Namosain; An Expression of Dakwah and Life

Namosain An Expression of Da’wah and Life

By Kusuma Dewi Subakir

Content

Title …………………………………………………………………………….Content ………………………………………………………………………1

Chapter I. Departure; Come Into East Nusa Tenggara…………………….3

A.1. East Nusa Tenggara; A Source of Research …..…………………………3

A.2. Research Practices for Da’wah Inquiry ………………………………….6

A.3. Fieldwork of Research ………………………………………………….9

Chapter IIDa’wah and Economy………..…………………………………..12

B.1. Islam’s Arrival in East Nusa Tenggara………………………………….12

B.1.1. Tracing Back To Muslim’s Trade………………………………..13

B.1.2. Islam Coming to the Heart of East Nusa Tenggara ……………..16

B.2. Fisehry as Arena of Economy ………………………………………….19

Chapter III Da’wah at The Seashore…………….…………………………23

C.1. Mosque; a Center of Da’wah Activity …………………………………23

C.2. Ethnic Leader is Religious Leader ……………………………………..29

Chapter IV …………………………………………………………………..37

D.1. Fishing; a Life Pattern …………………………………………………37

D.2. The Spirit on Workhardship ……………………………………………40

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1

Pictures and Graphic

Pictures:

a. Picture 1. Map of Research Area ……………………………………...5

b. Picture 2. The Map of Namosain Village ………………………………9

c. Picture 3. Situation of Interviews and Observations During

Fieldwork…………………………………………………………………9

d. Picture 4. Namosain Mosque, Air Mata Mosque, kampung Solor

Mosque………...………………………………………………………..17

e. Picture 5. Atulaganama’s Graveyard at Kampung Solor Cemetrial…....18

f. Picture 6. Rogayah (wearing white headscraft) in Muallaf Majlis Ta’lim

Mujahidin, Nurul Mubin Mosque …………………………………….25

g. Picture 7. Nurul Mubin after Latest Restoration (1991-2006) ……..…..27

h. Picture 8. Aba Ridwan at one of religious service ……………………29

i. Picture 9. Lampara (Purse-seine), Bodi Tepa, (motor machined boat),

and sampan (non-machined small boat) ……………………………..35

j. Picture 10. Busy bustling papalele at a non-auction sale …………….41

k. Picture 11. Activities at Central Market Oeba ……….………………...43

l. Picture 11. Mama busy at pesta, and the attendants …..………………..45

Graphics:

a. Graphic 1. Precentage of Population by age and sex in 2007 …………4

b. Graphic 2. Total Fishermen by Village and Type of Work in Kupang,

2007 …………………………………………………………………. ..20

c. Graphic 3. Total Production Marine Capture by Trimester in 2007

….....21

d. Graphic 4. Precentage of Religion follower by 2007 ……………………

29

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Chapter I.

Departure; Come across East Nusa Tenggara

“….. I think a work on fishing community can

more fruitfully begin from an observation that the

very foundation of fishing community if fishing.”

(Pujo Semedi, 2003)

A.1. East Nusa Tenggara; A Source of Research

East Nusa Tenggara, like other area in Eastern Indonesia is a diverse region in

terms of natural and social characteristics. The scattered islands in this province

make the region as miniature of Indonesia completed with inconvenience of

rough area. The 566 islands in round 47,349 km2 of the Province comprise of

various ethnic groups and enriched with natural quantities as well cultural

resources. For the most part of people are lives in main islands such as Timor,

Flores, Sumba. Physically, the islands are the continuation of volcanic

archipelago begins from Sumatra. (BPS NTT, 2007) This condition affects part of

the island to the tectonic vulnerability, such as Maumere, Larantuka at Flores,

also Solor and Alor island. The climate of East Nusa Tenggara is semi-arid with

low average annual of rainfall 1,500 mm, and the average of temperature is 26.8

degree Celsius on 2001-2006. Having been acquainted as part of Lesser Sunda

at the time of colonization, the islands of East Nusa Tenggara are separated from

Java and Bali by a deep sea channel to the east of Wallacea line which then has

an effect on the Australian-resemble of Flora and Fauna rather than that of

3

Southeast Asian style. Komodo (giant lizard) and flourished eucalyptus are part

of those Australian generated style. (Badan Pusat Statistik, Propinsi NTT 2007)

In East Nusa Tenggara, total amount of population is 4.355.121 with

highest population density in Kupang municipality. (BPS, 2007; Williams, 2007;

11) The higher population in the municipality and the lower in regencies both

designate uneven spread so generate the possibility of higher urbanization.

Kupang is one of destination’s cities for which people presume on its highest

providences of industrial work, abundant income as well luxurious lifestyle.

Regarding to East Nusa Tenggara religious affair, the people affiliated with

Christianity in majority. Taking this believe as the only religion conviction gives

wrong impression about long ended historical fact and situation. Chronological

study on the arrival of Islam on the next chapter will provide a brief explanation

on this plurality. Lately, Religious Affair of East Nusa Tenggara Representative

recorded the percentage of religion follower by 2007; Islam 8.25percent,

Christianity (Protestantism) 34.24percent, Catholic 54.65percent, Hinduism

0.21percent, Buddhism 0.01percent and follower included into other religions are

2.64percent.1 In Kupang municipality, the area where the research is done,

muslim population reaches 11.83percent and almost all muslim inhabitants are

migrant from other island or even other province in Indonesia. As a matter of fact,

the scattered Muslim community at all islands affect to the difficulty of da’wah

process as well other dimension of economic and social development in this

archipelagic province. (Williams, 2007: 13)

1 Largest muslim population were at Ende regency (26.51%) and Lembata regency (22.91%) both are situated in Flores island.

4

Graphic (1): Percentage of population by age and sex in 2007

Still, several sources of study on the spreading of Muslim community, both

of oral and written, have reported that almost all of muslim communities live at

coastal area. They live alongside of coastal from Flores Island, Solor and as far

as to Alor, the eastern farthest side of this province. One legend from Solor

Island tells two idioms express an even blurry division of religion in the

archipelagic area. The story calls coastal’s inhabitant as Watan which mean

seaside, while other word identify hill’s inhabitant as Kiwan means hill. The term

Watan belongs to muslim community who live in seashore area for almost all

generation. On the contrary term Kiwan always denotes to Chatolic follower who

take hill as their domicile. The other evidence provides for the religion and

dwelling linkage comes from the masterpiece of prominent anthropolog, Schulte

Norldhot, entitled The Political System of The Atoni of TImor. The Atoni people (a

name belongs to a tribe at Timor island), approved by the text, have only

symbolic fishing culture through the story of ancestors arrival and the shape of

tribe’s center hut. Since they consider sea as frightening and haunted site, Atoni

leave the rest of fishery livelihood behind their agricultural lifecycle. (Norldhot,

1975)

5

KABUPATENMANGGARAI BARAT

KABUPATENMANGGARAI

KABUPATENNGADA

KABUPATENENDE

KABUPATENSIKKA

KABUPATENFLORES TIMUR

KABUPATENLEMBATA

KABUPATENA L O R

KABUPATENSUMBA BARAT

KABUPATENSUMBA TIMUR

KABUPATENROTE NDAO

KABUPATENKUPANG

KABUPATENT T S

KABUPATENTTU

KABUPATENKUPANG

NEGARATIMOR LESTE

NEGARATIMOR LESTE

WAINGAPUWAIKABUBAK

LABUAN BAJO

RUTENG

BAJAWA ENDE

MAUMERE

LARANTUKALEWOLEBA

KALABAHI

ATAMBUA

KEFAMENANU

SOE

KUPANG

PROP. NTB

BAA

L A U T F L O R E S

S A M U D E R A H I N D I A

L A U T S A W U

SELAT SUMBA

Picture (1). Map of Research Area

It

follows that muslim population scattered dominantly at all coastal area of the

province, together with natural recourse development. Alongside Kupang Gulf at

Timor Island, take as an instance, muslim communities live throughout all area

from Sulamu and Oesapa (where Bugenese Muslim dwelled for) to Namosain

and Tenau natural port (Solorese, Butonese and Javanese are mostly live).2

Muslim society and its spreading throughout the island would never be separated

from historical record of Islam arrival. (Nordhlot, 1971) Regarding this issue,

Azyumardi Azra, an Indonesian muslim historian affirmed the existence of

muslim voyage through all of Indonesia area. He put his words agreeing on van

Leur:

“…the first wave of Islamic spreading in Nusantara was tradesmen. There were muslim community who deliver Islamic teaching and practice during their trading voyage in this area…. Those tradesmen –also- married with local prominent women. Thus, muslim family formation age, put the nucleus of muslim community into the front of consequence door and at a more appropriate had have its significant role on spreading Islam. In addition, those tradesmen keep on matrimonial kind of da’wah with royal bound descendants that would facilitate them taking over all the power and use is for the rest of da’wah activity” (Azra, 1994: 31)

2 On the national scale of fishery, East Nusa Tenggara prominently had known as main producing Province for marine culture (481,123 MT). While National aquatic plant production (especially seaweed) in 2007 reached 1.7 million tonnes, of which 504.7 thousand tonnes from East Nusa Tenggara and that also for producing of marine capture. (DKP, 2007) Seaweed showed the highest production in Aquaculture production, followed by Shrimps and carp. (p.19)

6

In line with this opinion, Widyatmika, an expert of muslim history in East Nusa

Tenggara, grounded his study purposely on mapping muslim society in East

Nusa Tenggara, based on their first wave ancestral.

