon the need for every State to accumulate more power relative to others. Thisis based on a premise that "no nation can fully trust the intentions of others.individual countries are unlikely to cooperate to protect the global com-mons ...there is little point in one state changing its behaviour without theassurance that others will too."? Other ingredients of the neo-realists are thatthere is neither a world government nor international organization suprana-tional in nature. It is anarchical based on power distribution among Statespremised on formal legal equality. Additionally, power is subjective as it ishard to measure because of changes in technology and progressive develoment in research and development. Some of the scholars in the school in-clude Raymond Aron, Edward Hallett Carr, John Herzt, Henry Kissing _Hans Morgenthau, Stephen Krasner, Susan Strange and Kenneth Waltz. Theschool contends that environmental problem is a security issue as well a s:

potential and real source of conflict between and among States. Tho ~-...military exercises do bring about some environmental crisis, they do not I -to a major war but serve as potential sources of war. Instead, the realistsof the view that an issue of water shortage has become a threat to the sun;'of many States. This brings about less emphasis on the accumulationmilitary power to fight against perceived enemy. Dunne! for instance in -tifies main attributes of the realist school: statism of power and capabili ."""survival; self-help of security dilemma; and balance of power. These are -sufficient in the academic explanation for the climate change.

Natural disasters such as Tsunami flooding result from an increasewater level from the global warming arising from an increase in tempeThis has claimed territories from riparian States. In West and Centraland the littoral States of the Gulf of Guinea, the increase in the A '~Ocean is affecting agricultural and fishing activities. This developmpotential area of research endeavour interrogation. This brings about the -to examine other schools of thought in explaining the Lake Chad

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 265

Commission as the issue is more than is accepted by the realist nor the liberalschool like Timothy Dunne. 9

In his discussion of constructivism/functionalism or what other scholarsdescribe as international organization school of thought, Martin Griffiths 10

sees such scholars such as Karl Deutsch, David Mitrany, Ernest Haas, JohnRuggie and Robert Keohane as the disciples of this discipline. Their positionsees environmental co-operation as maintained by Keohane, as perfectly ra-tional whenever self-interested States judge that the benefits of co-operationwill outweigh the costs. II They, in some cases, are at variance in their ap-proach to the study of functional cooperation between States in order toachieve development and to avoid free riders. They argue that internationaltrade and interdependence weaken the power of the sovereign State. In hisdiscussion, Karl Deutsch specifically coined security community to describerelations among States. This system, like John Ruggie's school of thought,centres on multilateralism as against simplistic cold war bipolarism. Institu-tionalists focus on the organizational implications of economic interdepen-dence among States and the condition that facilitates the establishment andmaintenance of cooperative regimes. Paul Viotti and Mark Kauppi 12 examinethe merits of political and economic cooperation among States in order toachieve some economic gains, by extension, with political and security divi-dends that cannot be achieved in isolation without the involvement of otherStates. In achieving these, States, irrespective of their elements of power,should be carried along, at least for political support. Alexander Wendt con-tends that realist and liberal frameworks of analysis dwarf the power ofinternational organization.'? He offers a constructivist framework that fo-cuses on the ways by which States and the international system constituteeach other.

Of paramount importance are the twin compatible theories of regionalismand integration which can sharpen our understanding of the problem at hand.Fiona Butler 14 defines regionalism and integration in part as "a regionalawareness and identity where a mixture of historical, cultural and socialtraditions add to a shared perception of belonging to a particular commu-nity ...where geographical proximity and a degree of economic interdepen-dence play prominent roles." It is based on Fiona's perception ofthe leitmotifof integration that our analysis of the formation of the LCBC is focusing.This will take us to the import of the pre-colonial legacy of a series ofempires that were in place such as the old Bornu Empire (Kanuri ethnicgroup), Oyo Empire (Yoruba ethnic group), Sokoto Caliphate (Hausa/Fulaniethnic group) and the Nigeria-Cameroon Administration after the defeat ofGerman occupation. The cultural and historical compatibility of the Statesthat formed the present LCBC contributed to the relative stability of theregime till date, though some pockets of crises were registered at differenttimes.

266 Chapter 17

NIGERIA IN THE LCBe: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

The intention of every government in Nigeria since 1960 is to maintain,among other things, a friendly relationship with the neighbouring states real-ising the crisis of colonial legacy of boundary demarcation and delineation.In trying to do this Nigeria supports the formation of multilateral and bilater-al international regimes in order to realize its peaceful co-existence in themidst of unfriendly Francophone States that surround the State. In pursuingthis objective, Nigeria continues to be an arrow head in the formation ofdifferent international organizations ranging from defunct Organization ofAfrican Unity (OAU) and African Unity (AU) to the Economic Communityfor West African States (ECOWAS). 15 The same spirit spurred the State tobe a founding member of the Niger and Lake Chad Basin Commissions. Theneed for Nigeria to take a lead, but without being a hegemonic power, ex-plained the location of the LCBC Headquarters in N'Djamena, Niger Repub-lic in spite of the fact that out of about 27 million people living within theLake Chad region, 50,25,20 and 10 percent live in Nigeria, Republic ofCameroun, Niger Republic and the Chad respectively. The implication of thisfor the formation and the operationalization of the LCBC is that Nigeria isexpected to playa leading role in the Commission including the protection ofNigerians and their businesses in the region. Though a series of fracas dotake place among the members of the Commission, the realization that aninternational regime of the like of the LCBC would serve as a glue that willalways bind the members together in harnessing the common resources ofthe Lake is germane to Nigeria's existence.

