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TheIdeologyTraps:NationalSocialismandAntiSemitismintheBanatRegionintheInterwarPeriod
TheIdeologyTraps:NationalSocialismandAntiSemitismintheBanatRegionintheInterwarPeriod
byMihaiA.Panu
Source:Holocaust.StudyandResearch(Holocaust.Studiiicercetri),issue:1(5)/2012,pages:201218,onwww.ceeol.com.
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The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitismin the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
MIHAI A. PANU
Abstract
The manifestations of political radicalism in the Romanian
interwar society represented acomplex and manifold phenomenon.
Regions having an evident multicultural profile suchas Banat
experienced a rapid deterioration of the inter-societal
relationships as a result ofcontinuous ideological indoctrination
and propaganda. This paper attempts to analyze theconcrete
manifestations of two strong interlinked phenomena, National
Socialism and anti-Semitism, by investigating the related social
attitudes. In this respect, the archive documentsand press will be
used as main documentation sources.
Keywords: National Socialism, anti-Semitism, Banat,
propaganda.
Introduction
Systemic changes that marked the history of the 20th century
generatednumerous political and social imbalances in Europe. The
reconfiguration of powerrelationships that entailed a new
architecture of security and a reshaping ofinterethnic relations
were favorable conditions for the socio-political radicalismand
pathologies of the state in Europe, culminating in manifest
conflicts of rareintensity. The primacy of ideology was the common
denominator of all thesesystemic imbalances to a great extent, so
that European political radicalisms,regardless of their profile,
rooted in the ideology of vindictive social attitudes andsaving
utopias. The ideological factor had been a historical constant in
Europe inthe last century. From this point of view, the
totalitarian pair represented by NationalSocialism and Bolshevism
were nothing but the ideological expression of theerosion of
European democracy and modern nation-state pathologies.
A macro-analysis of the political regimes and the state as the
main actor onthe international scene would be limited and
inconclusive for a proper understand -ing of the conditions under
which the totalitarian virus contaminated the Europeansocieties in
the last century. The present paper aims to analyze the emergence
anddevelopment of political European radicalisms in the 20th
century, not only in terms
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of structural elements and their taxonomy, but also by exploring
ways of expressionin local contexts. Thus, the main objective of
this paper is to highlight the hypostasisof the Nazi propaganda
(the main totalitarian vector) and the impact of NationalSocialism
on the interwar German minority in the Banat region.
The phenomenon of radicalization of the political system in the
interwaryears in Romania overlapped with the external influences of
German NationalSocialism and generated an intricate conceptual
picture. This overview will serveto analyze how the societal
profile of the Banat region has led to a change in identitythrough
gradual exposure to Nazi ideology. The investigation of
predispositionsand concrete manifestations of Nazism in Banat lies
at the center of this research,using mainly two sources:
the press, especially the German media, which presented a true
picture ofthe society and current ideology of the time, in many
cases; the ideology presentedby the press is relevant due to many
scientific publications that came out andworked as press organs for
different political organizations, some of which werestrongly
ideologically affiliated;
the reports and notes existing in the archives of the Police
Inspectorateof the Timi-Torontal county, which have plenty of
detailed descriptions of theorganizations, people, meetings, or
events directly linked to National Socialism.
Besides its methodological advantages, the investigation of such
issues hasan implicit demystifying character. The history of Banat
should not be uncondi -tionally characterized by a tolerance hidden
under the label of multicultural tolerance,but should rather reveal
the episodes marked by intolerance and interethnic tensions,in
order to provide a realistic societal profile of this region. From
the historicalperspective, the identity of the Banat region is not
defined by the harmonization ofdifferences, but rather by the
emphasis of contrasts.
After the Great Union of 1918, the Banat region suffered a major
identitychange which entailed a forced resetting of interethnic
relationships. Exposed tosystemic imbalances in Europe, the society
in Banat had to face unusual pheno -mena: the radicalization of the
interethnic dialogue, the relationships (especiallythe ones between
the minorities) with the newly created state, the problem
ofpolitical representation, the rise of the nationalist movement
and, last but not least,the European geopolitical context with
direct implications for the German ethnicsin Romania.
National Socialism and the German Ethnics in Banat
The profile of the heterogeneous ethno-cultural societies had
constantly beencharacterized by the existence of cleavages, either
visible or latent. The emergenceof bureaucratic rationality
represented by the nation-state had not guaranteed the
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Access via CEEOL NL Germany
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absence of social antagonism based on group identity, despite
some attempts andpartial successes to configure the supranational
society. Nationalism and exacer -bated ethnicity (primarily seen as
a politicized social action) had widely affected theEuropean
society, the Romanian space included.
In Banat, the tradition of plural identities was gradually, but
occasionallyreplaced by the logic of ethno-cultural exclusiveness
and the blaming of some targetgroups. As for the German ethnics,
such signs had been traced very early, whichshowed their
significant responsiveness to the geopolitical changes of that
period.1
Moreover, the reasons for ethno-cultural antagonism could be
identified in the earlyyears after the Great Union took place,
while the target (represented by the Jews)of the German ethnics
discursive manifestations was largely a clue to future events:In
Banat, in 1923, there was an open conflict between the students
organizationsand the National Council of the Banat Swabians about
the affiliation of the Jewishstudents. The excuse was a
recommendation letter written for a Jewish student bythe Council.