This research, thus, trying to reaffirm the study of historical record on

Islam arrival in East Nusa Tenggara, together with a short critical attempt on

trading motivation as well da’wah voyage of first wave Islam missionaries.

(Chapter II)

A.2. Research Practices for Da’wah Inquiry

Studying Islam and its influence into economical life and practice were none a

strange study in Indonesia, and Java in particular. Andrew Beatty was prominent

on his anthropological research the varieties of Javanese varieties of religion.

The study relied on the previous study on muslim’s pattern of life in Java. Coming

back to coastal area, Pudjo Semedi was also has spent half of his research life

on fishery and included within his record, a dynamic practice of Islam in

Pekalongan. As well several studies on muslim life at coastal area of Java

brought by muslim intellectual, Mudjahirin Thohir, take an instance. Having been

emphasized on the rituals and religious experiences, the study done by Thohir

took area in Eastern part of Java (Tuban) has involved short part of economic

activities. At the other hand some other intellectual concerns more on economy

and its relation to Islamic teaching. Indonesian prominent expert, Dawam

Rahardjo focuses more on philosophical and ethical in this dimension.

In order to find its particularity, this research uses previous researches

and studies as background for economic modernization that, perhaps, happened

throughout all of coastal area in Indonesia. In doing so, Weberian economic style

will argue on changing process of economic activity from traditional pattern into

more modern one. While this study put the accent on verifying economic

capitalization based on religious ethic (Protestan). This great work then, initiates

Indonesian researchers to verify the hypothesis in Islam and Indonesia (Java in

particular). Abdullah study, based on Weberian idea, mentions the successful

7

attempts on economic modernization, in an area of Central Java, require some

other indicators. Such as urbanized and modern lifestyle of economic actor

together with the increasing demand from consumer group. (Abdullah, 1994)

Interestingly, Zully Qodir when study the experience of muslim reformist

community and its modernization in Pekajangan, central Java accentuated that

the process of rationalization in Islam did not merely pointed to the absent of

asceticm. Rather Muslim group of Pekajangan pay more attention into different

style of ascetism, such as infaq (alms giving) as their custom (Qodir, 2002).

Besides that, for Namosain muslim community, this research is trying to

consider da’wah activity (as the continuation of historical criticism) providing a

guidance either for personal or communal life. As major ulama mainly explored,

the word means the “calling” and denotes to an activity which unanimously

understood as “enjoining what is right” and “forbidding what is wrong” (Muhdlor,

1997; Crollius, 1978, Natsir, 1999; Dermawan, 2002). The two phrases comprise

Islamic way of life, while Muslims have a conviction in believing the one God,

Allah, at the same time they are obliged to convey a worldly sets of commands

and prohibitions. This concept leads into an ethical message and involves the

interrelated dimensions of divine conviction and human conducts (Crollius, 1978).

In addition to understand the concept, Andi Dermawan, consider da’wah in

a more socio-cultural framework, he refers to Muslims’ strategies and attempts in

order to effectively spread the source of ethic and take the goal of human

liberation as a major preference. Again, he affirms that none of da’wah major

goal to accumulate the quantity of Muslims, primarily it calls for more attention

toward the responsibility for surroundings, challenge to free from discriminative

barriers among human being, and the experiment on the submissive spirit of life

(Islam).

Hence, da’wah does not refer to the hierarchical structure of

communication among Muslims. Rather it expresses a functional structure

emphasizes more on social and cultural interaction among Muslims. Moreover,

da’wah relate not only to a matter of official activity, but it also contains individual

or communal attempt to implement those ethical command. In line with this

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strategy, Sukriyanto considers the role of da’wah will function when it displays

dialectic character and interacts within both of the practical life and teachings of

Islam. This is what the so called historical da’wah (Dermawan, 2002).

While mosque encompasses the center for Islamic ‘calling’, Muslim

Namosain has exemplified this symbol. Mosque represents such dynamic

interaction between teachings and practical life of muslim Namosain. Their

present as largest muslim community within a surrounded Christian believer in

majority partly brought a sense of solidarity among the members. This example

likely reveals the significant role of da’wah in Namosain. This is the fact that

da’wah represent a source of ethical consideration as what Abdullah articulates a

“…..Islam with its teachings, such as praying, fasting, pilgrimage, and avoiding certain food and drinks, has also induced economic effects. The prohibition of gambling has affected the attitude towards speculative trade of religious groups.” (Abdullah, 1994).

A.3. Fieldwork of Research

My first visiting East Nusa Tenggara in 2008 has given me a chance in learning

people and social life as well the cultural dimension which surrounded their

archipelagic area. Take an example, the historical and social setting of its people

who put emphasis mostly on ethnic affinity within this complex and modernized

life. Similarly, people dissemination in regard to religion’s affinity, would hardly

ever to neglect the long story of colonialism (for both Portuguese and Dutch)

which in part involving the process missionaries from Rome Chatolic and

Zending. Taking its emphasis on study of muslim society, again, it is implausible

to take away the existence of fishery which in fact has contributed the annual

capital for the province.

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Picture ( 2 ). The Map of Namosain Village

I began with preliminary research historical record on the coming of Islam

in East Nusa Tenggara in order to find the management of Da’wah used by

ulama and traders in this region. I was very lucky for meeting such intellectual

and historians, also prominent figures from Muslim society as well valuable

advantage from Department of Religious Affairs in this region, both East Nusa

Tenggara region and that of Kupang municipality. Apart from historical review of

Islam’s arrival, it is worth to mention the study of da’wah at Nusantara as

background of this research while economic documentation is crucial element

regarding in particular.

During my constant fieldwork (May 12 up to July 02, 2009) I went

extensively through all the city of Kupang, begin my attention to some basic area

of fishery activity (i.e. District Namosain and District Oesapa) and single large

fish market, Oeba. Later I continued to observe three concentrated Muslim

community around the city; Solor, Airmata, and Namosain. Finally, I concentrated

to choose Namosain as the existed fishermen community for the rest of my

fieldwork. For all three villages I observe the daily life in order to understand their

regular practiced Islam. Some interviews are made to complete this observation,

a thankful for imams Airmata and three other mosques at Kampung Solor. It is

regrettably to say that during this research it is difficult to have a meeting time

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Picture ( 3 ). Situation of Interviews and Observations during fieldwork

with an imam of Raya Mousque, Kampung Solor because of his busy as member

of house of representative. But then it was a glad to –unintentionally- find an

older imam, Aba Ja’far so he took the place and told us much of complete story

on Islam arrival in Kupang municipality.

Considering the complexity of the issue, research on da’wah and

economic activity would not be qualified if it merely focused on the historical

aspect independently and separate any other aspects. The study on economical

side of Kupang municipality and the dynamic fishery income rate are completed

by the help of Departement of Fishery on Kupang municipality and Statistic

Departement record. Apart from this literally study, data collection regarding

income rate and that of distribution among fishermen has been collected trough

in-depth interview and survey study given to every informants group. Those are

in depth interview decided for about five juragans and survey are permeated for

thirty five of every group of fishermen’s wives and anak buah (boat-crew). For

further information of survey result, we decided to have interview for five Mama

11

(fishermen’s wives) and that of boat-crew.3 While for papalele group I decided to

use the very open interview during observation at the seashore along with their

preparation for their sale activity. (Abdullah, 1994)

During a month and a half stay at Namosain, has contributed great part of

my data collection. These stays offered me an opportunity to interact with the

family and observe their households relation, daily life necessities and to some

extent such domestic dispute. These all, at the same time, has provided me a

deeper understanding of the informants’ very domestic domain. (Wiliams, 2007)

******

B. Chapter II

Da’wah and Economy

“….It is a matter of discovering just what sorts of beliefs and

practices support what sorts of condition. Our problem, … is not

to define religion but to find it.” (Clifford Geertz, 1968)

B.1. Islam’s Arrival in East Nusa Tenggara

Mapping the contact of Islam with local people in East Nusa Tenggara means an

effort to go far beyond the coming of colonial era (by Portuguese and Dutch

3 Survey method was not designed primary on the beginning of research. Rather it replaces the research plan on FGD. The reason behind this changing method was due to a troublesome of short timing research and trouble on collecting all people in the very different villages.

12

and/or VOC). It is, then, a draw on historical path for a useful broader relation

while at the same time giving a good reading on the attempt how Islam is

conceived trough economical, political and social interaction among Islam in this

major Dutch and Portuguese influence of colonialism. The significant of this

cross-cultural study on religion were accentuated by Geertz, a prominent

anthropolog. One of the purposes of comparative approach to religion, he

affirmed, extended from the actual historical outcome of religious development

up to the dynamic practical life toward God communication. It is actually, a mere

fact of what Geertz called upon:

“Islamization has been a two-sided process. On the one hand, it has consisted of an effort to adapt a universal, in theory ….usually well-integrated system of ritual and belief to the realities of local, even individual, moral and metaphysical perception. On the other, it consisted of a struggle to maintain……the identity of Islam in general.” (Geertz, 1968; 14)

In line to the above excerpt, the investigation toward historical Islam as well the

current aspect of practical life both have the purpose on tracing back to the way

that locality –in fact- never work in particular. Except It always denote to the way

the particular practices of life communicate to each other.