The admission of the CAR as an active participant in the LCBC could beas a result of the need to have unperturbed supplies of water from the ChariRiver which constitutes almost 90 percent of the fresh water to the Lake. TheYobe River shared between Nigeria and Niger only account for 10 percent ofthe water available for the sustenance of the Lake. The implication of this isthat CAR could unilaterally, if need be without considering the importance ofthe Lake Chad, make use of the Chari River for irrigation and generation ofelectricity which would hamper the volume of water available for the LCBC.The political astuteness displayed by the Nigerian Government in accommo-dating the members of the Commission despite their lukewarm attitude to-wards the financing of the project shows some level of the State's securityconcern.

The formation of the LCBC could be traced to the maiden Conference inFort Lamy (N'Djamena) between 24 and 26 October 1962 attended byCameroun, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. The Central African Republic joinedthe Commission in 1994. It was concluded among the participants to seekcommon means for developing the Lake Chad Basin for the economic devel-opment of the area which, in the long run, would positively affect political

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 267

tanding. In October 1963, a Permanent Secretariat was established inJjamena, to work towards the formation of an international regime for a

harnessing of the Basin resources for the region's economic develop-This culminated in the 22 May 1964 institutionalization of the LCBC

the establishment of LCBC Development Fund for agricultural develop-of the people living in the region. The aims of the formation of this,

rding to the founders, are to jointly exploit the water resources, stock~ ing, fishing, eradication of tsetse fly and preparation of some acres of

around Kousseri, Koundoul, Diffa and Ngala for the farmers in order toe adequate supply of food. '

To the east, Nigeria shares a boundary with Cameroun. Unlike many- r African states, Cameroun was divided into two parts after the German

upation. The Southwest was under British Government control while~:-ance controlled the rest. The new British territory in Cameroon waszierged with Nigeria until 1959 for administrative purposes. However, the

k of proper boundary demarcations between Nigeria and Cameroun con-. ues to create political conflict while the presence of strategic mineral

resources along the border of the two countries continues to attract the atten-ion of extra-African states, and sometimes degenerated into a diplomatic

rupture, and in fact led to limited military exercises over the disputed BakassiPeninsula. The quiet diplomacy initiated by the Gowon Government between1967 and 1975 misfired in May 1981, when Cameroonian gendarmes killedfive Nigerian soldiers on their common border. The point of disagreementetween the two States was the issue of the Bakassi Peninsula, an oil-rich

area. In the 1970s, as a result of the Maroua Accord between Nigeria'sGeneral Yakubu Gowon and Cameroun's President, Ahmadu Ahidjo, thePeninsula was ceded to Cameroun by Nigeria, as a gesture for the supportPresident A. Ahidjo had given Nigeria during the Civil War. The end of thehoneymoon highlighted the strategic-military and economic importance ofthe ceded peninsula as the Accord was declared ultra vires by the Murtala/Obasanjo Government on two major grounds. First, is that the highest deci-sion-making body in Nigeria, Supreme Military Council, did not ratify theagreement. Secondly, about 98 percent of the inhabitants of Bakassi were

igerian fishermen, who were supposed to receive proper support from theNigerian government.

The economic implications, cultural affinities and strategic military im-portance of the Island, this study argues, were the reasons why Nigeriawanted it back. In diplomatic circles, it was believed that Cameroun's explo-ration and exploitation of the mineral oil of the area would make it difficultfor Nigeria to set up its naval base in James Town. For instance, Cameroun'sinstallation of "a rig to drill for oil in the Calabar Channel.. .created impedi-ments to navigation by both patrol and merchant ships entering Nigerianport." The military pacts which Cameroun had entered with France, an ally

268 Chapter 17

of South Africa, and with other States (Israel and Portugal) perceived asbeing unfriendly to Nigeria at the time, coupled with the attraction of theirmultinational corporations for oil exploration, were considered a threat toNigeria's hegemonic and security interests in the region. Therefore, the Bu-hari Administration in 1984, organised a military exercise in Akwa-IbomState in Nigeria which shares territorial water boundaries with Cameroon afew kilometres from the Peninsula, as a deterrent to Cameroun. Nigeria'military capability, credibility and flow of communication to Cameroun areother issues. In March 1994, Brigadier Chris AlIi, the Nigerian Chief orArmy Staff, toured the Peninsula and declared that "there would be a perma-nent Nigerian military presence in the territory to ensure its protection."AlIi's statement appeared to have led to some pockets of military occupationof the Bakassi Peninsula in 1996 by the Nigerian Army.

However, in spite of these problems, certain areas of co-operation be-tween the two states did exist. Between 1967 and 1970, the Ahidjo Govern-ment supported the Nigerian Government against the Biafran secessionistmovement, although South Africa and the International Red Cross usedCameroun's territory to supply humanitarian assistance to displaced Igbopeople in the war zone. Cultural affinities and the French factor made idifficult for Nigeria to embark on a full-scale war with Yaounde. Indeed, theBuhari Administration sent General Olusegun Obasanjo (Rtd.) to Yaoundeon 12 May 1984 to give advice on internal problems. This was viewed byboth States as a sign of their good relationship. An inter-ministerial commit-tee on Nigerian and Camerounian borders was set up in 1971 to serve as alink in the event of any diplomatic rows. Exchange of visits by foreiministers and high-powered delegations sometimes defused border clashebetween the two States.