Students of German origin outside Germany would have
differentbenefits if they enrolled for a German or Austrian
university. Other foreign studentsdid not have such advantages.2
The example above illustrated the mechanisms ofinternalizing
similarities and differences, which brought about the emergence
ofsocial cleavages. In this case, the group identity perceived as
strong ethno-culturalexclusivity (only German ethnics were entitled
to some benefits to study) wascreated by emphasizing the opposition
to the Jewish student who was perceived asan intruder. Moreover,
the support of the National Council of Swabian Germansgiven to the
student was a serious break of what Fredrik Barth called
culturalboundary/limit of an ethnic groups identity. As Barth said,
the existence of atradition of dialogue and interaction between
different ethnic groups was not apledge or a method to remove
differences between these groups or a condition forthe
disappearance of social cleavages: Cultural differences can persist
despite inter-ethnic contact and interdependence.3
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
1 It is worth mentioning that the radicalization of
socio-political life in the interwar period did not referonly to
the German ethnics. Other ethnic groups contributed to the
worsening of the interethnicrelationships. Proto-fascist tendencies
were noticed in the Romanian community, too. In Banat, a casein
point was the early and permanent activity of the National
Christian Defense League (L.A.N.C.)and its main press organ,
entitled Svastica Banatului (The Banat Swastika).2 Hildrun Glass,
Zerbrochene Nachbarschaft: Das deutsch-judische Verhltnis in
Rumnien (1918-1938), Mnchen, Oldenbourg, 1996, p. 311. (Im Banat
kam es 1923 zu einem offenen Konfliktzwischen den Studentenverbnden
und dem Deutsch-Schwbischen Volksrat ber die frage derZugehrigkeit
von Studenten judischer Herkunft. Anla dafr war ein
Empfehlungsschreiben desVolksrates fr einen Studenten judischer
Abstammung. Auslandsdeutschen Studenten wurden andeutschen und
sterreichischen Universitten verschiedene vergnstigungen eingerumt,
die anderenauslndischen Studenten nicht gewhrt wurden.)3 Fredrik
Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of
Culture Difference, Oslo,Universitetsforlaget, 1969, p. 10.
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With the rise of nationalist movements and the deterioration of
the Europeangeopolitical climate, the intra-societal relationships
became tense. The Germanethnics in Romania distrusted the
relationships with the Romanian state and themajority of the
Romanian ethnics, in general. Often, as shown in certain
documentsissued by the Romanian authorities, these relationships
were continuously deterio -rated: As regards the attitude of the
German element in Romania towards themajority, it has been and
continues to be hostile4. The mechanisms of self-repre -sentation
and an exacerbated group consciousness became societal marks in
Banatin the interwar period, while the German minority was exposed
to a threat hard toavoid: the trap of the national-socialist
ideology.
The hypostases of Nazism in Banat were diverse and complex at
the sametime. The peoples exposure to ideological elements,
together with a strong distrustof German ethnics in the Romanian
state structures5, had influenced the way publicopinion perceived
National Socialism, which prompted various forms of
ideologicaladherence among the Banat Swabians. Nazi propaganda had
good results, as wecould easily see in the attitude of the
population. Some reports and notes of theRomanian authorities of
that time highlighted such aspects precisely:
Note6
Iecea Mare Police Station No. 12, August 15th, 1940The German
population within the area of this police station does not want
tomaintain good relationships with the local authorities because of
the German demon -strations in the village of Lenauheim on August
18th, 1940. They overtly wear Naziuniforms and swastikas; they
refuse to pay state and local taxes, saying they will notpay
anything to the Romanian state, as they belong to the Reich and not
to Romania.The agent in charge complained that he was thrown out of
their yards on the groundsof their belonging to the Reich as they
had nothing to do with the Romanian Stateto pay taxes. In Iecea
Mic, on August 22nd, Dr. Hoffman, who was sent by theGerman
community in Timioara, came to examine the German residents who
couldbe part of the National Guard that would be established by the
NAF (ArbeitsfrontNational Organization) and would distribute
weapons and ammunition. Eighteenindividuals came for the medical
examination; they were found healthy and wereassigned a mission.
[]This information is reliable and checked.Chief of the Iecea Mare
Police StationGendarme Sergeant I. Bdoiu
4 Archives of the National Council for the Studying of the
Securitate Files, File no. 9676, Vol. 3, p. 23.5 The Romanian
Germans were not so well politically represented in the interwar
period; there wasalso an ambiguous legal framework regarding the
states relationships with the national minoritiesand it lacked any
minority law.6 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi
Branch, Fund of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no.
11, Inventory 1196, p. 23.
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The attitude of the German population in Banat could not be
analyzedwithout taking into consideration the socio-political
context of interwar Romaniaand should be understood in light of the
dominant ideological factors of the period.For Greater Romania and
especially for the ruling political class, the adherence ofa part
of the German population to National Socialism was largely a
failure, simplybecause the interwar Romanian state failed to win
the loyalty of all its citizens. Itwas an essential feature of
citizenship, in other words, the warranty of the
legitimaterelationship between a ruler and the ruled, for a
nation-state to win the loyalty ofthe society that created it.
It is worth mentioning the favorable attitude of the young
people towardsNational Socialism. The young showed an increased
responsiveness to Nazi ideol -ogy, while they were easy victims of
propaganda at the same time. The Nazi youthorganizations in Romania
were certain about the determination their future membersshowed
and, at the same time, used in order to motivate their choice to
adhere. Hereis a document issued by the chief of the andra
gendarmerie station, Timi-Torontalcounty, highlighting the
importance for the young Germans to adhere to and financethe
organization they wanted to join:
No. 1177
September 8th, 1940To the Police of the Timi-Torontal countyI
have the honor to inform you that 14 young Germans were found
gathered in thehouse of a man called Riesz Ion, who is the leader
of the Nazi organization in Uihei,at 10:10 p.m. in the evening of
September 6th, 1940. A sum of 588 lei was found onthe table, as
well as a notebook with the money given to the organization weekly
byeach member.We are waiting for new orders.Chief of the Police
Station[Signature follows.]
The establishment of pro-Nazi organizations in Romania and their
develop -ment by subscribing new members became a priority for
Germans. Recruitmentwas often made by high officials who came
directly from Germany to convince theGerman ethnics in Banat to
serve the interests of the Third Reich. A note from thepolice chief
in Varia, Timi-Torontal county, informed about such aspects:
Note8 no. 17August 17th, 1940Briefing: On August 11th, 1940, a
German civilian came to the German House inVaria; he was a medical
officer with the rank of major coming from Germany and
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
7 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi Branch, Fund
of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no. 11,
Inventory 1196, p. 4.8 Ibidem, p. 18.
