Narrative approaches to conflict resolution across technologically mediated landscapes

DOI: 10.4018/IJCBPL.2016010103

Copyright © 2016, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and LearningVolume 6 • Issue 1 • January-March 2016

Narrative Approaches to Conflict Resolution Across Technologically Mediated LandscapesLuka Lucić, Department of Social Science and Cultural Studies, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, NY, USA

ABSTRACT

Young migrants across the globe increasingly interact and socialize with culturally diverse others across technologically mediated spaces. Bicultural and transnational development are becoming norms for contemporary youth as new media technology allows them to engage in interactions with diverse others across multiple cultural landscapes. What cultural tools do young migrants use to resolve conflicts with diverse peers across technologically mediated interpersonal interactions? To answer this question 44 individuals (ages 15-20) participated in a quasi-experimental workshop engaging them in the process of sense-making. During the workshop participants wrote projective narratives in response to a vignette depicting text-massage mediated interaction embedded among monocultural and bicultural groups of peers. Quantitative and qualitative data analyses focus on physical, psychological and communicative conflict resolution strategies used in narrative construction. The results indicate that immigrant youth are able to employ and coordinate varied strategies when approaching conflict resolution across culturally diverse landscapes of social interactions.

KeywoRdSBicultural Development, Conflict Resolution, Migrants, Technologically Mediated Spaces, Youth

INTRodUCTIoN

The widespread use of smartphone-based technologies—such as cross-platform mobile messaging applications—for peer-to-peer communication constitutes a new and important dimension in the study of migrant social and cultural development. Given the speed of contemporary communication and the rapidly increasing movement and mobility of large segments of population, young migrants across the globe are frequently interacting with culturally diverse others across technologically mediated landscapes. Owing largely to time-space compression of interpersonal interaction, migration is no longer seen as a clean, more or less permanent, break with the country of origin (Suarez-Orozco, 2000; Lucić, 2016). Rather, migration is best understood as a multidirectional dynamic movement, a networked system facilitated to a great extent by information and communication technologies such as the Internet and smartphones (Alonso & Oiarzabal, 2010). As a result, a number of essential questions regarding the abilities of migrants to engage with and maintain interpersonal interactions with others in their host countries, home countries, and across various other transnational landscapes remain largely unanswered.

Human development is rarely a smooth and linear process of growth and maturation. Developmental psychology recognizes that conflict, trouble, crisis, and disequilibrium are fundamentally tied to the development of cognitive and psycho-social functions (Freud, 1923; Piaget, 1932; Erikson, 1968; Kohlberg, 1976; 1981; Bruner, 2002; Turiel, 2002; Daiute, Beykont, Higson-Smith, Nucci, 2006;

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Daiute, 2010). For example, Piaget (1932) conceptualizes the development of logical-scientific knowledge as a gradual process of adaptation. He describes adaptation as the establishment of equilibrium between the organism and its environment. Equilibration functions according to the dialectical theory which holds that development occurs when individuals encounter counterevidence to currently held ideas. At this point a conflict caused by the counterevidence motivates a modification to existing logical structures in order to formulate more functional concepts. More recently, within the narrative development framework Bruner (2002) and Daiute (2013) extend the strictly literary element of peripeteia towards the notion of ‘trouble’ in order to highlight its relevance for developmental process. In everyday narratives trouble occurs when something interrupts the expected (canonical or scripted) circumstances, thus disturbing the dramatic pentad. From this perspective, the act of grasping the narrative implicates the developmental process of making sense, through which the narrator or the listener relates its various semantic, pragmatic, and syntagmatic elements to each other. Hence, language actively woven into a narrative serves as a tool for organizing consciousness and perception.

Given the centrality of conflict in developmental theory and the contemporary changes in the mode of social interactions, the question regarding the role of conflict resolution across virtual landscapes is raising to prominence. The present study aims to delineate some answers to this question by empirically examining how young people think about and resolve conflicts with diverse others across technologically mediated spaces, including cross-platform mobile messaging applications and other smartphone platforms that allow for text-based communication. The goals of the study are to situate this inquiry within the framework of cultural historical activity theory and to employ narrative analysis in order to understand what cultural tools are used by youth migrants to resolve conflicts with culturally diverse peers. According to the theoretical perspective advanced in this work, conflict is viewed as normative in social-relational systems, and as such is an integral element of psychological development. Since conflict sometimes has a tendency to harm those involved, it is often tempting to approach it using medical metaphors such as “recovery,” “resilience,” or “treatment” and attempt to mitigate it. Nevertheless, if conflict is viewed as embedded in social practice rather than resulting from bad character, misguided beliefs, or immature judgement, it seems appropriate to consider conflict—like other uncontested social relations— as a developmental process (Daiute, 2006).

effects of New Media Technology on Social and Cultural Life of youthOver the past decade new media technologies, such as the Internet and mobile phones have become deeply embedded in our social life. The primary effect of this shift is that many connections with peoples and social groupings are no longer based on proximity (Urry 2007). New media technologies increasingly allow individuals to keep in touch with a greater number of others by transcending the traditional understanding of space and time (Lucić, 2016). As physical spaces and visceral interpersonal interactions gradually melt into cyberspace, multiple forms of mediated presences increasingly occur throughout objects and carry interpersonal relations across, and into, multiple other social spaces (Chayko, 2007). The second, and perhaps greater, effect is that the states of knowledge, meaning, and understanding are altered and shift as the proportion of technologically mediated interpersonal interactions across contemporary societies grows. This is mainly due to the transition from a spoken to a written mode of communication (particularly in discursive interpersonal interactions via new media), and to the effects of varied modes of discourse in a largely metaphysical environment. A similar shift was earlier recognized and theoretically described by Benjamin (1936), Wittgenstein (1953), and Lyotard (1979) in their respective fields of inquiry.