The relations with Cameroun are based on the colonial legacy of imper-fect demarcation and delineation of the boundaries of the two States. TheOctober 10, 2002 ruling of the IC} on the 1,600 km land and maritimeboundary demarcation from the Lake Chad to the Bakassi Peninsula gavesome ofthe territory to Cameroun while Nigeria gained some of the disputedland and maritime territories. The strain in their relationship has to do withthe fossil fuel deposit on the land and the Gulf of Guinea. In its preventivediplomacy, the United Nations was able to ensure smooth transfer over ofsome territories to Cameroun. The effects of climate change and subsequenreceding of the Camerounian population towards Nigeria around the LakeChad further complicate the relationship between the two States. TheMixed Commission under the UN Secretary General Special Envoy to WeAfrica, Mr. Ahrnedou Ould-Abdallah saw to the transfer of part of the dis-puted Lake Chad area to Cameroun while the Nigerian civilian administra-tion, military and police forces were equally removed. For instance, some 3villages surrounding Naga'a, Tchika, Doron Liman, and Darack were handed

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 269

over to Cameroun, and Dambore to Nigeria. Also resolved is the future of theaffected population on the new environment they found themselves. Tostrengthen confidence between the parties, the Mixed Commission identifiedpossible projects to promote cross-border cooperation and joint economicventures to benefit the population in the area. These include reactivating theLake Chad Basin Commission formed in 1964 among neighbouring coun-tries, and upgrading, with the assistance of the African Development Bank,one of the main roads between the two countries. As much as Nigeria wantsto remain friendly with its neighbours, some unresolved political crisessometimes lead to the closure of their common borders and, until recently,the use of oil to punish any recalcitrant State. The December 31, 1983 coupd'etat against the Shagari Administration led to the closure of the borders fortwo years until General Ibrahim Babangida staged a palace coup against theBuhari Administration. In the process, Chad, Niger and some parts of Came-roun lost almost 25 percent of their custom revenues.

Nigerien-Nigerian relations are historical as the two States suffered thenegative effects of colonial legacy. The Sokoto Caliphate and Borno Empirewhich cut across Niger, Chad and Nigeria were difficult to dismantle whenthe three States received their political independence from their colonialmasters. The 1,497 kilometre border line between Niamey and Abuja contin-ues to be a source of crisis. In 1983 and 1984, about 100,000 Nigeriens weredeported from Nigeria. The 1984 currency exchange exercise, a step consid-ered to be an internal affair of Nigeria, was globalized as it affected theeconomy of the contiguous States, particularly Niger. Nigeria's relationswith Niger could be said to have been perfect from the start. This may beattributed to the geographical, cultural and economic factors. Niger is land-locked, arid and a weak link in West Africa. It has cultural, economic andsocial affinities with the northern HausalFulani in Nigeria. Historical linksbetween the Hausa/Fulani of both sides meant that people along the bordershardly observed the artificial boundary created by colonial rulers. Traders ingroundnuts and livestock often cross the border at will but the governmentsof the two States turn blind eyes to this. 16 As a landlocked state in WestAfrica, Niger largely depends on Nigeria to transport its groundnuts to thesea for onward shipment to Europe. Niamey also depends on the Abujamarket for the sale of its cattle. This geo-strategic situation has made itmandatory always for Niger to have a cooperative political and economicrelationship with Nigeria.

Although Niger was colonised by France, there were some joint projectsbetween the two African countries. Nigeria had a 16 percent interest in Ni-ger's Afaso East Uranium project until the principle of privatization wasbeing globalized, Hamani Diori, Nigerien President (1960-1974), maintaineda good relationship with Nigeria's various military governments for cultural,political and economic reasons. It has also been alleged that most of Nige-

270 Chapter 17

ria's commissioned officers, who are of Hausa/Fulani extraction, come fromNiger. This would have exerted much influence on the relationship betweenthe two States considering the influence of the military in Nigerian politic .Even though the relationship between these two countries was not in theinterests of France and Cote d'Ivoire, the Niamey Government had to facethe reality on ground as its geographical location is not conducive for anyaggressive foreign policy towards Nigeria. 17 On May 10, 1978, for instance.an agreement was signed between the two States that required Niger tosupply Nigeria with meat and livestock. Niger-Nigeria economic co-opera-tion was established, with a Permanent Secretariat at Niamey in March 1971with the Commission's Executive Secretary always from Nigeria. Not onlywas co-operation in trade and agriculture established; cultural, scientific.technical, transport and military-security agreements were also concludedbetween the two States.

Despite the generally calm relationship between the two countries, whichwas described as one that "transcends diplomatic niceties," Nigeria's hege-monic intentions in Africa, nevertheless, sometimes result in diplomaticsquabbles. In 1977, Nigeria used oil concessionary prices and financial aiddiplomacy among non-African Third World states to occupy the United Na-tions Security Council (UNSC) seat against the African group system thathad support for this coveted seat. Nigeria did this on the premise that Nigerwould not adequately represent the interests of Africa in terms of the prob-lem of apartheid. 18 Nigeria therefore lobbied extra-African groups and a fewtrusted African States at the United Nations to get elected while NigerienForeign Minister was of the view that "the defeat of Niger is that of theOAU...And that its effects would have negative implications on the future ofthe organization." 19 In order to pacify Niger for the loss Nigeria in July 1985supported and vigorously campaigned for the candidature of Idi Oumaru, aNigerien, to become the OAU Secretary-General. Nigeria later realized theneed to have a good relationship with the Niamey government because of itsimportance on the stability of Nigeria. The membership of some internationalregimes such as the bilateral relationship, the Niger Basin Authority, LCBCand the OAU/AU was considered to impact on the human security betweenthe two States.