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all young Germans in Varia, dressed up in Swabian uniforms, were
expecting himin front of the house. [] Orders were sent that they
should all be present to themeeting in Lenauheim village on August
18th, 1940; those who would like to bevolunteers in Germany were
not to be sent to war or to the paratroopers school.They were to be
given special assignments in the territories occupied by Germany.
The leader of the youngsters, Burger Iacob, had to make
arrangements to send alarge number of young people to the meeting
in Lenauheim on August 18th, 1940 []Chief of the Varia Police
Station[Signature follows.]
Thus, in 1940, the effects of propaganda and national-socialist
indoctrinationcould be clearly seen in the population behavior.
Many German ethnics had declaredtheir loyalty directly to the Third
Reich; others did not recognize the authority ofthe Romanian state
institutions anymore, refusing to pay their taxes. Nazi
propagandawas publicly made without fear of repercussions.
Therefore, people could buy flagsand other Nazi symbols and wear
them in public unreservedly in Timioara, in thesummer of 1940. In
August 1940, a note of the police mentioned the following:
Note no. 109
August, 25th, 1940Chevereul Mare Police StationTopic: Nazi
PropagandaWe are informed that trader Reinert Oskar from Bacova who
gave the Nazi flag toRichter Ioan in Bacova, bought the flag from
Frank and Seihnalm fabric store inIosefin, Timioara; the trader saw
tens of other flags for sale there and Richter Ioanborrowed and
carried his flag on the back; thus, the flag belongs to Reinert
Oskar.Chief of the Chevereul Mare Police Station[Signature
follows.]
Meetings at various events became a perfect moment for a great
part of theGerman ethnics to present their ideological beliefs.
Nazism became a publicphenomenon, made obvious in parades, sports
competitions, songs, and culturalmeetings. Ideology made public was
one of the climaxes of Nazism in Banat. Thedimensions of this
phenomenon concerned and displeased certain representativesof the
Romanian authorities at the same time; faced with such events, the
authoritiespointed to the lack of clear regulations against
elements of Nazi propaganda.
In August 1940, the police chief of Periam, Timi-Torontal
county, describedan event full of ideological elements: the feast
organized for the birthday of poetNikolaus Lenau:
9 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi Branch, Fund
of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no. 11,
Inventory 1196, p. 26.
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Note no. 2110
August 18th, 1940Lovrin Police StationOn August 18th, 1940,
young and old Germans came from everywhere by specialtrains from
Timioara and Arad, wearing Nazi uniforms, to celebrate a
Germanholiday, namely the birthday of the poet Lenau, in Ciacazis
Lenauheim.On their way back to the Lovrin railway station, they all
shouted Heil accompaniedby the gesture of greeting while the trains
were leaving the station. Those going toTomnatic and Neru got off
the trains, went to the Virsz restaurant in front of thestation and
sang German songs marching against England and the UK.The commander
of the 13th regiment in Clrai asked me to interfere and stop
theirsinging, but I informed him that there was no order regarding
the German songs.When the trains arrived at the station, they got
on and started singing again, withoutany other incident.Sent to the
police of Timi county, Periam Police StationChief of the Police
Station[Signature follows.]
The events that involved the German ethnics in Banat, especially
in the thirdand fourth decades of the last century, showed the
adherence of the majority toNational Socialism and a significant
deterioration of the interethnic relationships.We mainly refer to
the relationships between Romanians and Germans, who hadbecome
increasingly tense because of the pro-Nazi activity of the German
ethnics(marches, slogans, songs, symbols in sight etc.). These
actions were looked intowith suspicion and sometimes feared by the
Romanians in Banat; the interests of theGerman minority were seen
as serving the Third Reich, not Romania. A policereport from
Ciacova, Timi county, presented the suspicion and the fears of
theRomanian population directed towards their German fellow
citizens:
Special Note11
Ciacova Police StationNo.18, September 1st, 1940The German
population in Ciacova have set a room at 300 meters from the
policestation. There, they learn national German songs. Girls,
boys, and old people takepart in these meetings. They wear
uniforms: white socks, black pants, and whiteshirts. On September
1st, 1940, at 6 a.m., they marched and sang in the village
streets,going towards the sports arena. After lunch the same day,
from 3 to 8 p.m., theymarched in columns singing German national
songs.Here are some opinions of the Romanian people: The Germans
want to take over;
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
10 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi Branch, Fund
of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no. 11,
Inventory 1196, p. 39.11 Ibidem, p. 43.
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Today the Germans sing their joy when we are in mourning, when
we cry in ourhomes and on the street corners watching them; Who are
they doing this for? Is it for Romania? We know what they want, we
see them, but we will not let them be.This is the mood of the
Romanian population in this village. Generally speaking,the
Romanians are very nervous about the rights of the German minority
who onlyseek to disturb; they have nothing to do with culture,
sports etc. as they say.We have taken measures to monitor the
population and prevent any violent act onboth sides.Chief of the
Ciacova Police StationGendarme Sergeant Trziu Ioan
The suspicions and discontent expressed by the Romanian
population werejustified in some cases. Besides the turmoil and
propaganda which the Germanethnics in Banat were involved in, there
was a potential danger that they would losecontrol and cause ethnic
conflicts. One such example was providing weapons tothe Nazi
micro-organizations in Banat. In a document dated August 30th,
1940,classified as special registration, the following was
written:
Timi-Torontal Police Station12
Jimbolia Police StationSpecial RegistrationNote no.14, August
30th, 1940On August 29th, 1940, the patrol service in Jimbolia
concluded the following:Before having something to eat, a number of
41 Germans, part of the trainingprogram for instructors in the
National German Guard in Jimbolia, marched towardsGrabai, on the
road from Jimbolia to Grabai, then they returned to the village.
