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Pampiri ya Babereki - No. 28 - Registered at GPO - Solidarity price: P3.00 -
Mmereki
As the devastating strike by government workers
enters its second week the most important
question, which the many strikers are thinking now
about, is how their historic strike might end and
what workers might have achieved. It is a decisive
question at a critical point in the Botswana labour
movement. Also tghe bourgeois economist Keith
Jeffries stated Botswana at the crossroads. But
he comes to different conclusions and recommends
the downsizing of the public sector. Therefore the
strike is not only about the immediate 16% salary
increase but also about the saving of 35 000 jobsin the public sector.
Never, before have we experienced such a
powerful strike that united workers across the cities
and the countryside in anger against government.
This massive protest closed schools and clinics,
magistrate courts and border posts.
It forced government to resort to desperate
measures, such as to deploy soldiers and police to
break the strike. The state television banned the
coverage of the strike while continuously churning
state propaganda that everything just works
smoothly.
Government did everything by the public
relations book: Dont tell lies, tell big lies. The
impact of this strike was serious and far-reaching.
Realising that they were loosing, government
violated the strike rules by employing scab labour
and asking for assistance from the Red Cross to
replace striking workers.
Nevertheless, the situation didnt improve.
Thats why as a final resort government through
the Industrial Court ordered all essential servicesworkers to return to work.
DefiantAt Morula Square, a place where workers meet
everyday, the mood is that of defiance. Workers
are continuously fired up with struggle songs and
inspiring speakers motivate workers to fight on
and resist governments intimidation of no work
no pay.
From a cleaner, clerk, secretary, meteorologist,
driver, nurse, teacher and doctors, mechanic, all
put up a staggering fight for a decent wage. What
will be the next steps for the unions?
SolidarityDespite government blackout on news coverage
of the strike the union leadership has succeeded in
winning support from members of the public.
Many people who called in private radio stations
showed sympathy with the striking workers
and urged government to pay them. They have
brushed aside governments talk that this strikewas politically motivated. By inviting different
opposition parties to address them, BOFEPUSU,
had taken a bold decision and made it clear to the
rulers that their economic decisions which hurt
workers are inbuilt in the political system.
As gesture of solidarity the opposition parties also
broke with old habits of expecting workers to vote
them even though they failed to clearly articulate
Public Sector Workers say:
Go fnd money
and pay us!
Solidarity isneeded!- Join the May Day March- Join the Solidarity Demoorganized by opposition
parties on 7th May- Collect solidarity signatures in
your union and suggestsolidarity action
- Send solidarity messages to:
BOFEPUSO via
or fax to: 3935773/4
Motsomi Marobela
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a favourable economic
policy and put workers
democratic demands as
priority. By embarking on
a joint opposition protest,
next week 7th May, the
opposition parties have
shown their intent for real
concrete solidarity to the
working class.
The politics of fear
After this demonstration
the unions must prepare
for the bigger challenges
ahead. The ruling class
will do everything tolabel them as politically
motivated and use that to
divide the union federation.
But the connection between
economics and politics in
Botswana is for everyone
to see. Unions dont have to
shy away. The ruling party,
Botswana Democratic
Party (BDP) is funded by
De Beers, which mines
diamonds using blood and
sweat of workers.
Botswanas political
power rests on economic
sector, which in turn depends
on labour power of workers. The
political power in Botswana is built
on diamonds. Diamonds are sold to
the global external markets, such asJapan, China, India and US and are
therefore fragile and prone to market
price failure.
That is why government is in deficit.
Citing the economic crisis as a reason
for not increasing workers wages, is
to punish workers for a crisis which
workers have not created.
The hard-line uncompromising stand
of government reflects the strategy
not to increase public sector workers
wages as this would put pressure
on the private sector profits whose
workers will also follow with salary
hike. Therefore, for many years a
purposeful purge of trade union rights
was maintained to protect the bosses
profits at expense of the majority
of workers. Strikes were virtually
banned, as they were invariablydeclared illegal.