Socio-cultural links, cross border activities, smuggling and moneylaundering sometimes degenerated into diplomatic rows between the twocountries. Partly because of its dependence on Nigeria for its supplies ofenergy, transport and food, Niger supported Nigeria on many internationalissues. An example of this was the arrest of air highjackers in the wake ofMKO Abiola's claim to the Presidency in Nigeria in 1994. Nigeria hadsecurity problems with Niger because of the presence of the French securityagency, the Service de Documentation Exterieure et de Centre d'Espionage(SDECE). The level of security put in place by France in Niger is more than

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 271

the latter country required for protection of its territorial integrity. On 15January 1990, Nigeria and Niger Republic signed The Abuja Agreement oncontrol of desertification, promotion of conservation, rational utilization anddevelopment of lands, water resources, flora and fauna. Six months after the.Abuja Agreement, Nigeria realized the importance of cooperation with the

mer international states actors and went into further cooperation on the needheck the negative impacts of climate change, culminating the The Maidu-

guri Agreement (signed on July 18, 1990, amended October 5, 1998) whicher deals with the development, conservation and utilization of the water

- urces of trans-boundary catchments. The Maiduguri and Abuja Agree-tents are overseen by the Niger-Nigeria Joint Committee. As a matter of

dition, until recently.P every leader of a new government in Nigeria.ould pay a State Visit to Niamey to seek political support. Based on the

srategic importance of the two States and diplomatic reciprocity, the leader- the February 18, 2010 military coup against President Mamadou Tadja- ited the Acting Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan to brief him on the

_ litical developments in the state and seek possible political support theemonth.Iigeria has no land border with the Chad, but shares territorial water

_ undaries. Like the political relations with Niger and Cameroun, Nigeria'srelations with the Chad continue to be precarious in terms of deep-seatedanimosity and suspicion as a result of the undeclared Cold War between_ buja and Paris. Because of the importance of the Lake Chad Islands to the

epublic of Chad, it continues to be a source of conflict rather than coopera-ion between the two countries. Probably due to the fact that the Chad is an.d state with more interest in the Chad Basin for pasturing, fishing and the

_ ssibility of oil deposits, the Islands, out of which 25 percent was allocated:0 igeria during colonial times, have become prized possessions. In order tofoster economic and diplomatic co-operation between the two States, Nigeria. . .ated in 1964 the Chad Basin Commission as a joint project that involvedevery State that shares border with the Lake in exploring its resources. Chadr., also a hinterland State and Nigeria is the gateway to all its imported andexported items, as with Niger Republic. The incessant border closures to theChad by different Nigerian Governments on security grounds, inevitablyaffect Chadian economy. Nigeria's interest in the Chad is not the same as that. other neighbouring States. Nigeria has always wanted a leader in Chad

eptable to all ethnic groups, and desired that such a government should beready to protect the interests of Nigeria. 21 This policy paid off in the mid-1960s, when South Africa was moving around Nigeria's neighbouring statesIn order to launch an indirect military attack during the civil war between·967 and 1970.22 For Nigeria to maintain political stability in the Chad, for

ance, it unilaterally sent troops there in 1979 to pacify the warring partiesof Gougoni Weddeye and Hussen Habre, According to Vogt, 23 Nigeria also

272 Chapter 17

sponsored the Kano I and II Summits in Nigeria that culminated in the LagosAccord, aimed at fmding an acceptable solution to the crisis. Nigeria's aimsin the Chad could be viewed as multiple. This step could be seen as a meansof indicating to France that Abuja was capable of playing a hegemonic rolein neighbouring states against intra- and extra-military occupations.

It is equally in the interests of Nigeria to have a cooperative relationshipwith the Chad, to check the fallouts of civil war, such as incessant borderskirmishes, refugee problems, Islamic fundamentalism and smuggling ofsmall arms and ammunitions across the border. 24 In order to achieve theseaims, Nigeria sometimes used its military superiority over its neighbours tolaunch pre-emptive attacks on them. This partly explains Buhari' s 1983 blitz-krieg on Chad concerning some islands in the Lake Chad area, withoutPresident Shehu Shagari's approval. Nigeria's involvement in the Libyan-Chadian standoff over the rich mineral resources of the Aouzou strip, and thepro-Weddeye stance of Gaddafi, were attempts to maintain political andreligious stability in the Northeast of Nigeria. 25

Nigerian-Chadian relations could also related to the issue of the environ-ment. The imperfect demarcation of the maritime border of 85 kilometres is asource of crisis. The need to protect the eco-diversity in the borders of thetwo States and avoid political crisis are serious concerns for Nigeria. Despitethe constructivist approach leading to the formation of the LCBC in 1964,some pockets of frictions do occur. The 1983 military clash between the twocountries led to more than 100 casualties, taking of "prisoners of war" in theprocess further strained their relationship and the closure of the borders fromthe Nigerian side for about four years (1986) to prevent the influx of refugeesand Islamic fundamentalists. The Maitatsina (1982) and Boko Haram (2009)religious crises are suspected to have originated from Chad where it wasallegedly rumoured that the Al Qaeda were very active in training and re-cruiting unemployed youths to promote their interests in Nigeria and theWest African sub region.

SECURITY CHALLENGES IN THE LAKE CHAD AREA

According to Abubakar B. Jauro, LCBC Executive Secretary, the annualrainfall varies between 1,500 mm in the southern parts of the basin to lessthan 100 mm in the northern parts. The potential evapo-transpiration exceeds2 metres per year at the centre of the basin. The most important riversinfluent into the lake are the Chari and its tributary (the Logone), the Koma-dougou- Yobe, the El Beid and the Yedseram. The lake is very shallow, itsmean depth being estimated at 12 meters as of 1969. It has no outlet exceptthe Bahr el Ghazal which last flowed in 1875 and drains towards the north-east direction when the lake level attains 283 meters above mean sea level.