Theymarched in formation and sang German patriotic songs. [] This
group of theGerman Guard preparing for individual instruction with
guns, has four guns, threeof which are Flobert guns and one is a
German air gun; they say they got them forpractice from the
management center of the German Group in Timioara. They donot have
permits and declare they have received them from Germany. As soon
as thistraining center for the National German Guard was
established in Jimbolia, the localsports arena became a place of
meeting for a group of 35-40 young German girls,who do physical
exercise in uniforms, receive instructions and sing various
Germanpatriotic songs under the supervision of Catherine Exner, a
clerk from the Unionhat factory in Jimbolia.We have found that they
greet each other using the Nazi salute both inside the groupof the
German Guard and the group of girls; they stretch forward their
right handhorizontally with the palm facing down.This information
is reliable and checked.
12 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi Branch, Fund
of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no. 11,
Inventory 1196, p. 49.
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209
Their supervision is permanent.Waiting for further orders.Chief
of the Jimbolia Police StationGendarme Sergeant Creu Ioan
The problem with the Nazi paramilitary micro-organizations in
Banat wasa complex one. Actually, the organizations were
established following the Germanmodel (youth and girls
organizations etc.); they had a good hierarchical structureand,
perhaps most importantly, they received weapons from Nazi Germany.
A casein point was the Nauff organization found in Caran, Timi
county, whose activityhad been described in police reports:
Note13
No.10, August 28th, 1940The German population in Carani gets
together in a sacrificial organization calledNauff each day. This
organization is said to be supplied with weapons by theGerman
community in Timioara just like real guards, but the weapons are
sent bythe German leaders, not the Romanian ones.This information
is checked.Chief of the Police Station[Signature follows.]
Micro-organizations such as Nauff were created and supported by
theGermans. They reproduced to a smaller scale the Nazi
organizational model aimedat integrating the Nazi ideology and
mobilizing the German population. The attitudeof the Romanian
authorities (the police stations and gendarmeries across the
Timi-Torontal county, as reflected in archives) was limited to
ascertaining the events,showing the inability of the Romanian state
to effectively approach such events(anti-Romanian to the core)
organized mainly by Germany.
Note14
Crpini Police StationNo.19, August 24th, 1940The Nazi youngsters
have not obeyed all rules and orders lately; they meet wheneverthey
want, they wear uniforms, they form paramilitary groups and drill.
The oldrefuse to pay taxes on account of their belonging to the
Reich.The information is reliable.Reported to: the Police of the
Timi-Torontal countyChief of the Crpini Police StationSergeant
Mrzan Ioan
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
13 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi Branch, Fund
of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no. 11,
Inventory 1196, p. 52.14 Ibidem, p. 90.
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The anti-Romanian attitude and contempt for the Romanian
authorities wereobvious. A document issued by the Crpini Police
Station (Timi-Torontal county)on August 24th, 1940, resentfully
mentioned that the Nazi movement had beengrowing unexpectedly. The
German ethnics in Banat started to practice a form ofcivic
disobedience by ignoring the laws of the Romanian state or by
refusing topay taxes to the authorities; furthermore, they
considered themselves legal citizensof the Third Reich.
The effects of the propaganda and systematic indoctrination of
the Germanpopulation in Banat could be seen in the most unlikely
places and the most unusualforms. Nazi symbols became widely spread
and accepted. The ideological factorwas integrated into the peoples
daily life, as the Romanian authorities noticed.
Thus, the following were described on August 17th, 1940, in a
note issued bythe Sclaz police station (Timi county):
Note15
Special RegistrationNo.15, August 17th, 1940Sclaz Police
StationThe impudence of the German people following the recent
international events isbecoming more and more evident and hostile
towards the Romanian State. Thus,Ioan Kuhn from Sclaz, known as one
of Hitlers most active supporters, hasrecently built a house and
printed a swastika and number 40 which refers to theconstruction
year on the frontispiece of his house, between figures 1 and 9.
Abovethe entrance of the rooms, he has written two letters H.H.,
which means Heil Hitler.This information is reliable.Chief of the
Sclaz Police StationSergeant Filip Theodor
The case reported above was not only about the impudence of the
Germanpopulation, as the police chief said, but rather about the
genuine ideologicalconviction and adhesion. The Nazi symbols on the
walls of the house reflected, asI said before, two important
aspects: on the one hand, the degree of indoctrinationof the
population (the direct effect of the Nazi propaganda); on the other
hand, thefailure of the Romanian state to successfully manage the
problem of the Germanminority in the interwar period. Actually,
there were two problems: on the one hand,the delay in issuing a law
on the minorities and the type of political representationof the
Germans (aspects discussed in the next section of the paper) and,
on the otherhand, the institutionalization of National Socialism in
Romania and the resentmentamong the German ethnics brought about by
the policy of Romanianization.16
15 General Directorate of the State Archives, Timi Branch, Fund
of the General Directorate of theTimi Police, File no. 11,
Inventory 1196, p. 93.16 Ortfried Kotzian, Das Schulwesen der
Deutschen in Rumnien im Spannungsfeld zwischenVolksgruppe und
Staat, Univ. Diss. Augsburg, 1983, p. 297.
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The national-socialist political organizations in Banat had been
set up for along time, so that the adhesion of the Banat Swabians
to the Nazi ideology was notdone overnight, but rather gradually,
especially during the last decade before war.
For example, in Timioara and other places in Banat, in the
autumn of 1932,the organization called Nationalsozialistische
Selbsthilfebewegung der Deutschenin Rumnien (National-Socialist
Self-Help Movement of the Germans in Romania)was actively trying to
convince as many supporters as possible to join in.17 Theblend of
internal and external factors contributed to the gradual
indoctrination ofmore and more Swabians in Banat in the spirit of
National Socialism.