In our contemporary society, the use of new media communication technologies is especially high among youth. Aided by the convenience and constant access provided by mobile devices, especially


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smartphones, 92% of teens report going online daily, out of whom 24% report being online “almost constantly” (Lenhart, 2015). In a study of a nationally representative sample of 2189 teenagers across the United States conducted by Harris Interactive (2008), 55% of participants answered that mobile phones are key to their social lives, 57% said that mobile phones improve their quality of life, and 62% demonstrated more detailed knowledge of their phones and phone plans than of their favorite hobbies. Increasingly, teenagers and youth today are spending more time communicating through written text than speaking over their phones; 67% maintain that they love text messaging and would “die without it”, while 72% of all teens report having the ability to text-message blindfolded (Harris Interactive, 2008).

Moreover, the rapid pace of change fueled by the new media that is increasingly affecting all levels of society appears to be exacerbating. This is particularly noticeable following the introduction of the smartphone concept in 2007. Initially restricted to the affluent few, smartphones have quickly become affordable and largely culturally ubiquitous. Nearly three-quarters of all U.S. teens possess a smartphone or have access to one, and is predicted that by the year 2020, 80% of the world’s population will own a smartphone (Lenhart, 2015). Usage data for smartphones are astounding on multiple levels: research shows that on average, Americans spend approximately two hours a day using a smartphone and 65% of owners sleep with or next to their smartphones. Contrasting these numbers with other activities popular among Americans, such as physical exercise, reading or visiting cultural institutions, can provide a framework for understanding the magnitude of the impact of the smartphone over our activities. Due to their ubiquity, size, and connectivity affordances, smartphones are poised to redefine an increasing number of interpersonal activities.

Migration, dual Socialization, and Conflict ResolutionRecent research on migrant social and cultural development has been particularly prolific in articulating the phenomenon of development across diverse cultural contexts. Building on the traditional view of socialization (Maccoby & Martin, 1983), which in the initial form, does not take into account the fact that many individuals are members of two or more cultural groups, recent theoretical and research efforts are highlighting that social and cultural development of migrants often involves transmission and articulation of two (or more) cultural orientations, often simultaneously (Haritatos & Benet-Martinez, 2002; Padilla, 2006; Lucić, 2013). Migrants today are very mobile and likely to bridge increasingly distant national spaces (Schiller, Basch, & Blanc, 1995), and through this process are able to articulate dual consciousness and dual identities (Padilla, 2008; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2002).

Smartphone technology increasingly affords migrant youth the ability to engage in interpersonal interactions across more than one developmental context, frequently spanning both home and host country. As a result, dual socialization is gradually becoming the norm. For example, Phinney (2003) notes that today immigrant children and youth “are exposed to two or more contrasting cultural systems as well as the experience of belonging to a minority group (p.14).” The theory is starting to follow these technological developments and in recent years theorists have begun to articulate a new understanding of migrants as active participants on a transnational stage (Levitt, 2001; Schiller, et al., 1995; Suárez-Orozco, et al., 2006; Benet-Martinez et al. 2006).

According to this view, migrants are often seen as being able to operate with multiple cultural codes (Suárez-Orozco, Todorova, & Qin, 2006), navigate across diverse cultures, form flexible self-identities (Mistry & Wu, 2010), maintain relational flexibility (Daiute & Lucić, 2010; Lucić, 2013). As a result of dual socialization they develop certain meta-cognitive advantages, such as increased ability to detect, process and organize everyday cultural meanings, to their new socio-cultural context (Benet-Martinez, Lee, & Leu, 2006; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009; Lvovich, 1997) as well as develop integrative complexity of functioning (Tadmor & Tetllock, 2006) which allows them to manage effectively the process of living in multiple cultural settings (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). On an interpersonal level, they are able to perform and integrate bicultural identity (Benet-


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Martínez & Haritatos, 2005; Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Wiley & Deaux, 2011), have an ability to perform cultural frame switching, or in other words apply two different cultural meaning systems in response to cultural cues (Hong, Morris, Chiu & Benet-Martínez, 2000) and have different emotional experiences based on their membership and interactions with diverse socio-cultural groups (Ko, Lee, Yoon, Kwon, & Mather, 2010; Smith & Neumann, 2005).

However, recent research examining conflict resolution strategies among young migrants is scarce, and when available is predominantly focused on intergenerational conflict resolution and conflict management within the context of the nuclear or extended family. For example, Sung (1985) described the bicultural conflicts experienced by Chinese immigrant children primarily centered on the difference in independence training seen in American parenting but not in traditional Chinese parenting. Language fluency has often been identified as a mediating factor; in a longitudinal study involving East Asian Filipino and Latino students, Tseng and Fuligni (2000) reported that when immigrant parents and their children both communicated in the home country language, there was more cohesion and less conflict between the two generations.

