5. Malay Anxiety Modernity, Development and Underdevelopment
Feb 17, 2016
5. Malay Anxiety
Modernity, Development and Underdevelopment
Recap from previous lectures The bangsa Melayu firmly entrenched as definite
racial category by the end of the nationalist struggles for self-rule.
The Federation of Malaya formed out of 9 states in 1957
In Malaya (not Singapore), ‘Malay’ was constitutionally-defined
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With new nation, new path of development to be created
UMNO-MCA-MIC formed the Alliance to rule Malaya as a plural nation
Economic development was good, Malay political leadership in place
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Purpose of lecture To examine what happens after the political formation
of bangsa Melayu
To identify creeping postcolonial anxieties and insecurity over Malay socio-economic role and status
To discuss some of the diagnoses and prescriptions for overcoming Malay ‘deficiency’
To analyse the critiques and consequences of the above
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Nationalism: Imagined and Achievement of Political Bangsa Melayu
BUT, Malays were lagging behind economically Largely concentrated in rural areas Cities and urban areas dominated by Chinese,
Europeans and handful of Malay elites Races divided by economic functions
Malays: peasants Indians: plantation workers Chinese: big and retail businesses
What is the root cause of Malay socio-economic underdevelopment?
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Early musingsMunshi Abdullah and Zaaba
Malay deficiency
19th c: Munshi Abdullah
criticism of the Malay rulers and their subjects.
Feudalism obstructs progress Inability to compete with superior
Others Europeans and other migrant races
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Malay poverty
Za’ba on the Poverty of the Malays (1923)
“The Malays as a whole are a particularly poor people. Poverty is their most outstanding characteristic and their greatest handicap in the race of progress. Poor in money, poor in education, poor in intellectual equipment and moral qualities, they cannot be otherwise but left behind in the march of nations. The word poverty as applied to them does not merely mean destitution of wealth or riches. It means terribly more. The poverty of the Malays is an all round poverty. It envelops them on every side. That they are poor people in money matters goes without saying: but what is more distressing is the fact that they are also poor in all other equipments which can led to success and greatness.. “
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Postcolonial ReflectionPoliticians and Scholars
Postcolonial consciousness of a threatened bangsa Melayu
Spurred by Malay socio-economic insecurity
Economically behind
Occupationally inferior
Spatially divided (rural vs urban)
Culturally exclusive (Islam)
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Division within UMNOTop leaders
Aristocratic class For eg. Tunku Abdul
Rahman, 1st PM of Malaysia
Ties with British colonial administration
English and overseas-educated
Less in touch with grassroots
Young and aspiring leaders Administrative and
professional class For eg Dr Mahathir No ties to colonial
administration
Did not study overseas
More in touch with grassroots
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Older leaders Content with economic growth
model
Business class to freely pursue their activities
Minimal government intervention on other sectors
No policies on Malay socio-economic upliftment
Younger leaders Not content with unequally-
shared economic wealth
Believe that free market will ultimately leave poor Malays further behind
Must have ‘constructive protection’ policy to prevent them from being economically overtaken by more successful races
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Tengku Abdul Rahman “Nobody need starve in this country as one can just reach
out one’s hand and pick one’s food. There are fish in every river, food in abundance on the land. Even the forests yield animals and vegetables that can be eaten. All that one has to do is use a little energy, a little brainwork and one one can get what one needs. That’s why my people are said to be lazy, because they don’t have to work and less still struggle in order to live.” (In Looking back: Monday Musings and Memories, 1977, p. 145)
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Outcomes of Malay anxiety Racial riots of 1964 (Singapore)
Singapore left the Federation of Malaysia which it joined in 1963
Racial riots of 1969 (Kuala Lumpur) Malay resentment against Chinese
Politically: UMNO did badly in 1969 elections Socio-economically: Successful Chinese to blame for
Malay poverty Led to New Economic Policy (constructive
protection/affirmative action)
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Diagnosis: The cultural-deficit approachAs a way of explaining underdevelopment/underachievement
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Syed Hussein Alatas’s Myth of the Lazy Native (1977)
–Ideological narrative; “Malays are lazy”
– to justify conquest and dominance
– to justify compulsion and mobilization of labour for capitalistic purposes
– Justification for using outside labour for profits
– local peasants not used in commercial plantations so as not to ‘upset the apple-cart’ of raja and subject relations
– Maintains cozy relationship between Malay feudalism and colonial capitalism
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Lily Rahim’s use of “cultural deficit” (1998)
Critique of an approach used by some scholars and politicians to explain why Malays lag behind economically
Attributed to certain cultural traits ‘natural’ or even genetic
Critique of the solution
To change culture or behavior To adapt or transform through hard way
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Does Mahathir use the cultural-deficit approach in his evaluation
of the Malays? Yes
Heredity Environment Values Ethics
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Heredity and Environment
Mahathir Mohamad’s “Malay Dilemma”: In-breeding among Malays results in genetic
deficiency
Complacent with bountiful environment
Does not develop traits for survival
Because of that, looks inwards
Vicious cycle of complacency and underdevelopment
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Mahathir’s Malay Dilemma
“no great exertion or ingenuity was required to obtain food. There was plenty for everyone throughout the year. hunger and starvation a common feature in counties like China and India were unknown in Malaya. Under these conditions everyone survived. Even the weakest and least diligent were able to live in comparative comfort, to marry and procreate.”