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 273

"el is, however, no longer achieved. Since 1964, the lake level has.:a::::::lOusly fallen with the surface area reducing from about 25,000 km2 in

- :0 less than 532 km2 in 2004. Its volume has decreased by close to 75by 2009. The Logone and the Chari to a lesser extent spread within

undation plains during the rainy season, over some 90,000 krrr'. The_ originated from the Central African Republic. This could have contrib-- to the admission of CAR as a member of the LCBC because of the

of the rivers to the sustainability of the Lake in the region. Thus, theI losses through evaporation from the inundation areas (called the Yae-Cameroon) are estimated at over 5 million cubic meters per year, or

::r 30 percent of the annual runoff from the Logone. Also complicating. ·ater security problem is the persistent drought and desertification of theelian region between 1973 and 1984 when the Lake almost vanished,- g to its shrinkage in recent years.

The implication of this for the survival of the region on one hand, andgena on the other, is the security of the people living around the Lake who

d on the availability of the water for their existence. The farmers needwater for irrigation to continue their traditional occupation, which is. g. Also, the fishermen/women who rely on the Lake to fish for the

stenance of their family are entertaining fears of extinction if the govem-zaents of the riparian States refuse to come up with a functional approach in

lving the shrinkage of the Lake Chad. The cattle rearers not only need fresher for their cattle, but also green grass for grazing. The changes in the

zlimate and their resultant effects on the availability of water have become aszrain on the economy of the area. The only protected area where one can be

of adequate supply of fresh water is the Nigerian part of the Lake where~ ce Chad Games Reserve is also situated.

Mention must be made of ecological crisis as the ecosystem in the area isoeing destabilized with the attendance movements of the people from the.mfriendly enviromnent to the more secured areas. Ironically, most of the

ple that can accommodate the people around the LCBC are Nigerians.Therefore, the movement of the people around the area tends towards Nige-. . What are the likely outcomes of this development in terms of state

- vereignty, the economic integration of the five members of the LCBC and_ ssible human security in general? More significant is the emerging conflict- the region because of the need to control the water resources remaining for-' e dwellers. Another problem is the flora and fauna around the Lake as most

them are facing extinction because of the changes in the climatic conditionof the area. Forced migration and emerging plants and animals that cansurvive in the area not only constitute a problem, but also contribute to theavailability of cultivable land for the farmers. Grazing areas in question and- shing with different types of fish available are not of commercial value. The

.sis of employment as a result of forced migration of people to the Nigerian

274 Chapter 17

side is what civil society is kicking against. 26 Because of the hydrologicomposition of the area and the States that share borders with the LCBC.question of immigration is beyond the issue of unemployment creation. T;crisis of refugees caused by political instability among some of the members-States is an issue that Nigeria cannot ignore. The end product of refugeecrisis in any State, among others, 27 is the proliferation of small arms and _trafficking. Refugee camps are known as a veritable training ground -terrorists. Addressing economic underdevelopment in the age of globaliza-tion through economic integration among the LCBC states is one of the waysof checking the menace of global warming. The environmental challenges inthe Lake Chad area made UN Food and Agricultural Organization describethe area as an ecological catastrophe. " This is coupled with the unsustain-able nature ofthe exploitation of the region's resources. 29 In trying to fmd 2

solution to the problems enumerated above, the LCBC met at the instance 0 -

the Nigerian Government to preserve the ecosystem of the Lake Chad so asto check the rate at which the water is shrinking.t? A series of meetingamong the members led to the Enugu Agreement (December 3, 1977) oncommon regulations on flora and fauna among the member States of theLake Chad Basin Commission. 31

NIGERIA'S SOLUTION TO THE EFFECTS OF THE SHRINKINGLAKE CHAD

Having identified the problems associated with the climate change and itsattendant effects in the Lake Chad area, 32 we would attempt to examine someof the steps adopted by the Nigerian Government to reduce the negativeimpacts." Nigeria realised the high cost in tenus of appropriate technologyfor mitigation and adaptation of the need to have a joint venture in form of afunctional organization in order to mitigate the effect of shrinking rate of theLake Chad.v' Indeed, the formation of the LCBC in 1964 was an attempt toadopt a holistic approach towards water resources management among themembers. The moribund, until recently, proposed diversion of the UbangiRiver from the CAR and the Democratic Republic of the Congo throughChari River needs a multilateral approach as it involved non-member-Statesof the Lake Chad Commission. The implication of this is the need to engagein intensive diplomatic negotiation with the two States. This is germaneconsidering the political instability in the DRC and unstable democraticgovernment in the Congo Republic. The problems of resource and ethnicityin the Kivu region of the DRC, for instance, need Abuja's attention. With theend of the apartheid system in South Africa, the State has taken over thepolitical leadership away from Nigeria. This contributed to the ongoing dip-lomatic negotiation among the warring parties in the States. As observed by

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 275

Ambassador Olu Adeniji, Nigeria should have been in a better position tofacilitate conflict resolution in the State considering the distance betweenKinshasa and Abuja as against Pretoria and Kinshasa. 35

Also worth mentioning is the crisis in the Sudan. As long as politicalcrisis in the Darfur region remains unresolved and the crisis between theblacks in the South and the Arabs in the North persists the issue of LakeChad would be affected. The need to focus on the civil war by the KhartoumGovernment is more important than economic integration with riparianStates of the Lake Chad. Nigeria is trying to bring peace to Sudan through theUN/AU. To what extent can we confirm Yar'Adua Administration in enforc-ing peace in such a complex situation while Abuja is being reduced to afailing State? Also worth considering is the cold war between Sudan andChad as both sides continue sponsoring militants and according then sanctu-ary in their common borders. Nigerian diplomacy in finding a solution to thisfor the stability ofthe LCBC is needed. Though in 2008, a top level Nigeriandelegation visited Chad to address the political crisis in the State." and findsolution to the cross border ethnically inspired crisis between Sudan andChad, Nigeria ought to intensify more efforts on this. Libya is another Statethat is not ready to cooperate with Nigeria on the continental issues rangingfrom the modus operandi in the formation of the African Union to the intro-duction of Sharia law in some parts of Northern Nigeria.V As he advocatedin his book, The Green Book, the Libyan President, Muammar Al Qathaficalled for a United States of Africa where he wanted to remain as the Presi-dent ofthe AD. For Nigeria to have a functional LCBC, the political supportof the Libyan Government is necessary.