B.1.1. Tracing Back to Muslim’s Trade

East Nusa Tenggara an archipelagic province in eastern part of Indonesia,

consists of several islands with various site of natural harbor extended among

bigger and smaller islands. Those are the connecting port for Mollucas and other

western areas of Indonesia expedition, such are; Solor Island, Ende island, also

Alor island. Besides, the sites also significantly run for transitory port of

international trade relations from both local manufacturer agents and

international agents sequenced from China, India, Malay, and even from Egypt

and Persia. Those agents had benefited the port for waiting a helpful strategic

weather, in order to have their commerce voyage toward Australia continent. The

13

agents, at the same time also- had projected for these islands’ natural capital

such as sandalwood, candle, ceramics, and horses (Nordhlot, 1971; de Jong,

2002) Thus, investigating the sites as the gate for Islam’s arrival are plausible

evidences why Islam develops on the coastal area of these islands.

Predicting the coming of Islam from a single group of carrier is not

appropriate for East Nusa Tenggara case. Widyatmika has recorded that the

wave of Islam’s arrival can be tracing back to the destination of those

commerce’s agents. Islam had come to this area since 15 CE, first story stated

that Islam come from Palembang trader ulama (West Sumatra) namely

Syahbudin bin Salman Al Faris. The place he had stepped his armada was called

Menanga4 the similar word denoted for the place where Sultan came from.

Another record referred the first hand of Islam arrival to Lamakera natural port at

the same land mass, Solor. It was a Ternate noblesse who had entered to this

area, namely Syarif Sutan Sahar together with his wife, Syarifah al Mansyur.

Along before colonialism penetrated to this area, the history indicated that

Ternate, which had North Moluccas as the central of kingdom, have had East

Nusa Tenggara for their territory and command. (Azra, 1994)

Both trade ulama from Menanga and the King from Ternate, Widyatmika

affirmed, had used similar mode in spreading Islam in this area. They had started

strategic with cultural and familial approach toward local leader. At the same

time, building mosque or praying central point had been precisely benefited for

themselves and local people as well. Further, Sultan Menanga have had built

muslim community in this place.

Furthermore, some other places in East Nusa Tenggara also benefited

from this religion’s arrival and later on become the central of muslim communities

in East Nusa Tenggara. Both are Flores Island and Alor; two different sites with

more similar natural characteristic as transito port for Malay, Minang, Java as

well Ternate merchants. Flores, Ende in particular, even went for further

development, become the place where first Islamic education centre is built at

4 Located at the edge of Lohayong, where Potuguese built its fortress, later (Widyatmika, 2004)

14

the time when Portuguese have had its pastoral institution. (Widyatmika, 2007,

Widyatmika, 2004)

The historical record of first arrival of Islam gives an idea about Islam’s

attempt to infiltrate its values and teachings into more local practices life without

–at the same time- changing its life pattern in general. Thus, the da’wah have

had something to do with handling religion into an attempt on improving upon

local practice of religion, and at the same time declining the practice from

extremely revolutionized that of the local. (Azra, 1994) But then, a short critical

study on this record evidences that Widyatmika’s approach on this study was

followed a major economical method, which has expanded by van Leur tradition

of colonialism. For this logic economical as well political facets always preserve

for spreading of Islam.

Local figures and their acceptance toward Islam’s arrival benefited

internationally for the persistence of inter-oceanic commerce. While at the same

time Islam’s agents –still- had their activities as well got their protective support

from the local figures. To sum up, Islam’s arrival has their internationally parallel

characters, such as good relationship between Islam’s da’wah activity and

coastal commerce; the holding da’wah depend upon small amount of individuals;

and the need of local access and relationship with local figures. What’s more,

first Islam’s spreading noticeably indicated by central place activity, that it is

mosque or praying place. (Widyatmika, 2004; Azra, 1994)

Likewise, some other aspects also denoted the dynamic life of those

international trading agents. It is worth to note the province’s position along

before colonialism era was peripheral area of Islam’s development at all, but it

had played a part in connecting the successful commerce from Asia into

Australia and Pacific as well. The area had pointed to the primary trace of 18 CE-

19 CE national trade water ways, where hundreds of merchants from Sulawesi

(Bugese and Macassar) annually went to North coastal area of Australia in order

to gain tripang trade.5 In addition, JW Schoorl also recorded that Buton sailors

5 During their trading fairway, the agents for often times stopped their armada over natural ports at Ende, Solor, Alor, Makassar beach at Oecussi (Eastern Timor). Solor natural

15

(West Sulawesi) also involved into this trading while they had been the primary

good tripang exporter for Batavia. (GJ. Schutte, 1994) And what’s more, these

islands had provided incredible contribution for sandalwood, wax, and horse

trading for all international trace. The existence of China merchant groups and

that of Srivijaya in this coastal area at earlier century were the evidence of East

Nusa Tenggara eminence role providing for those special goods. As well, I Gde

Parimartha and WGC Smith study entitled Horse Trading The Economic Role of

Arabs on the Lesser Sunda Islands, c 1800 to c 1940 recorded well interaction

and commerce process between Arab traders and local rulers. WGC Smith

stated in detail:

“Good relations with indigenous rulers were as essential to the prosperity of Arabs merchants as keeping on the right side of the colonial authorities. Local rulers determined many aspects of trade … ” (Ahmad Ibrahim, 1985: 148)

Finally, the previous factors which had supported Islam’s arrival at East

Nusa Tenggara point to last aspect where influence immediately to the access of

local people for the new religion. The emergences of Islam base of Kingdoms at

eastern part of Nusantara have had great role in infiltrating Islamic teaching and

believe to this area which in part become those kingdoms’ territory. To mention

those monarchy are great Gowa Kingdom at South Sulawesi which had taken

over eastern part of Nusantara such as Sulawesi, Bima, Dompu, Wuton (Buton),

Selaprang, Kutai, Flores and Alor. At 1605, the kingdom in alien with lesser

kingdoms in Flores had succeeded in controlling over Portuguese and VOC in

various sites such as Bima, Solor, and Timor as well. Next, the role of Ternate as

another Islamic Kingdom could not be neglected in this narrative. The latest

Kingdom had controlled over and expanded culturally East Nusa Tenggara sites,

to mention partly: Solor, Alor, also Adonara. Both great Kingdom were

simultaneously left their influence toward muslim in East Nusa Tenggara well.

While some other Islamic power such as Sultanage in Pontianak, also several

other in Java had their role supporting Islam’s arrival in East Nusa Tenggara for

glance influential. (Azra, 1994; Schutte,1994; Widyatmika, 2007)

transito port was used as primary area where they waited for hazardous western monsoon so persistently kept on went to Timor island. (Widyatmika, 2004)

16

B.1.2. Islam Coming to the Heart of East Nusa Tenggara

Located at the west-southern part of Kupang Gulf, Kupang is the principal city of

East Nusa Tenggara history where natural port was located. Its geographical site

had attracted both Portuguese and Dutch colonial and let them built central

market since 13 CE. Although, Nordhlot characterized the city as an peripheral

area ripen without natural sources except firm rocky reef and dessert land,

Kupang indeed has played pivotal role on transporting goods marine

transnational business from Timor island into western Indonesia, China, Europe

and so forth. Yet, the historical trade record continues up to 1958 where Kupang

established to be the principal city of East Nusa Tenggara

Islam had started to reach Kupang along 17CE and 18CE, precisely on

1657 when Captain Johan Burgers had succeeded on ruling his armada, VOC, to

move central colonial government into the city. VOC’s great achievement from

Portuguese and its allied, Timor local rulers, indispensably could not overlooked

from his coalition with Sutan Syarif Syahar, Ternate’s Kingdom noblesse who led

his armada from muslim Solor. Beginning from this successful alliance, Sutan

had its privilege to take over part of Kupang city, right before the Concordia

Fortress. The place later on is prominent by the name Kampung Solor, the island

where this first muslim society came from. It is likely to say that by the first

coming of Sutan Syarif, who then well-known as Atulaganama, had been the

stepping stone for the development of da’wah Islam in this promising city.

(Widyamika, 2004) Having been guaranteed by government and stayed as the

first ulama in the city. Atulaganama had started to spread Islam, he then asked

other ulama from Java and Sumatra in order to enliven the life of Islam in the city.

17

Other narrative of Islam’s arrival told that Islam was first come to Kupang

by the help of trader from southern part of Nusantara. They were ulama from

Philipine that also called Papanger stayed at the coastal area of western part of

the fortress, Oeba. (Nordhlot, 1971) Currently, the place is used as the central

market for fishery selling activity. Nevertheless, the development of Islam’s

spread di kota ini tidak bisa berkembang secara cepat. Persaingan antara VOC

dan Portugis ternyata tidak saja berefek pada penguasaan perdagangan, lebih

dari itu masing-masing juga menyebarkan agama Kristen dan Katolik.

(Widyatmika 2004, 2008).

18

Picture ( 4 ) From left, Namosain Mosque, Air Mata Mosque, Kampung Solor Mosque

Picture ( 5 ). Atulaganama’s graveyard at Kampung Solor cemetrial

Besides, the arrival of Islam in Kupang also came from ulama and muslim

intellectual. Those are religious figures from various places around Timor who

cme to the city in order to –intentionally- bring Islam into local community by the

hand of da’wah motivation. To mention part of them are Abdul Kadir bin Jaelani

as Sambawi, an ulama from Sumbawa. He is the one who had accompanied

Atulaganama, Solorese ulama, in establishing first mosque in Kupang. Other

muslim intellectual came from Java consisted of exile people, Javanese group of

sufi and small scale of Arab who did their trade in coastal area along the northern

part of Java. These groups of mass dwelled in Airmata right before the fortress.6

The latest group of muslim had their beneficial influence for establishing the

mosque as the heart of Islamic education gathering place.