Recent research has similarly focused on conflict between emerging adults and their elders among Arab Canadian families (Rasmi, Daly, & Chuang, 2014), conflict between children and parents among West African immigrants (Rasmussen, Chu, Akinsulure-Smith, Keatley, 2014), and the relationship between attachment style and experiences of acculturative intergenerational conflict (Stuart &Ward, 2011). A notable exception in the recent research is the works of Bierbrauer and Klinger (2005) and Wei (2000), which focus on conflict resolution strategies among immigrants across a larger social context and not solely within the context of a nuclear or extended family. Bierbrauer and Klinger (2005) examine conflict regulation preferences among Turkish male immigrants living in Germany. Taking a bicultural perspective, the study conceptually links the influence of both the home culture and the dominant culture with conflict behavior of acculturating immigrants. On the other hand, Wei (2000) explores conflict resolution mechanisms used by Chinese immigrants in Australia and suggests a developmental mechanism whereby over time and through acculturation and increasing knowledge of language, immigrants began to adopt the host society’s ways of managing conflicts.

The present study attempts to shed light on the cultural and social development of migrant youth by exploring differences in the use of conflict resolution strategies across two culturally defined discursive landscapes (monocultural and bicultural). The monocultural landscape is defined here as a context in which all interlocutors share the same cultural background; the bicultural landscape is defined as one in which interlocutors are from different cultural backgrounds. In particular, the study will attempt to discern and describe the differences in conflict resolution strategies of immigrant youth across the two landscapes by contrasting their approaches to conflicts with those of U.S. born youth. Given that immigrant youth tend to be systematically more exposed to the effects of dual socialization than their U.S. born peers, it is expected that the conflict resolution strategies they employ across the two landscapes will be different that those of their U.S. born peers.

Learning how youth resolve conflicts across technologically mediated spaces can inform developmental theory and have applied effects for young migrants when implemented across curriculum development and learning programs. Scholars have argued that conflict resolution skills are among the most important determinants of the quality and longevity of interpersonal relationships (Crohan, 1992; Laursen & Collins, 1994). Research shows that conflict resolution strategies are related to overall friendship quality (Thayer, Updegraff & Delgado, 2008), and are linked to the maintenance of friendships in adolescence (Hartup, 1993), marital satisfaction (Gottman & Krokoff, 1989), success in the workplace (Tjosvold, 1998), and overall maintenance of interpersonal relationships (Hartup, 1993; Laursen & Collins, 1994; Jensen-Campbell, Graziano, & Hair, 1996).

employing Narrative Analysis in Cultural Historical Activity Theory FrameworkCultural-historical activity theory views individual, social, and cultural development as interdependently linked via the dialectical process of creation and the use of cultural tools (Vygotsky, 1978). In this


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view, human psychological functions are not inborn, passed down from one generation to the next, or the mere product of history or circumstances. From the perspective of activity theory the heart of the matter is in cultural mediation, the interaction between humans and their tools, which can be material or abstract (Bruner, 1986). The initial premise of this theoretical approach rests on the idea of social mediation of human action through artifacts (Cole, 1996). An artifact is defined as an aspect of the material world that has been modified throughout the history of its incorporation into a goal-directed human action. Physical artifacts such as hammers, pencils, bulldozers, computers, and smartphones are only some of the frequently used examples, as they have evolved over history to meet the changing needs of the generations who use them.

At the point when an artifact is incorporated into the sphere of meaningful activity of an individual, that artifact begins to assume the properties of a cultural tool and to act as a meditational property between that individual and society. Using this developmental framework, we can understand cultural tools as being “the socially constructed, historically situated, and individually adapted physical, symbolic, or abstract means by which we accomplish specific sociorelational goals” (Etengoff & Daiute, 2013). As humans adopt and transform cultural tools to achieve goals and overcome obstacles, these interactive individual-societal relations lead to the creation of meaning in everyday activities (Daiute & Lucić, 2010). Furthermore, it has been theorized that individuals’ deliberate uses of cultural tools are often constructed to navigate sociorelational and sociocultural conflicts (Daiute, 2010, p. 48).

By focusing on the function of language in development, Vygotsky (1962) provides us with insight regarding mediation on a symbolic level. Semiotic mediation focuses on the role of language in the formulation of knowledge (Wertsch, 1985), meaning-making (Nelson, 1985; Bruner, 1992), sense-making (Nelson, 1996; Lucić, 2016), and conflict resolution (Daiute, 2010). Seen developmentally, language is at first a social category wholly abstract to a young child. However, over time and through active engagement with the social world via mediated activities, language in the form of speech and discourse becomes appropriated and subsequently internalized. Vygotsky (1962) explains the process of internalization by emphasizing that throughout the course of development, as a child gradually learns how to use speech to serve him or herself, “speech becomes not just a means of communication with other people, but means for the child’s own thinking process” (p.354). In this view, understanding how children, youth, and adults use language to resolve conflicts across various situations—by interpersonally conceptualizing approaches to conflict resolution and enacting language in discourse to navigate sociocultural relations—can shed light on these developmental processes and highlight the link between individual psychological functions and the social contexts from which they arise.

Speaking a language is a socially and historically situated activity through which speakers define themselves in relation to others, such as peers, family, friends, and unfamiliar others (Lantolf & Thorne, 2006; Daiute, 2010). Language, much like other more concrete tools, takes on different functions depending on the multiplicity of contextual variables. As Wittgenstein (1953) points out through his analogy relating tools in a toolbox (such as hammer, pliers, a saw, a screw-driver, a rule, a glue-pot, glue, nails and screws) to words: “the functions of words are as diverse as the functions of these objects. (And in both cases there are similarities.) Of course, what confuses us is the uniform appearance of words when we hear them spoken or meet them in script and print. For their application is not presented to us so clearly (p. 6).” The application of an individual word is often more obvious when we relate it to the context of its use.