As Amdi noted, there is a need for the member-States to appreciate theimportance of cooperation and integration as an avenue to exploit the re-sources of the Lake for the development of the littoral people. 38 He stressedthe need to focus on partnership because of the trans-boundary nature of thevarious rivers that supply water to the Lake. The need to bring together theseven States (Cameroun, Chad, Niger, Nigeria, CAR, Libya and Sudan) as anew international regime to fashion out the nitty-gritty of the Commissionentails political commitment on the part of the members. This is in apprecia-tion of potential conflict that the misuse of the water could bring to the regionin general and the likely pre-emptive attack that some of the relatively mili-tary powerful members could assert in the process. In tackling some of theassociated problems with the Lake crises, Amdii brought to the fore some ofthe likely crisis-laden issues:

[D]iverse historical and colonial experiences; cultural diversity; social diffe-rentials, political differences; differential land use practice; mode of fishingharvest, differential financial contribution; variation in the coverage, waterresources between countries; conflict potential over resource control in the

276 Chapter 17

area of water and land; traditional control and leverage; encroachment overland and water as the Lake shrinks; political instability and military interven-tion in the region. 39

Thus, the Nigerian Government should encourage exchange of human re-sources in form of training and scholarships for students in member-States tostudy irrigation, fishery and animal husbandry in Nigeria. This would notonly encourage food production in the era of climate change, but would alsobring about political socialization. Joint research, the establishment of earlywarning institutions to avert conflicts among the member-States is long over-due and Nigeria is expected to take a leading role in this because of itsrelatively potential economic and military power except, perhaps, Libya.Apart from inter-parliamentary diplomatic visitation and exchanges as instru-ments of confidence building, other variables as observed by Amdi includeincreased Trans-boundary trade and the establishment of border internationalmarket and cultural visits by the region's traditional rulers and youths toencourage better understanding among the riparian States. 40

The Regional Parliamentary Committee formed on March 23,2004 by themember-States is to support the LCBC's objectives through legislations, ad-vocacy campaigns and active partnership and collaboration with the member-States. This will ensure the sustainable management and utilization of sharedresources and the actualization of the Inter Basin Water Transfer (IBWT)project. The aim of this new institution is to serve as a catalyst for reducingpoverty, enhancement of economic prosperity, conservation of the environ-ment and fostering closer trans-boundary cooperation for sustainable socio-economic and political development in the sub-region. The motive behindthe formation of this Committee is to proffer a proactive solution to theeffects of the Lake Chad shrinking on the riparian States in order to avenconflict that may engulf the whole sub-region. The setting up and the financ-ing of the new institution received political and financial support in 200from the Nigerian Government when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo paid$5.047m to execute IBWT project on the feasibility study which was finan-cially handicapped between 1994 and 2004.41

The IBWT is a highly technical and capital intensive mega project tbaneeded political commitment of the member-States before such could attracthe financial support of multilateral financial institutions. Nigeria, fro2004, continues to finance the Committee and the LCBC through the Nation-al Assembly because of the lukewarm attitudes of the majority of the mem-ber-States, mostly the DRC, Congo Republic and CAR. The same Parliametary Committee was employed by the Nigerian Government to embark -diplomatic negotiations with the LCBC's Council of Ministers in August2004. This led to the sending of a high powered delegation to Preside:::Joseph Kabila (DRC) and Idriss Debby (Chad Republic) to lobby them

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 277

need to have more focus on the development of the Lake Area for com-n sustainable development of the region. The premium attached to the

=-ate Chad development by Nigeria encouraged the Obasanjo Administration- make available two presidential jets for the delegates sent to Chad and:::>RCto negotiate at the highest political level for joint cooperation and_ loitation of the Lake. In its effort to rejuvenate the moribund LCBC,_-igeria, through the National Assembly in March 2004 and in conjunction

rith the members of the Commission, inaugurated the Parliamentary Com-ittee on the Lake Chad Basin. Probably because of the need for the Niger-

Government to have a proper supervision of the LCBC, a new Secretariat'as established in Abuja for the Committee to coordinate the activities ofthe

_CBC. However, some students of regional integration may view this as anattempt to undermine the Basin's Secretariat in Ndjamena in favour of the

igerian well-sponsored Committee which takes it upon itself to monitor theactivities of the Commission. In an era of economic recession as the globalsystem has been contending with since October 2007, there is a need for anintegral hegemonic leader, to support the economic and political develop-ment at tile secall\larj States as a\)seY\feu \),] C:a.\fmn'] .lfN\.%ei.\'o. I:.o.ndCltn.\.':'.without total domination of the members, it would ensure the stability of theregion.