B.2. Fishery as Arena of Economy

Kupang and East Nusa Tenggara is mainly exporter for eastern tuna fish

(tongkol) in Indonesia. Richard Mathew recorded on his A Business Survival

Guide to Eastern Indonesia that Kupang exports this special fish to Japan as the 6 These groups of Arab was known from three major clans; Al Jufri, Al Katiri and Al Gadri.

Other groups commerce’s agents scattered in Sumba, also Atapupu (at the border of East Timor area) and Pante Makassar (Oecussi, region of Timor Leste) (The Interview by Adam Asrakal Juni, 2 and Dr. Munadjar Widyatmika May, 15; see also WGC Smith , 2002). While the other group was came from Bangka and one of Diponegoro’s troop who are sent away to this island for war exile. (Widyatmika, 2007)

19

primary market destination and Philinines for secondary. What's more, Kupang

water side contains hundreds of natural and fishery resources. Indeed, national

capture fisheries production recorded that East Nusa Tenggara together with two

other provinces (Mollucas and East Java) they remained as the top producing

province with total production about 25,8 percent from national marine capture

production.7 This prosperous area made up alongside of Kupang gulf, located in

west-northern part of Timor island scattered into two divided regencies, Kupang

regency and Rote Ndao, as well one municipality of Kupang. Kupang gulf had

primary a slightly slope classification so that the coastal areas have good

potentiality either for dwelling place, sea port, or mangrove conservatory site.

Besides, the gulf’s slope contour that made up cleaved tunnel along with the

existence of small islands (i.e Semau, Kera, and some un-named islands) are

excellent combination for good giant fishery pound. The latest geographical

characteristic, also, protectively supports fishery activity against hazardous

Tsunami’s threat which had repeatedly strike other island in East Nusa

Tenggara. (DKP, 2007)

Graphic ( 2 ). Total of Fishermen by Village and Type of Work in Kupang, 2007

7 Since 2002 the Governor of East Nusa Tenggara had declared a multi-year program called Gemala (Gerakan Masuk Laut) which gives high priority for sea manufacture. The program proposes on: 1) Developing citizen’s income, 2) Evolving the priority on labor demands as well opportunity for coastal technological creativity 3) Developing food security from natural recourse diversity.

20

Opportunely, Kupang fishery capture production rate in 2007 has indicated

fine manufacture from various kinds of fish, such as small pelagis (i.e. Ikan

Tembang [Fringscale], Selar [Shrimp scad], and Ikan Kembung [Indo Pacific

mackerel]) kind of big pelagis (i.e. Ikan Tongkol [eastern little tuna] and Cakalang

[Skipjack tuna]) as well demersial (i.e. Kakap Merah [red snipper] and Kerapu

[honeycomb grouper]). Among those kinds, the number of highest expected

capture comes from small pelagis unit as it successfully helped by a great deal of

armada unit. (DKP, 2007)

Graphic (3). Total Production of Marine Capture by trimester in 2007

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Source: Statistic of Perikanan Tangkap Kota Kupang 2007

As primary source of substitute, fishery is an essential alternative for

Kupang’s inhabitants. The coastal area of Kupang Gulf made up a productive fish

industry. The productivity of the area made up other side of commercial

potentiality for either transportation or tourism site. Unfortunately, the tropical sea

richness was left behind in less utilized condition. In one condition, it can be said

that local people (Dawan tribe, the majority of Timor island) had considered sea

as the counter world of earth where hazardous energy came from. Therefore,

fishery and coastal productive industry is totally new knowledge for city’s people.

(Nordhlot, 1971)

Since the city opens for modern and development industry, Kupang grows

as urbanization area so people decided to designate their occupational future for.

The city, as well, demanded more labor human recourse and preferred for

industrial area. Fishery, then, would not be conceived as traditional to earn

money; it then had been considered as less important livelihood as it needs less

education. Thus, almost all of those who come to this business are migrant

people, particularly Bugenese, Rotenese, Sabunese and lately Solorese.

Lately, regional government started to realize the potential watery

resource within its coastal area. The government then established program for

traditional fishery encouragement. A number of plans such as productive credit

22

grant for juragan (deck-man), also support machine allowance, as well donation

for papalele. As well, regional department of fishery set up human recourse

assistance in order to gain more capture, income and social prosperity as well.

Since 1983, the city government had make reference to one of cooperation group

(koperasi laut), and when province government promoted for establishing

Gemala program fishermen had their huge assistance for even further.

********

23

C. Chapter III

Da’wah at The Seashore

“Religion lives and become adaptive toward its surrounding. Its

pattern, construct models of religious attitudes….which live in

different communities, then, cause dissimilar religious

characteristic as well.” (Muhajirin Tohir, 2006)

C.1. Mosque, Center Of Da’wah Activity

It is Sunday 08.30 in the morning when sun shines dazzlingly; a group of women

come to the Mosque Nurul Mubin at Namosain hamlet. Since it had been built,

the mouse locates at the bottom of Namosain village right before the seashore.

So, every one may see the large scale of Timor Gulf with the view of Kera the

maiden island right at the straight path. But now, since the population has

increased time by time, seashore view has been interrupted by recent area of

hamlet along the seashore. At some monsoon times, the hanged up casting net

and seine even worsen this natural scene. Rarely, the asphalted road separated

the Mosque from dynamic of fishing activity at the seashore as well it’s busy

bustling traffic sets mosque’s activities aside. However, this situation seems like

a natural for inhabitants due to dwelling necessitate at this village.

A group of Mama (woman) have been waited there for twenty minutes, but

the Ustadz of pengajian (religious services) has not come to the place yet. Since

2005 those women whom are grouped themselves into Majlis Ta’lim muallaf

Mujahidin (muallaf Mujahidin religious services) by Pa’ Keneng Initiative come

together to learn about reciting Qur’an. At this morning, Ma Ndun (60 years old)

who has amputated leg comes with her grand-daughter from Osmok hamlet (a

hamlet within Namosain’s hill which located higher than the mosque spot). At that

time, bespattered sweat kept her fast breath, showed her weary palish face. Ma

Ndun is one of Majlis Ta’lim members. Though Ustadz Hamid, the teacher of

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Qur’an recitation, got angry in often time, her spirit always tries to overcome her

ignorance. “Ngaji tuh, sulit sudah. sulit menghafal bacaan baru, tu! Be ju lupa

terus, nah. Su tua, nah!” It was so hard to –always- remember the totally new

knowledge. I was too old! she asserted on the material difficulty of studying –

totally new- language; Arabic. Ma Ndun, together with more than 20 muallaf

Mama at Namosain gather at every Sunday to study a lot about Islam, their new

conviction. Takes turn from reciting daily prays, reciting Qur’an, studying Fiqh

and even hearing some Islamic sermon from Ustadz Hamdi. Not often, Ustadz

Hamid taught impatiently as the followers of this Majlis Ta’lism were lack of

knowledge from reciting Qur’an at all. One and the only hope come from his

aspiration on maintaining akidah (belief) he, than, intended to teach those

women. Luckily, some of the followers succeeded on this study like Ma Amin,

who has completed her recitation for twice since the group was established four

years ago.

Majlis Ta’lim has transferred spirit toward the jama’ah (member) to deepen

their religious knowledge as well the practice one. As Ma Amin the leader of this

group acknowledged akidah’s liability of those muallaf, the group of Mama –as

well other muallaf at Kupang- got a lot time to revert to the previous conviction.

Therefore, the challenging reason for this fraternal solidarity arose to strengthen

caring and compassionate feeling among the follower on the one hand and the

attempt to deepen their religious lessons at the other one.

Rogayah’s story inclined to sign the importance of Majlis Ta’lim. Rogayah

(or Nina) was converted to Muslim two years ago since she met Hasbi who then

became her husband. As they only knew that Rogayah came to Kupang to get a

job, her family and relatives at So’e (the capital city of Timor Tengah Selatan)

was so socked hearing on her conviction. On some occasions, she has explained

on a touching spiritual dream as the most convincing reason behind her

conversion. But, they at So’e lesson nothing to this mystical experience. Since

then, Rogayah started to deepen her subjective acknowledgment by studying

Qur’an till then she confessed these are not easy at all. Her deck-man husband

supported her conviction but hard times of minimum familial income suspend her

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Picture ( 6 ): Rogayah (wearing white headscarf) in Muallaf Majlis Ta’lim Mujahidin, Nurul Mubin Mosque

moral religious support. Moreover, her early pregnancy has to do with giving

priority to familial need rather than wasting time to studying Islam deeply. Finally,

it is just six months ago she found her hope when she met Ma Amin at Idul Fitri

celebration who then introduced her to this Majlis Ta’lim.

Namosain and its mosques, then, socially and culturally have to jump up

more than a religious exploration. It had and have to do with, firstly,

strengthening akidah of its Muslim residents and later integrate its services with

the great attempt of village’s compliance on villagers’ welfare both physically and

mentally. It can be explained by the real condition of fishermen’s world since

male members of the village in general have their two intermingle world of

seashore and world of sea. Both would never be separated each other. In

addition, those male go to their fishing activity around to twilight up to dawn of the

day where they leave the village and pass in the life to the rest of inhabitants.