The policy of denying trade unions
basic freedoms such as the right to
organise and unionise together with
the anti-working class labour laws,
were effective state mechanisms that
helped to avert strikes and save the
economy from crumbling and with
that the collapse and annihilation of
ruling party.
The fact that this is the first, legal
public sector strike coming, just
after government agreed to recognise
the unions is significant to illustrate
the extent of oppression of workers
in this country. At a critical and
decisive period when the balance of
power favours the workers, the ruling
party, whose president appoints the
judges, rushed urgently for a court
interdict barring essential workersfrom striking. The same manoeuvre
was used against the 461 Debswana
workers strike in 2004. It was
even the same law firm, Newman
& Collins, acting on behalf of
government, which is now standing
against the public sector workers
strike participation.
This intimidation of workers, which
the Public Services International has
strongly condemned, has been used
in the previous workers strikes in
Botswana. The 2004, Debswana
diamond miners were threatened
with jail imprisonment. In the strike
of the 1976 Selibi Phikwe copper
mine workers, the state used police
violence to quell off the anger
of workers revolting against the
exploitation by a multinationals.
NeoliberalismBut one victory of the public sector
strike is already that it has managed
to discredit the failing neoliberal
project in the public sector.
Since the introduction of the
World Banks management reforms,
performance management system
and performance based reward pay to
improve productivity in government
a few years back, the situation has
not changed. In fact it got worse.
Government is still struggling with
low motivation in the public service. It
is widely recognized that government
workers are underpaid and often work
under pathetic conditions.
Instead of creating better working
conditions and offering decent wages
to its own workers, governmenthas responded with tightening
discipline and control. Draconian
work procedures on dress codes were
introduced and salary increases freeze
maintained for three years.
Moreover, more measures that
gave power to management and
put pressure on workers to perform
better with the implementation of
performance management system this
project has been a glaring failure.
The sheer scale of the strike
demonstrates this. The union should
call for aboslishment of public sector
reforms and privatisation, which
has resulted in job cuts and brought
slave-like exploitation in outsourced
jobs that were previously in the
public sector.
What is to be doneJudging how the President scoffed
the workers, the attitude of his
government by intimidating workers
and lately the court order that essential
service workers have to return to
work. it is unlikely that government
will easily give in..
The most important point to note is
BOFEPUSU has made a historical
mark. It has given workers confidence
to assert their burning demands.
It was just too much for ordinary
workers to leave government
unchallenged on its responsibility to
provide decent salaries.
After three consecutive years
of no salary raise, high inflation
doubled VAT tax, ever rising fuel
and transport, skyrocketing food
prizes and housing, workers have hadenough.
These conditions link government
workers to even more workers in
other sectors in the country.
There is an urgent need to broaden
the membership of public sector to
its entirety. That means recruiting
more members from Government
State Owned Enterprises like water
utilities, power corporation, tertiary
institutions, and telecommunication.
Solidarity actions by workers in
the parastatals will be extremely
important to win the strike in a
situation where the legislature is
clearly anti-union.
Indeed it is a turning point in history,
where the public sector is at stake.
Our public services have to be saved
and not cut! This is why everyoneshould show solidarity in words and
actions with the current strike.
The unions have laid the basis for
a united front with opposition parties.
Vice versa, now the opposition parties
need to make this unity practical by
actively campaigning for workers
rights and bread- and butter issues
after the 7th of May until election
day.
Without the workers the opposition
parties will not be able to take state
power.
VOICES
FROM THE
STRIKEMany women are participating in the public sector
strike. They are clear, outspoken and determined.
Mmereki talked to some comrades about the issues
that brought them into the
streets.
I am here because I donthave money, simply
summarized Nelly,
a worker at national
registration office. But
they have money and
we want to get paid she
added.