Since most of the members of the Committee are new in democraticgovernance after a long spell of military rule, there is a need for the people-oriented strategy in manning the affairs of the Lake Chad. Such awarenesscould be created by the Parliamentary Committee. This will eventually havesome roots among various civil societies in the littoral States. In turn, themuch-vaunted sustainable development in the desert-encroached Lake Chadarea will be realized. Joining the executive arm of government in bringingdevelopment to the people appears receiving some degree of acceptance.Incorporation of the Committee's agreement into domestic law would befacilitated with the involvement of the members' parliaments. In June 2005,Nigeria agreed to host donors' Conference of the LCBC on behalf of formerPresident of Niger Republic, Tandja, when the State was financially incapac-itated to embark on such a Conference coupled with the Nigerian Govern-ment's ambition always to be at the fore front of the Commission. In 2006,Nigeria also hosted an International Conference with a theme "Current Chal-lenges and Future Prospects of the Lake Chad Basin" between October 27-29, 2006 in Abuja. The Conference "was to sensitize the various stakehold-ers, the LCBC member States, experts on water resources, technical partners,multilateral institutions as well as development and donor organisations onthe current global and local challenges as well as the future prospects of theLake Chad Basin with the view to mobilizing both financial and technicalresources for the water transfer project." The Abuja Declaration at the end ofthe Conference called for the need to address the issue of climate change as it

278 Chapter 17

affected the volume of fresh water available for agricultural use. On ~financial aspect ofthe LCBC, Nigeria continues to contribute more than ha.fof the total annual total budget. The sharing formula allocated 26, 11, 4. -and 52 percent to Cameroun, Chad, CAR, Niger and Nigeria respectivelyDespite this sharing formula, Nigeria remains the only sponsor of the Seer -tariat of the Committee.

CONCLUSION

Nigeria is expected to see to the sustainability of the LCBC. This is not out 0;altruism, but an attempt to promote Nigeria's foreign policy objectives, mo -ly in the field of human security in the age of climate change. Since ever:government from 1960 has appreciated the import of multilateral coopera-tion, even with weak States in exchange for political support, Nigeria isexpected to continue financing the sustainability of the Commission. Thehistorical, ethnic and geographical contiguity are some of the salient indicesthat cannot be overlooked by the Nigerian Government considering the im-portance of globalization where the international system is being reduced to coglobal village. Issues that cannot be solved in isolation such as the impact 0:desertification, migration, drug trafficking, proliferation of small arms, ter-rorist movement and Islamic fundamentalism are such that need to receive aholistic solution. As long as Nigeria remains relatively powerful in the Com-mission, Libya, DRC and Sudan are States that constitute serious threats tothe effectiveness of the regime. The need to continue engaging every mem-ber-State at the highest governmental level is desirable. In doing this, the bigbrother's role that Nigeria has accorded to itself should be employed if;solving the perceived intractable crises that are political-and resource-based.The effort of Nigeria in the UN/AU forces in the Darfur region of Sudan iswelcomed but the issue of ethnicity where the involvement of the ChadianGovernment is manifest should be looked into before any intervention. Themajor target of the Janjanweed and the national government of Sudan inDarfur is the dominant ethnic group, Zaghawa, which, ironically is a minor-ity group in Chad to which Idriss Deby, the Chadian President, belongs. 4:The need to control oil of the region between Sudan and Chad may affect theeffectiveness and workability of the LCBC except Nigeria can intensify dip-lomatic negotiation. Also, the diplomatic efforts of the state in finding asolution to the crisis in the Kivu region of the DRC should be intensified soas to have unperturbed supply of the River Congo to the Lake Chad for thegeneral use of the riparian states. 43

As Nigeria celebrates its 50th Anniversary of nationhood, it is high time itconsolidates its foreign policy against its neighbour. As long as there is nomajor military threat to the survival of the country from the Francophone

Nigeria and Its Neighbour 279

States, the need to engage itself in proactive economic diplomacy as againstreactive policies of the 1970s to 1990s is desirable. Serving as an integralhegemonic leader at the regional level will promote Nigeria's internationalrelations in the post Cold War international system where ideological warbetween the erstwhile Great Powers is irrelevant in the political calculationin Africa. Though it is the opinion of the institutionalists that power politicsis being overtaken by cooperation and integration, at the same time, themajor security threats of the 21st century, among others, are food security,environmental security and forced migration of people. This can question therelevance of Nigeria as a State if the effect of climate change is not holistical-ly addressed.

NOTES

1. The LCBC was inaugurated in 1964 with the Republic of Cameroun, Chad, Niger andNigeria as the founding members. Thirty years after, CAR, Sudan and Libya joined as an activemember in 1994,2000 and 2005 respectively. Algeria, Democractic Republic of the Congo andthe Congo Republic are potential members.

2. The cold war era principles of Nigeria's foreign policy included non-alignment. Withthe uni-polarity or what Richard Haass described as non-polarity intemational system, theconcept of non-alignment has no relevance any more. Richard Haass, "The Age of Nonpolarity:What Will Follow U.S. Dominance," Foreign Affairs 87 (2008): 44-56.

3. Denise Garcia, "The Climate Security Divide: Bridging Human and National Security inAfrica," African Security Review 17 (2008): 5.

4. Lere Amusan, "Africa and Climate Change in the Era of Complex Interdependent Glob-alised Intemational System," Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Work-ing Paper 2. (October 2009): 19.

5. Muna Abdalla, "Climate Change: The Touaregs," The African.org. 4 (2009): 8-11.6. Neil Carter, The Politics of the Environment: Ideas, Activism, Policy (Cambridge: Cam-

bridge University Press, 2001), p. 225.7. Ibid .. p. 227.8. Dunne Timothy Dunne, "Realism," in The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduc-

tion to International Relations, edited by John Baylis and Smith Steve (New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1997), pp. 118-119.

9. Id., "Liberalism," in Ibid., pp. 147-162.10. Martin Griffiths, Fifty Key Thinkers in International Relations (London: Routledge,

1999),p.175.11. Carter, p. 228.12. Paul Viotti and Mark Kauppi, International Theory: Realism, Pluralism, Globalism.