Thus, the idea -in particular- meets a major significance for this coastal type of

village as the daily lives of fishermen perhaps go to the farther part of mosque

activities. So, could the rest of the villager tackle this social religious duty?

The story of da’wah activites at Namosain has just started at 70s decade

when the wave of migrants from Solor and Buton attacked Kupang after the East

Nusa Tenggara was found by Sukarno’s era. This historical record affects to the

late development of da’wah in compare to other two Muslim inhabitances of

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Kampung Solor and Airmata.8 Most of those Solor migrant took this urbanization

trip in order to get a better life and start to work at Tenau harbor as voyage-

vendor. “Aba kerja untok mandor di Tenau, tu. Aba kerja kasih lihat anak-anak

dong pung kerja boleh bagus. Lain tu, Aba ju kasih masuk barang-barang dong

penumpang di kapal. Aba boleh bilang, tahun tu Aba lai pung pelabuhan, na! Be

boleh kasih masuk orang-orang yang Aba mau, kalau Aba bisa dapat uang buat

mereka hidup. Na, sodara-sodara di kampung, Aba kasih bawa kemari dong

kerja sama Aba. Dong ju tinggal di rumah ini, rumah bebak disini. Dulu son ada

rumah tembok macam ni. Tapi macam mana, Aba hanya bisa bertahan sepuluh

tahun, sa. Habis tu, sejak Tenau tu dipugar Aba sonde bisa lai kerja disana.

Sejak tu, Aba ikut Lampara pergi melaut, sudah!” I was work for harbor foreman.

My duty is supervising my ship-crew and to assure that all passengers’ goods are

all in the deck of ship. At that time, Tenau’s port was mine which mean I was free

to take my crew as much as I can take as long as I can guarantee their life need.

I took almost all my relatives to work with me and they lived in my home as well.

But it was only work for ten years then the port was rebuilt and I lost my job.

Soon I was started to go to the sea following my Lampara. Aba Kabe Mukin (71

years old) was one of the Solor-Lamakera leaders who took his part on this

urbanization wave. During his wandering, Aba saw not only provided work for his

relatives but also enhance them to contribute to spread Islam, following to the

previous ancestors who had did so at Kampung Solor. While other part of this

migrant group projected to wander to East Timor as promising tradesman there.

But those are only part of the first migrant of Namosain, who took working

as major motivation on leaving the kampung. While, other group of migrant

preferred to take dissimilar reason to go to Kupang such as a group of young

students who were started to go to Kupang to continue their study. Those are

8 Namosain, at that time, was dwelled by Rotenese and Sabunese, who had come since Dutch colonial era. Both are together with Solorese (Kampung Solor) are Dutch coalition had their task on fortificating colonizer from Portuguese’s attack. Though Solorese was just arrived at Namosain since 50s era, Widyatmika’s record on history mentioned two Ternate’s soldiers from Solor had been drifted at this site along before Sutan Syarif entered and got into Kupang. (Widyatmika, 2004) This may conclude that Namosain, since earlier before 20th century was become one of alternative destination for tradesman and Muslim in particular.

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Picture ( 7 ). Nurul Mubin After latest restoration (1991 – 2006)

fishermen’s son who graduated from PGA (Pendidikan Guru Agama) Ende who

then continue to go to university level. The migrant passed through several sites

of Kupang, as well Namosain, got together to the eldest Muslim stimulate and

enliven dynamic of Muslims life at Kupang.9

The early risen situation of Namosain indicated the situation dynamically.

As the inhabitants had grown up at an Islamic kampong, those Solor migrant

together with their neighbor of Buton started to enliven da’wah live at Namosain

by establishing a mosque where they can gather for Jumat prayer. The name of

this mosque is Nurul Mubin as it was based on history behind the establishment

and later completed with imam namely Awang Maliasen a Madura descendant10.

9 At the same time, Islam arrived at various areas in Indonesia, i.e. Sumatra, Java, Sulawesi, and so forth. The exemplary of the record is pesantren graduate from Java, also sent cadres and da’I (religious proselytizers) from di Java, from various organizations such as Muhammadiyah had obvious contribution to the life of da’wah in Kupang.

10 It is predicted that several imam and pious muslims were not came from Madura on the straight away of their religious journey. Except, they took journey and wandered to all along Eastern regions in Indonesia. This was also the previous condition at the time of Islamic kingdoms era, Southern Mollucas (i.e. Ternate). Ternate had good relations on commerce with various sites of southern seaboard of East Java. (GJ. Schutte, 1994) Awang Maliasen was companied by Aba Jamaluddin and Aba Samiun, both are Solor as descendant.

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Grafik ( 4 ). Precentage of Religion Follower by 2007

Namosain11, nowadays, reaches highest Muslim population at Kupang

municipality. It was shown by five year population data that Namosain’s

population is higher than two other villages at Kupang; that it is Airmata and

Kampung Solor. Taken from this data, the government and the policy makers, in

often times, used the village as one of possible vote gathers for their politic

investment. The recent 2009 national election and Kupang 2008 election on

regional leader were promptly a means for this indication. In doing so, it could not

be a precise thing to say that mosque at Namosain12 has produces more than

mere religious practices. Having counted for considerable role, mosques at

Namosain represent not only the existence of Muslim community, but also the

dynamical intact between mosque’s communities and the surrounding religion’s

allies; Christian as the major religion.

11 The village consists of four hamlets area divided by Rukun Warga (a division of village which literally token and origin from Javanese language, mean harmonious citizen). Those are; Rumah Tujuh, Osmok, Namosain and Maleset. While two previous hamlets inhabited by descendants of Butonese and Rotenese, Solorese (both Lamakera and Lohayong) dwelled in two latest hamlets. At Namosain and East Nusa Tenggara in general the distribution of villagers signify both modern typical of village structure (which diminished previous particular tribal division structure called Lewo) also kind of Javanese governmental kind of influence into whole part of Indonesia regions. (Widyatmika, 2007; Nordhlot, 1971)

12 Those are Nurul Mubin as the Islam arrival symbol at Namosain hamlet; Mujahidin mosque a sign of modernity and a musholla (small prayer house) Nurussa’adah the two latest mosque are at Maleset hamlet

29

Beside the above approach on Da’wah, Muslim Namosain has to deal with

changing adat consideration. Given that people of kampong leaving for Kupang

at the earlier migration trend, several customs and adat ways of life are left by

several followers. The consequent of this mass movement, then, people would

have had more freedom and chance to choose or follow their cultural bound.

While at the same time they also had to do with negotiating even-mingling

traditions among various ethnic groups at this main city of East Nusa Tenggara.

Namosain’s social setting –with a greatly adjacent to patron client structure- can

be seen as the exemplary alteration within da’wah activity.

C.2. Ethnic Leader is Religious Leader

Saturday before monsoon, Ma Rohani’s house located at the ground beam of

Maleset hamlet hastens with noises and voices. Her younger brother - a lecturer

of a prominent state university- come from Jogja in order to discuss their purpose

on carrying forward the cemetery of their deceased mother. Ma Rohani’s younger

brother, Pa Malik, intended to hold no party for this commemoration, but she

refused to do. His intention will profit nothing for her except a shameful

interaction between her and all relatives both in Kupang and kampung. Early that

morning Ma Rohani had got little bit angry on a neighbor’s disdain who said her

family was going with a selfish attitude because they respected no more for their

ancestry and elders (tetua). “Kemaren saya sudah datang ke beberapa Pak De

dan Paman, minta ijin sama mereka untuk tidak meramaikan acara pagi ini. Tapi

kakak saya tidak mengerti. Saya bilang ke mereka, saya tidak mau merepotkan

saudara yang sudah jauh dari sini jika mereka harus datang ke acara pemugaran

itu. Lagipula, saat ini kita sedang sulit, jadi uang bisa kita pakai untuk keperluan

lain. Toh Andi, Arka mereka masih butuh uang untuk masa depan mereka.

Begitulah, Kaka’ agak sulit menerimanya. Acara adat seperti ini pun disini pasti

diperlukan biaya besar untuk adakan pesta. Makanya saya mau bilang maksud

saya itu kepada banyak orang disini”. Since yesterday, I have had come to part

of our elders; Paman-paman (uncles). In order to ask their permission for this

30

non-celebration agenda. But it doesn’t mean that we would diminish this ritual!

She (Ma Rohani) didn’t understand what I mean. I told them, we don’t want to

bother all relatives from kampung to come here in order to come to this –only-

small agenda. Moreover, we suffer for insufficiency today, so we can earn and

use income for other necessities. Thus, Andy and Arka (his nephews, Ma

Rohani’s sons) they need more money for their study and their better future. That

is, she hardly ever understands what I think of. I knew this adat will never cost for

a small amount, rather I wanted to make all people here understand what means

to be effective!