It is a lie that government
says that there is no
money, emphasized
Gertrude, a nurse working at the Princess Marina
Hospital in Gaborone. Our doctors and we as nurses
decided to join the strike because 16% salary increase
is more than justified if
you look at the conditions
under which we have
to work. Long hours,
permanent stress, risky
work, low pay this is
the reality in government
hospitals. Similar
sentiments were felt also
in other cities. The local
newspaper Echo quoted a
nurse from Francistown:
The senior managers
should leave us alone.
They use wheelbarrows
to carry their salaries, while we get peanuts. When
asked about consequences she said: The treatment we
get from the employer is what makes us strong. We
will emerge victorious. The law enforcement officers
are our husbands, our wives, our kids and our relatives.
Nobody should bank on them to intimidate us. They
support us because they know that if we win, they will
also benefit as their salaries will be increased.
Gorata, a primary school
teacher, explained: Weare on strike because we
are like everyone else
here. We are working
under great pressure,
but we are grossly
underpaid.
Another primary school
teacher, who wanted to
remain anonymous out
of fear of victimization
described the working
conditions of primary
teachers in more detail: We are here because we are
overworked. Primary school teachers have no resources
and they dont have a break. We have to raise children
from all backgrounds, which is very demanding.
Sometimes the children come unbathed and we have to
wash them. Everyday we have to feed the children. We
are exhausted and our pay is just too low.
When Mmereki asked a union activist what would
happen when government is not moving towards a
compromise, she said: We have all seen what happened
in Northern Africa. When government is not willing to
listen and act, they should think twice. Then this goes
far beyond a strike. Then we will have a revolution.
The Public Sector Union Federation
(BOFEPUSU) demand an 16%
salary increase based on the
understanding of the unions that for
the past 3 years there was never any
increase for public sector workers.
The BNF is disturbed by the manner
and attitude of government in the
negotiations with the unions which
in our vie smacks of an arrogant
Government negotiating in bad
faith. It is this intransigent behaviour
of government which has left the
unions with no option but to embark
on industrial action.
The BNF believes that the
workers demand for alary increase
is legitimate. The argument by
government that salaries cannot
be adjusted due to the economic
downturn should be dismissed.
The same government continues
to spend millions of Pula on
unsustainable projects, which were
not even budgeted for.
To show that government has
not been negotiating in good faith,
consider the fact that before the
budget speech the President had
already told the rural residents of
North-East that there will be no
salary hike, while on the other hand
his Minister of Finance said in the
budget speech that negotiations
with the unions are ongoing.
What a fallacy!
We understand that after the unions
went through all legal procedures
associated with embarking on an
industrial dispute, government tried
to convince the unions to accept a
salary increase of 5% based on the
condition of economic recovery.
This the unions legitimately
rejected. The BNF urges government
to stand away with a conditional
offer.
It is important to note that
governments failure to increase
salaries had the effect that all
private sector workers did also not
get a pay rise, as all eyes are on what
government does and that is robbing
the working class.We wish to state that we are in
solidarity with worker who demand
their rights and call upon the powers
that be to take heed of workers
demands since their purchasing
power has been eroded.
To the workers we say: Workers of
Botswana unite You have nothing
to loose but your chains!.
Why the BNF supports the Public Sector Strike
Nelly, National Registration
Gertrude, Nurse
Gorata, Teacher
WHERE SHOULD THE
MONEY COME FROM?Government says there is no way they can afford a
salary increase for public sector workers. There is
the economic crisis and there is the budget deficit
they say. But in reality it is about getting the priori-
ties right.
uCut the military! The Ministry of Defence andSecurity got the third largest budget of P3.6 billion.