The ideological component of the public discourse:
Hypostases of Nazi propaganda in the German media in Banat
The interwar period was marked by political mobilization and
social activismfor the Germans in Romania. As soon as Greater
Romania was established, withouta minority law (although there was
one established by the international treaty toprotect minorities
starting with December 9th, 1919)18, the Germans tried to
bepolitically represented in the new state. Despite some successes,
the German politi -cal organizations and their representatives
could not influence the decision-makingprocess at central level.
Methods such as the representation of all Germans inRomania by one
party or different electoral alliances set with certain
Romanianparties (for example, the one with National Peasants Party
on November 21st, 1928,in Cluj)19 guaranteed some political
participation of the Germans, but, on the whole,they were
under-represented. Moreover, the negative attitude of the
Romanianpublic opinion towards the performance of some German
politicians generated aclimate of distrust and resentment among the
German minority. For example, theGerman publication Banater
Tagblatt reacted to the views expressed in the centralmedia in an
article entitled Brandsch questioned by the Bucharest media:
Themedia in Bucharest, the Epoca newspaper more precisely,
commented on ministerBrandschs statements. Minister Brandsch is
said to have declared that the VersaillesTreaty has brought about
the actual global crisis, in an assembly in Aradul Nou.20
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
17 Johann Bhm, Nationalsozialistische Indoktrination der
Deutschen in Rumnien 1932-1944,Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang
Verlag, 2008, p. 23.18 Cf. Hans Christian Maner, Parlamentarismul n
Romnia 1930-1940 (Parliamentarism in Romania1930-1940), Bucharest,
Encyclopedic Publishing House, 2004, p. 305.19 Cf. Florin Mueller,
Elite parlamentare i dinamic electoral n Romnia 1919-1937 (Parlia
-mentary Elites and Electoral Dynamics in Romania 1919-1937),
Bucharest, Publishing House of theBucharest University, 2009, p.
194.20 Banater Tagblatt, Brandsch im Kreuzfeuer der Bukarester
Presse, August 23rd, 1931, year 13,no. 67, p. 1 (Die Bukarester
Presse insbesondere aber die Epoca richtet gegen Minister
Brandschdie allerheftigsten Angriffe. Brandsch, so behaupten die
Bukarester Bltter, soll in der Neuarader
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The problems caused by the lack of a minority law, the political
under-representation, and the attitude of the public opinion
towards the so-called Germanquestion in Romania were not new. If
the case of Banat, there was a general dis -content with the
politics of the Romanian authorities regarding the German
ethnics.In an article entitled What is there to learn from
elections, written in DerLandbote, the (anonymous) author was quite
sharp claiming that the policy towardsthe German ethnics was
totally wrong in Banat: We believe that the currentelections
convinced us and proved that the policy in Banat was wrong and
needs tobe changed21. The German community in interwar Romania had
to deal with thelack of constructive integration in the national
public sphere, in addition to issuesof political
under-representation; there were two types of shortcomings, both
causedby the mechanisms of identity construction: the problem of
political fragmentationand the problem of the living space.
The introduction of these two problems in the public discourse
of the Germanminority in Banat marked the beginning of ideological
determinism. The systemconfiguration undoubtedly played a paramount
role in the process; we could eventalk about some internal biases
in the general socio-political context, that resultedin an ideology
trap mentioned in a previous section.
The problem of political fragmentation emerged as the German
ethnicsneeded to form a unified political community in Romania. The
problem of politicalfragmentation was brought into discussion in an
article entitled The Germangroups in the contemporary Romanian
state, published in February 1938 in DerLandbote: The Germans are
divided into several political groups in our countrysuch as the
Peoples Community, the German Party, the German Front in Banat,the
Germans in Bistria and the surrounding area. Moreover, some Germans
havejoined the Romanian political parties.22 Political
fragmentation and, hence, theneed for legitimate political unity
marked the German public discourse in interwarBanat and facilitated
the success of national-socialist propaganda to some extent,which
deliberately exploited the discontent of the Germans in Banat,
offering themthe long-term alternative of a monolithic political
unity in the Reich. Furthermore,one of the key-elements of the
public discourse of the German ethnics in Banat
Versammlung, den Versailler Friedensvertrag als die Ursache der
heutigen Weltkrise bezeichnethaben.)21 Der Landbote, Die Lehre von
den Wahlen, December 26th, 1937, year 66, no. 52, p. 1 (Wir
sinddavon berzeugt, da die jetzigen Wahlen endgltig die berzeugung
und den Beweis lieferten, dahier im Banat die bis jetzt befolgte
Politik den Deutschen gegenber, eine verfehlte war, die
grundlichund rasch abgendert werden muss.)22 Der Landbote, Die
deutschen Gruppen im heutigen rumnischen Staat, February 6th, 1938,
year67, no. 6, p. 1 (Das Deutschtum ist in unserem Lande politisch
in zahlreichen Gruppen geteilt. Esbesteht die sogenannte
Volksgemeinschaft, die Deutsche Volkspartei, die Deutsche Front im
Banat, dieBodenstndigen in Bistritz und Umgebung und auerdem hat
jede der bestehenden rumnischenParteien eine gewisse Zahl deutscher
Volksgenossen in ihren Reihen.)
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213
related to the living space problem. Seen as part of the
identity of the Swabians inBanat, space was linked to National
Socialism, as they were both based on the sameideological trap,
namely the need for Lebensraum (living space): The phrasepeople
without space applies to our situation, too23.
Contrary to what might be expected, common ideas were found in
bothideology, and the public discourse, which highly influenced the
German ethnics inBanat. Many of these political orientations and
social attitudes were not directlyinfluenced by the German
geopolitics. Fundamental biases had already existed inBanat.