Across a variety of cultural settings children are initiated into the mores and practices of their cultures via narratives (Daiute, 2014). Narrative development frequently involves implicit learning of approaches to word usage, such as conflict resolution alongside other varied abilities for managing interpersonal relations. As a result, narrative research is increasingly seen as a mode for exploring the processes of sociocultural development, given its ability to produce a wealth of information about social relations, intentions, meaning-making, conflict resolution, and the overall sense-making process of the narrator (Daiute, 2014). However, the specific forms for interweaving narrative action and consciousness differ across contexts and cultures. Children and youth in all cultures grow up


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learning about accepted practices in their environments, at first in oral story form and then in literature and other genres or symbolic platforms such as social media. Along the way, given the opportunity to tell and write stories for responsive audiences, people become good at narrating within certain cultural norms, not only for the purpose of entertaining others but also as means of communicating, connecting, making sense, and resolving conflicts.

Narratives are usually employed in answer to some outside stimulus, for establishing a point of personal interest (Labov & Waletzky, 1967), providing coherence ,or to legitimize certain status (White, 1973; Lyotard, 1979). William Labov (1967; 1972) made the initial steps in narrative analysis by attempting to establish a direct connection between the simplest and most fundamental narrative structures and their originating functions. According to this viewpoint, grammar implicit in a narrative is not solely employed as a tool of logical analysis, but can also offer more nuanced information about a social process and the individual’s relation to it. Labov points out that “grammar is busy with emphasis, focus, down-shifting, and up-grading; it is a way of organizing information and taking alternative points of view. Grammar allows us to see every side of every question if we so desire” (Labov, 1971, p.45). Hence, the goal of this approach is not necessarily to understand what was said (although that certainly helps), but rather why it was said—that is, to relate the formal properties of a narrative to their functions.

The main research question of the present study explores how immigrant youth growing up in a plural, multicultural, and increasingly interconnected U.S. society use language to actively engage in sense-making of their developmental contexts. In particular, the study explores what cultural tools young immigrants employ to resolve conflicts with culturally diverse peers across technologically mediated interpersonal interactions, how these tools are employed, and how they differ from the tools used by U.S. born youth across similar situations. The answers to these questions emerge from narrative analysis of the language used by youth in a projective task asking them to narrate their attempts at conflict resolution in response to a text-message situation embedded across bicultural and monocultural peer interactions.

MeTHod

Participants and SettingTo allow for the comparative analysis of the narrative approaches to conflict resolution across cultural contexts, data was collected from immigrant youth who relocated from their native countries to the U.S. as well as from a control group consisting of U.S. born youth. Forty-four New York City youth were involved in a workshop which asked them to narrate in response to an ambiguous text-messaging situation described in the vignette (See Figure 1 below). Out of the total, 19 participants were U.S. born youth; 11 were born and raised in the five boroughs of New York City while the other eight relocated to the city predominantly from the east coast. The remaining 25 participants were immigrant youth, coming from a range of different countries outside of the United States, including 6 from China, 4 from Dominican Republic, 3 from Japan, 2 from Grenada and 1 each from Bosnia and Herzegovina, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, Armenia, Ukraine, Argentina, Egypt, Poland, Ivory Coast, and Korea.

Participants were recruited through their involvement with New-York Historical Society, an organization dedicated to preservation of the city’s history. Ages of participants in this study ranged from 15 to 20 years. The mean age of the U.S. born participants was 17.3 years and the mean age for immigrant youth was 17.1 years. At the time of their participation, 36 out of 44 participants attended New York City public schools, 5 attended private schools, and 3 were in college. The length of time spent in the United States by the immigrant youth ranged from a few months to 16 years, with a mean of 6.17 years. Out of the 25 immigrant youth who participated, 12 had spent less than five years in the U.S. (at the time of the study) while 13 had spent more than six years in the United States.


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InstrumentIn order to construct the instrument for the present study, a smaller pilot study that examined spontaneously composed interpersonal text messages of 5 youth, spanning over 2 days was conducted. Data points were collected through screen shots of the participants’ phones. A qualitative analysis of the sequential structure of the data collected was conducted based on a series of landmark studies conducted by Sacks (1972). Data was analyzed for length, content of messages as well for the pragmatics of communication (such as turn-taking and adjacency parings) within a particular social practice. Pragmatic aspects of text messaging were analyzed with the approach of conversation analysis and built into the vignette used in the study.

A vignette (see Figure 1 above) depicting an ambiguous text-messaging interaction between two fictional characters, Alex and Kai, was created using a number of examples stemming from the pilot study. The content of the vignette illustrates a common conflict occurring in text-messaging interaction and contains the normative A-B sequence, in which initiating message A receives response B, and an instance where the normative A-B sequence has been broken. Across normative conversations, structured according to A-B sequence, various action sequences emerge because one action acknowledges some resources made available by the previous one and makes some other resource available to those after it such that action unfolds in a coherent, sequential succession (Sack, Schegloff, & Jefferson, 1974). The vignette used in the study also introduces a break in the normative A-B sequence in the form of A-A’ located at the end. The goal of this rupture was to increase the ambiguity of this largely benign conflict by adding a formal conversational character which is often indicative of trouble or problem. Namely, leaving a text-message unanswered or greatly diverging from the average response time is, in the etiquette of SMS discourse, frequently interpreted as rude (Kasesniemi & Rautiainen, 2002) and is often indicative of content or relationship problems (Larsen, 2005). Because the formal aspects of SMS discourse communicate as loudly as the content of messages, insertion of a break in the A-B sequence into the vignette was meant to add a formal component to the already ambiguous content. The break in A-B sequence also serves to direct the process of sense-making toward pragmatics of language, such as the form and sequence of discourse in the vignette.