Why should we waste so much money for defend-
ing the country against imaginary enemies and spy
ware which is allegedly used mainly for opposition
activists and regime critics. Why does the spy agen-
cy DIS obtains millions of Pula to recruit 1 spy for
every 180 Batswana, while we would need at least
one decently paid doctor for the same number of
inhabitants?
uTax the rich! Botswana corporate taxes are witha rate of 15% one of the lowest in the SADC re-
gion. Additionally, companies enjoy numerous spe-
cial incentives to accumulate
their profits. This is needed to
attract foreign investments,
argue the proponents of the
capitalist market. But in re-
ality foreign investors make
profits while they are relieved
from taxes and disappear
without re-investing a thebe
in the country. Corporate tax-
es should be increased to fi-
nace a well-organised public
sector with decent salaries.
Workers teach government calculating: A simple addition of living costs makes the case for salary increase
Maemo Bantsi*
* Maemo Bantsi is the
Labour Secretary of the BNF
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Most of the times when you talk about
revolution people tend to give you a
compassionate smile and say you are a
day dreamer. Then came 2011 and we
have witnessed in Tunisia and Egypt what
the Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky
called the forcible entry of the masses
into the realm of rulership over their own
destinythe hallmark of revolution.
Ordinary workers in both countries
were decisive in breaking the dictatorialregimes. The Union General Des
Travailleurs Tunisiens (UGTT) called a
local general strike on 12 January and
a national general strike on 14 January
this year. It played a profound role in the
collapse of the Ben Ali regime.
In Egypt independent unions were
formed on Tahrir-Square, the site of
mass protests. 2000 workers went on
strike and broke the final straw of Hosni
Mubaraks regime. The waves these
workers sent out are starting to resonate
throughout the whole African continent.
While comrades in Lybia, Syria, Jemen
and Bahrain are still bravely fighting for
regime change, people in Burkina-Faso
have staged mass protests against high
food prices.
Public Sector workers taking part in
one of the biggest strikes in the historyof Botswana are thinking aloud whether
their strike could also culminate in
regime change. So far, the Botswana
Democratic Party (BDP) government
has not signalled any compromise to
the workers in relation to their more
than justified demands of 16% salary
increase.
The outcome of the strike is not decided
yet and the struggles in Egypt and Tunisia
are far from complete. It remains to be
seen whether the political revolutions
that have happened can deepen into social
revolutions, in which workers begin to
create their own democratic bodies to run
society and challenge the foundations of
capitalism.
Yet many who stand in solidarity
with the uprisings see the return of
revolution to the world as specific to
repressive regimes only. But Botswana
is a democracy and a shining light of an
economic sound and peaceful country.
Why should we embark on an uncertain
path of change?, some people argue.Anger in the Arab regimes built up
like steam in a pressure cooker, suddenly
exploding onto the streets. In Boyswana
we have safety valves. We can vote for
MPs, we have trade unions and some
legal and human rights. These limited
freedoms we have to defend. But that
does not mean a fundamental change
of society can never happen. In fact, it
seems that some of the safety valves tend
to get blocked.
Apathy and changeMany say Batswana are just too defensive
and apathetic to make a revolution. But
when people speak of apathy, they are
not grasping the reality the majority of
Batswana live in.
People are struggling all the time. To
get food on the table, to pay rent for ashabby house, to raise enough funds to
pay school fees for their kids. Most of the
times, Batswana feel tired, bitter after a
day of hard work and pressure from the
boss and powerless when it comes to
being overworked and underpaid.
But sometimes enough is enough.
Apathy can suddenly flip over into its
oppositeactivism. What does it take
for such a change to occur?
It is certainly not necessary for the
mass of the population to descend into
destitution. The clash between peoples
expectations and what the system
delivers for them is more important than
their absolute wealth or poverty.
For example, many Batswana students
who graduated from university expect
to get a decent job. But instead, they are
roaming the streets or have to work for
peanuts as interns. In the past, often the
anger of students led to revolt, like in
Iran 1978. But for revolution to erupt, the
ideas in millions of peoples heads also
have to change.Gramsci
This was the problem that the Italian
Marxist Antonio Gramsci sought to
address. He was inspired by the Russian
Revolution and hoped to apply the lessons
to the very different circumstances in
Western Europe.