(New York: Macmillan, 1987), pp. 32-167.13. Griffiths, p. 175.14. Fiona Butler, "Regionalism and Integration," in The Globalization of World Politics: An

Introduction to International Relations, pp. 410-412.15. Ralph I. Onwuka, Development and Integration in West Africa: The Case of the Eco-

nomic Community of West African State (Ile-Ife: University ofIfe Press, 1982), pp. 30-31.16. T.A.lmobighe, Nigeria's Defence and National Security Linkages: A Framework of

Analysis (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books, 2003), pp. 36-37.17. The Economist and Intelligence Unit, Second Quarter (1994):10.18. Olusegun Obasanjo, Not My Will. (Ibadan: University Press Limited, 1990), pp. 126-

127.19. Supra, Note 17.

280 Chapter 17

20. Interview in Pretoria, South Africa, with Sherer, South African Ambassador to the U1\.Geneva, 28 April, 1997.

21. Imobighe, pp. 35-36.22. Richard Higgott, "Niger," in The Political EconWI1Yof African Foreign Policy. edited by

Timothy Shaw and Olajide Aluko (Aldershot: Gower Publishing, 1984), pp. 170-172.23. Joseph Namven Garba, Diplomatic Soldiering: Nigerian Foreign Policy, 1975-1979

(Ibadan: Spectrum, 1987), pp. 178-179.24. Ibid.25. Nigeria realized the need to concentrate on the economic development of the country

rather than focus on issues that are to be handled by being a member of some internationalorganizations. This would have caused the State to make South Africa a place of visit whenthere is a change of government. General Abdul Salam Abubakar and Chief Olusegun Obasan-jo visited Pretoria in August 1998 and June 1999 respectively. See Samuel Olalere Amusan."South Africa As An Object of Nigerian Foreign Policy," Ph.D Thesis, University of SouthAfrica, 2006, pp. 272-278.

26. Bola Akinterinwa, "Nigeria and France: The Need For A Better Political Understand-ing," Nigerian Journal of International Affairs 12. (1986): 58-63.

27. Imobighe, pp. 38-39.28. M. A. Vogt, "Chad in Inter-State African Politics," Nigerian Journal of International

Affairs. 7 (1981): 145-148; Alex Ogomudia, "International Peace-Keeping: The Nigerian Expe-rience," in International Peace and Security: The Nigerian Contribution, edited by Chris Gam-ba (Lagos: Gabumo Publishing, 1997), p. 124.

29. Interview in Pretoria, South Africa, with Sherer, South African Ambassador to the UN.Geneva on April 28, 1997.

30. Vogt, pp. 151-152.31. Ibid., p. 156.32. Interview with Joseph Namven Garba, Former Nigeria's External Minister 1975-79 on

21 May 2006 in Pretoria, South Africa.33. Philippe Legrain, Immigrants: Your Country Needs Them, (London: Abacus, 2007), pp.

134-136.34. Jeffrey Sachs, Commonwealth: Economics For a Crowded Plane, (London: Penguin

Books, 2008), p.I O?, James C. Nwafor, Environmental Impact Assessement for SustainableDevelopment: The Nigerian Perspective, (Enugu: EDPCA, 2006), p. 373.

35. Olu Adeniji, Essays on Nigerian Foreign Policy Governance and International Security,(lbadan: Dokun Publishing, 2000), pp. 3-25.

36. The delegation included Governor of Nigeria's Borno State, Ali Sheriff, Minister ofPlanning Sanusi Dagash, Minister of State for Defence, Fidelia Njeze, Minsiter of State forForeign Affairs Bagudu Hirse and Minister of State for Interior, Hassan Ali Haruna. The reasonfor this was to check the fall out of civil war such as refugee, Islamic fundamentalism and tomaintain smooth running of the LCBC.

37. Adebayo Williams, "Ridding out the Desert Storm," Africa Today, (April 2001): 21.38. Sam Amdi, "Strategies for Building Political Understanding and Consensus Among the

Members of the Lake Chad Basin Commission," presented at the International Conference onthe Lake Chad, 2007 March 1,2007.

39. Ibid.40. Ibid.41. In the 1960s, a Plan was proposed to divert the Ubangi River into the Lake Chad. The

copious amount of water from the Ubangi would revitalize the dying dying Lake Chad andprovide livelihood in fishing enhanced agriculture to tens of millions of Central Africans andSahelians. Inter-basin water transfer schemes were proposed in the 1980s and 1990s by aNigerian engineer, J. Umolu (ZCN Scheme) and Italian firm, Bonifica (Transaqua Scheme). In1994, the LCBC proposed a similar project and at a March 2008 Summit, the Heads of State ofthe LCBC member-countries were committed to the diversion project. In April, 2008, theLCBC advertised a request for proposals for a World Bank-funded feasibility study. See Free-dom C. Onuoha, "Saving Africa's Shrinking lakes through Water Transfer Projects: Reflec-

------------ ....••••••Nigeria and Its Neighbour 281

[ions on the proposed Lake Chad Replenishment Project," Nigerian Journal of InternationalAffairs 34 (2008): 65-84.

42. Alan W. Cafruny, "A Gramscian Concept of Declining Hegemony: Stages of U.S.Power and the Evolution of International Economic Relations," in World Leadership andHegemony. International Political Economy Year book. edited by Rapkin P. David (Boulder,CO.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1990), p. 105.

43. Martin Luther King, "A Close Shave," Africa Today 14 (2008): 18-19; Wangari Maa-thai, The Challenge for Africa: A New Vision (London: William Heinemann, 2009), p. 191.