ProcedureIn order to engage the participants in the process of conflict resolution across monocultural and bicultural landscapes, Prompts 1 and 2 were used to embed and constrain the discourse seen in the vignette to a particular cultural/ethnic group. Participants were instructed to read the vignette and answer the italicized question that followed it.

Figure 1. Vignette depicting a text-massage mediated interaction between two interlocutors


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Prompt 1 – Monocultural InteractionThe above conflict has occurred between friends Alex and Kai- Kai (age 16) and Alex (also age 16) who have both immigrated to New York City from ________________, together with their families 2 years ago. With this information in mind, answer the following questions:

Before responding to Prompt 1, each participant was informed that Alex and Kai had both emigrated from participant’s country of origin. For example, for the participant who had emigrated from Jamaica, the blank was filled in with Jamaica. For participants born in the United States, the instructions for Prompt 1 read that both Alex and Kai are U.S. born youth.

Prompt 2 – Bicultural InteractionThe above conflict has occurred between Alex and Kai- Kai (age 16) was born in New York City and has been living here whole life. Alex (also age 16) was born abroad and has immigrated to New York City from _______________ together with family 2 years ago. With this information in mind, answer the following question.

Before responding to Prompt 2, only immigrant youth were instructed to fill in the blank field with their own country of origin, effectively making Alex an immigrant of each participant’s own origin. U.S. born participants were instructed to fill in the blank filed with the country of origin of the last immigrant that they encountered in their daily activities. In order to control for the order effect of the two prompts, participants were divided into two groups – Group A and Group B. Participants in Group A received Prompt 1 first while participants in Group B received the Prompt 2 first. After completing this part of the task, participants were given a 10-minute break before being given the instructions for completing the second part of the task, alternating the order of prompts. Using this method, both groups answered the questions for the vignette embedded among two cultural dimensions, bicultural and monocultural.

ReSULTS

Coding for Conflict Resolution Strategies Narrative responses by participants were coded for three distinct approaches to conflict resolution: physical strategy, communicative strategy, and psychological strategy. Coding was performed at the word level. To briefly illustrate the process of coding, consider the response written by Young-Ah, a 16-year-old female participant from Korea:

Alex screamed at him, curse him out & told him stop being a baby. I’m not your girlfriend or your wife, no control please. After few days, they went for a drink & Kai let it go.

The response by Young-Ah is coded three times for communicative strategy, given that her narrative contains three instances of approaching the resolution to the conflict by indicating a communicative strategy among the interlocutors (e.g. screamed, cursed and told). Additionally, her narrative is coded once for physical resolution strategy (drink), given that Young-Ah emphasizes a physical activity that Kai and Alex undertake in order to resolve the conflict. Furthermore, the word let, a stem of the idiomatic phrase let it go, is coded as psychological strategy because Young-Ah indicates that Kai uses a psychological action of letting the feelings go in an effort to resolve the conflict. According to this approach to analysis, the narrative response by Young-Ah received the following score: 3 for communicative strategy, 1 for physical strategy, and 1 for psychological strategy to conflict resolution.

An inter-rater reliability analysis using the Cohen’s Kappa was performed to determine consistency among raters who examined the narrative responses. Inter-rater reliability is a measure used to examine the agreement between two people (raters/observers) on the assignment of categories (Landis & Koch,


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1977). Inter-rater reliability for data in this study was conducted with two raters for all codes on 25% of all data collected and was found to be strong, Kappa = 0.87 (p <0.001).

Youth narratives varied in length. Some participants used only a few words to indicate their answers. The shortest answer contained only 10 words. For others it took more than a few lines of text: the longest narrative was 166 words, while a mean for the complete set of data was 50.95 words (SD = 25.86). Hence, given the variability of narrative length, in order to account for the frequency of occurrence of a particular conflict resolution strategy in a given narrative, data presented as the rate of occurrence of a conflict resolution strategy in each narrative. Applying this principle to the above narrative by Young-Ah, we divide the total number of words used to compose the response (37) by the number of times she used communicative strategy in her writing (3). This method yields a final number of 12.33 words, indicating that Young-Ah used a communicative conflict resolution strategy once in every 12.33 words she employed in her narrative response. It is important to mention that for this method higher numbers indicate a less frequent occurrence of evaluative devices in narrative and lower numbers indicate more frequent occurrences.

Statistical Analysis of Narrative ResponsesWhen examining the descriptive statistics we notice two important patterns (see Table 1 below) that we also see amplified through the statistical and qualitative analyses that follow. First, immigrant youth employ conflict resolution strategies (for all three conflict resolutions strategies combined) more frequently than do their U.S. born peers. Second, there is greater variability of use of conflict resolution strategies across the two narrative contexts (bicultural vs. monocultural) by immigrant youth than by their U.S. born peers. For the U.S. born youth, the employment of physical, communicative, or psychological strategy does not seem to vary across bicultural and monocultural interactions.

A 2 x 3 analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was conducted to determine statistically significant differences between conflict resolution strategies across the narrative contexts controlling for immigration status. The two levels of the ANCOVA were bicultural and monocultural narrative context; the three categories were physical, communicative, and psychological conflict resolution strategies while participants’ immigration status (immigrant Yes/No) as used as a covariate. Table 1presents means and standard deviations for each analytic category as well as ANCOVA main effects for participant group and narrative context. Following results are noted: main effect of narrative context (bicultural/monocultural) was observed for physical and psychological conflict resolution. Furthermore, main effect of participant group (immigrant Yes/No) is observed for all three conflict resolution strategies indicating differences in use of conflict resolution strategies by two groups of participants across the narrative context. Significant interaction effects for narrative context X immigration status are also noted for physical conflict resolution strategy F (1, 39) = 34.71, p = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.471 and psychological conflict resolution strategy F (1, 39) = 7.27, p = 0.01, ηp2 = 0.157.