For lewo’s member it was not easy to cut off their cultural bonding, also for

Namosain’s inhabitants from this tradition. Adat, for them are half of their life

purpose which never contradicts their life to be muslim. Namosain’s people are

Solorese in majority, they always tight up by familial bound of lewo13. Though its

structural structure were tight no more people out of kampung, their cultural

calling simply symbolize the previous unity. An exemplary of this cultural

symbolization drawn by pesta (party) custom. Basically, pesta used to call every

closest member of clan of lewo in order to express their thankfulness for God and

blessing from ancestors. The adat took a consequence that religious leader and

imams play their pivotal role in leading the pesta and ensuring their pray

approved by the ancestors. This genealogical union, in fact, was never been

neglected by migrant Solorese in Kupang.14

13 This cultural inherited for all member of tribe. Lewo consisted of seven clans divided into three oldest clans namely Bela Suku Telo (means three biggest clan) functioned as kings and leader of the tribe. And the rest of four clans divided into four more functional groups such as clan S. Dasi had function for imam (prayer leader). Though this traditional function was no more used strictly by migrants but they would never neglect a sense of respectfulness for this hierarchical inheritance. (Beatty, 1968; Widyatmika 2004, Interview with Pa’ Pahlawan the director of Islam Division at Department of Religion Region East Nusa Tenggara)

14 Nordholt affirmed that political and geographical separation of migrant from structural function of lewo leave nothing for people of clan except their feeling of similarity and brotherhood among the migrants. In fact, lewo or other central traditional house and its structural domain at village in East Nusa Tenggara (such as Ume for Atoni of Timor) functions also for genealogical consideration. Typically, people of clan prefer to live with their closest relatives or choose a residence nearby their family. Therefore, it is common to find a group of similar tribe live in one area in Kupang municipality (Nordholt, 1971; Widyatmika, 2008)

31

Furthermore, ethnic leader descendants have their pivotal role in this

fishermen village. Ma Zubaedah, a forty years old mother with two children

expressed sense of honor for Aba Ridwan, one of prominent da’I in East Nusa

Tenggara who lives in this village. “Aba Ridwan itu tetua kita, dong termasuk

anak raja, nah sekarang ju apa lai, hm… pemuka agama, nah! Semua katong

disini tu kasih hormat nah ke Aba. Beliau tu kan, pintar yaa ilmunya banyak,

nah!. Be ju Mama-mama disini katong sering minta nasehat beliau. Ya, katong

sering bertanya, nah ada tentang ibadah ju ada lai soal agama. Katong disini ju

ada panggil beliau, untuk pesta, pernikahan ju boleh, dong pung anak, tu Aba

yang kasih nikah!. Aba ju mendoakan di pesta tu! Apa katong bilang, kalau Aba

bisa datang tu suatu kehormatan untuk katong, nah!” Aba Ridwan is one of

village elders. He was a son of king’s descendant who later becomes religious

leader. All people here took their respectfulness for Aba since he has good

capacity in knowledge. I and all mothers here, for often times, we asked Aba for

such advices. We asked a lot about prayers and religion. People here are also

asked Aba in order to pray for their pesta, asked Aba to marry their children, also

other pesta. What we can say, his present at our pesta is an honor for us!

Religious leadership does not always go simultaneously for a religious

services matter. It also denoted by life of fishery. Once at monsoon time, Pa Is

who had his own two lamparas and work also a deck-man for his third lampara

have had his pesta in order to build his brother’s new home. Pa Akbar who had

followed into his lampara as a deck-man for several years (who also his nephew

as a descent) affirmed Pak Is’ honor. “Pak Is tuh, bagus dia tuh. Biar orang boleh

bilang beliau tu masih muda, tapi dong su ada tanggung jawab besar untok

keluarga besar, nah! Bagus dalam sikap sama katong, masyarakat sini. Beliau ju

rajin bekerja, sonde seperti juragan yang su berhenti kalau dong su ada anak

buah ada yang bekerja untuk dong pung lampara, tu! Kalau Pak Is ada bikin

pesta, besok tu! bukan Kaka Pak Is kasih bikin, tapi beliau. Saudara dari

kampung ju pasti datang kesini untuk kasih sumbang ju bantu acara. Karena

katong lihat Pak Is, kasih katong pung sumbangan ju bantuan karena katong

lihat beliau!” Pak Is is good man. Though people say he still young, he has fully

32

responsible toward for all his big family. He is good in relationship with people

here. He work hard, act dissimilar with other lampara owner who will retire from

their fishery work since they have people to go with their boat. Once he has a

pesta for his brother’s new home, it is not his older brother who holds the party,

but Pak Is. Our relatives from kampung will happily come here to give their

donation and help the party. We all see him; we give our donation and physical

help because we see him respectfully.

Pa Akbar appreciation to his lampara leader and Ma Zubaedah honors

both shows sense of honor. Having derived from traditional structural feeling of

respect refers to more professional and functional appreciation. In fact, Pa Akbar

respects for both older familial relation and Pak Is’ work hardship at lampara.

While Aba Ridwan, is respected by Mama for the reason that he completed his

honor cultural position with educational competence.

Islam arrival in Indonesia found its general character in this Eastern

prototype of Nusantara. As stated by Azra in his master piece, by means of

Sufism kind of religiosity, Islam succeeded to infiltrate to the core of cultural life of

Muslim in this country.(Azra, 1994) Unlike Javanese traditional characteristic, the

dynamic interaction between Islam and Eastern ethnical people can be found

within their firm lewo relation. (Nordhlot, 1971; Widyatmika, 2007) The spirit of

syncretism15 had come to this culture and functionalized within the solidarity

among relatives and family of clan as possible means for spirit of silaturahim.

Yet, the pattern of this religious ethic has to do with practical live of fishery

activity which does not merely go on well straight track.

Clan’s solidarity has derived from ethnical cultural interaction with religious

ethical spirit. Within this dynamic process, patron-client appeared to be the

obvious pattern of Namosain’s ethic. On the practical religious life, this ethnical

bound develop other characteristic where people could not easily determine their

dependency in regard to religious matter. People of Namosain will and always

15 This paper affirmed what Beatty signified as Syncretism it is both a dynamic and monotonous process of a cultural factor which constantly happened in the reproduction of culture. The process turned to surrounding issue of accommodation, context, feasibility, ‘Indigenouzation’, and a set of dynamical process between cultures.(Andrew Beatty, 1968)

33

depend strongly upon their elders. Older family, for these people, not only an

actor whom they may put on their reliance, but also at the same time plays a role

on the successful key of da’wah. Further, the existence of da’I like Aba Ridwan

Pedang figures out this condition whose may function for a very important person

on da’wah process.

Finally, the alteration and dynamic process of patron-client had happened

since the first people interact with urbanization in this municipality. Their year by

year mass arrival in actual fact, influence softly to the refraction of this cultural

system. The process of cultural reproduction takes place through several factors.

The fact that Kupang gave more chance on educational access than it was in the

kampung. And in so far, it contributes positively to carry on headship of religious

leaders. Pa Pahlawan asserted his first coming to Kupang does influence his

spirit to always follow the way da’wah has to be maintained. That is why his

occupation as –neither a trader nor a fisherman- but an educator is part of God’s

scenario. Having been a leader at madrasah tanawiyah (junior high school) Pa

Pahlawan emphasize on strategic position of head master where he may got

involve immediately into children’s religious education. Therefore, he was so

active to purposely motivate his brothers at Namosain to build an informal

religious school, namely madrasah at Nurus Sa’adah Mosque.

Next, education will never work for itself in doing dynamical influence for

cultural interaction at Namosain. In fact, economical factor affect interaction

among inter-island people. As The coastal people have had a money-oriented

menjadikan uang sebagai parameter menilai seseorang (Pujo, 2003; Muhadjir,

2006) Selayaknya masyarakat nelayan lain di negeri ini, uang memiliki posisi

penting dalam kehdupan masyarakat yang lebih dinamis dari masyarakat petani.

Berbeda dengan masyarakat nelayan di Jawa yang menjadikan uang semata-

mata, Namosain lebih melihat pesta sebagai center of money circulation of

Namosain people (see Chapter IV).

Modernism di dalam kehidupan masyarakat urban Kupang turut membuat

ikatan ethical cultural di dalam kelompok suku di Namosain menjadi melentur.

Latest generation, in particular, merasa suku bukan lagi satu-satunya nilai bagi

34

masyarakat modern semakin meninggalkan kebiasaan di daerah asal. “Memang

sulit Nak ya, untuk mengontrol anak-anak muda yang ikut lampara tu. Aba

kadang sedih juga, nah! Aba su tua begini, sonde bisa lai ikut dong anak-anak

untuk tahu betul apa dong sholat ko sonde di lampara. Aba hanya kasih tau

sama anak-anak yang melaut dan masih suka pergi ke masjid. Aba hanya bisa

menitipkan ke mereka, Nak, agar mengingatkan teman-teman dong supaya

sholat, nah! Bikin baek-baek jadi orang Islam biar mereka pung hidup jadi

selamat, khusnul khatimah.

Lately, several problems are rising in regard to traditional style of patron-

cline clashes with modernity. Part of characteristic of modern era represent by

the existence of bureaucracy, the condition also happen to da’wah structure and

responsible. There are several formal da’I and ulama (religious leader) come

along da’wah activity in Kupang designed by Department of Religion. Those

leaders who consequently substitute previous traditional ulama, however, have

an effect on da’wah activity in Namosain and generally for all Muslim

communities. “Dulu, sewaktu para guru agama dan da’I disini masih sedikit, ada

Bapa Ibrahim Dasi yang menjabat di Departement Agama. Generasi awal seperti

kami, Aba Ridwan Pedang dan juga beberapa teman lain, Bapa Ibrahim Dasi

menginginkan kami semua untok menjadi pegawai negeri. Maklum, sa…saat itu

kan kota ini hanya ada sedikit para penda’wah Islam. Walaupun agak sulit

karena adanya tekanan dari mereka, tetapi usaha kita berjalan perlahan tapi

pasti ” Previously, there are only a few Islamic religion’s teachers and da’I in this

city. We have Bapa Ibrahim Dasi who held a strategic division in Religion

Department in this region. First generation such as me, Aba Ridwan Pedang also

several other friends, Bapa Ibrahim Dasi wanted us to be government employee.