Gramsci argued that many people, much
of the time, function with what he called
common sense. This is a mishmash of
ideas uncritically absorbed from wider
society.
We are taught at school and by the
President the importance of discipline
and the need for individual success in
exams. Economic necessity forces us
into tedious jobs where we labour in
conditions dictated and enforced by
managers.The resulting sense of powerlessness
and isolation can allow us to absorb all
kinds of peculiar notionsthat capitalism
has been there forever, that hard work is
rewarded with success, and that there is
no alternative to BDP.
But, Gramsci argued, our heads
also contain a healthy amount of good
sense. This consists of ideas that bind
us together with our fellow workers
notions of solidarity and common
struggle. Such ideas are either directly
experienced by workers who take part in
actions like strikes, or are passed on by
friends, co-workers and others.
This good sense lays the basis for
an alternative conception of the world.
But most of the time the clash between
good sense and common sense results in
a situation in which the contradictorystate of consciousness does not permit of
any action, any decision or any choice,
and produces a condition of moral and
political passivity.
This is not a static state of affairs.
Capitalism is an unstable, chaotic system
that goes into crisis again and again.
These crises are not just economic, but
also political and ideological.
At such moments common sense ideas
can begin to crack apart. Consider the
most concentrated form of pro-capitalist
ideologythe economics taught in
universities. Remarkably, this remains
the same as it was before the crisis,
despite its now obvious failings.
At a more popular level, in earlier
times of economic stability Batswana
would not think much about an increasing
budget for Defense and Security, but in
times of crises, priorities change. Now
Batswana ask why there is money for the
spy agency DIS, but no money for decent
workers salaries.
The ideological cracks can widen
as the crisis develops. Politicians,capitalists, senior civil servants and
newspaper editors can clash as they try to
shift the blame for the crisis and impose
their preferred solutions.
This can lead a minority, sometimes
quite a large force, to question aspects
of capitalismor even the system as a
whole.
Ideas
But for a revolutionary situation to
develop, something more than this is
required. It is only when people begin
to fight back that they discover that, far
from being weak and isolated, they have
enormous power.
This can become evident in any form
of collective actiona demonstration, a
university occupation or a riot. But it is
far clearer during a militant strike.For capitalism to function effectively,
it has to bring people together in large
workplacesand not just factories, but
also offices, warehouses, supermarkets
and so on. This is exactly what we see in
the current public sector strike: Cleaners
march with doctors, nurses with teachers
and magistrate workers with customs
officers.
It is our labour, our exploitation, that
produces all the profits the bosses grab
from us. This means that it is at work that
we are at our most powerful. Our ability
to withdraw our labour can paralyse
capitalism.
And because such struggles are
collective, to succeed they must challenge
the petty differences that divide workers
such as race, gender and sexuality. This
is the key to changing ideas.Old ideas do not just change simply
because clever revolutionaries put
forward new and better ones. People have
to learn through their own experience
that a new view of the world is necessary
to make sense of their struggles.
Reform
Revolutionary outbreaks always begin
with struggles to reform the system.
People often have only one form of
democracy in mind elections. That is
the only democratic activity they know.
But in a crisis, the fight for reforms can
take on a revolutionary dimension.
This does not happen in a day or a week.
The Russian Revolution of 1917 took
eight months to develop from the fall of
Tsarism in February to the insurrection
of October.
The German Revolution that followed
lasted five years, from 1918 through to
1923, before it was defeated.
The liberation struggles on the African
continents were in many cases long and
bitter, before they succeeded.
Part of the reason why the German
revolution was so prolonged was the role
of the safety valves in more democratic
and developed capitalist societies.
In such societies, the contradictions do
not just exist inside peoples headsthey
also take organisational form. The trade
unions and parties like the Labour Party
express peoples desire for reforms, but
within the framework of capitalism.