A closer inspection of the data regarding the use of conflict resolution strategies among immigrant youth, using a paired sample T-test, reveals that they use physical strategy significantly more frequently to approach conflict resolution embedded in bicultural interactions than when attempting to resolve conflicts embedded among peers from their own cultural/ethnic group, t (20) = 4.808 p = 0.001. Similarly, immigrant youth employ psychological strategy significantly more frequently when they are asked to narrate about a bicultural conflict than when they are confronted with the conflict among peers from their own cultural/ethnic (monocultural) group, t = 3.005 p = 0.007. While the use of communicative strategy varied significantly across the two groups of participants (immigrant Yes/No) and occurred more frequently in the narratives of the immigrant youth, it did not show any statistical variability across the narrative contexts (bicultural vs. monocultural).

Qualitative Analysis of Narrative ResponsesThe statistical differences pointing to varied use of conflict resolution strategies by youth across two cultural landscapes pose two new questions: Why do immigrant youth employ conflict resolution


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strategies more often than do their U.S. born peers? And why do immigrant youth vary their conflict resolution strategies when attempting to narrate about conflict resolutions with diverse groups of peers? Exploring the answers these two questions in parallel may bring us closer to understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms involved in approaches to conflict resolution. When we examine the narratives via strictly qualitative methods we begin to notice aspects that can help us to answer to the questions posed above. First, we notice a varied pattern in the use of communicative and physical conflict resolution strategy across two cultural landscapes, in both cases followed by psychological conflict resolution strategy. Second, analysis examining the use of psychological states, such as words indicating cognitive or affective process, reveals differences in orientation towards a particular narrative context and different expectations from interlocutors across the two cultural contexts.

Consider responses written by Jenny, a 17-year-old emigrant from Dominican Republic, and by Lan, an 18-year-old emigrant from China to the question: What happened next? Did Kai and Alex resolve the conflict? How did they resolve the conflict?

Jenny’s attempt at resolving the conflict involving Dominican youth:

Maybe they can resolve the conflict. Alex can send the message to Kai. And say sorry to her.

Lan’s attempt at resolving the conflict involving Chinese youth:

Alex sends email and telephoned to kai to explained and said sorry many times after Kai was out of angry. So they resolve the conflict.

In these examples narratives are embedded in the monoclutural contexts of the participants’ cultural/ethnic groups. Certain similarities in the structure of their approaches to conflict resolution can be observed. Namely, both Jenny and Lan attempt to resolve the conflict by using the communicative strategy of sending a message, telephoning or emailing followed by a combination of communicative and psychological approaches, such as apologizing by saying sorry. Now, compare these responses with Jenny and Lan’s answers to the same question embedded in a bicultural interaction.

Jenny’s attempt at resolving the conflict involving U.S. born youth and Dominican youth:

They will resolve the conflict together. They can resolve the conflict face to face. Alex say sorry to Kai.

Lan’s attempt at resolving the conflict involving U.S. born youth and Chinese youth:

Table 1. Summary statistics for mean rate of occurrence (in words) of conflict resolution strategies as a function of participant group (immigrants vs. US born) and narrative context (monocultural vs. bi-cultural interaction). Standard deviations in parentheses. ANCOVA main effects for participant group and narrative context. Lower scores indicate higher frequency of appearance of a conflict resolution strategy in a narrative

Immigrant Group US Born Group ANCOVA Main Effect

Participant group Narrative context

Conflict Resolution Strategy

N MonoculturalM (SD)

BiculturalM (SD)

N MonoculturalM (SD)

BiculturalM (SD)

F d.f. P value

ηp2 F d.f P value

ηp2

Physical Strategy 25 17.52 (5.89) 9.69 (5.11) 19 21.27 (8.06) 24.50 (6.22)

34.71 39 .001 .471 20.33 39 .001 343

Communicative 25 12.14 (6.62) 13.86 (5.49)

19 21.15 (9.11) 21.70 (8.05)

20.08 39 .001 .340 0.51 39 .552 .004

Psychological 25 18.25 (6.28) 15.03 (4.95)

19 21.27 (8.06) 23.57 (7.01)

10.21 39 .003 .207 7.27 39 .01 157


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They meet in one’s home and explain to each other carefully. They resolve the conflict by talk deeply and improve more recognized.

When the conflict is embedded in bicultural interpersonal interaction, both Jenny and Lan, who came to the U.S. from very different geographical locations, initially approach the situation using the physical strategy. They chose to speak face to face or meet in a physical space in order to start a discussion. This is quite different from their earlier approaches where resolution was initially attempted through communicative strategy by sending email or sending a text. Furthermore, in both cases the initial approach is followed by a combination of communicative and psychological approaches indicated by the use of phrases such as say sorry and talk deeply. Much like other immigrant youth who participated in this study Jenny and Lan narrated their attempts at conflict resolution using different cultural tools when the situation was embedded among monocultural versus bicultural landscape. As statistical analysis also point out, the use of physical strategy among immigrant youth was primarily reserved for conflicts across bicultural interactions. In order to further explain this interesting finding, additional step in narrative analysis was performed.