The image of the Jews in the German mass-media in Banat
The Jewish problem was central to the public discourse of the
Germanethnics in Banat. The hostile attitude towards this
ethno-cultural group could benoticed in the first years after the
Great Union and started with overt attacks againstthem for various
reasons (as we showed in a previous section). The case of theJewish
student who received a recommendation from the Council of
GermanSwabians showed how the mechanisms of self-representation
(essentially exclu -sivis tic) worked for the German community in
Banat. But this was not the onlyexample. The German press in Banat
or at least a significant part of it leda permanent campaign of
blaming and offending the Jews, which made it similarto the
authentic national-socialist propaganda to a great extent. Blaming
a certainethno-cultural group had at least two major objectives.
The first objective was tobuild what we might call building the
image of the external enemy, in order toachieve a high degree of
solidarity and reinforce the group identity. Second, blamingthe
Jews symbolized a collective denunciation. The reason for
denunciation was, ina nutshell, the need to know the truth about
the economic, political, and socialconditions, which were totally
unacceptable. Thus, blaming became a means todisclose evil and
easily give explanations. Generally speaking, these
propagandatechniques were believed to speak the truth and the
explanatory-accusing mannerwas legitimate. In an article entitled
Real Findings: The Jews in Romania,published in Der Landbote on
June 6th, 1937, the author who signed the article withthe initial
L. (probably Peter Loris) described the Jewish problem and, at the
sametime, offered an insight of the national-socialist
propaganda:
Before December 9th, 1919, the Jews were not considered Romanian
citizens, butRomanian residents, benefiting from all civil rights,
but having no political rights.Then, the Jews enjoyed new
regulations. These new rules guaranteed the right to
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
23 Banater Tagblatt, Schafft Raum fr unser Volk, December 6th,
1931, year 97, no. 13, p. 1 (DerAusdruck Volk ohne Raum ist auch
auf unsere Verhltnisse gemnzt.)
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Holocaust Studii i cercetri
214
Romanian citizenship to all Jews who lived in Romania []. Today,
the number ofJews in Romania is approximately 2 million, which is
about 10 percent of the entirepopulation. The Romanian tragedy is
defined by the appearance of Jews in keymoments for the political
and cultural development of the country. [] At that time,the Jews
occupied important positions on which they are currently
developing. Theywere mainly involved in the economic area. The Jews
are now bankers, but for howlong? They target important jobs in the
national and cultural areas at all costs, andthey all have a unique
leverage, which is more powerful than everything: i.e., money.[]
Finally, the Jews are believed to have inhabited only cities and
economiccenters, thereby they occupy strategic positions.24
The article above had the purpose and the impact of a collective
denunciation.The image of the Jews was discursively depicted as
that of the enemy of the entirenation. In interwar Romania,
anti-Semitism manifested itself in various ways, todifferent
extents in diverse communities. Thus, in Banat, due to its
authentic multi -cultural heritage, the anti-Semitic attitudes were
displayed at group level, beingdirectly influenced by the
configuration of the national political system and
externalideological factors. On the social level, the perception
and image of the Jews wereclosely related to the way they were
presented in the political discourse. Anyradicalization of the
political regimes entailed similar movements on a social level.The
way politics influenced social life and viceversa was a complex
phenomenon,but the correlation between the two was certainly
authentic, especially in the contextof authoritarian or
totalitarian deviations. In interwar Banat, two important
factorsplayed an important role in shaping the way Jews were
perceived: the external factor(represented by the geopolitical
configuration of Europe at that time) and theinternal factor
(represented by the emergence and development of local
nationalistmovements). That part of the Banat German media that
embraced anti-Semitismshould necessarily be analyzed in terms of
internal and external factors. This partof the media reflected
local or national realities (be it politics, economy, societyetc.),
but reality was always depicted from the nationalist-socialist
point of view,
24 Der Landbote, Wahre Feststellungen: Die Juden in Rumnien,
Autor L, June 6th, 1937, year 66,no. 23, p. 1 (Der Jude war bis zum
9 Dezember 1919 nicht rumnischer Staatsbrger, sondern
nurStaatsangehriger mit allen zivilen aber ohne politischen
Rechten. Erst das obige Datum brachte frdas Judentum grundlegend
gnstige Sonderbestimmungen. Die Bestimmungen gaben allen Juden,die
auf rumnischen Gebiet wohnten, das Recht auf die rumnische
Staatsbrgerschaft. [] Mankann die Zahl der Juden im heutigen
Rumnien mit etwa zwei Millionen beziffern, was 10 Prozentder
Gesamtbevlkerung enspricht. Die Tragik des Rumnentums liegt nun
darin, dass die judischenMassen im entscheidenden Augenblick der
politischen und kulturellen Entwicklung des Landes, insrumnische
Leben eintrat. [] Damals eroberte das Judentum die Stellungen auf
denen es heuteweiterbaut. Sie lagen vornehmlich auf
wirtschaftlichem Gebiet. Der Jude ist heute noch nur Geldmann,aber
wie lange noch? Er strebt schon mit allen Krften nach der
Schlsselstellung auf allen Gebietendes staatlichen, vlkischen und
kulturellen Lebens und er verfgt hierbei ber eine
einzigartigeOrganisation die besser und mchtiger ist wie alle
andere: die des Geldes. [] Schliesslich sei nochbetont, da das
Judentum sich ausschliesslich in den Stdten und Wirtschaftszentren
konzentriet undsich so eine Schlsselstellung von besonderer
Reichweite geschaffen.)
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215
having a powerful propagandistic message. The Jewish problem in
the interwarperiod was the starting point for the continuous
blaming and stigmatization of thisminority. Some press organs often
affiliated with political organizations becamereal vectors of
anti-Semitism in the Romanian society. Such publications mighthave
interpreted public information from state institutions and, then,
presented themin an exaggerated, disturbing, and denigrating manner
for certain undesirable ethnicgroups such as the Jews. The public
opinion could therefore be easily summonedand manipulated by these
mechanisms of presenting distorted and
de-contextualizedinformation. The case of the Jewish minority was
harshly presented in the Germannationalist media in Banat: As one
can see from previous government measures,the Jews should be active
only in the private economy and in accordance to somenumeric
criteria, while occupying public positions should be prohibited for
them.25
The same fierce anti-Semitism could be observed in the attitudes
towardsthe phenomenon of political representation of the Jews.