Similarly, opposition parties in Africa
are built on nationalist ideas, that there
can be class unity to the benefit of the
whole nation.
This leads to arguments within the
working class itself. Even in small strikes
and local campaigns there are battles over
whether to use militant tactics driven
from below or try to gently persuade
those at the top.
A revolution magnifies these to life and
death questions. There will always be
moderate leaders who seek to run to the
head of the movement, only to hold back
the struggle and direct it into electoral or
legal channels.
In order to win in a revolutionary
situation, revolutionary organisation
and ideas would have to start to replace
reformism.
In Russia in 1917 the Bolsheviks
entered the revolution with about 23,000
members. By the end they had grown
ten-fold. This was sufficient in a country
with no mass reformist organisations and
a small and militant, working class.
Today, revolutionary parties would
have to be much bigger, as the size of
the working class is larger in numbers.Revolutionaries would have to organize
not only in one country, as capitalism
today is penetrating every corner of the
world in a globalized manner.
Building such an organisation requires
more than simply raising slogans
telling people that capitalism is the
problem. Revolutionaries also have to
work alongside non-revolutionaries,
and sometimes their organisations, in
common struggles for reforms.
While we do this, we have to both argue
for the most militant methods, which
raise the confidence and combativity of
workers, and patiently persuade those we
work with of our revolutionary ideas.
That is why the International Socialists
Botswana (ISB) both organises
independently and also seeks to work
with wider forces. We are a groupmember of the Botswana National Front
(BNF) and our activists are members of
trade unions.
ISB is very small. Creating a
revolutionary organisation of hundreds of
thousands will require waves of struggle
that radicalise ten thousands, break apart
existing reformist organisations, and
create new ones. Revolution in Botswana
is not an immediate prospect. But the
instability of capitalism means that one
day the Main Mall will feel like Cairos
Tahrir Square. Such moments will take
even revolutionaries by surprise. But if
we hope to win in such a situation, the
work we do today to forge revolutionary
organisation is vital. Join us!
Peoples power in Egypt
From strikes topeoples powerKerstin Andrae-Marobela
There is always time to read...
This is Mugabes
Zimbabwe:Socialists accused of treason
when discussing the mass
movements in Tunisia and
Egypt
The Zimbabwean
s o c i a l i s t s
M u n y a r a d z i
G w i s a i ,
T a f a d z w a
A n t o n a t e r
Choto, Hopewell
Gumbo, Tatenda
Mombeyarara ,
Edson Chakuma, and Welcome
Zimuto were arrested on February 20
for organizing and participating in a
video screening and discussion of the
recent Egyptian revolution and with
the view of drawing the lessons for the
struggle for democracy and social justice
in Zimbabwe. All six are facing trial for
treason in July 2011, which can result in
death penalty. In the past, Zimbabwean
activists supported campaigns of the BNF
womens league and inspired women
to stand firm as a rock in the struggle
for social justice and womens rights.
Now, they need our support. Please
check the campaign page (http://www.
freethemnow.com) for updates and send
solidarity donations to cover theirlegal costs to:
Zimbabwe Labour Center
Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe
Account number: 02120514330023
Bank sort code: 6109
Swift code: COBZZWHAXXX
Branch: Selous Avenue, Harare,
Zimbabwe
Te book describes the back-ground and the driving forcesbehind the public sector reforms
in Botswana.It places the development ofthe public sector reforms in a his-torical and global context.A good read if one wants an in-depth background to the currentpublic sector strike in the country.