Psychological States AnalysisWhile the qualitative analysis we performed thus far highlights and describes the pattern of statistical results in a more dynamic narrative form, it falls short from fully explaining why these particular differences occurred. However, analyzing the particular words that were used in narratives to designate psychological states, such as those indicating cognition (e.g. think, know, believe) and those indicating emotion/affect (e.g., happy, bothered, sad, disrespected, rude, upset, worried) can provide us with a clearer explanation. Surveying the differences between the two groups of youth in their use of psychological states across narrative contexts may clarify the reasons for the variability in the use of conflict resolution strategies. This approach can also help to explain why immigrant youth employ conflict resolution strategies more often in their narratives than do their U.S. born peers.

Expression of psychological states is an important feature of any narrative. Researchers have found that these expressions often indicate the significance of the story (Labov & Waletzky, 1967; Patterson & McCabe, 1984; Dauite & Nelson, 1997). References to internal states in narratives are frequently located around high points, or suspension points in a narrative. In a normative narrative, as a story builds up to a point through recapitulation of events, it often suspends the action at the crisis point while its importance is highlighted. Prior evidence indicates that narrators use psychological states to embellish favored characters in their narratives because speaking for themselves brings characters to life (Daiute, 2014).

When we compare the use of internal psychological states certain important differences are revealed. While both immigrant and U.S born youth used cognition and affect frequently, differences between the groups are apparent. Table 2 displays the type of cognitive and affective words used and highlights the major differences in the frequency of their use. Frequently used cognitive and affective words with more than 20% difference in overall usage by members of two groups are presented below in table 2.

The analysis shows that immigrant youth focused predominantly on process, active engagement and attempts to understand the situation encountered by Alex and Kai. They frequently used words such as understand (or not understand) and explain in conjunction to using words that engage with the situation emotionally and express sadness, worry, anger, sorry or want. U.S. born youth, on the other hand, focused more on the ambiguity of the situation and frequently used words such as acknowledge, upset, demand and annoy. Additionally, U.S. born youth frequently stressed their need to plan further courses of action and interactions.

Moreover, present analysis indicates that immigrant youth used words in reference to the internal states of anxiety and uncertainty when narrating their thoughts and feelings about the conflict resolution. Words such as sad, angry, worried, and sorry or phrases such as he doesn’t understand


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are more frequently found in the narratives of the immigrant youth. Given that they employ these words more frequently than did their U.S. born peers, at least by 20% in terms of raw usage, it appears that immigrant youth are more anxious and often uncertain when approaching conflict resolutions across both cultural contexts than were the U.S. born youth. In effect, this uncertainty may motivate them to approach conflict resolution through physical strategy – by meeting face to face to resolve conflict – especially across bicultural situations where common cultural framework used for meaning making may be less obvious.

In comparison, U.S. born youth used words indicative of a well formed script when approaching conflict resolutions. They frequently used words such as demand, upset, annoyed and phrases such as need to plan in their narratives, indicating that they had well formulated schemas for conflict resolution. These scripts point toward a well-developed normative sequence for conflict resolution that encompasses an understanding for how interlocutors ‘should’ relate to each other. Additionally, U.S. born youth often interpreted deviations from the norm, such as not texting a friend on time, as being rude. Because they used these types of words more frequently than did their immigrant peers we can conclude that U.S. born youth frequently operated from a perspective of expectation and hence a position of relative power within a discursive context which normative expectations afford.

The response by Brigitte, a 16-year-old female from Queens, N.Y. helps to illustrate these findings. For the interaction embedded among monocultural landscape Brigitte wrote:

When they met @ six there was a brief discussion about it. After a brief discussion they continued whatever they were planning to do.

Judging by this response, Brigitte appears confident in her approach to conflict resolution. She is brief, clearly states her assessment and does not use any hypothetical or self-doubting words to describe the situation. However, the answers given by Brigitte’s immigrant peers revealed a different pattern. Immigrant youth were often more reserved, tactful and frequently uncertain when crafting their narratives about the thoughts and feelings of others.

For example, narrative written by Monique, a 16-year-old female from Grenada, highlights this uncertainty and tactfulness. In response to the question, embedded in bicultural landscape, Monique writes:

Kai is probably thinking that Alex may not show up at all but he wanted to wait to confirm. He could have also been thinking that alex is not a reliable person and might be rethinking his friendship. I think that the conflict was resolved but they will drift apart as friends.

In contrast to Brigitte, who was brief in her response and appeared quite self-assured in her interpretation of the conflict and resolution, Monique is very careful when expressing her views and qualifies her answers in the realm of probability more frequently. She uses words and phrases such as probably, may not, could have also been and might be to qualify her response and indicate that she was uncertain of the thoughts and feelings. In summary, these examples illustrate that the immigrant youth seem to be more conscious of the fact that it is hard to know with any certainty how the tricky hypothetical situation presented in the vignette was resolved.

dISCUSSIoN

Theory holds that narrating is a social process whereby individuals can position differently in relation to the events they narrate, the audiences who might hear or read their narratives, and the broader contexts of meaning and activity defining their life experiences (Bamberg, 2006; Daiute, 2004). Particularly relevant to this work was the idea that being able to narrate about conflict from multiple stances involves young people in social relations with culturally diverse audiences. As such, this


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study offers researchers information about youth’s ability to make sense and resolve conflict across technologically mediated interpersonal interactions. Analyzing the structure of narrative revolving around a conflict and characters’ strategies for addressing the conflict foregrounds “trouble” in interpersonal interactions – a phenomenon that grabs human attention universally (Bruner, 2002) and thereby indicates the dynamics of interest in the lives of young who participated in this study.