Starting from the allegedomnipresence of the Jews in the most
influential lines of work of the Romanianstate, the anti-Semitic
propaganda highlighted the need to isolate this group notonly
outside the country or outside public institutions (as evidenced by
the quoteabove), but also outside the party system, thereby denying
them the right to politicalrepresentation. Furthermore, the
decision of the Romanian Orthodox Church wasmade public and
confirmed its adhesion to the new ideology of the country;
thechurch decided not to be against any political activities which
involved the Jews.In an article published in the Banater Deutsche
Zeitung on December 4th, 1940,the following was stated: The Holy
Synod of the Romanian Orthodox Churchin collaboration with the
Minister of Religious Affairs, Prof. Brileanu, submitteda
memorandum of 30 pages on the organization of the church to the
government.According to some semi-official sources, the Jewish
question was mentioned in thememorandum. Thus, the Romanian
Orthodox Church had already stated it wouldnot oppose the
governments actions against the Jews baptized during the last
30years.26 The Jewish problem (as it was presented by propaganda)
asked for harshmeasures, while the Jews who had already been
baptized were becoming part of theproblem involuntarily.
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
25 Der Landbote, Ein Volk in Notwehr, January 30th, 1938, year
67, no. 3, p. 1 (Wie aus denbisherigen Manahmen der Regierung
ersichtlich ist, will man die Juden nur nach ihrer Zahl in
derPrivatwirtschaft belassen, whrend ihnen die ffentlichen Stellen
versagt werden. Die bodenstndigenknnen im Lande verbleiben, die
seit dem Kriege eingewanderten aber werden des Landes verwiesen.)26
Banater Deutsche Zeitung, December 4th, 1940, year. 22, no. 274, p.
5 (Der heilige Synod derrumnisch-orthodoxen Kirche hat in
Zusammenarbeit mit dem Kultusminister Prof. Brileanu derRegierung
ein 30 Seiten langes Memorandum berreicht, das sich auf die
Organisationsform derKirche bezieht. Wie aus einer halbamtlichen
Verlautbarung hervorgeht, wurde dabei auch dieJudenfrage behandelt.
Dem Vernehmen nach, soll sich die rumnisch-orthodoxe Kirche bereit
erklrthaben, die Regierung in der Gesetzgebung gegen die in den
letzten 30 Jahren getauften Juden inkeinerlei Weise zu
behindern.)
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Holocaust Studii i cercetri
216
The German press in Banat, being affiliated to nationalist
movements, con -stantly forwarded the exclusive idea of a nation.
Anti-Semitism, ethnic exclusivism,the political leaders considered
ideal defenders of national identity and the pro -motion of a
nationalized political system without external elements and
especiallywithout Jews, were all essential to the propaganda in the
media in Banat: It maybe an evidence of political sense or denial
of political identity the fact that the greatleader of the Romanian
Front, Dr. Alexandru Vaida-Voevod, recognized that theinterests of
the Romanian state were above the interests of his own party
anddecided to support the Liberal Party in elections; the King
himself instructed themto create a new government. This was the
right decision, since the majority of theJews seceded from the
Liberal Party. This did not happen because the two partiessigned an
agreement, but rather because the Jews ought not be part of a
nationalizedLiberal Party.27 According to the views of the
far-right politicians, a system ofpolitical parties that served the
interests of the nation could be made up only of thenationalized
parties, without any foreign elements.
The German press in Banat partially showed symptoms of social
and politicalextremism, but it was sometimes confused about the
relationship between anationalized Romanian state (a kind of
Romania of the Romanians) and the statusof the German minority as
part of this state. Was there a parallel political project ofthe
Germans in interwar Romania? Was this consistent with the image of
nation -alized Romania or caused by the European pan-Germanism?
These were somedifficult, but necessary aspects to be analyzed for
a proper understanding of therelationships between the Germans in
Romania and the Romanian state, on the onehand, and
national-socialist Germany, on the other hand.
The Germans in interwar Romania constantly campaigned for better
politicalrepresentation. Their legitimate motivation came from the
confidence this ethnicgroup had in their potential to get involved
in civic and political life. Although thepolitical representation
of the minorities was deficient in Greater Romania, theEuropean
geopolitical configuration was favorable for the Germans to achieve
suchgoals. The political activism of the German minority was
supported by the Romanianstate and included simultaneously, even if
not always explicitly, the project of pan-Germanism presented by
formulas such as the unity of Germans everywhere.The idea of an
active German Front not only in Romania took shape; its purpose
27 Der Landbote, Dr. Vaida und der Wahlpakt. Staats- und
Volksinteressen vor Partei- oder Eigen -interessen, W. Thierry,
December 5th, 1937, year 66, no. 49, p. 1 (Es zeugt nun von groem
politi -schen Scharfblick, aber noch mehr von politischer
Selbstverleugnung, da der groe Staatsmann undFhrer der Rumnischen
Front, dr. Alexander Vaida-Voevod, es erkannt hat da er die
Interessenseiner Partei den Landesinteressen unterordnen muss und
da daher seine Partei bei den Wahlen dieLiberale Partei, die vom
Knig mit der Regierungsbildung betraut wurde, untersttzen muss.
Dadies der richtige Weg ist, beweist am besten der massenhafte
Austritt der Juden aus der LiberalenPartei. Nicht deshalb weil
diese Partei mit der Rumnischen Front einen Wahlpakt geschlossen
hat,sondern weil sie in einer nationalisierten Liberalen Partei
nichts mehr zu suchen haben.)