This article is based on a piece by Joseph Choonara pub-
lished in Socialist Worker, UK
http://www.freethemnow.com/http://www.freethemnow.com/http://www.freethemnow.com/http://www.freethemnow.com/ -
7/31/2019 Mmereki 28
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Yes, I want to join the International Socialists
Botswana (ISB)
Im interested in your paper
and want more copies to sell in my village
Name:Adress:
Union/Workplace/UNI/Schools:
Mogala:e-mail:
Send form to: P.O. Box 601519 Gaborone or contact us:
phone 75014055 or e-mail: [email protected]
ISB
INDEPENDENT WORKING CLASS ACTIONIn a capitalist society like Botswana workers create all the riches yet very few workers
benefit from their toil. Only a tiny minority of capitalists controls and enjoys this wealth
while the majority suffers from exploitation. This is a consequence of capitalism, an
economic system that puts profits before peoples needs. We advocate for a completely
new society in which the workers, who produce the wealth, collectively seize control of
their resources and democratically plan its production and distribution for the benefit
of all - not just for a few elite.
REVOLUTION NOT REFORM
The parliamentary way to socialism has historically proved futile and so has reformism.
The only viable road to socialism is the revolutionary overthrow of the present system
led by the mass of workers not by the petty bourgeoisie. With a revolution, new
organs of workers power are introduced because the working class cannot inherit the
institutions of the old capitalist state. The state machinery in the form of the parliament,
the army, the police and judiciary are designed to defend the interests of the ruling
class and perpetuate exploitation of the working class. Through conscious struggle
and mass action the bourgeois state machinery can be smashed and in its place a truly
workers democracy established. This will be based on workers councils and elected
and recallable delegates accountable to workers themselves not parliament.
INTERNATIONALISM
The key to a successful revolution lies in international solidarity with other workers
around the world. There is only one international working class exploited by international
capital regardless of nationality or race. To emphasise national unity instead of class
unity, holds working class struggles back. The experience of Russia demonstrates that
a socialist revolution cannot survive in isolation in one country. In Russia the result of
socialism in one country was state capitalism and Stalinism not socialism. In Eastern
Europe and China similar systems were later established by Stalinist parties.
AGAINST OPPRESSION
We oppose all tendencies, which turn workers against workers. Therefore we are
against sexism and oppression of women, racism, religious sectarianism, homophobia
and all other forms of discrimination including xenophobia since these misdirect
workers from the real roots of exploitation and imperialism, and weaken their
collective strength to fight capitalism. We advocate for ethnic equality and vehemently
support the rights of the so-called minorities to organize and defend their rights. Wesupport all genuine national liberation movements.
THE REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS PARTYA revolutionary party is a spear in the hands of workers. It brings together the mostrevolutionary and class conscious members to influence the rest by the spread ofsocialist ideas and visible action.Through patient argument and practical organizationof the daily class struggle revolutionists can win workers from the side of capitalismand reformism to real working class politics and fight together for a socialist society.Activity to build such a party has to be based in and outside of the mass organisations ofthe working class. We have to build a rank and file movement within the trade unions
ISB is a group member of the Botswana National Front.
Where we stand:
Workers of the worldunite!
Ten days that shook the world:The Public Sector Strike and workers power
Motsomi Marobela, the author of the recently published book PoliticalEconomy of Botswana Public Sector Reforms discusses with trade unionists and
members of the BNF the impact of the public sector strike.
Opposition Unity and Regime Change
Kerstin Andrae-Marobela, a member of the BNF negotiation team for op-
position unity, outlines the relation between reforms and fundamental social change
Talking about revolution...
Gaontebale Mokgosi debates the mass movements in Tunisia and Egypt.How do mass movements build up? How do ideas change? Do political revolutionsremaingf political? Can something like that happen in Botswana?
Everyone is welcome to share ideas.
We all have questions, together we might
nd the answers!
Yes, I want to participate in the ISB conference (Ticket: P10 employed/P5 unemployed)
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at the conference
MmerekiInternational Socialists
Botswana (ISB) Conference25 June 2011 - A day of debate
Tsholofelo Primary School. Gaborone North, 9 am
The conference is open to all: unionists, workers, political activists, people who want change
Send to: ISB, PO Box 601519 Gaborone or e-mail to: [email protected]