It was to be understod that there was only a few da’wah delivers in this city at

that time. Though it’s a troublesome of having pressure from them (non-muslim

government policy maker) we work hard but sure. In fact, the condition has gone

along two dilemmatic ways. On the one hand, traditional ulama and da’I got their

chance as well full admission from government. On the other hand, those ulama

who were unskilled by formal education would have no chance in order to

35

engage this bureaucratic attempt. The da’wah activity, thus, separated from

formal and traditional lines (Dermawan, 2002)

******

36

Picture ( 8 ). Aba Ridwan; one of religious service

D. Chapter IV

Fishery; the Spirit on livelihood

“Aba tidak menginginkan apa-apa dari mereka, kecuali; jadikan

perahumu sebagai sajadah agar engkau sembahyang di

atasnya, dan jadikan lautan lepas sebagai kiblat dari tujuan

sholatmu….” (Aba Ridwan Pedang)

D.1. Fishing; a Life Pattern

Quite a lot of lampara (Purse Seine) moored at the low tide seashore while few of

them are yet pushed out into the sea. Colored flags –in this grilling hot day-

freshen the lampara with along with glossy and luminous paint when it was just

painted. Blue, yellow, red are dominant flag color at the top of those lampara,

indicate symbols of political party that were not alien for all Indonesian citizen. It

was May 2009 reaching for national and presidential election for next July.

Lampara’s crew scattered around the low tide seashore. It was a terang bulan

(full moon) where every lampara take its ‘time-out’, turn around for checking and

cleaning days, so it will have powerful strength for the next season. At the day of

full moon several groups of anak buah (boar-crew) work for cleaning and

checking all stuff; motor diesel; deck wood, even for it jaring (seine). No one

bravely say lazy or weary though sunlight worsen their dark skin. Rather

everyone of those anak buah will have the courage to ask their monthly payment

soon after they finish off their job. Thus, jokes, yelling, shout and even quarrel

are tied within almost all of their hard day and done by gladly income.

37

Picture ( 9). Lampara (pure seine); bodi tepa (motor machined boat);

and sampan (non-machined small boat)

At the other side, children crowd all round wet sand and coral preyed upon

tiny sea living thing such as fishworms, crabs, as well seashells. It is a somewhat

usual for them using seashore for their ‘play ground’ and having their time to get

into the swing of fishery activity. They start to have their life familiarize with

dynamic coastal days, and yet, since earliest of their stage. Though the life does

not always go along their well condition, they smiles and happiness point out to

all things they find. Children of Namosain, indeed, need no more time to get

used into adult activities above the sea. A number of children at 11 or 12 years

old, take an instance, start to go on fishing at every end of week. They started

their work as crew obeys on their elders, learn on drawing the seine into deck’s

boat, mete (use hand-seine for fishing, through all the night) during all the night,

also taking care of all food and necessities. Thus all younger crew become

acquainted with their future life; fishery.

Few of those children are lucky enough, grown up with juragan as their

parent and got such facilities from a fairy well family. But none all of them are

38

trained to be a good manager in sea-world except a few. Andi, 9 years old boy, a

son of juragan, is one of those lucky boy; “Jadi juragan sonde boleh takut, nah,

harus berani menantang arus ju ombak di laut. Jadi juragan ju harus tau bikin

adil sama anak-anak buah, kasih kerja ju latih dong bagus-bagus. Be suka ikut

Pa kelaut, jadi bisa kasih mama dirumah ikan atau mama beli sayur. Hm…

juragan itu enak, kalau dapat ikan banyak katong dapat uang paling banyak,

nah!” Become a juragan, one is not a cowardice, but he should challenge sea

current and wave with full of fearless. A juragan, also, should treat their crew

dispassionately, train them for good exemplary. In often time, I follow my father to

go into the sea, sometimes I was also mete so I am able to give a bunch of fish

for my mother or money for our soup. Hm…last, it is a pleasure to be a juragan

as we earn much money for a lot of fish we got. He affirmed these words

because he was frequently going on fishing after his father at holiday. Luckily, he

earns some money for himself over and over again.

Whenever lampara made sail, seaworld life stars immediately after Ashar

prayer about 3 or 4 pm. Crews and deck-man are coming out from several

hamlets at Namosain reach for their primarily life of fishery. Every lampara

consisting of 10 – 12 crews busy preparing for their need, fuel, food, and of

course hand-seine for mete all the night. When sun turn to half sunk, the tens of

lampara start to sail, leave their part of life behind. Several bodi tepa got to follow

behind lampara so it may easily pare down for fuel. At harvest time, the wide

wild sea would be chattered by lampara’s full of activity. Fishermen, they don’t

need to wait up to the night to draw their –for about 200 meters length- seine,

round in the circle of great lamp and shape herd of thousands fishes from

demersial and pelagis classes.16

Kupang gulf has sufficient potentiality, facilitate those fishermen on having

warm water current and so they may pull fishes together easily. As well, smaller

islands among the gulf, has protected fishermen and their lampara from storm

16 Research done by Abdul Kadir AS recorded the number of lampara with 5 – 10 GT reached 32 – 54 unit per 2001. In compare to this research, the latest report done by Department of Fishery for Kupang Municipality give details increasing number of that unit. There are 106 – 144 lampara per 2007. (Abdul Kadir AS, 2004; Annual Report Department of Fishery, 2007)

39

belt of Timor Sea that may fortify them. So,it would not be shocking days for they

used to repeat this hardest work during sailing. Finally, it will be the time when all

challenging work becoming trouble-free, all sadness flows completely by the

coming of happiness.17

Fishing activities would not end up to that night. Right after yielding a

mountains of above sea kind of fishes, bodi tepa crew will come and taking care

of those fishes, brings them to the central market Oeba. Juragan will always have

reaches them with such agreement, which normally based on their familial and

clan closeness.18 Their closeness and familial bound indeed influence their work

relation and pattern. “Yaa, sebenarnya ada saa anak-anak bodi tepa yang main

bohong sama kita. Dia kasih dapa’ uang 400 ribu untok 1 ember oker, tapi dong

hanya kasih tau kita laku 300 tiap oker. Na, karmana kalo kita dapat 10 oker, su

dapat berapa dia? Ada lagi lainnya, kalau lagi musim ikan banyak, katong bisa

lempar jala sampai 2 ato 3 kali. Kalau begitu, katong sonde bisa lai kasih takar

itu ikan per oker. Jadi masih malam, tu..mereka su ambil dari lempar pertama

sonde diukur per oker lai, sementara kita sibuk kasih lempar jala lai. Katong

percaya sa..mereka kasih ukur perokernya. Anak-anak tu, bisa bilang 10 oker

padahal kita itung kasar sa, katong bisa dapat 15 oker, nah!. Ya, kita percaya

sa…mereka. Kapan hari kalau ada waktu katong ju kasih tegur mereka, tapi

kalau bodi tepa yang sudah ikut lama, dong pasti tau karmana katong mau. Toh,

mereka sonde bisa pergi dari katong, karena kan mereka tinggal disini, dong ju

masih jadi adik lah, istilah kita.” In fact, we found severally crews lying to us. He

got 400 thousands rupiahs for one oker19 bucket, but she reported at 300

17 According to several fishermen, a hazardous monsoon storm comes regularly at western monsoon then they would rarely go on fishing. The rainstorm can be difficult for them to manage the flow and fish direction. In addition, the wave of rain will make everything worse so that some people, in this hard monsoon, will work way round to the western part of Teluk Kupang, around Tablolong gulf. The latest water area protects lampara and fish group against hazardous wave of rainstrom. Smaller islands around Kupang gulf are Semau Island and Kera Island, both are indeed benefit them. At the other hand, those pelagis and demersial fish hunter will have their harvest season at eastern monsoon around August and February. Also see Report done by Department of Fishery for potential Kupang Gulf (DKP, 2007)

18 Lately, some juragan also work with some other clan people as the increasing demand of fishery influence for the higher labor supply. See (Abdul Kadir AS, 2004)

19 Word denote for a kind of bucket, normally used by all fishermen (crew, juragan, papalele) as measuring container. An oker bucket equivalent with 5 kilograms

40

thousands rupiahs. What if we got 10 oker bucket, how much we earn and loss

our money? And yet another motive is done. Usually, we have drawn our seine

twice or three times a night, if it so, we would never have enough time to

measure our yield crop, immediately after drawing seine into lampara, they will

take it immediately from us and we totally believe their amount on measuring the

fish. We could have a rough measurement about 15 oker, in contrast, they may

say on 10 oker. However, I just try to believe them. At some other time, I will

honestly talk and tell them. But this was not for bodi tepa that has stayed along

time work with me and will always stay nearby me; they understand what I really

mean. They would never go far from hear (Namosain) and they are our younger

(family) in fact. Pa Is (37 years old) a juragan with more than two lampara pays

his attention toward the difficulties of taking relationship within both clannish work

system and that of professional.