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Malay Ethics and Values No capacity for self-reflection
Not too concern about worldly matters; more on preparing for after-life
Does not show decisiveness
Non-confrontational
More on formality, good behavior and rituals
Not suited for competitive condition
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Difference between Lily Rahim’s and Mahathir’s perspective on
‘deficiency’Mahathir
Malays have values that ‘disadvantage’ them from being entrepreneurial
Difficult to change values
Therefore must provide the conditions for them to be uplifted economically without depending too much of cultural and behavioral change
Lily Rahim Discounts that values and
behavioural traits are causes behind Malay underdevelopment
Structural factors are root cause Historical disadvantage Discrimination Poor leadership State neglect and intentional
marginalization
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Difference between Mahathir’s and Lily Rahim’s solution
Mahathir’s Forceful state intervention
Comprehensive policy, all levels Education Employment Housing State corporations
Transformation of values will come after-the-fact
Lily Rahim’s Not a politician, so no recourse
to state policy
Treat Malay underdevelopment as a class-based economic shortcoming
To uplift socio-economic status must remove state discrimination against minority
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What is the ‘Malay Dilemma’? Malays have two choices, according to Mahathir:
1. Don’t need to help themselves –just be proud, even if poor citizens of a prosperous countryOR
2. Try to get some of the riches of the country, “even if it blurs the economic picture of Malaysia a little.” (Malay Dilemma, p. 61)
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The Choice for Mahathir is clear…
“If the leaders are to turn their attention to leading the Malays to a better life it will need but little effort to study the causes and prescribe the remedies. The measures must be drastic, as were the measures taken by the Malay leaders during the political crisis involving the Malayan Union.” (p. 60).
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Constructive Protection to Affirmative Action Policy
In Malaysia affirmative-action policy implemented
NEP (New Economic Policy)
Following Mahathir’s argument Comprehensive ‘constructive protection’
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“The politics of the parties constituting the Alliance, although basically racial, are apparently directed at achieving racial equality. Their existence does not jeopardize the efforts towards national unity. On the other hand the so-called non-communal parties are merely fronts for some of the most blatant racial politics. Their activities tend to be divisive and will not contribute towards the good of nation. They are the harbingers of racial trouble, of unrest and of national retrogression.”
(Mahathir Mohamad, Malay Dilemma, 1970: 178)
To maintain race-based political parties
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Divergent Policies for MalaysComprehensive Cultural-Structural Intervention
Malaysia’s NEP
Minimalist state role through culturally-centred instituions
Singapore’s Self-Help model
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Different Solutions to Malay underdevelopment
Malaysia New Economic Policy
(NEP) Massive state
investment
Ethnic redistribution within all public institutions
From providing “equal access” to “hegemonic control”
Singapore Self-help programmes
and institutions
MENDAKI (for education)
Equal entry to opportunity Schools Housing Social amenities
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Equalizing Ethnicity: Malaysia and Singapore
Malaysia Malays to be given
special treatment“catch-up” with other groups
So that ‘racial equality’ will be achieved
Long-term: ‘racial equality’ will lead to development
Singapore No special treatment for
any group Achievement is based on
merit To ‘catch-up’ with
developed world ‘Racial inequality’ is the
cost of development Long-term: development
will lead to ‘racial equality’
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Consequence of two approaches to ‘cultural-deficit’ syndromeMalaysia
Over-dominance of Malay political parties‘Race-protection’ card used for gaining support‘Victimization’, ‘backwardness’ rhetoric and reality reproduced for continuing special privilege
Singapore Competition and
meritocracy slower path for racial equality
Assimilation is bigger goal Linguistically Religion in public sphere
only Globalised, modern
identity Onus on ethnic-based
non-political self-help groups to uplift and protect ‘own race’.
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Critique of meritocracy Meritocracy: assumes that everyone
starts on level-playing field But structurally unequal Double jeopardy: poverty leads to more
poverty because of inability to compete Double whammy: wealth leads to more
wealth because of extra advantage to compete
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Summary The political formation of bangsa Melayu was successful but did
not address other issues of identity-formation
Most important was the emergence of postcolonial anxieties and insecurity over the underdevelopment of Malay socio-economic power
Many of the diagnoses and prescriptions for overcoming Malay ‘deficiency’ were related to either structural or cultural roots of their problem
There were differing critiques and consequences of the prognosis, minimalist state intervention versus Aggressive and comprehensive policy of affirmative action
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