The design of this study allows for within individual, across individual, and group diversities emerged. Analyses of study data focused on whether and how participants used narrating to express

Table 2. Frequently used words indicating psychological states (affect and cognition): Immigrant youth vs. U.S. born youth - between group differences of more than 20% in raw usage of the word.

Psychological State

Word Use Context (original syntax and spelling)

Percent of participant using the word

Immigrant U.S. born

Want Alex doesn’t really want to hang out with Kai any more.

58% 35%

Explain Alex thought it was not her fault, and she feeled sorry and she wanted to explain.

48% 15%

Anger Alex probably made up another passive excuse or ignored kai completely. Kai’s anger grows. No real resolution.

43% 22%

Understand I think they can’t resolve the trouble. They’re from different culture, country, religion.... They can’t understand each other

41% 20%

Sorry Maybe, Kai will send her a message that she’s really sorry about it.

41% 15%

Sadness Kai feel very sad because he knew that Alex will not show up.

27% 5%

Worry Kai wanted to make fun with Alex, but he was not coming and no message, so Kai was disappointed and worried him.

27% 0%

Plan Eventually they call each other up, argue some more, apologize and plan for another time.

27% 62%

Upset Alex showed up at six and apologized to Kai who was upset for a little while but as the time went by he let it go.

27% 62%

Annoyed Alex then gets more obviously annoyed and angry & asks Kai if they can please move on, or he will not want to hang out anymore at all.

27% 55%

Demand In general he won’t respond quickly unless kai shows anxiety and demands a response.

0% 20%

Forget Kai and Alex still saw each other. Kai did have an attitude with Alex upon his arrival but they soon both forgot about the text-message incident.

0% 20%

Acknowledge If Alex acknowledges that he/she didn’t behave well & was more clear about own plans & desires in the future, sure. Otherwise I don’t see it resolving,

0% 20%


55

different conflict resolution strategies. Analyses of the data examined features of narratives sometimes referred to as landscapes of action and landscapes of consciousness (Bruner, 1986), qualities that are consistent with referential meaning and evaluative meaning (Labov & Waletzky, 1967/1997). Landscapes of action (referential meaning) involve identifying the central plot structures (such as conflict issue, and strategies to resolve those conflicts); landscapes of consciousness (evaluative meaning) identify the narrator’s interpretation or significance of the event representations captured in the analysis through the focus on psychological states used by youth.

The design of the study allowed us to explore processes which are becoming increasingly important for the functioning of individuals in contemporary society at a time when social life is experiencing the effects of time-space compression (Harvey, 1999; Lucić, 2016). The increasing presence of technologically mediated interactions in the lives of contemporary youth impels us to consider the ways in which their psychological functions develop, adopt, and adjust to meet the affordances of mediated interpersonal interactions. However, despite the many changes and adjustments that occur due to the technological mediation of interpersonal interactions, one constant axis in many changing equations is language. Language continues to be employed as a tool for communicating feelings, thoughts, intents, and actions even in our increasingly mobile age. But perhaps more importantly, as we saw in this study, language can successfully be used as a research tool to describe, analyze and interpret approaches to conflict resolution of the study participants.

The results of the study indicate that immigrant youth are able to coordinate diverse ways of interpreting interpersonal interactions across two different narrative contexts and employ varied strategies to approach conflict resolution. The choice of which strategy to employ appears to be, at least in part, governed by the cultural origin of the interlocutor in the interaction. These findings reinforce earlier results emerging from studies that employ narrative methodology to explore the lives of migrant youth, such as that linguistic choices can become part of an immigrant’s strategy to negotiate between diverse contextual demands (Martin & Daiute, 2013) as well as that immigrant youth—who often grow up in bicultural or multicultural environments—tend to have more experience with people whose histories, languages, and knowledge bases differ from their own, and hence demonstrate a more varied ability to explain others’ approaches to making sense (Lucić, 2013).

Although mass migration is actively reshaping the social context of much of the United States (and increasingly the world) many social and cultural aspects of migrant experience remain overlooked. The dominant approaches to the scholarly study of mass migration often privilege labor and legal factors such as questions of economic benefits of immigrant presence in a particular society over less concrete processes and variables that can also explain and support immigrant development. Part of the reason for this rests in the fact that it is sometimes hard to perceive immediate practical benefits of certain fields of inquiry. However asking creative and hard research questions and attempting to shed light on processes which are not glaringly obvious to an untrained eye are also part of scientific inquiry, perhaps more important today than before. While economic and legal variables tend to be very obvious and powerful forces in the landscape of migration (and are not to be ignored) scholarly studies of immigration have often neglected the developmental, individual and psychological effects of this phenomenon.

Research has frequently focused on reified outcome measures, such as stressors, depression, marital conflict, identity and school achievement, when analyzing immigrant adaptation to a new context rather than basic psychological processes such as sense-making, meaning-making and approach to conflict resolution across mundane activities of everyday life or other more dynamic variables that potentially lie at the core of above mentioned outcomes. For example, it is not difficult to see how ineptness at diverse approaches to conflict resolution can lead to marital conflict, underperformance at school, increased risk of stress, and subsequently depression. Research that explores approaches to conflict resolution appears to be a fruitful and fertile field of psychological study that can add important theoretical knowledge and enhance applied pedagogical approaches, thus aiding youth who are actively trying to make sense of a diverse and technologically mediated social context


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