Primarily, juragan not only leads his crews above the sea but also he may

usually pay attention outside their primary world. This responsibility would not be

easy for it takes his time and concentration. Pa Kadir Mukin, was a crew-man

while he was at kampung, asserted: “Kalau dulu, juragan itu punya kemampuan

spiritual yang kuat. Juragan tidak hanya bisa mengarahkan lampara, tapi mereka

juga -istilah orang sini- menaklukan jalannya ikan. Katong bilang sini, nafas ikan.

Ya, bisa kita bilang merekalah yang menguasai laut. Tetapi memang

prasyaratnya tidak mudah karena mereka juga punya ibadah khusus juga

melatih diri. Kalau katong bilang mereka itu mehe, punya keahlian yang kita

orang biasa atau anak buah tidak mampu. Tapi sekarang keahlian itu sudah

semakin tergeser, karena juragan sudah menjadi profesi bukan lagi sebagai

anugerah dari Allah. Sekarang kan kehormatan juragan dilihat dari kekayaan

mereka. Ya….tidak bisa dielakkan, karena memang saat ini nelayan menjadi

bidang kerja ekonomis. Kalau katong lihat ada juragan yang memang baik moral

dan etikanya, itu pasti karena penguatan dari dirinya sendiri, bukan karena

lingkungan nelayan. Yach, kita harusnya prihatin. In the past, juragan mostly

blessed and owed their powerful spirituality. They not only had capability on

directing their ship voyage, but also –what people say- able to take control of fish

41

Picture ( 10 ). Busy bustling, papalele at a non-auction sale.

wave. We called here, fish breathing. We can say, they were the sovereign of

seas. But we knew they require uneasy qualification. They had obliged on such

praying and spiritual training. They were mehe; had such qualification which

everybody, their crew as well couldn’t achieve on it. But, rightnow, it doesn’t work

anymore, juragan’s capability and dignity arise from their wealth. It’s hardly ever

that fishery become rational economical work. Once we find good juragan both

morally and ethically, it must emerge from themselves and non are appear,

immediately, from the surrounding.

Outside the sea, nearby seashore number of papalele20 always wait for

crews and the rest of fishes stock at the end of this work cycle. Some of them are

equipped with colored sampan (small non-motored dugout) while the rest are

ready with oker bucket and some other tools. They never leave seashore for long

distance as they are less skilled on fishing activity. Papalele quit a new job rises

not until some Timorese start to join this work and merge into their neighbor

ethnic group into fishery business. They take –sufficiently- profit from mete yield

or the remnant fishes of crews. It is likely, that present of papalele be a sign of

work fuse among ethnic community in Kupang along with the highest rate of

economical need.

D.2. The Spirit on Work hardship

20 Seashore vendor dominated by men; work on buying from lampara’s crews the remnant of fishes and sell it. There are two models of papalele number of them permanently stay at the edge of busy road, while some other choose to bring their fishes walking around hamlets.

42

Crews’ happiness at the harvest time will continue with longer hard times of

sorrow. The rest of Namosain’s life is berhemat (thrifty) and berhutang (run into

debt). The pain continues as they were unskilled with well food management

technology. It is rarely hard for Namosain’s fishermen as they gone with over

fishing at the harvest time while they were fresh out of fish at western monsoon

on the other hand. Perhaps, it should be easier for fishermen to be grateful for

God as they have more capacity to survive above the sea. In contrast to their

brother-farmer who suffer for the danger of famine (lapar-biasa), fishermen will

never –as it usually stated by fishermen- lost their sea corp.

Dalam keadaan seperti ini, masyarakat Namosain berusaha untuk

mendapatkan substitute bagi kebutuhan mereka. Keterlibatan para perempuan

Namosain dalam mencari penghidupan memang tidak bisa di negasikan. Dalam

keadaan musim angin barat justru, para Mama yang banyak terlibat dalam

perdagangan lintas daerah lintas Negara diakui membantu banyak para suami

mereka. Ma Zubaedah ia one of those Mama with a bodi tepa crew husband, she

has been spent half of her life to sell vegetables at central market, Oeba. She

went to the market at three o’clock of dawn time and will have back to their home

at twelve o’clock . “Katong ni pergi ke pasar jual sayur sejak sebelum menikah.

Ya.. untok hasil boleh katong bilang cukup, sa..untuk keperluan sehari-hari.

Katong ju kasih sedikit simpanan untok sekolah anak, ada juga persiapan kalau

ada sodara bikin pesta. Tapi kalau Pa sedang Barat, sonde ada ikan banyak,

katong bikin uang itu untuk bayar sisa kredit motor mesin Pa pung bodi.” “We (I)

go to central market to sell vegetables and farm produce early before get

married. Ya…the income we earn is sufficient for our daily need. The rest, we (I)

save our money for school necessitate and prepare for unpredictable pesta. But

when my husband suffers for western monsoon, and yield less fishes, we (I) use

money to render his account for machine credit of his bodi (tepa).

43

Picture ( 11 ). Activities at Central Market Oeba

It is so

lucky for

Ma

Zubaedah’s family have reserve substitute for her bodi tepa’s husband. But other

women just not did so. Ma Hamida Dasi, a house wife of a crew husband, has

nothing to do with her causal work. Mama bekerja bikin jagung titi begini kan

sonde bisa di andalkan. Tapi Mama pung anak laki-laki yang pertama tuh, su

bisa bekerja, ikut juragan Saleh bisa bantu keluarga. Tapi bukan untuk

keperluan hidup, si Andi bantu Mama kasih bayar kontrakan rumah katong!

Selain itu, Mama coba jual pisang dan sirih di pasar Oebobo.” Mama working for

cooking traditional pop-corn (roasted and fried corn) it is not a job that we may

rely on. But my oldest boy, he got a job and follow Juragan Saleh into lampara.

He earns money for himself, and used to help us for our life necessities

otherwise he will pay for our hired home. And what’s more, I try to have banana

44

and sirih21 for sale as papalele. Terakhir, ketika Pa Is dan Pak Saleh dua kakak

adik yang menjadi juragan dari suaminya membuat pesta bagi pendirian rumah

baru mereka. Ia senang bisa membantu, walau ia juga sedikit meringankan

tugasnya untuk masak di rumah.

Given that life above the sea will never go smoothly forever, pesta, in this

condition going over into pattern of life ‘defend mechanism’. It help fishermen to

circulate their income from the group of higher laborer income into that of lower,

the potential famine group in particular. Their feeling of solidarity, manifest into

the holding pesta. One of Mama who once held a pesta at research time stated

“Kalau pesta nih, sonde bisa lai katong bilang sia-sia. Karmana kalo katong bisa

dapatkan kekeluargaan, nih rasanya lebih dari hanya sekedar berkumpul, sa.

Makanya kenapa sodara-sodara dari jauh, tu mereka berdatangan kemari,

karena dong lihat hubungan adik-kaka nih sonde bisa dibayar dengan uang, nah.

Musti dibikin baek-baek. Besok-besok kalau dong ada bikin pesta, katong ju ikut

bantu dong! Nah, kalau ada orang lain bilang itu pesta bikin uang habis sa, itu

sebenarnya dong sonde tau apa katong rasa. Be rasa yang kasih habis uang itu

sonde semua dari kita. Tapi kembali ke dong orang masing-masing. Kami ni,

sonde bikin ada, kalau katong bilang. Jadi,Lu ada uang kasih sudah, kalau Lu

sonde ada, mana bisa lai ambil uang dari yang sonde ada. Begitu beta pikir.” The

pesta, we could not relate it to a fruitlessly tradition. Because the feeling of

clannish, we will have more than just a sense of togetherness. For that reason,

our relatives will come even from the farthest area, they know how we

experience on the relation of younger-older, which is in fact unpayable. We need

to trait pleasingly. Some other time, when they hold pesta, we will glad to come

and help them. When other says pesta is nothing then wasting money, I can say

that they don’t know what actually it is! I think if it is happened that’s depend on

our self. We think of something! If you have enough income just spend it (for

pesta) but if you don’t, just leave it. That’s what we think of.

21 Betel vine, consisting of betel leaf, areca nut, and lime (often with other ingredients, e.g. gambier, tobacco, etc.) used by Dawan people of Timor Island for several necessities, such as ritual and dish service as well.

45

Picture ( 12 ) Mama busy at pesta, and the attendants

Rather spending pesta to simply celebrate feeling of togetherness, the party at

the same time functions for expressing their previous tradition at kampung. It is a

process of imitating their identity within a changing condition, Kupang

municipality. (Abdullah, 2006) Namosain’s fishermen use pesta as one of

process where they reproduce their culture. Their expression, contribute to the

way da’wah is characterized by (chapter III). By attending the pesta, feeling of

familial bound together with expression of honor toward tradition entail their

solidarity. This implementation on the teaching of silaturahim symbolize by the

gathering of closest family. The clan relationship is symbolized by their attending

to the pesta.

In relation to fishing activities, pesta demonstrate fishermen’s purpose of

life. They went to their activities day after day for every month and earn their

substitute. But sea will never be the end of their journey, except fishermen

terminate their work purposely on the need of sodara (family) regular gathering.

Money, energy, and emotion, in fact, become means for their highest journey;

that it is clan cultural solidarity.

*********

46

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