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217
was to promote and strengthen the ethno-cultural identity of the
Germans acrossEurope: Given the new movement of the German people,
we should also gatherour forces to achieve the actual unity of the
Germans everywhere with the help ofthe German Front. We support
this project with enthusiasm and are certain about itssuccess. Only
the unity of all of us can build something great and eternal. Let
thepowerful German Front be created!28
The objective was to create an efficient means for mobilizing
the Germancommunities by establishing a German Front. The unity of
the Germans was theideological catchphrase of the
national-socialists. Such ideas would spread rapidlyamong the
population and were promoted systematically by the media: The
GermanFront needs to have a fighting strategy aimed at transforming
our nation and achiev -ing German unity. Thus, our people would be
able to serve their purpose. This iswhy the German Front is
created.29 The great project of uniting the Germanseverywhere was
motivating and gave them real hopes. The political mobilization
ofthe Germans was a purpose of constant propaganda. Their
ethno-cultural awakeningwas mainly done through activating their
patriotism for the country and culturewhich they felt tied to:
Germany. Love of the people and country were crucial forpromoting
what we called the interwar German project. For the Germans
inRomania, the power of example became a means to raise
consciousness and awakethe interest in political action: The
mechanism was set in motion and would notbe stopped, because what
Dr. Muth, Dr. Hans Roth, Fritz Fabritius, and Dr. Kochdid, other
Germans who love their people and country would do. We are
lookingforward to it!30 The idea that the German project, once
initiated, could no longerbe stopped by anyone, boosted confidence
and mobilized the population to a greaterextent. The gradual
radicalization of the Romanian society in the interwar periodwas a
complex phenomenon fueled, as we said in a previous section, on the
onehand, by the internal framework of Greater Romania and, on the
other hand, by theEuropean geopolitical configuration.
The Ideology Traps: National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in the
Banat Region in the Interwar Period
28 Der Landbote, Ein parteiloser Deutscher, Deutsche
Einheit-Deutsche Front!, June 9th, 1935, year64, no. 23, p. 1 (In
Anbetracht der neuen Bewegung unseres deutschen Volkes wird gerade
unsereBewegung die Vorarbeiten zu einer Zusammenfassung des
Gesamtdeutschtums resp. der DeutshenFront leisten mssen, die wir
gerne auf uns nehmen und mit grten Einsatzbereitchaft zum
Siegeverhelfen wollen. [] Denn nur durch vereinte Kraft ist es
mglih etwas Groes und Bleibendes zushaffen. Es entstehe die
festgefgte Deutsche Front.)29 Der Landbote, Einheitlihe
Volksgemeinschaft durch die Deutsche Front, June 23rd, 1935,
year64, no. 25, p. 1 (Die Deutsche Front soll eine Kampffront
bilden, die die Bekehrung unseres Volkesbezweckt und die Einheit
des Deutschtums anstrebt, damit unser Volk seine Aufgaben und
Pflichtenstets gerecht werden knne. Darum in die Deutsche Front.)30
Der Landbote, Jedem deutschen Volkgenosse seine Volksgemeinschaft,
December 20th, 1936,year 65, no. 51, p. 1 (Der Stein ist im Rollen
und wird sich nicht aufhalten lassen, denn was einemdr. Muth, dr.
Hans Roth, Fritz Fabritius und dr. Koch gelungen und erlaubt ist,
wird doch noch anderendeutschen Mnnern, die ihr Volkstum und Heimat
lieben, ebenfalls glcken und gebilligt werden. Wirsind
gespannt!)
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Holocaust Studii i cercetri
218
Conclusions
The societal profile in Banat is a complex one, with a very
special history. Inthe interwar period, the image of Banat was
created from a sequence of hypostasesand socio-political processes
which had a common denominator, structurally andfunctionally
speaking: the use of the dominant ethno-cultural groups in building
asocio-political profile. These mechanisms of socio-political and
self-representationled to cleavages in the interwar Banat society.
The use of hybrid, multi-identitycategories (a middle class
composed of members of different ethno-cultural groups),was rare
and eventually became completely insignificant. Although the Banat
regionhad a tradition of multiple representations, the
characteristic of the interwar periodwas the representation based
only on the primacy of ethnicity.
Ethnicity is a complex, poly-semantic and still fiercely debated
upon conceptin literature, but its relevance for this analysis is
given by its political implications.Therefore, the use of this
concept in the analysis of the societal profile in Banat inthe
interwar period will take into consideration the following meaning:
ethnicity ispoliticized social action. The political factor is very
important in the analysis ofsocietal processes, especially when
dealing with cleavages. The political dimensionof the concept of
ethnicity therefore fits the Banat societal profile very well
andhas the advantage of pointing out the dynamism of
self-representation mechanismsand the circumstances generating
social cleavages: Ethnicity is [] politicizedsocial action, a
process whereby elements of real, actual, lived cultural
differencesare politicized in the context of intensive group
interaction31.
The formation of national identities in multicultural spaces has
always beensubject to the concept of ethnicity more or less. From
this point of view, nationalidentity is the result of harmonizing
ethno-cultural sub-national elements and groupidentities, i.e., of
taming ethnicity. The composite character of the Romanian
nationidentity and, hence, the need to tame ethnicity is related to
an essential balancedideology to build the nation, which requires
the synchronization of two diametri -cally opposed processes: the
heritage of plural identities and the identity homo -genization
process compulsory for the government of the newly established
state.The idea of building a national identity through the forced
harmo nization andidentity homogenization of society mainly applies
to the state of affairs in GreaterRomania. In the case of Banat,
which has always had a complex societal profile, thestrategy of
synchronizing the heritage of plural identities with supra-ethnic
homo -genized elements may have worked at a superficial level, but
the Banat identity,the mechanisms of self-representation of
different ethno-cultural groups, and theirinteraction have been
significantly marked by the logic and determinism of ethnicity.
(Translated from Romanian by Iuliana Milea)
31 Sinia Maleevi, Identity as Ideology. Understanding Ethnicity
and Nationalism, Palgrave Mac -millan, New York, 2006, p. 26.